may be made of the Rest of F. Parsons Arguments I shall follow him no further It is not the Observation of Easter which we dispute with Rome but we urge the Practice of the Britons and Irish to prove the Liberty of these Islands XXV Now to avoid Tediousness in this particular having left the Ancient Britons in possession we must suppose they held it till it can be proved they were ejected Now the first so far as I can yet find who Attempted this to any purpose was Henry Beau-clâ—rk and he being a Wise as well as a potent Prince thought the Subjeâ—â—iâ—g the Welch Bishops to the Metropolitan See of Canterbury might be a means to keep the Welch in order and so far as concerned his own Kingdom he herein dealt not only like a Politick Princâ— but even the Laws of the Church did â—ountenance him But then by the same Act he submitted all the Welch Bishops to the See of Rome as things then stood and so Compleated the Popes Conquest of these Isles which thing the iniquity of those times would either not afford him Eyes to see or not power to prevent Accordingly he prefers Bernardus a Norman and his Chaplain to the Bishopâ—ick of St. Davids But Liberty and Power are both sweet things and Bernardus being got in possession grows resty and Asserts his Rights and the Priviledges of his See And here the Pope first got the Fiâ—gering of the Cause so as to make his true Advantage of it 'T is true Bernardus appeared Confident and swagger'd bravely but in vain did he think â—o carry a Cause in the Court of Rome against the Archbishop of Canterbury's Purse and the Pope's Interest when at the same time and in the same thing he also Cross'd his own Kings design There is no doubt but that his Holiness swallowed this long-look'd for Morsel with a great deal of pleasure and greediness And yet the Sentence did not fully and quietly take place till a long time after which possibly is the Reason that our Authors so differ in Assigning the time of this Submission for the Welshmen could not yet forget what they once were and upon all Occasions strugled hard to retain their Government amongst themselves so that as Affairs went with the English this matter either got or lost Ground If the English Power was at leisure to wait on the Welsh Men and awe them then the Welsb Bishops were the Popes and his Grace of Canterbury's Grumbling Servants But if the English Affairs were so involved that their Countrey had a little Rest the one was as ready to Cast off the Ecclâ—siastical as the other the Civil Yoke And thus Matters seem to have stood Wavering till Henry the third or Edward the first times But about the thirty second year of Henry the third Matt. Paris Hist Maj. Hen. 3. page 715 the English Forces so Harâ—asied Wales that the Ground lay Untilled Cattel neglected the Famine Raged amongst them The Bishop of St. David died overcome with Grief for the miseries of his Countrey and the Bishops of St. Asaph and Bangor were reduced to that miserable Condition as to Beg their Bread in a Counâ—rey wasted with Fire and Sword But when Matters were somewhat Composed St. Davids the Metropolitical See of Wales was found to be so Impoveriâ—â—ed that it was thought a despicable Preferment for an Arch-Deacon of Lincoln though Thomas Wallensis in Commiseration of his Countrey did accept it And here the Brittish Ecclesiastical Liberty seems to have drawn its last Breath or to have given only some few Gasps after yet if we place its Fall in Henry the First his time it will have lasted above 1000 yeareâ— but if in Henry the third's time it will be above 1200. But henceforward till till the Reformation I think it must be Acknowledged that the Pope Rodâ— in full Triumph over all parts of these Isles And though in some Matters he Met with smart Opposition yet he Exercised an Authority nothing less then Patriarchal It remains now therefore to be enquired whether this his Intrusion or Possession did create him any Right or any such Right but that the Churches in these Isles as Matters then stood might Reform themselves and lawfully Re-assume their former Liberties XXVI Were it not that the Romanists make a Flourish with every little Argument that seems to favour their Cause as if there were some great thing in it I should not think it worth my while to mention the Plea from the Conversion of the Saxons by Augustine For first if it were good that would give them but little Ground for his Preaching seems not to have taken any Effect beyond Kent the East-Saxons and perhaps some small Matter in the East-Angles As for the Kingdoms of the Northumbrians and Mercians which were of greatest Extent they were apparently of Scotch or Irish Conversion Nor will this Claim in the least touch the Britons Irish Scots or Picts But Secondly if there be any thing in this then such Zealous Christians as have gone out from any of these Isles and Converted Pagans would obtain a Jurisdiction for the Metropolitans of such Places from whence they went in rhose Countreys But if any of our Bishops should on that score Challenge a Jurisdiction in Germany or other places I am apt to think that they would be well Laught at for their pains and be esteemed very idle impertinent persons if not worse used We are therefore ready Gratefully to Acknowledge all those good Offices which any of the Popes Predecessors have heretofore done for us or he at any time shall do for us But if for Others merits or his own good Turns he conclude he has gained us to be his Slaves I think he Sells Kindnesses the dearest of any Man living and we shall beg his Pardon that we are not in Haste to agree to so hard a Bargain XXVII As for these Isles they having been truly and rightfully possessed of such Ecclesiastical Liberties they cannot be lawfully deprived of them by any fraud or force If another Man take away my Goods and keep them never so long yet if I can prove them to have been my Goods and that they were fraudulently and forcibly taken and detained from Me no Possession or Prescription can Create a Right to him who by unlawful means is possessed of that which Apparently belongs to another de facto indeed it may be otherwise but de jure it never ought or can And therefore it was a Sanction of the Twelve Tables Adversus Furèm aeterna Lex esto But the Canons of the primitive Church seem more carefully to have secured the Rights of pâ—rticular Churches then the Secular Laws have done the possessions of particular Men. The Bishops of thâ—se overgrown Cities Rome Antioch and 〈…〉 mâ—ke Use of their Reputation and Interest to Augment their Power and Jurisdiction But as none other had the like Advantages so none Traded with such Success as the Bishop of Rome These were
Salvation was by the Law of Moses not by the Faith of Christ Jesus Fled as far as they could from them and would not joyn with them in or Practise any of the Rites peculiar to the Law of Moses for the Matter was now come to that pass that they could not do it without betraying the Christian Religion so that now ceased the Obligation to these Matters which the Council at Jerusalem had formerly imposed in favour of the Jews and Hopes to Win them And hence it is probable many Churches tooâ— Occasion to turn the Great Festival of the Jews the Sabbath into a Fâ—â—t And for this Reason amongst Others viz. That they might not Ground their Festival from any Jewish Rite or because they thought the Account noâ— exact they declined the Fourteenth of the Moon and began that Feast on the Lords Day reckoning from the Fifteenth to the One and Twentieth of the Moon Now not to Run over the Stories of Simon Zelotes Joseph of Ariâ—â—athea and Others who are Celebrated for the first Planters of the Christian Religion in these Isles From these Premisses it is not irrational to Conclude that the British Churches observing the Feast of Easter after the Usage which obtained before the Separation from the Jews and the Roman Church more exactly as was devised afterwards the Gospel in all probability must have been Preached and Received in Brittain some time before any Considerable Church was Gathered at Rome And being this Usage continued for several Hundreds of Years though the Bishops of Rome were so far from suffering it in that they would scarce suffer it out of their Jurisdiction it will follow that these Churches were neither of Roman Conversion nor Roman Jurisdiction IX This Matter will be much clearer if we now descend to Consider the Debates Behaviour and Actions of the Brittish Bishops towards Augustine the Monk who was sent hither by Pope Gregory for the Conversion of the Saxons But first to prevent mistakes I must tell you that I have no design either to Vindicate the Brittish Bishops in the Observation of Easter or to condemn the Roman It Matters not to Me who was right or wrong but it is the Difference and the Grounds whereon it was Maintained which serves my Ends. The Britons were not Quartodecimani as some have supposed for those kept the Feast on the Fourteenth of the Moon on what day of the Week soever it fell but the Britons expected the Lords Day But I suppose none now will Contest it but that the Romans were most exact and right in their Observation but then that arose from this Nicety That the Law of Moses Commands the Paschal Lamb to be slain in the Evening of the Fourteenth day of the first Month Now according to the Jewish Account who Reckoned the foregoing Night to the following day that must be on the Beginning of the Fifteenth day But the Britons who Reckoned not from Sun-set but from Sun-rise and so on the contrary joyned the following Night to the foregoing day could not see this but must of course take the Evening following the Fourteenth Day to be part of the Fourteenth Day And therefore their Practice being suitable to their Common Conceptions And having obtained amongst them from their first Entrance into Christianity it was unreasonable that those who had no Jurisdiction over them should impose an Alteration upon them and still worse to raise irreconcileable fewds and make Divisions in Gods Church for such a matter As if a Man could not be a good Christian without being an exact Astronomer and Critically cunning in the Customes of other Nations X. But to Return to our Matter Mauritius according to Beda Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 23. came to the Empire in the Year 582 In the Tenth Year of his Reign Gregory came to the Popedom And he in the Fourteenth Year of the same Emperours Reign sends Augustine to the Saxons so that Aâ—gustines first Mâ—ssion was about the Year 596 But though he and his Companions seemâ—d to set forth with great Chearfulness and Resolution yet whether from the dread of a Warlike and barbarous People or from an Apprehension of their inability for the Work as not understanding the Language or what other Cause I know not After mature deliberation in Council they fairly tack about and Sail back again This much troubled the good Pope who by all Circumstances seems to have Set his Heart on this Work And he had the greater Reason for it because it was already half done to his Hands And therefore he gently Reproves those faint-hearted Souldiers but takes greater pains to encourage them And that they might want nothing to Fit them for the work he Sends and Recommends them to Etherius Archbishop of Arles who furnisheth them with Interpreters de Gente Erancorum Bed Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 24. 25. And now away they go for good and Land in the Isle of Thanet and perhaps there was no great difficulty in Converting King Ethelbert for it was now about 150 Years since the Coming in of the Saxons And though their Quarrel was with the Britons yet they could not in all that time but understand somewhat of the Christian Religion from them Besides Ethelberts Queen was a Christian and de Gente Erancorum Regiâ as Beda phraseth it And it was Conditioned at her Marriage That She should have the frâ—e Use of her Religion And the Condition was duely kept for whereas the King had his Court in Canterbury the Queen had for her Use the then Ancient Church of St. Martin standing at the Towns-End and her Bishop Lindhardus who Officiated And any Body will suppose That both She and her Bishop would do all they could to Influence and perswade the King Further Beda Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 25. saith expressly though somewhat mincingly That Antea fama ad eum Christianae Religionis pervenerat And Gregory the Great in one of his Letters saith They were desirous of it And whosoever shall duely Consider the whole Behaviour of King Ethelbert will find in him no Aversion to the Christian Religion but that like a wise Prince he only â—ook care so to manage the Matter that he might Receive it with the Satisfaction of his Subjects and draw them to it after him Well in a short time the King is Convertâ—d and Augustine becomes his Favourite And yet before this with the true Industry of a Monck he Lends the Honest Bishop Linhardus a Lift who had prepared Matters for him and by the Kings Favour gets Possession of St. Martins Church And here I know not well how to excuse Beda from Partiality For he saith as little as could be beâ—ore but henceforward not a word of the endeavors of the Queen or her Bishop nor a tittle of all the labor and pains of the French Intetpreters without whom this our English Apostle could have done nothing But Augustine like a true Son of the Râ—man Church goes away both with
Converts then Dogs he might have made it a strong Argument for their professing Obedience and Subjection to the See of Rome In fine he will have their Answer Amount to no more but this That only they would not Acknowledge Augustines Superiority over them seeing be was sent only to the English And that the Authority of their own Arch bishop was not taken away by his coming for any thing they knew but remained as before 3 Conver cap. 2. sect 14. What pity is it that Augustine did not better inform them it seem's they would have been a very obedient People had they known the Pope's Orders and been told the Truth of the Matter But it is an unlucky thing that when a Man with Working his Wits has devised an Answer that would do the Business he should not have the Privilege to make it pass for Truth unless it be so in it self Now all this is spoken by a Figure called Fiction which the rude Vvlgar call Lying For the Britons no more regarded the Pope then they did Augustine I have already set down the Answer of Dinothus Abbot of Bangor to which Jeoffery's words Relate and he who will be at the pains to read it will see That it is as expressly and directly Levelled against the Pope's Authority or Supremacy if it must be so called as could be well fâ—amed They impugne Augustines Authority by denying the Pope and own no Superiour but the Bishop of Caerleon who was to oversee under God over them or according to the Brittish had the only Eye over them under God And this they Confirm by their unanimous Practice despising all Orders from Rome and obstinately refusing all Communion with Augustine and his Successors Yet this and more F. Parsons Chymistry can melt into Obedience and an Acknowledgement of the Pope's Supremacy At this Rate who can doubt of Miracles in the Church of Rome XXIII In the next place he is highly Offended with the Magdeburgenses for speaking so irreverently of Pope Innocent the First and his Testimony That all the West Churches were Founded by St. Peter on his Disciples and Successors And it is no wonder if Pope Innocent spoke out for himself and it may go a great way where they have not to do with such Hereticks as expect Proofs If this be true why has F. Parsons discovered some such First Founders of the Brittish Churches as were none of Peters Disciples or Successors His Forgetfulness sometimes doth his Holy Father as much injury as the Magdeburgians malice neither doth it carry any force of Truth because by rheir own Confession there was a time when Easter was not so exactly observed as now it is whether there was a Stated Church at Rome then or not and that the Conversion of the Britons was at that time I see not any better Account can be Given To Help out this he tells us of Two more Popes Honorius and John the fourth who wrote to the Irish to reduce them from this Errour But Honorius will do him small service because in that Account which Beda gives of his Letter Ecc. Hist lib. 2. cap. 19. it is clearly implied that the whole Nation was involved in it and so we have a Pope on our Side to set against him that follows His Pope John was searce Pope then at Best he was but â—lect And the Letter seems to comâ— as ' I may say from the Chapter in the Vacancy of the See and of those many who joyn in Writing it Hilarius the Arch-Presbyter not John is first mentione but for once let John have the Credâ—t of it and he then will tell us That this Heresie i.e. concerning Easter was but lately sprung up amongst them and only some sew infected with it But now how John and Honorius will Agree about this I cannot tell For once I will be so kind to F. Parsons as to try if I can make them Friends The Brittish and Irish Usage was in this Western part of the World a great Singularity in those days Now if John had a Mind to draw them off from it who can blame him from speaking favourably and representing the Matter as inoffensively as could be The Way to Win Men is not to provoke them and we sometimes seem not to believe that a Man is so bad as we know he is because we would not harden him with shame but have a defire to make him better But when Men purposely and designedly speak sparingly their Words are not to be brought as an Evidence of the whole Matter But the Truth is they had little knowledge of our state but by uncertain Relations Gregory the Great himself when he saâ— the English Children Sold in the Market knew not whether their Nation was Christian or Pagan Augustine even for some time after his Coming hither knew not the Usage of the Britons yea even Laurentius his Successor had much such an opinion of the Irisb as F. Parfons till Time and Experience undeceived him And therefore such Forreigners as were far more ignorant of our Affairs we may justly except against as incompetent Witnesses especially they being the very Men who taught these Men their Errour which their Eyes and Eares after Convinced them of XXIV But now comes the Knocking Argument to this Effect That neither Damianus and others sent by Eleutherius nor St. German and his Fellows who came twice hither to oppose the Pelagianâ— make any mention of this Usage which they would have done and Amended it too had they found it here Because saith he both Pope Pius and Pope Victor had before Condemned it for Heretical I could thank the Jesuite for this Argument for it mortally Wounds his own Cause I will not again dispute the Mission of Damianus or Deruvianus or what other Names the Jesuite will give Him nor will I insist on it that Germanus and Lupus were sent by the French at the Request of the Britons and not by the Pope But if that Usage was universally practised by the Bâ—itttish and Irish and no good Instance appear that it was ever otherwise as I have already proved and that it continued for a long time after then it will unavoidably follow that the Britons were not under the Roman Jurisdiction nor thought themselves bound to stand to the Popes Determination Yea fuâ—â—her that these very Men whom he saith the Pope sent were of the same Mind or else dealt very unfaithfully in making no stir about it Nay being the French Churches did Communicate both with Brittisb and Irish at that time when they not only Maintained this Usage in opposition to Rome but refused Communion with their Bishops It is an Argument that they neither thought the Bishop of Romes Decrees did bind the Britons nor that the thing was so Heretical in it self For certainly they would never have so freely and Friendly Maintained Communion with them had they stood in open opposition and professed disobedience to their proper Patriarch By this a Judgement
Transactions of those times His Words are these Caeterùm hanc Bullam Pontificii plerique moderatiores tacitè improbabant quòd nulla ex jure admâ—nitio praecesserit praevidentes molem malorum inde sâ—bi impendere qui priùs privatim sua sacra intra parietes satis securè coluerunt vel recâ—pta in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ sacra sine Conscientiae Scrupulo adire non Recusârunt Annal. Eliz. ad Ann Dom ' 1570 So that the Reformation was indeed made on our part for which we wanted neither good Cause nor sufficient Authority But the Separation was made by the Pope For had not He Excommunicated Queen Elizabeth for what Reason the Romanists held Communion with us till such Excommunication for the same it might have continued to this day and no Schism made But if this Excommunication had neither lawful Authority nor just cause then will the Pope be not only the Author but cause of the Schism and draw the whole guilt of it on him and his party The proof of this in particular I will not insist on here because it will be â—bundantly done in the progress of the Work especially in the second and â—â—ird part if it shall please God that I live to Finish them Only here I will leave this Choak-pear which I desire my Adversary to swallow before 〈◊〉 â—ttaqae me That whosoever undertakes the Defenee of that Bull beâ—â—des all other Extravagancies which he shall be obliged to maintain must in the first place fairly Confess himself to be a Rebel and a Traytor as to Principles of Civil Government and obliged in Conscience actually to be so 〈◊〉 often as the Pope requires and of this the Pope to be the sole and unconsroulable Judge XXXVII Having here slipt into the mention of Queen Elizabeth it may not be altogether impertinent to Acquit Her of one dishonourable Scandal wherewith some foul Mouth'd Romanists endeavour to Blast her Memory â—f Henry the Eighth belonged to any he was certainly theirs not ours Yet Handling the Reformation they spare not to charge Him with all the â—â—decencies true or false which they can Rake together But nothing 〈◊〉 more exagitated then his two First Marriages and that oâ—ten in such 〈◊〉 and obscene Language as is not a little offensive to chast Eares The Deâ—â—gn of all this is that they might invalidate Queen Elizabeths Title to 〈◊〉 Crown upon which score some ruder Romanists will at this day as faâ—iliarly and confidently call Her Bastard as if she had been found in the â—â—eets laid at some door in a Basket It is well known that she was a Perâ—â—â— so excellently qualified for Government that even living she struck Envy â—â—mb and made those who most implacably hated Her to Admire Her it might therefore justly move Indignation in any Generous Spirit to see â—â—ery Ass spurn at a dead Lion But if this were as rrue as it is false yet if 〈◊〉 would deal ingeniously they must confess that this could no way effect 〈◊〉 Church as to that Power Conferred on it by God and that Authority which doth always distinctly and entirely remain in it self Only it may 〈◊〉 the Church destitute of any Legal Civil Sanction during her time â—nd if for that they will Condemn us they may as well Condemn the Chriâ—tian Churches of the first three Hundred Yeares and then we shall not be â—uch afraid in so good Company But there is nothing but Malice or Igâ—orance in the thing it self and the Romanists of all Men ought to be cautious in this Matter because whilest they Fence with this Two-Edged Sword intending to Cut Queen Elizabeth they as deeply Wound Queen Mary Neither will the Sickly Salvo of the Popes Dispensation stand them in any stead for it is not only we who deny that his Power reached to it but the greatest part of their own Universities gave it under their Hands and Seals And indeed this was at that time so generally the Opinion of the Romanists That the Author of Church-Government freely Acknowledgeth though little to the Credit of his Cause that when Mary was Offered in Marriage First to the Emperour Charles the Fifth and after to Francis King of France She was Refused by both on this Account because they doubted of the Lawfulness of Henry's Marriage with her Mother part 5. cap. 2. But for my part I am not of their Humour who take a pleasure in bespattering Princes and to do it by our own can be no Honour to our selves I do not see that any thing Alledged can be any real Prejudice either to Mary or Elizabeth for the Succession to our Crown depends neither upon Canons nor Councels much less upon Popes Bulls and Decretals but upon the Constitutions of our Kingdom And it was nevâ—r yet doubted but that King Henry was Married as well to Katherine as Anue Bolen And if the Marriage was Soleâ—nized the Children are Legitimate by our Laws which abhor all thoughts of any such thing as Bastards in Matrimony 'T is true our Laws permit and Authorize Ecclesiasticks to divorce such Persons who Marry within the degrees prohibited but yet suffer no prejudice to be done to their Issue And if the Parents though too near of Kin were Legally Married their Châ—ldren shall succeed to their Estates and Rights in the same manner that other Persons Childâ—en â—o where the Marriage was without Exception And it is very hard Measure to deprive a King of that privilege which belongs to the meanest of his Subjects especially in this Case which may endanger to involve a Nation in Confusion and Ruine Let King Henry therefore Answer for his own faults what iniquity soever there might be in his Marrages yet being Married his Issue are Legitimated And I doubt not but that Mary and Elizabeth were both in their Turns our Lawful Sovereigns I will therefore prosecute this no further save with a Request to the Romanists that henceforward they would cease to set the Childrens Teeth on Edge with the soure Grapes the Father Eat and be as ready to AcknowIedge Queen Elizabeth a Lawful Sovereign as we are Queen Mary XXXVIII I did once Intend to have thoroughly Examined the Matter of the Reformation but I find that it would oblige Me rather to Write a Volume then a Chapter And after all perhaps I should be accused of needless pains for it hath been often and sufficiently done already And all Answers contain only the Crambe centies cocta or some bold Fictions or tedious Triflings Nor do I think that I can be Constrained to Answer for all that went before me In this Church I was Born Baptized and Bred I had no Hand in the Making Modelling or Altering it Gods Providence cast Me into it and I take it as I found it And if as such it be defensible I need concern my self no further And therefore without troubling my self to Rake the Dead out of their Graves I shall Consider our Church under her present Constitution for if that