AN EXAMINATION OF THE IMPARTIAL State of the CASE OF THE EARL of DANBY IN A LETTER TO A Member of the House of Commons LONDON Printed and are to be sold by Walter Davis Bookbinder in Amen-Corner neer Paternoster-Row 1680. AN EXAMINATION Of the pretended Impartial State of the CASE Of the EARL of DANBY c. THough I have little curiosity to read the Pamphlets that swarm at this time and think it almost as great an Errour to mix with the Crowd of Writers as to mingle with any other Riot yet I was drawn from my own Inclinations by so specious a Title as An Impartial State of the Case of the Earl of DANBY having been conversant in many Affairs that relate to that Lord. At the first Reading of it I was not a little surpriz'd to find as I then thought a thing Publisht with such a Title and confirmed with such confident promises of Truth and yet to be composed of Three things so far from Impartiality The First is the manner of Arguing which is most upon Questions begg'd The Second is of many Untruths which I presum'd were easie to make appear by matter of Fact The Third is an endeavour to fix upon the King most of the Errours and Crimes that were Charged on him Yet with this first Nation I was not satisfy'd but read it more carefully the second time and being then convinced it was subject to these Errours I thought it my Duty to my King and Countrey to let them not be ignorant of any Information that I could give since some particular knowledge that I am furnisht withal makes me more capable to present them with some Observations than others though of greater Abilities then I cou'd have done I therefore apply'd my self to Examine this sharp Censure upon the Parliament for so ill Rewarding the Merits of this Deserving Lord as to let Malice have too great a share in his Prosecution And in the same place there is an assurance that nothing should be related but what may be depended upon for Truth Who the Authour of this is I cannot tell but if it were not the Lord himself 't is a Friend more passionate than usual and one that gives him so large a Character and in whose Cause he condemns both King and Country that it seems hardly credible that one man should be so extravagantly kind for another but rather the production of Self-Interest and Conceit and comparing the Stile and Arguments with this Lords Speech in the House of Peers when he was Charg'd it helps to confirm my Opinion that this Lord was the Friend that Writ it and 't is more probable that he is so much a Friend to himself than that any other should be so to him I shall now proceed to particular Remarks and begin with the first matter of Fact The faithful Discharge of this Lords Trust as Treasurer of the Navy to the satisfaction of His Majesty and the great content of the Sea-men 'T is fit to observe That this Office depends on the directions of the Commissioners of the Navy what to pay and on the Lord Treasurer or Commissioners of the Treasury for Money to pay so that if this Lord gave content it seems he was supplyed to make himself capable of the performance But his Impartial Friend attributes all this to his Lordship as he does other things to his Management with so much Prudence and Success But yet it will appear he has but ill-luck in his first Assertions for since the Treasury of the Navy is so confin'd the great Trust that remains in him is onely in Sums of Money which can be violated by no ways but falsely disposing it or applying some to his own private use the last of which has been counted a high Crime for the King's Treasures have ever been taken to be Sacra Patrimonia and none were to use any of it but were liable to great punishments But this Lord ventur'd to apply Two thousand seven hundred forty seven pounds five shillings and eleven pence of the Kings Money to his own use and was short so much in his Account for his Faithful Discharge of Treasurer of the Navy and was forgiven it by a Privy-Seal bearing date the 21 of February 1676. which was about three years after he was Lord Treasurer A seasonable time to pass such an Account to be forgiven for some Money when he had gotten the Command of all the rest but I shall not dispute whether this fault hinder'd His Majesty from being satisfy'd with his performance in that employment since his bounty and goodness was in other things much more extended to this Lord but how well returned will appear by the following Observations After this stumble in the Threshold he proceeds to his advancement in 73. to the place of Lord Treasurer which he says he managed with so great Prudence and Success that contrary to all Mens expectations but especially of his Enemies who assured themselves of his immediate ruine by that Preferment he supported for near six years that condition of his Master which it was not then thought cou'd have been made to subsist for so many Months without any Supplies or Burthens laid upon the People in all his time Here his Impartial Friend begins boldly to assert and as confidently to beg the Question That this Lord supported the Kings Condition for six years that was thought cou'd not have been made subsist six Months I believe 't would puzzle the Author to name the Persons that were of this Opinion for they cou'd find no subject-matter for their Judgment but must be guided by Flattery or Ignorance And 't were very uncharitable if not malicious to believe that those that Managed the Revenue before this Lord should be so weak and dishonest for less than such a Conjunction cou'd not reduce such a Revenue to so deplorable a condition as to give any a just ground to believe they had not left a subsistance for six Months This heavy Charge on his Predecessours seems not onely very partial but very extravagant which will be best discerned by examining the great Success and Prudence of this Lord and perhaps it will appear that Men shou'd rather have judg'd and his Enemies have apprehended that the Kings Revenue was left in such a condition to this Lord that it might easily have been supported for much a longer time than six years and if any Calculation was made for his Ruine it must have been from other causes As to that of Supplies it is very true that there were none given directly to the Kings sole use in his time but the Eighteen Months Tax for 1238750 l. which was given in the Lord Cliffords time was all paid in this Lord's half of which viz. the last three Quarters was solely disposed by him and the first three by the Lord Clifford for Publick Uses which contributed to leave the Kings condition in a better posture than is here acknowledged which will be shewn in
the growth of the French Interest and Power was nourisht in the time of this Lords Power and Inclination let it be fairly Examined what Proceedings here could most favour their growing Interest I will presume then to assert That nothing could contribute more to it than all means used to hinder the Parliaments engaging the King according to their judgment and probably since it appeared that notwithstanding all opposition by Debates and displeasure shewed to some of the Addresses they rather grew more warm than cooler in the pursuit what was left but frequent Prorogations and Adjournments to divert the weighty Stream of the Parliament from running with unresistible violence against the French Interest Mr. Coleman was of this opinion as plainly appears in his long Letter where he saies that it was their dependancy on the Parliament that encouraged the Confederates to continue the War and that their Dissolution would break all their Measures and there says that the good Father he writ to before so concurred in his Politiques that he assured him the King of France would assist it with his Power and Purse Colemans Tryal pag. 40. and a little after gives an Account of the useful Prorogation to the 13th of April being to a day so high in the Spring that the thrifty Monsieur Rovigny thought would put the Confederates beyond their Measures Page 48. and it appears this Lord concurr'd also in their Politiques that a Prorogation or Adjournment was ever a help at a Pinch for in his Letter to Mr. Mountague dated the 7th of Jan. 77 8. he says That the principal cause of the Adjournment for Thirteen days was to see if an Expedient for Peace might be found in that time and the effect of the Adjournment hath hitherto been that no body will believe other than that the Peace is already Concluded betwixt us and France I will not here set down the frequent Adjournments and Prorogations that were made but onely observe they kept pace with the Success of the French and were most frequent when they were most prosperous and that this hapned in the years 77 and 78. when the Power and Inclination was boasted of and in the same years the French grew so enlarged with Success that it is improbable any but the Concerned Party should immediately affirm that this Lords proceedings tended to the diminishing the French Interest in his time Since then the contrary so clearly appears That in this Lords time the French Interest grew so enlarged I hope it will seem more proper to give the words their true application and to say If it thus increas'd it will be hard to find who else there was near His Majesty who had power and inclination to do it I come now to the last great particular of this Lords Proceedings towards the diminishing the French Interest viz. The Letter which was produced to the House of Commons and hastned or rather necessitated by this Lords Power and Inclination for 't were hard to find any other about His Majesty that could or would have endeavoured to have Mr. Mountagues Cabinets so violently seized and had he believed as his Impartial Friend affirms That the Letter might justly have born a wise and useful Construction both to the King and Kingdom he would not by so unusual a violence have implyed a guilt in his own opinion which is confirmed by that Secresie he enjoyns the Embassadour to use in the Negotiation for fear of giving offence at home I will here continue my Method not to delay upon arguing Particulars and Circumstances where the right judgment must be drawn from the general which is the subject matter it self as that Mr. Montague confesses great Honour in this Lord and that by a Letter to the King himself says That the Earl of Danby might have had more than ever he got by being Lord Treasurer if he would have prevailed with the King to agree to the Propositions of the French King and a little after cryes That if the Ministers intended the setting up an Arbitrary Power at home they would certainly neither have disobliged the French King as they have done nor refused his Money What Character Mr. Mountague gives this Lord in former Letters or what opinion the French had of him was onely lyable to a Reflection made by a Member of the House of Commons when the Letters were read That if the French had an apprehension that this Lord was not once their Friend he was confident his own Letters shewed that they had reason now to have a kinder opinion of him What the Letter to the King himself was how my Lord of Danby might have got Money we know not but it appears by his Letter now that Money would have been accepted but for the last Assertion That the Ministers had disobliged the French needs no confutation but what has been said of the whole course of things which I fear they will never be so just to repay England by Counsels as weak as those which so much contributed to their Successes From these Arguments he concludes That it would puzzle the most uncharitable Censurer to find another cause than their unwillingness to enslave their Country why Money from the French was refused If this be a good consequence That to accept French Money is to enslave the Nation I hope it follows that the Sum of Six Millions of Livres yearly to be paid for three years and offered to be accepted was for the same purpose The last Evidences instead of Coffee-houses is now offered from Gazettes and the Dutchess of Mazarines Lodgings the first declares the ill-will the French had for this Lord and the other being a place where the present French Ambassadour is apt to speak more freely he used such Discourses as would convince any man c. If the French Gazettes gave such an Account of him 't is answered as the other was That they had no such occasion now and for the other proof I have heard that the Dutchess of Mazarines Chamber has been more used to the free Discourses of the Confederate Ministers than the French Embassadours But among these weighty Arguments and Evidences I wonder 't is omitted that this Lord drunk a Confusion to the French at the late Bishop of Canterbury's house at dinner and I think it as full and cogent as most of the others But I am now brought close to the matter by being desired to observe four things First That the Propositions sent was onely a Copy of what Mr. Montague was to receive from the Secretary so that the thing it self was no Secret to them This Argument seems very strange because the Secretaries knew of the Propositions for the Peace which was likewise known to the Forreign Ministers Ergo the treating for so much Money for three years to beget a right temper in Parliaments was no Secret to them neither though enjoyn'd to be so especially to the Secretary The Logick would be as good to conclude That
not give this Lord time to reduce things in such a posture as might be wisht and makes a Query Whether it be not the most unsafe as well as most unjust practice for a Nation to discourage such Ministers as endeavour to draw their Master to his Kingdoms Interest Here the Impartial Author lays the Foundation of his ensuing Arguments and resolving to Charge this Lords Crimes on the King he first boldly attempts to make him a fit Subject to bear it and to lessen his own Impeachment draws up one against his Soveraign That he had forsaken the Interest of his Kingdom and wanted this Lord to draw him to it With this gratitude he seldom fails to pay his Majesty in every particular and having declar'd what a profest Enemy this Lord was to the French Interest believing it destructive to this Nation he desires That the Proceedings of this Lord may be impartially considered Page 9. and see whether they have not all tended to the diminishing the French Interest since his time and if it have diminish'd it will be hard to finde who else there was besides himself neer his Majesty who had power and inclination to do it c. The Issue then to be joyn'd is upon the Question begg'd Whether the French Interest was diminish'd by this Lords Proceedings but it will easily be granted that 't would be hard to finde any neer his Majesty besides himself that had power And then I hope if it appears that the French Interest grew enlarg'd in his days 't is as reasonable to apply his Power and Inclination to be the Causes of it as it is for his impartial Friend to use them for the contrary I will pass over some Instances he gives which cannot amount to the proof of the whole as the breaking the League with France Peace made with the Dutch the Duke of Monmouth call'd from the French Service the Match with the Prince of Orange all which are attributed to this Lord as the Custom is of any reputed Good At which I will not quarrel because I have yielded the point that he had all Power but I will onely put him in mind of the Address from Parliament to the King to recall the Forces from France and the Bills pass'd in several Sessions to that purpose even in those years when the French so clearly ow'd Success to the English and the Marriage of the Lady Mary unless the Consequences had been happier might rather be thought the disposer of the Prince of Orange to the Peace that follow'd than be a prejudice to the Interest of France which prosper'd most after it In the same Paragraph 't is said That every one knows that this Match altered the mindes of the Duke of York and Duke of Monmouth that from being the greatest Asserters of the French Interest they became as forward as any for the War of France And this Conversion it seems assisted by the Power and Inclination of this Lord brought on the Actual War with France for which the Parliament gave their Money and by this we see it own'd that all were French but this Lord and people not so mistaken it seems that have been constantly jealous of it But whether the Dukes of York and Monmouth have reason to thank him for declaring their Conversions I know not since he condemns them for an errour which we found ill effects of but none on the contrary by the Conversion and then he says the King had good intentions c. which implies that he never had any good before as if he had now drawn him to his Kingdoms Interest And as this Lord was pleas'd to order it he never appears to have better after it for whatever he is accus'd of he charges upon the King and acts as if agreed with what he pretended to know of the Opinion of the French Vid. His Speech in the House of Lords at his Charge that they had the Kings Person and Government in the last degree of Contempt I know not whether that Lord shrunk when he spoke those words in the House of Peers but next the owning of such an Opinion of the King 't was an audacious Crime to own a Belief that any could retain such a Judgment of him I hope this Lord is the onely person that thinks it either probable or possible But leaving this point with blushes to have repeated such a thing I will set down some general Observations of Publick Affairs which will best shew whether the Diminution or Increase of the French Interest was likely to be intended or effected in his time In the first place to lay a Foundation to build upon I suppose it may be taken for granted that the Parliament did ever appear warmly averse to that Interest and of consequence must give the greatest apprehensions to the French that from them might proceed the onely fatal Opposition and which was not probably to be diverted either by Skill or Money In March 76 the Commons in Parliament presented an Address most humbly offering to his Majesties consideration That the mindes of his People were disquieted with the manifest dangers arising by the Growth and Power of the French King c. And therefore humbly presented their Desires that his Majesty would strengthen Himself with stricter Alliances to quiet the mindes of his People and preserve the Netherlands The Kings Answer agreed That the preservation of Flanders was of great consequence But it seems not being thought particular enough it begot a second Address on March the 26th wherein they again more strictly prest the King to enter into such Alliances as might obtain those Ends. And in case that in pursuance of such Alliances his Majesty should be engaged in a War with the French King they promise chearfully upon notice of it in Parliament so to supply the King as that he might prosecute the same with success And in their Address of the 29th of Jan. 77 they humbly desired no Treaty but such a one as might put the French King in no better an Estate than he was after the Pyrenean Treaty This sufficiently shew'd the temper of the Parliament and their Judgment That War it self was more suitable to the Interest of England than the growth of the French Power But this begot great Debates and shew'd so many influenc'd that they appear'd ill Witnesses for the boasted Power and Inclination and presently after while things of this great nature here had heavie motions the frontier Towns were taken as Valenciennes and St. Omers c. I will not delay to set down the particular Reasons and Arguments that were raised against this constant Sense of the Parliament nor the sharp Reprehensions they sometimes received from the Notions of their too-much invading the Kings sole Power in Peace and War It shall suffice to observe That those Reprehensions Arguments and Delays did not seem to tend to the Diminution of the French Interest But to proceed to make it yet more clear that