and effect And because it is not to be doubted but that before the receipt of these my Letters ye having former Instructions shall have far entred your Devices in this Matter wherein the King's Grace trusteth ye do lose no time or opportunity that possibly may be had I shall therefore briefly and compendiously touch such this things as the King's Highness would ye should substantially note in this behalf One is That albeit ye both before and also now know the King's mind and desire herein as is aforesaid taking that for your Foundation yet nevertheless forasmuch as it appeareth by your said Letters and otherwise that the Cardinal de Medicis whose preferment if this may not be had both the King's Grace and I tendereth above all other mindeth to experiment what may be done for himself great policy and dexterity is in your Labours and Communications to be used so that ye may first by great ensearch and enquiry perfectly understand as nigh as may be the Disposition Mind Affection and Inclination as well of the said Cardinal de Medicis as of all the residue if it be possible which thing well known well ponder'd and consider'd ye shall thereby have a great light to the residue of your Business wherein always ye must so order your selves that the Matter appearing unto you much doubtful and uncertain your particular practices the desired Intent peradventure failing shall not be cause of displeasure or unkindness to be noted by any that may be elected and for your introduction herein the King's Grace sendeth unto you at this time two Commissions under his great Seal the one couch'd under general words without making mention of any particular Person and in the other his Highness hath made mention of me by special Name Besides that ye shall receive herewith two Letters from his Grace to the College of Cardinals with the Copies of the same the one in special recommendation of me and the other in favour of the Cardinal de Medicis beside such other particular Letters in my recommendation to certain Cardinals and other as by the Copies of them herewith enclosed ye shall now perceive After the receipt thereof if the Cardinals before that time shall not be entred into the Conclave ye taking your Commodity as by your Wisdom shall be thought most expedient shall deliver unto the Cardinal de Medicis the King's Letters and mine to him addressed shewing unto him with as good words and manner as ye can that for his great Virtue Wisdom Experience and other commendable Merits with the entire love and favour which the King's Grace and I bear unto him thinking and reputing him most meet and able to aspire unto the Papal Dignity before all other Ye have Commandment Commission and Instruction specially and most tenderly to recommend him unto the whole College of Cardinals having also the King 's and my Letters to them in his favour upon which Declaration ye shall perceive his Answer to be made unto you in that behalf whereupon and by knowledg of the Disposition of the Residue ye may perceive how to govern your selves in the delivery of the rest of your said Letters for in case it may evidently appear unto you that any of the Cardinals to whom the King's Letters be directed have firmly establish'd their minds upon the said Cardinal de Medices the more circumspection is to be used with any such in the delivery to him of the King's Letters and overture of the secretness of your minds touching me considering that if the King's Intent might in no wise take effect for me his Grace would before all other advance and further the said Cardinal de Medicis Nevertheless if either by his Answer to be made unto you or by other good knowledg ye shall perceive that he hath so many Enemies herein that of likelihood he cannot attain the same ye may be the more bold to feel his mind how he is inclin'd towards me saying as indeed the King's Grace hath written unto him That in case he should fail thereof the King's Highness would insist as much as to his Grace were possible for me which ye may say were in manner one thing considering that both the Cardinal de Medices and I bear one mind zeal and study to the Weal and Quiet of Christendom the Increase and Surety of Italy the Benefit and Advancement of the Emperor's and the King's Majesty's Causes and I being Pope he in a manner whom I above all Men love trust and esteem were Pope being sure to have every thing according to his mind and desire and as much Honour to be put unto him his Friends and Family as might be devised in such wise That by these and other good words and demonstrations ye may make him sure as I think he be that failing for himself he with all his Friends do their best for me and seeing no likelihood for him ye may then right-well proceed to your particular labour and practices for me delivering the King's Letters both to the College of Cardinals and to the other apart as ye shall see the case then to require and solliciting them by secret labours alleadging and declaring unto them my poor Qualities and how I having so great experience of the Causes of Christendom with the entire Favour which the Emperor and the King's Grace bear unto me the knowledg also and deep Acquaintance of other Princes and of their great Affairs the studious mind that I have ever been in both to the Surety and Weal of Italy and also to the Quiet and Tranquility of Christendom not lacking thanked be God either Substance or Liberality to look largely upon my Friends besides the sundry great Promotions which by election of me should be vacant to be disposed unto such of the said Cardinals as by their true and fast Friendship had deserved the same the loving Familiarity also which they should find in me and that of my Nature I am not in great disposed to rigour or austereness but can be contented thanked be God frankly pleasantly and courteously to participate dispose and bestow such things as I have or shall come to my disposition not having any such Faction Family or Kinsman to whom I might shew any partiality in bestowing the Promotions and Goods of the Church and which is highest to be regarded that is likely and in manner sure that by my means not only Italy shall be put in perfect surety for ever but also a final rest peace and quiet now most necessary established betwixt all Christian Princes whereupon the greatest and most notable Expedition might be made against the Infidels that hath been heard of many Years For the King's Highness in that case would be contented and hath fully promised God willing to come in Person when God shall send time unto Rome whither also I should not doubt to bring many more of the Christian Princes being determined if God should send me such Grace to expone mine own Person in
Translation into some Town of the Popes to which it was not likely the Imperialists would follow them and so at least the Council would be suspended if not dissolved For this Remove they laid hold on the first colour they could find One dying of a malignant Feaver it was given out and certified by Physicians that he died of the Plague so in all hast they translated the Council to Bologna Apr. 21. The first Session of Bologna The Imperialists protested against it but in vain for thither they went The Emperor was hereby quite disappointed of his chief design which was to force the Germans to submit to a Council held in Germany and therefore no Plague appearing at Trent he pressed the return of the Council thither But the Pope said it was the Councils act and not his and that their Honour was to be kept up that therefore such as stayed at Trent were to go first to Bologna and acknowledge the Council and they should then consider what was to be done So that now all the hope the Germans had was that this difference between the Pope and Emperor might give them some breathing and time might bring them out of these extremities into which they were then driven Upon these disorders the Forreign Reformers who generally made Germany their Sanctuary were now forced to seek it elsewhere So Peter Martyr in the end of November this Year was brought over to England by the Invitation which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury sent him in the Kings Name He was born in Florence where he had been an Augustinian-Monk He was learned in the Greek and the Hebrew which drew on him the envy of the rest of his Order whose Manners he inveighed oft against So he left them and went to Naples where he gathered an Assembly of those who loved to Worship God more purely This being made known he was forced to leave that Place and went next to Lucca where he lived in society with Tremellius and Zanchius But being also in danger there he went to Zurick with Bernardinus Ochinus that had been one of the most celebrated Preachers of Italy and now forsook his former Superstitions From Zurick he went to Basil and from thence by Martin Bucers means he was brought to Strasburg where Cranmers Letter found both him and Ochinus The Latter was made a Canon of Canterbury with a Dispensation of Residence and by other Letters Patents 40 Marks were given yearly to him and as much to Peter Martyr There had been this Year some differences between the English and French concerning the Fortifications about Bulloigne The French quarrel about Bulloigne The English were raising a great Fort by the Harbour there This being signified to King Henry by Gaspar Coligny afterwards the famous Admiral of France then Governour of the neighbouring Parts to Bulloigne it was complained of at the Court of England It was answered That this was only to make the Harbour more secure and so the Works were ordered to be vigorously carried on But this could not satisfie the French who plainly saw it was of another sort than to be intended only for the Sea The King of France came and viewed the Country himself and ordered Coligny to raise a Fort on a high Ground near it which was called the Chastilion Fort and commanded both the English Fort and the Harbour But the Protector had no mind to give the French a colour for breaking with the English so there was a Truce and further Cessation agreed on in the end of September These are all the considerable Forreign Transactions of this Year in which England was concerned But there was a secret contrivance laid at home of a high nature which though it broke not out till the next Year yet the beginnings of it did now appear The Protectors Brother Thomas Seimour was brought to such a share in his Fortunes The Breach between the Protector and the Admiral that he was made a Baron and Lord Admiral But this not satisfying his ambition he endeavoured to have linked himself into a nearer relation with the Crown by marrying the Kings Sister the Lady Elizabeth But finding he could not compass that he made his Addresses to the Queen Dowager Who enjoying now the Honour and Wealth the late King had left her resolved to satisfie her self in her next Choice and entertained him a little too early for they were married so soon after the Kings death that it was charged afterwards on the Admiral that if she had brought a Child as soon as might have been after the Marriage it had given cause to doubt whether it had not been by the late King which might have raised great disturbance afterwards But being thus married to the Queen he concealed it for some time till he procured a Letter from the King recommending him to her for a Husband upon which they declared their Marriage with which the Protector was much offended Being thus possessed of great Wealth and being Husband to the Queen Dowager he studied to engage all that were about the King to be his Friends and he corrupted some of them by his Presents and forced one on Sir John Cheek That which he designed was That whereas in former times the Infant Kings of England had had Governours of their Persons distinct from the Protectors of their Realms which Trusts were divided between their Unkles it being judged too much to joyn both in one Person who was thereby too great whereas a Governour of the Kings Person might be a check on the Protector he would therefore himself be made Governour of the Kings Person alledging that since he was the Kings Unkle as well as his Brother he ought to have a proportioned share with him in the Government About Easter this Year he first set about this design and corrupted some about the King who should bring him sometimes privately through the Gallery to the Queens Lodgings and he desired they would let him know when the King had occasion for Money and that they should not always trouble the Treasury for he would be ready to furnish him and he thought a young King might be taken with this So it happened that the first time Latimer preached at Court the King sent to him to know what Present he should make him Seimour sent him 40 l. but said he thought 20 enough to give Latimer and the King might dispose of the rest as he pleased Thus he gained ground with the King whose sweet nature exposed him to be easily won by such Artifices It is generally said that all this difference between the Brothers was begun by their Wives and that the Protectors Lady being offended that the younger Brothers Wife had the precedence of her which she thought belonged to her self did thereupon raise and inflame the differences But in all the Letters that I have seen concerning this Breach I could never find any such thing once mentioned Nor is it reasonable to imagine that the
Bargain made with the Foulcare for about 60000 l. that in May and August should be payed for the defraying of it 1. That the Foulcare should put it off for 10 in the 100. 2. That I should buy 12000 Marks weight at 6 s. the ounce to be delivered at Antwerp and so conveyed over 3. I should pay 100000 Crowns for a very fair Jewel of his four Rubies marvelous big one Orient and great Diamond and one great Pearl 27. Mallet the Lady Mary's Chaplain apprehended and sent to the Tower of London 30. The Lord Marquess of Northampton appointed to go with the Order and further Commission of Treaty and that in Post having joined with him in Commission the Bishop of Ely Sir Philip Hobbey Sir William Pickering and Sir John Mason Knights and two other Lawyers Smith that was Secretary c. May. 2. There was appointed to go with my Lord Marquess the Earls of Rutland Worcester and Ormond the Lords Lisle Fitzwater and Bray Barguenny and divers other Gentlemen to the number of thirty in all 3. The Challenge at running at the Ring performed at the which first came the King sixteen Footmen and ten Horsemen in black Silk Coats pulled out with white Taffety then all the Lords having three Men likewise apparelled and all Gentlemen their Footmen in white Fustian pulled out with black Taffety The other side came all in yellow Taffety at length the yellow Band took it thrice in 120 courses and my Band touched often which was counted as nothing and took never which seemed very strange and so the Prize was of my Side lost After that Tournay followed between six of my Band and six of theirs 4. It was appointed that there should be but four Men to wait on every Earl that went with my Lord Marquess of Northampton three on every Lord two on every Knight or Gentleman Also that my Lord Marquess should in his Diet be allowed for the loss in his Exchange 5. The Muster of the Gendarmoury appointed to be the first of June if it were possible if not the 8th 6. The Testourn cried down from 12 d. to 9 d. and the Groat from 4 d. to 3 d. 9. One Stewart a Scotchman meaning to poison the young Queen of Scotland thinking thereby to get Favour here was after he had been a while in the Tower and Newgate delivered on my Frontiers at Calais to the French for to have him punished there according to his deserts 10. Divers Lords and Knights sent for to furnish the Court at the coming of the French Ambassadour that brought hither the Order of St. Michael 12. A Proclamation proclaimed to give warning to all those that keep any Farms multitudes of Sheep above the number limited in the Law viz. 2000 decayed Tenements and Towns Regratters Forestalling Men that sell dear having plenty enough and put Plough Ground to Pasture and Carriers over-Sea of Victual That if they leave not these Enormities they shall be streightly punished very shortly so that they should feel the smart of it and to command execution of Laws made for this purpose before 14. There mustered before Me an hundred Archers two Arrows apiece all of the Guard afterward shot together and they shot at an inch Board which some pierced quite and stuck in the other Board divers pierced it quite thorow with the Heads of their Arrows the Boards being very well-seasoned Timber So it was appointed there should be ordinarily 100 Archers and 100 Halbertiers either good Wrestlers or casters of the Bar or Leapers or Runners or tall Men of Personage 15. Sir Philip Hobbey departed toward France with ten Gentlemen of his own in Velvet Coats and Chains of Gold 16. Likewise did the Bishop of Ely depart with a Band of Men well furnished 20. A Proclamation made That whosoever found a Seditious Bill and did not tear and deface it should be a partaker of the Bill and punished as the Maker 21. My Lord Marquess of Northampton had Commission to deliver the Order and to treat of all things and chiefly of Marriage for Me to the Lady Elizabeth his Daughter First To have the Dote 12000 Marks a Year and the Dowry at least 800000 Crowns The Forfeiture 100000 Crowns at the most if I performed not and paying that to be delivered and that this should not impeach the former Covenants with Scotland with many other Branches 22. He departed himself in Post 24. An Earthquake was at Croidon and Blechinglee and in the most part of Surrey but no harm was done 30. Whereas before Commandment was given that 160000 l. should be Coined of three ounces in the Pound fine for discharge of Debts and to get some Treasure to be able to alter all now was it stopped saving only 80000 l. to discharge my Debts and 10000 Mark weight that the Foulcare delivered in the last Exchange at four ounces in the pound 31. The Musters defered till after Midsummer June 2. It was appointed that I should receive the Frenchmen that came hither at Westminster where was made preparation for the purpose and four garnish of new Vessels taken out of Church Stuff as Miters and Golden Missals and Primers and Crosses and Reliques of Plessay 4. Provision made in Flanders for Silver and Gold Plate and Chains to be given to these Strangers 7. A Proclamation set forth that Exchange or Re-exchange should be made under the Punishment set forth in King Henry the Seventh's Time duly to be executed 10. Monsieur Mareschal departed from the Court to Bulloigne in Post and so hither by Water in his Galleys and Foists In this Month and the Month before was great Business for the City of Parma which Duke * It should be Octavio Horatio had delivered to the French King for the Pope ascited him as holding it in capite of him whereby he could not alienate it without the Pope's Will but he came not at his Day for which cause the Pope and Imperialists raised 8000 Men and took a Castle on the same River side Also the French King sent Monsieur de Thermes who had been his General in Scotland with a great piece of his Gendarmory into Italy to help Duke Horatio Furthermore the Turks made great preparation for War which some feared would at length burst out 21. I was elected of the Company of St. Michael in France by the French King and his Order 13. Agreement made with the Scots for the Borders between the Commissioners aforesaid for both the Parties In this month Dragute a Pirat escaped Andrea Doria who had closed him in a Creek by force of his Galley-Slaves that digged another way into the Sea and took two of Andrea's Galleys that lay far into the Sea 14. Pardon given to those Irish Lords that would come in before a certain day limited by the Deputy with Advertisement to the Deputy to make sharp War with those that would resist and also should administer my Laws every-where 18. Because of my Charges in
the poor Man and his Heirs put from their Right which his Majesty wisheth to be considered And albeit he thinketh that the King your Master being under Age cannot himself by the order of the Law conclude upon any thing now in his Minority that shall be of due force and strength able to bind him and his Country when he shall come to his perfect Age. Yet taking that his Tutors being authorised thereto by the common Assent of your Parliament may go through and conclude upon these or like things in his Name his Majesty thinketh it will do well when his Subjects shall be recompenced of the Wrongs they have hitherto sustained that some order be devised for the administration of Justice hereafter in like Cases As touching the Confirmation of the Treaty considering that the same was first made between the Emperor and King Henry the Eighth and not ratified by the King your Master since his Father's Death his Majesty thinketh that he hath most cause to require the same Wherefore because as I told you even now he thinketh that these things the King himself should conclude upon during his Minority cannot be of sufficient force if his Tutors shall be by the Authority of your Parliament enabled thereto his Majesty is content the Treaty be confirmed by them in the King's Name and by the Prince of Spain in such form as shall be thought best for both Parties As to the comprehension of Bulloign ye must know that we have a Treaty with France as well as with you which the Emperor cannot without some touch of his Honour break without just Grounds And albeit his Majesty would be loath to see the King his good Brother forgoe either that Peece or any other Jot of his Right yet can he not enter this Defence unless he would break with France out of hand which in respect of his other Affairs he cannot yet do howbeit he will gladly assist his good Brother in any other thing the best he may and will not fail to shew him all the Pleasure he can with regard to his Honour but with Bulloign he cannot meddle at this time And here he staying Is this the Emperor's resolute and full Answer Monsieur d' Arras quoth I. Yea quoth he wherewith he prayeth the King his good Brother to rest satisfied and take it in good part Albeit quoth I I have no Commission to make any Reply thereto because it was not known to your Grace what the Emperor's Resolution should be yet in the way of talk I will be bold to say my mind herein We have Monsieur d' Arras quoth I always esteemed the Emperor's Friendship and desired the observation of the Treaties and the entertainment of the Amity as a thing necessary and common to both the Parties for the better establishment whereof and that now and in this time some good Fruit to the benefit of both might appear to the World to follow of the same I was sent hither which was the chiefest cause of my coming And because that the Amity between both Princes might be the firmer and that all Doubts being taken away no cause of Quarrel shall be left we thought best to put you in mind of the Confirmation and Revisitation of the Treaty to the intent that by the one the World might see an establishment of our Friendship by our deed and that by the other one of us might understand another and consider whether any thing were to be added for the Commodity of both Parties which I suppose standeth you as much upon to desire as it doth us And whereas ye say that the King's Majesty because he is under Age cannot conclude or go through with any thing that shall be of sufficient force I must needs tell you plainly That ye touch his Majesty's Honour over-near herein for we think that the Majesty of a King is of such efficacy that he hath even the same Authority and full Power at the first hour of his Birth that he hath thirty Years after And what your Laws are I know not but sure I am that by our Laws whatsoever is done by the King in his Minority or by his Ministers in his Name is of no less force and strength than if it had been done in time of his full Age and Years if once the Great Seal of his Realm have passed there is no Remedy but needs must he stand thereto Marry let the Ministers take heed what they do and look that they may be able to discharge themselves towards him of their Doings if he shall require account of them when he cometh to Age for it is they must answer him but he must needs stand to whatsoever they have counselled him to agree unto during his Minority And to prove that our Laws giveth him the same Authority now that he shall have when he cometh to his perfect Age if any Man either for instruction of Learning or any other Cause should presume to lay hands on or touch his Majesty in way of correction he should by Law be taken for a Traitor And if the Matter were as ye take it we should then be in a strange and evil case for neither might we conclude Peace League or Treaty nor make Laws or Statutes during the King's Minority that should be of sufficient force to bind him and his to the observation of the same But ye mistake the Matter much and therefore if the Emperor mind to proceed to this Confirmation he may or otherwise do as it shall please him And as touching my Case quoth I ye must understand I did not move it without some just ground for remembring that all your Commissioners and all ours being together at Vtrecht for the Esclarcisement of the Treaty although the words of the Treaty were plain enough and could receive none other interpretation than was there plainly written yet would ye needs understand the Article for common Enmity in case of Invasion after your own minds And whereas by the words of the Treaty no mention is made of any number and therefore with howsoever few in number the Invasion be made ought the Invaders to be taken for common Enemies Your Commissioners did nevertheless interpret the Matter at their pleasure and would needs prescribe a number of 8000 Men under which number of Invasion were made the Treaties in this case should not stand to any force And like-as ye put a doubt here where none was to be found so thought I ye might do in other things were they never so plain and that moved me to put this case to see whether ye understood this Point as ye ought to do after the literal sense and partly to know your minds therein because perhaps the Matter hath been already in ure This I say was the occasion why I put further this Question and not for any mistrust of the Emperor's Friendship whom I must confess we have always found our Well-willer and so we doubt not he will continue and
down on the 13th of December But both these Bills were put in one and sent up by the Commons on the 20th of that Month and assented to by the King By this Act it was set forth That the way of choosing Bishops by Conge d'Eslire was tedious and expenceful that there was only a shadow of Election in it and that therefore Bishops should thereafter be made by the Kings Letters Patents upon which they were to be consecrated And whereas the Bishops did exercise their Authority and carry on Processes in their own Names as they were wont to do in the time of Popery and since all Jurisdiction both Spiritual and Temporal was derived from the King that therefore their Courts and all Processes should be from henceforth carried on in the Kings Name and be sealed by the Kings Seal as it was in the other Courts of Common-Law after the first of July next excepting only the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Courts and all Collations Presentations or Letters of Orders which were to pass under the Bishops proper Seals as formerly Upon this Act great advantages were taken to disparage the Reformation as subjecting the Bishops wholly to the pleasure of the Court. At first The ancient ways of electing Bishops Bishops were chosen and ordained by the other Bishops in the Countries where they lived The Apostles by that Spirit of discerning which was one of the extraordinary gifts they were endued with did ordain the first Fruits of their Labours and never left the Election of Pastors to the discretion of the People Indeed when they were to ordain Deacons who were to be trusted with the distribution of the publick Alms they appointed such as the People made choice of but when St. Paul gave directions to Timothy and Titus about the choice of Pastors all that depended on the People by them was that they should be blameless and of good report But afterwards the poverty of the Church being such that Church-men lived only by the free bounty of the People it was necessary to consider them much so that in many Places the choice began among the People and in all Places it was done by their approbation and good liking But great disorders followed upon this as soon as by the Emperors turning Christians the Wealth of Church-benefices made the Pastoral Charge more desirable and the vast numbers of those who turned Christians with the Tide brought in great Multitudes to have their Votes in these Elections The inconvenience of this was felt early in Phrygia where the Council of Laodicea made a Canon against these Popular Elections Yet in other parts of Asia and at Rome there were great and often Contests about it In some of these many Men were killed In many Places the inferior Clergy chose their Bishops But in most Places the Bishops of the Province made the choice yet so as to obtain the consent of the Clergy and People The Emperors by their Laws made it necessary that it should be confirmed by the Metropolitans They reserved the Elections of the great Sees to themselves or at least the Confirmation of them Thus it continued till Charles the Great 's time But then the nature of Church-employments came to be much altered For though the Church had Predial Lands with the other Rights that belonged to them by the Roman Law yet he first gave Bishops and Abbots great Territories with some branches of Royal Jurisdiction in them who held these Lands of him according to the Fewdal Laws This as it carried Church-men off from the humility and abstraction from the World which became their Function so it subjected them much to the Humours and Interests of those Princes on whom they had their dependance The Popes who had made themselves Heads of the Hierarchy could not but be glad to see Church-men grow rich and powerful in the World but they were not so well pleased to see them made so much the more dependent on their Princes and no doubt by some of those Princes that were thus become Patrons of Churches the Bishopricks were either given for Money or charged with reserved Pensions Upon this the Popes filled the World with the complaints of Simony and of enslaving Church-men to court Interests and so would not suffer them to accept of Investitures from their Princes but set up for free Elections as they called them which they said were to be confirmed by the See-Apostolick So the Canons Secular or Regular in Cathedral Churches were to choose the Bishops and their Election was to be confirmed at Rome yet Princes in most Places got some hold of those Elections so that still they went as they had a mind they should Which was oft complained of as a great slavery on the Church and would have been more universally condemned if the World had not been convinced that the matter would not be much the better if there should have been set up either the Popular or Synodical Elections in which Faction was like to sway all King Henry had continued the old way of the Elections by the Clergy but so as that it seemed to be little more than a mockery but now it was thought a more ingenuous way of proceeding to have the thing done directly by the King rather than under the thin covert of an involuntary Election For the other Branch about Ecclesiastical Courts The Causes before them concerning Wills and Marriages being matters of a mixed nature and which only belong to these by the Laws of the Land and being no parts of the Sacred Functions it was thought no Invasion of the Sacred Offices to have these tried in the Kings Name But the Collation of Benefices and giving of Orders which are the chief parts of the Episcopal Function were to be performed still by the Bishops in their own Names Only Excommunication by a fatal neglect continued to be the punishment for contempts of these Courts which belonging only to the Spiritual Cognisance ought to have been reserved for the Bishop with the assistance of his Clergy But the Canonists had so confounded all the Ancient Rules about the Government of the Church that the Reformers being called away by Considerations that were more obvious and pressing there was not that care taken in this that the thing required And these errors or oversights in the first concoction have by a continuance grown since into so formed a strength that it is easier to see what is amiss than to know how to rectifie it On the 29th of November the Bill against Vagabonds was brought in An Act against Vagabonds By this it was Enacted That all that should any where loiter without work or without offering themselves to work three days together or that should run away from work and resolve to live idly should be seized on and whosoever should present them to a Justice of Peace was to have them adjudged to be his Slaves for two years and they were to be marked with the Letter V. imprinted
lessen the credit of those who had suffered formerly for it was said they saw now that Men of harmless Lives might be put to death for Heresie by the confâ—ssion of the Reformers themselves And in all the Books published in Queen Maries days justifying her severity against the Protestants these Instances were always made use of and no part of Cranmers Life exposed him more than this did This was much censured It was said he had consented both to Lamberts and Anne Askews death in the former Reign who both suffered for Opinions which he himself held now and he had now procured the death of these two Persons and when he was brought to suffer himself afterwards it was called a just retalliation on him One thing was certain that what he did in this matter flowed from no cruelty of temper in him no Man being further from that black disposition of Mind but it was truly the effect of those Principles by which he governed himself Disputes concerning the Baptism of Infants For the other sort of Anabaptists who only denied Infants Baptism I find no severities used to them but several Books were written against them to which they wrote some Answers It was said that Christ allowed little Children to be brought to him and said of such was the Kingdom of Heaven and blessed them Now if they were capable of the Kingdom of Heaven they must be regenerated for Christ said none but such as were born of Water and of the Spirit could enter into it St. Paul had also called the Children of believing Parents Holy which seemed to relate to such a consecration of them as was made in Baptism And Baptism being the Seal of Christians in the room of Circumcision among the Jews it was thought the one was as applicable to Children as the other And one thing was observed that the whole World in that Age having been baptized in their Infancy if that Baptism was nothing then there were none truly baptized in being but all were in the state of meer Nature Now it did not seem reasonable that Men who were not baptized themselves should go and baptize others and therefore the first Heads of that Sect not being rightly baptized themselves seemed not to act with any Authority when they went to baptize others The Practice of the Church so early begun and continued without dispute for so many Ages was at least a certain confirmation of a thing which had to speak moderately so good foundations in Scripture for the lawfulness though not any peremptory but only probable Proof for the practice of it These are all the Errors in Opinion that I find were taken notice of at this time There was another sort of People The Doctrine of Predestination much abused of whom all the good Men in that Age made great complaints Some there were called Gospellers or Readers of the Gospel who were a scandal to the Doctrine they professed In many Sermons I have oft met with severe Expostulations with these and heavy Denunciations of Judgments against them But I do not find any thing objected to them as to their belief save only that the Doctrine of Predestination having been generally taught by the Reformers many of this Sect began to make strange Inferences from it reckoning that since every thing was decreed and the Decrees of God could not be frustrated therefore Men were to leave themselves to be carried by these Decrees This drew some into great impiety of Life and others into desperation The Germans soon saw the ill effects of this Doctrine Luther changed his mind about it and Melancthon openly writ against it and since that time the whole stream of the Lutheran Churches has run the other way But both Calvin and Bucer were still for maintaining the Doctrine of these Decrees only they warned the People not to think much of them since they were Secrets which Men could not penetrate into but they did not so clearly shew how these consequences did not flow from such Opinions Hooper and many other good Writers did often dehort People from entring into these curiosities and a Caveat to that same purpose was put afterwards into the Article of the Church about Predestination One ill effect of the dissoluteness of Peoples manners broke out violently this Summer occasioned by the Inclosing of Lands Tumults in England While the Monasteries stood there were great numbers of People maintained about these Houses their Lands were easily let out and many were relieved by them But now the Numbers of the People encreased much Marriage being universally allowed they also had more time than formerly by the abrogation of many Holy-days and the putting down of Processions and Pilgrimages so that as the Numbers encreased they had more time than they knew how to bestow Those who bought in the Church-Lands as they every where raised their Rents of which old Latimer made great Complaints in one of his Court Sermons so they resolved to enclose their Grounds and turn them to Pasture for Trade was then rising fast and Corn brought not in so much Money as Wooll did Their Flocks also being kept by few Persons in Grounds so enclosed the Landlords themselves enjoyed the profit which formerly the Tenants made out of their Estates and so they intended to force them to serve about them at any such rates as they would allow By this means the Commons of England saw they were like to be reduced to great misery This was much complained of and several little Books were written about it Some proposed a sort of Agrarian Law that none might have Farms above a set value or Flocks above a set number of 2000 Sheep which Proposal I find the young King was much taken with as will appear in one of the Discourses he wrote with his own Hand It was also represented that there was no care taken of the educating of Youth except of those who were bred for Learning and many things were proposed to correct this but in the mean time the Commons saw the Gentry were like to reduce them to a very low condition The Protector seemed much concerned for the Commons and oft spoke against the oppression of Landlords He was naturally just and compassionate and so did heartily espouse the Cause of the poor People which made the Nobility and Gentry hate him much The former year the Commons about Hampton-Court petitioned the Protector and Council complaining that whereas the late King in his Sickness had enclosed a Park there to divert himself with private easie Game the Deer of that Park did overlay the Country and it was a great burden to them and therefore they desired that it might be disparked The Council considering that it was so near Windsor and was not useful to the King but a charge rather ordered it to be disparked and the Deer to be carried to Windsor but with this Proviso that if the King when he came of Age desired to have
Bonner turning to speak to the People was interrupted by one of the Delegates who told him he was to speak to them and not to the People at which some laughing he turned about in great fury and said Ah Woodcocks Woodcocks But to the chief Point he said he had prepared Notes of what he intended to say about the Kings Power in his Minority from the Instances in Scripture of Achaz and Osias who were Kings at Ten of Solomon and Manasses who Reigned at Twelve and of Josias Joachim and Joas who began to Reign when they were but Eight years old He had also gathered out of the English History that Henry the third Edward the third Richard the second Henry the sixth and Edward the fifth were all under Age and even their late King was but eighteen when he came to the Crown and yet all these were obeyed as much before as after they were of full Age. But these things had escaped his memory he not having been much used to preach There had been also a long Bill sent him from the Council to be read of the defeat of the Rebels which he said had disordered him and the Book in which he had laid his Notes fell out of his hands when he was in the Pulpit for this he appealed to his two Chaplains Bourn and Harpsfield whom he had desired to gather for him the Names of those Kings who Reigned before they were of Age. For the other Injunctions he had taken care to execute them and had sent Orders to his Arch-deacons to see to them and as far as he understood there were no Masses nor Service in Latin within his Diocess except at the Lady Maries or in the Chappels of Ambassadors But the Delegates required him positively to answer whether he had obeyed that Injunction about the Kings Authority or not otherwise they would hold him as guilty and if he denied it they would proceed to the examination of the Witnesses He refusing to answer otherwise than he had done they called the Witnesses who were Sir John Cheek and four more who had their Oaths given them and Bonner desiring a time to prepare his interrogatories it was granted So he drew a long Paper of twenty Interrogatories every one of them containing many Branches in it full of all the niceties of the Canon Law a tast of which may be had from the third in number which is indeed the most material of all The Interrogatory was Whether they or any of them were present at his Sermon where they stood and near whom when they came to it and at what part of his Sermon how long they tarried at what part they were offended what were the formal Words or Substance of it who with them did hear it where the other Witnesses stood and how long they tarried or when they departed The Court adjourned to the 18th of September And then there was read a Declaration from the King explaining their former Commission chiefly in the Point of the Denunciation that they might proceed either that way or ex Officio as they saw cause giving them also Power finally to determine the matter cutting off all superfluous delays Bonner gave in also some other Reasons why he should not be obliged to make a more direct Answer to the Articles objected against him The chief of which was That the Article about the Kings Age was not in the Paper given him by the Protector but afterwards added by Secretary Smith of his own Head Cranmer admonished him of his irreverence since he called them always his pretended Judges Smith added That though Proctors did so in common matters for their Clients yet it was not to be endured in such a Case when he saw they acted by a special Commission from the King New Articles were given him more explicite and plain than the former but to the same purpose And five Witnesses were sworn upon these who were all the Clerks of the Council to prove that the Article about the Kings Age was ordered by the whole Council and only put in writing by Secretary Smith at their Command He was appointed to come next day and make his Answer But on the 19th two of his Servants came and told the Delegates that he was sick and could not attend It was therefore ordered That the Knight-Marshal should go to him and if he were sick let him alone but if it were not so should bring him before them next day On the 20th Bonner appearing answered as he had done formerly only he protested that it was his opinion that the King was as much a King and the People as much bound to obey him before he was of Age as after it And after that Secretary Smith having taken him up more sharply than the other Delegates he protested against him as no competent Judge He protests against Secretary Smith since he had expressed much passion against him and had not heard him patiently but had compared him to Thieves and Traitors and had threatned to send him to the Tower to sit with Ket and Arundel and that he had added some things to the Injunctions given him by the Protector for which he was now accused and did also proceed to judge him notwithstanding his Protestation grounded on his not being present when the Commission was first opened and received by the Court But this Protestation also was rejected by the Delegates and Smith told him That whereas he took exception at his saying that he acted as Thieves and Traitors do it was plainly visible in his doings upon which Bonner being much inflamed said to him That as he was Secretary of State and a Privy Councellor he honoured him but as he was Sir Tho. Smith he told him he lied and that he defied him At this the Arch-bishop chid him and said he deserved to be sent to Prison for such irreverent carriage He answered he did not care whither they sent him so they sent him not to the Devil for thither he would not go he had a few Goods a poor Carkass and a Soul the two former were in their power but the last was in his own After this being made to withdraw he when called in again put in an Appeal from them to the King and read an Instrument of it which he had prepared at his own House that Morning and so would make no other answer unless the Secretary should remove For this contempt he was sent to the Prison of the Marshalsea and as he was led away he broke out in great passion both against Smith and also at Cranmer for suffering Hereticks to infect the People which he required him to abstain from as he would answer for it to God and the King On the 23d he was again brought before them where by a second Instrument he adhered to his former Appeal But the Delegates said they would go on and judge him unless there came a Supersedeas from the King and so required him to answer those
Servants and to return with an answer In August they came back and said she was much indisposed and received the Message very grievously She said she would obey the King in all things except where her Conscience was touched but she charged them to deliver none of their Message to the rest of her Family in which they being her Servants could not disobey her especially when they thought it might prejudice her health Upon this And sent some to her they were sent to the Tower The Lord Chancellor Sir Ant. Wingfield and Sir William Petre were next sent to her with a Letter from the King and Instructions from the Council for the charge they were to give to her and her Servants They came to her House of Copthall in Essex The Lord Chancellor gave her the Kings Letter which she received on her Knees and said she payed that respect to the Kings Hand and not to the matter of the Letter which she knew proceeded from the Council and when she read it she said Ah! Mr. Cecil took much pains here he was then Secretary of State in Dr. Wottons room So she turned to the Counsellors and bid them deliver their Message to her She wished them to be short for she was not well at ease and would give them a short answer having writ her mind plainly to the King with her own Hand The Lord Chancellor told her that all the Council were of one mind that she must be no longer suffered to have private Mass or a Form of Religion different from what was established by Law He went to read the Names of those who were of that mind but she desired him to spare his pains she knew they were all of a sort They next told her they had order to require her Chaplains to use no other Service and her Servants to be present at no other than what was according to Law She answered She was the Kings most obedient Subject and Sister and would obey him in every thing but where her Conscience held her and would willingly suffer death to do him service but she would lay her Head on a Block rather than use any other Form of Service But she was Intractable than what had been at her Fathers death only she thought she was not worthy to suffer death on so good an account When the King came to be of Age so that he could order these things himself she would obey his Commands in Religion for although he Good sweet King these were her words had more knowledge than any of his years yet he was not a fit Judge in these matters for if Ships were to be set to Sea or any matter of Policy to be determined they would not think him fit for it much less could he be able to resolve Points of Divinity As for her Chaplains if they would say no Mass she could hear none and for her Servants she knew they all desired to hear Mass her Chaplains might do what they would it was but a whiles Imprisonment but for the new Service it should never be said in her House and if any were forced to say it she would stay no longer in the House When the Counsellors spake of Rochester Inglefield and Walgrave who had not fully executed their charge she said it was not the wisest Counsel to order her Servants to controul her in her own House and they were the honester Men not to do such a thing against their Consciences She insisted on the Promise made to the Emperor which she had under his Hand whom she believed better than them all they ought to use her better for her Fathers sake who had raised them all almost out of nothing But though the Emperor were dead or would bid her obey them she would not change her mind and she would let his Ambassador know how they used her To this they answered clearing the mistake about the Promise to which she gave little heed They told her they had brought one down to serve as her Comptroller in Rochesters room She said she would choose her own Servants and if they went to impose any on her she would leave the House She was sick but would do all she could to live but if she died she would protest they were the causes of it they gave her good words but their deeds were evil Then she took a Ring from her Finger and on her Knees gave it to the Lord Chancellor to give to the King as a Token from her with her humble Commendations and protested much of her duty to him but she said this will never be told him The Counsellors went from her to her Chaplains and delivered their Message to them who promised they would obey Then they charged the rest of the Servants in like manner and also commanded them to give notice if those Orders were broken And so they went to go away But as they were in the Court the Lady Mary called to them from her Window to send her Comptroller to her for she said that now she her self received the accounts of her House and knew how many Loaves were made of a Bushel of Meal to which she had never been bred and so was weary of that Office but if they would needs send him to Prison she said I beshrew him if he go not to it merrily and with a good Will and concluded I pray God to send you to do well in your Souls and Bodies for some of you have but weak Bodies This is the substance of the Report these Counsellors gave when they returned back to the Court on the 29th of August By which they were now out of all hopes of prevailing with her by perswasions or Authority So it was next considered whether it was fit to go to further extremities with her How the matter was determined I do not clearly find it is certain the Lady Mary would never admit of the new Service and so I believe she continued to keep her Priests and have Mass but so secretly that there was no ground for any publick complaint For I find no further mention of that matter than what is made by Ridley of a Passage that befel him in September next year He went to wait on her she-living then at Hunsden Nor would she hear Bishop Ridley preach where she received him at first civilly and told him she remembred of him in her Fathers time and at Dinner sent him to dine with her Officers after Dinner he told her he came not only to do his Duty to her but to offer to Preach before her next Sunday She blushed and once or twice desired him to make the Answer to that himself But when he pressed her further she said the Parish-Church would be open to him if he had a mind to preach in it but neither she nor any of her Family should hear him He said he hoped she would not refuse to hear Gods Word She said She did not know what they called
of Marriage But all separation from Bed and Board except during a Trial was to be taken away The 11th was about Admission to Ecclesiastical Benefices Patrons were to consider the choice of the Person was trusted to them but was not to be abused to any sacrilegious or base ends if they did otherwise they were to lose their right for that time Benefices were not to be given or promised before they were void nor let lie destitute above six Months otherwise they were to devolve to the Bishop Clergy-men before their Ordination were to be examined by the Arch-deacons with such other Triers as the Bishop should appoint to be assistant to them and the Bishop himself was to try them since this was one of the chief things upon which the happiness of the Church depended The Candidate was to give an Oath to answer sincerely upon which he was to be examined about his Doctrine chiefly of the whole Points of the Catechisme if he understood them aright and what knowledge he had of the Scriptures they were to search him well whether he held Heretical Opinions None was to be admitted to more Cures than one and all Priviledges for Pluralities were for ever to cease nor was any to be absent from his Cure except for a time and a just cause of which he was to satisfie his Ordinary The Bishops were to take great care to allow no absence longer than was necessary every one was to enter upon his Cure within two Months after he was Instituted by the Bishop Prebendaries who had no particular Cure were to preach in the Churches adjacent to them Bastards might not be admitted to Orders unless they had eminent Qualities But the Bastards of Patrons were upon no account to be received if presented by them Other bodily defects unless such as did much disable them or made them very contemptible were not to be a barr to any Beside the Sponsions in the Office of Ordination they were to swear that they had made no agreement to obtain the Benefice to which they were presented and that if they come to know of any made by others on their account they should signifie it to the Bishop and that they should not do any thing to the prejudice of their Church The 12th and 13th were about the renouncing or changing of Benefices The 14th was about purgation upon common fame or when one was accused for any crime which was proved incompleatly and only by presumptions The Ecclesiastical Courts might not re-examine any thing that was proved in any Civil Court but upon a high scandal a Bishop might require a Man to purge himself otherwise to separate him from Holy things The Form of a Purgation was to swear himself innocent and he was also to have four Compurgators of his own Rank who were to swear that they believed he swore true upon which the Judge was to restore him to his Fame Any that were under suspicion of a Crime might by the Judge be required to avoid all the occasions from which the suspition had risen But all superstitious Purgations were to be rejected The 15th 16th 17th and 18th were about Dilapidations the Letting of the Goods of the Church the confirming the former Rules of Election in Cathedrals or Colledges and the Collation of Benefices And there was to be a Purgation of Simony as there should be occasion for it The 19th was about Divine Offices In the Mornings on Holy-days the Common-Prayer was to be used with the Communion-Service joyned to it In Cathedrals there was to be Communion every Sunday and Holy-day where the Bishop the Dean and the Prebendaries and all maintained by that Church were to be present There was no Sermon to be in Cathedrals in the Morning lest that might draw any from the Parish Churches but only in the Afternoons In the Anthems all Figured Musick by which the Hearers could not understand what they sung was to be taken away In Parish Churches there were only to be Sermons in the Morning but none in the Afternoon except in great Parishes All who were to receive the Sacrament were to come the day before and inform the Minister of it who was to examine their Consciences and their Belief On Holy-days in the Afternoon the Catechism was to be explained for an hour After the Evening-Prayers the Poor were to be looked to and such as had given open scandal were to be examined and publick Penitence was to be enjoyned them and the Minister with some of the Ancients of the Parish were to commune together about the state of the People in it that if any carried themselves indecently they might be first charitably admonished and if that did not prevail subjected to severer Censures but none were to be excommunicated without the Bishop were first informed and had consented to it Divine Offices were not to be performed in Chappels or private Houses lest the Churches should under that pretence be neglected and Errors more easily disseminated excepting only the Houses of Peers and Persons of great Quality who had numerous Families but in these all things were to be done according to the Book of Common-Prayer The 20th was about those that bore Office in the Church Sextons Church-wardens Deacons Priests and Rural Deans This last was to be a Yearly Office he that was named to it by the Bishop being to watch over the manners of the Clergy and People in his Precinct was to signifie the Bishops pleasure to them and to give the Bishop an account of his Precinct every sixth Month. The Arch-deacons were to be general Visitors over the Rural Deans In every Cathedral one of the Prebendaries or one procured by them was thrice a week to expound some part of the Scriptures The Bishops were to be over all and to remember that their Authority was given to them for that end that many might be brought to Christ and that such as had gone astray might be restored by Repentance To the Bishop all were to give obedience according to the Word of God The Bishop was to preach often in his Church was to Ordain none for Rewards or rashly was to provide good Pastors and to deprive bad ones he was to visit his Diocess every third year or oftener as he saw cause but then he was to do it at his own charge he was to have yearly Synods and to confirm such as were well instructed His Family was to consist of Clergy-men whom he should bring up to the Service of the Church so was St. Austins and other Ancient Bishops Families constituted This being a great means to supply the great want of good and faithful Ministers Their Wives and Children were also to avoid all levity or vain dressing They were never to be absent from their Diocesses but upon a publick and urgent cause and when then grew sick or infirm they were to have Coadjutors If they became scandalous or heretical they were to be deprived by the Kings Authority The Arch-bishops
afraid of burdening her Conscience by assuming that which belonged to them and that she was unwilling to enrich her self by the spoils of others But they told her all that had been done was according to the Law to which all the Judges and Counsellors had set their Hands This joined with their Persuasions and the Importunities of her Husband who had more of his Fathers temper than of her Philosophy in him at length prevailed with her to submit to it Of which her Father-in-Law did afterwards say in Council She was rather by enticement of the Counsellors and force made to accept of the Crown then came to it by her own seeking and request Upon this order was given for proclaiming her Queen the next day And an Answer was writ to Queen Mary signed by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Lord Chancellor the Dukes of Suffolk and Northumberland the Marquesses of Winchester and Northampton the Earls of Arundel Shrewsbury Huntington Bedford and Pembrook the Lords Cobham and Darcy Sir Thomas Cheyney Sir Robert Cotton Sir William Petre Sir William Cecil Sir John Cheek Sir John Mason Sir Edward North and Sir Robert Bowes in all one and twenty Council writes to Q. Mary letting her know That Queen Jane was now their Soveraign according to the Ancient Laws of the Land and the late King's Letters Patents to whom they were now bound by their Allegiance They told her That the Marriage between her Father and Mother was dissolved by the Ecclesiastical Courts according to the Laws of God and of the Land That many noble Universities in Christendom had consented to it That the Sentence had been confirmed in Parliaments and she had been declared illegitimate and uninheritable to the Crown They therefore required her to give over her Pretences and not to disturb the Government and promised that if she shewed her self Obedient she should find them all ready to do her any Service which in Duty they could The day following they proclaimed Queen Jane Lady Jane proclaimed Queen Collection Number 1. The Proclamation will be found in the Collection It sets forth That the late King had by his Letters Patents limited the Crown that it should not descend to his two Sisters since they were both illegitimated by Sentences in the Spiritual Courts and Acts of Parliament and were only his Sisters by the Half-Blood who though it were granted they had been legitimate are not inheritable by the Law of England It was added That there was also great cause to fear that the King's Sisters might marry Strangers and so change the Laws of the Kingdom and subject it to the Tyranny of the Bishops of Rome and other Forreign Laws For these Reasons they were excluded from the Succession and the Lady Frances Dutchess of Suffolk being next the Crown it was provided that if she had no Sons at the death of the King the Crown should devolve immediately on her eldest Daughter Jane and after her and her Issue to her Sisters since she was born within the Kingdom and already married in it Therefore she was proclaimed Queen promising to be most benign and gracious to all her People to maintain God's Holy Word and the Laws of the Land requiring all the Subjects to obey and acknowledg her When this was proclaimed great multitudes were gathered to hear it but there were very few that shouted with the Acclamations ordinary on such Occasions And whereas a Vintner's Boy did some-way express his scorn at that which was done it was ordered that he should be made an Example the next day by being set on a Pillory and having his Ears nail'd to it and cut off from his Head which was accordingly done a Herauld in his Coat reading to the multitude that was called together by sound of Trumpet the nature of his Offence Censures past upon it Upon this all People were in great distraction The Proclamation opening the new Queen's Title came to be variously descanted on Some who thought the Crown descended by right of Blood and that it could not be limited by Parliament argued that the King having his Power from God it was only to descend in the natural way of Inheritance therefore they thought the next Heir was to succeed And whereas the King 's two Sisters were both by several Sentences and Acts of Parliament declared Bastards and whether that was well judged or not they were to be reputed such as the Law declared them to be so long as it stood in force therefore they held that the Queen of Scotland was to succeed who though she pretended this upon Queen Mary's Death yet did not claim now because by the Papal Law the Sentence against Queen Mary was declared Null Others argued that though a Prince were named by an immediate appointment from Heaven yet he might change the course of Succession as David did preferring Solomon before Adonijah But this it was said did not belong to the King 's of England whose right to the Crown with the extent of their Prerogative did not come from any Divine Designation but from a long Possession and the Laws of the Land and that therefore the King might by Law limit the Succession as well as he and other Kings had in some Points limited the Prerogative which was clearly Sir Thomas More 's Opinion and that therefore the Act of Parliament for the Succession of the King's Sisters was still strong in Law It was also said That if the Kinâ—'â— Sisters were to be excluded for Bastardy all Charles Brandon's Issue were in the same predicament since he was not lawfully married to the French Queen his former Wife Mortimer being then alive and his Marriage with her was never dissolved for though some English Writers say they were divorced yet those who wrote for the Queen of Scots Title in the next Reign denied it But in this the difference was great between them since the King's Sisters were declared Bastards in Law whereas this against Charles Brandon's Issue was only a Surmise Others objected That if the Blood gave an Indefeasible Title How came it that the L. Jane's Mother did not Reign It is true Maud the Empress and Margaret Countess of Richmond were satisfied that their Sons Henry the Second and Henry the Seventh should reign in their Rights but it had never been heard of that a Mother had resigned to her Daughter especially when she was yet under Age. But this was imputed to the Duke of Suffolk's weakness and the Ambition of the Duke of Northumberland That Objection concerning the Half-Blood being a Rule of Common Law in the Families of Subjects to cut off from Step-Mothers the Inclinations and Advantages of destroying their Husbands Children was not thought applicable to the Crown Nor was that of Ones being born out of the Kingdom which was hinted at to exclude the Queen of Scotland thought pertinent to this Case since there was an Exception made in the Law for the King's Children which was thought to
Place to mention it here At Court many were afraid to move the King for her both the Duke of Norfolk and Gardiner look'd on and were unwilling to hazard their own Interests to preserve her But as it was now printed And was preserv'd by Cranmer's means and both these appealed to Cranmer was the only Person that would adventure on it In his gentle way he told the King that she was young and indiscreet and therefore it was no wonder if she obstinately adhered to that which her Mother and all about her had been infusing into her for many Years but that it would appear strange if he should for this Cause so far forget he was a Father as to proceed to Extremities with his own Child that if she were separated from her Mother and her People in a little time there might be ground gained on her but to take away her Life would raise horror through all Europe against him By these means he preserved her at that time After her Mother's Death in June following she changed her note She submitted to her Father for besides the Declaration she then signed which was inserted in the former part of this Work she writ Letters of such submission as shew how expert she was at dissembling Three of these to her Father and one to Cromwell I have put in the Collection in which she Collect. Numb 3 4 5 6. with the most studied Expressions declaring her sorrow for her past stubbornness and disobedience to his most just and vertuous Laws implores his Pardon as lying prostrate at his Feet and considering his great Learning and Knowledg she puts her Soul in his Hand resolving that he should for ever thereafter direct her Conscience from which she vows she would never vary This she repeats in such tender words that it shews she could command her self to say any thing that she thought fit for her ends And when Cromwell writ to her to know what her Opinion was about Pilgrimages Purgatory and Reliques she assures him she had no Opinion at all but such as she should receive from the King who had her whole Heart in his keeping and he should imprint upon it in these and all other Matters whatever his inestimable Vertue high Wisdom and excellent Learning should think convenient for her So perfectly had she learned that stile that she knew was most acceptable to him Having copied these from the Originals I thought it not unfit to insert them that it may appear how far those of that Religion can comply when their Interest leads them to it From that time this Princess had been in all Points most exactly compliant to every thing her Father did And after his Death she never pretended to be of any other Religion than that which was established by him So that all that she pleaded for in her Brother's Reign was only the continuance of that way of Worship that was in use at her Father's Death But now being come to the Crown that would not content her yet when she thought where to fix she was distracted between two different Schemes that were presented to her On the one hand Gardiner and all that Party were for bringing Religion back to what it had been at King Henry's Death and afterward The Designs for changing Religion by slow degrees to raise it up to what it had been before his breach with the Papacy On the other hand the Queen of her own Inclination was much disposed to return immediately to the Union of the Catholick Church as she called it and it was necessary for her to do it since it was only by the Papal Authority that her Illegitimation was removed To this it was answered that all these Acts and Sentences that had passed against her might be annulled without taking any notice of the Pope Gardiner's Policy Gardiner finding these things had not such weight with her as he desired for she looked on him as a crafty temporizing Man sent over to the Emperor on whom she depended much to assure him that if he would perswade her to make him Chancellor and to put Affairs into his Hands he should order them so that every thing she had a mind to should be carried in time But Gardiner understood she had sent for Cardinal Pool so he writ to the Emperor that he knew his Zeal for the Exaltation of the Popedom would undo all therefore he pressed him to write to the Queen for moderating her heat and to stop the Cardinal 's coming over He said that Pool stood Attainted by Law so that his coming into England would allarm the Nation He observed that upon a double account they were averse to the Papacy The one was for the Church Lands which they had generally bought from the Crown on very easie terms and they would not easily part with them The other was The fear they had of Papal Dominion and Power which had been now for about 25 Years set out to the People as the most intollerable Tyranny that ever was Therefore he said it was necessary to give them some time to wear out these Prejudices and the precipitating of Councils might ruin all He gave the Emperor also secret Assurances of serving him in all his Interests All this Gardiner did the more warily because he understood that Cardinal Pool hated him as a false and deceitful Man Upon this the Emperor writ to the Queen several Letters with his own hand which is so hardly legible that it was not possible for me or some others to whom I shewed them to read them so well as to copy them out and one that was written by his Sister the Queen of Hungary and signed by him is no better but from many half Sentences I find that all was with a design to temper her that she should not make too much hast nor be too much led by Italian Counsels Upon the return of this Message the Seal which had been taken from Goodrick Bishop of Ely and put for some days in the keeping of Hare Master of the Rolls was on the 13th of August given to Gardiner who was declared Lord Chancellor of England He is made Chancellor and the conduct of Affairs was chiefly put in his hands So that now the measure of the Queen's Councils was to do every thing slowly and by such sure steps as might put them less in hazard The Duke of Northumb. and others Tried The first thing that was done was the bringing the Duke of Northumberland to his Trial. The old Duke of Norfolk was made Lord High Steward the Queen thinking it fit to put the first Character of honour on him who had suffered so much for being the Head of the Popish Party And here a subtle thing was started which had been kept a great Secret hitherto It was said the Duke of Norfolk had never been truly attainted and that the Act against him was not a true Act of Parliament so that without
Ridley and Latimer could send to one another yet it was not easy for them to send to him without giving Mony to their Keepers In one of Ridley's Letters to Cranmer he said he heard they intended to carry down Rogers Crome and Bradford to Cambridg and to make such a Triumph there as he had lately made of them at Oxford He trusted the day of their deliverance out of all their Miseries and of their entrance into perpetual Rest and perpetual Joy and Felicity drew nigh He prayed God to strengthen them with the mighty Spirit of his Grace He desired Cranmer to pray for him as he also did for Cranmer As for the Letters which these and the other Prisoners writ in their Imprisonment Fox gathered the Originals from all People that had them and Sir Walter Mildmay the Founder of Emanuel College procured them from him and put them into the Library of that College where I saw them but they are all printed by Fox so that the Reader who desires to see them may find them in his Acts and Monuments Of them all Ridley writ with the greatest connexion and force both in the Matter and in the way of Expression The Prisoners in London set out in writing their Reasons against disputing by word of mouth This being now over there was great boasting among all the Popish Party as if the Champions of the Reformation had been foiled The Prisoners in London hearing they intended to insult over them as they had done over those at Oxford set out a Paper to which the late Bishops of Exeter St. Davids and Glocester with Taylor Philpot Bradford Crome Sanders Rogers and Lawrence set their Hands on the 8th of May. The substance of it was That they being Prisoners neither as Rebels Traitors nor Transgressors of any Law but meerly for their Conscience to God and his Truth hearing it was intended to carry them to Cambridg to dispute declared they would not dispute but in Writing except it were before the Queen and her Council or before either of the Houses of Parliament and that for these Reasons 1. It was clear that the Determinations of the Universities were already made they were their open Enemies and had already condemned their Cause before they had heard it which was contrary both to the Word of God and the Determinations they had made in King Edward's Time 2. They saw the Prelats and Clergy were seeking neither to find out the Truth nor to do them good otherwise they would have heard them when they might have declared their Consciences without hazard but that they sought only their destruction and their own glory 3. They saw that those who were to be the Judges of these Disputes were their inveterate Enemies and by what passed in the Convocation House last Year and lately at Oxford they saw how they must expect to be used 4. They had been kept long Prisoners some nine or ten months without Books or Papers or convenient places of study 5. They knew they should not be heard to speak their minds fully but should be stopt as their Judges pleased 6. They could not have the nomination of their Notaries who would be so chosen that they would write and publish what their Enemies had a mind to Therefore they would not engage in publick Disputes except by Writing but they would give a Summary of their Faith for which they would be ready to offer up their Lives to the Halter or the Fire as God should appoint They declared That they believed the Scriptures to be the true Word of God and the Judg of all Controversies in the Matters of Religion and that the Church is to be obeyed as long as she follows this Word That they believed the Apostles Creed and those Creeds set out by the Councils of Nice Constantinople Ephesus and Chalcedon and by the first and fourth Councils of Toledo and the Symboles of Athanasius Ireneus Tertullian and Damasus That they believed Justification by Faith which Faith was not only an Opinion but a certain persuasion wrought by the Holy Ghost which did illuminate the Mind and suppled the Heart to submit it self unfeignedly to God That they acknowledged an Inherent Righteousness yet Justification and the Pardon of Sins they believed came only by Christ's Righteousness imputed to them They thought the Worship of God ought to be in a Tongue understood by the People that Christ only and not the Saints were to be prayed to that immediately after Death the Souls pass either to the State of the Blessed or of the Damned without any Purgatory between that Baptism and the Lord's Supper are the Sacraments of Christ which ought to be administred according to his Institution and therefore they condemned the denying the Chalice Transubstantiation the Adoration or the Sacrifice of the Mass and asserted the lawfulness of Marriage to every Rank of Men. These things they declared they were ready to defend as they often had before offered and concluded charging all People to enter into no Rebellion against the Queen but to obey her in all Points except where her Commands were contrary to the Law of God In the end of this Month the Lady Elizabeth was taken out of the Tower and put into the Custody of the Lord Williams who waited on her to Woodstock and treated her with great civility and all the respect due to her Quality but this not being so acceptable to those who governed she was put under the Charge of Sir Hen. Benefield by whom she was more roughly handled On the 20th of July Prince Philip landed at Southampton Prince Philip Lands When he set foot to Land first he presently drew his Sword and carried it a good way naked in his Hand Whether this was one of the Forms of his Country I know not but it was interpreted as an Omen that he intended to Rule England with the Sword though others said it shewed he intended to draw his Sword in defence of the Nation The Mayor of Southampton brought him the Keys of the Town an expression of Duty always paid to our Princes he took them from him and gave them back without speaking a word or expressing by any sign that he was pleased with it His stiffness amazed the English who use to be treated by their Kings with great sweetness on such occasions and so much gravity in so young a Man was not understood but was look'd on as a sign of vast pride and moroseness The Queen met him at Winchester And is married to the Queen where on the 25th of July Gardiner married them in the Cathedral the King being then in the 27th and the Queen in the 38th Year of her Age. They were presented from the Emperor by his Ambassador with a resignation of his Titular Kingdom of Jerusalem and his more valuable one of Naples which were Pledges of that total resignation that followed not long after So on the 27th of July they were proclaimed by their
the Pope he could not answer them having sworn never to acknowledge that Authority What he had done at Pauls was at Bourn's earnest desire who prayed him for the Passion of Christ to speak to the People upon which he stepped up to the Pulpit and had almost been killed with the Dagger that was thrown at Bourn for it touched his Sleeve But in the points of Religion he professed his Faith so constantly that for that cause he was condemned Yet the saving of Bourn was so publickly known that it was thought undecent to proceed against him so quick as they did with the rest So both Heath Arch-Bishop of York and Day Bishop of Chichester Weston Harpsfield and the King's Confessor and Alphonsus a Castro went to see him and endeavoured to gain him but all to no purpose It looks very ill in Bourn that he never interposed for Bradford nor came once to visit him and as when Bradford was before the Council Bourn's Brother the Secretary was very sharp upon him so when he was brought to his Tryal Bourn himself then Bishop of Bath and Wells being present did not open his mouth for him though he appealed to him as to the business of the Tumult With Bradford one John Lease an Apprentice of nineteen years old was lead out to be burnt who was also condemned upon his answers to the Articles exhibited to him When they came to the Stake they both fell down and Prayed Then Bradford took a Fagot in his hands and kissed it and so likewise kissed the Stake expressing thereby the joy he had in his Sufferings and cried O England repent repent beware of Idolatry and false Antichrists But the Sheriff hindring him to speak any more he embraced his Fellow Sufferer and prayed him to be of good comfort for they should Sup with Christ that night His last words were Strait is the way and narrow is the gate that leadeth into eternal Life and few there be that find it Now the Persecution was carried on to other places Bonner stopping in it again But Thornton Suffragan of Dover Harpsfield Arch-Deacon of Canterbury and some others resolved likewise to shew their zeal This Thornton had from the first change made by King Henry been the most officious and forward in every turn and had been the first in this Reign that had set up the Mass at Canterbury He was much despised for it by Cardinal Pool but Pool could not hinder the fury of those men without drawing on himself the Pope's indignation The Pope was his professed and inveterate Enemy but knew not how to vent his hatred to him since he had done such an eminent service to the Church as the reconciling of England Gardiner understanding this sent secretly to Rome to give ill Characters of Pool which the ill-natured Pope was ready enough to receive Gardiner designed to be made a Cardinal and to get Pool recalled and himself made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury The Pope was resolved on the first occasion to take the Legatine power from Pool and give it to Gardiner but Pool was so much in the Queens favour that this required some time to bring it about This made Gardiner study to preserve Cranmer as long as he lived It seemed more reasonable to have begun with him who had indeed been the chief Author of the Reformation and promoter of that they called Heresie nor had Gardiner such kindness for him as to interpose on his account but he knew that as soon as he was burnt Pool would be presently invested in the See of Canterbury Therefore he suggested that if he could be any way brought off it would be the most effectual means possible to extirpate Heresie for if he who had so much set on these Doctrines did forsake them it would confound the whole Party and bring over at least all that were weak or staggering whereas on the other hand if he died resolutly for it his death would confirm them all very much This was a colour good enough to preserve him But why the See of Canterbury was not declared vacant since he was now pronounced an obstinate Heretick I do not so well apprehend whether there was any thing in the Pall or the latter inventions of the Canonists that made it necessary not to fill his See so long as he lived I know not Pool being in these circumstances durst neither offend those at Rome nor openly hinder the prosecution of Hereticks which it seems he would have done more steadily if it had not been for fear of the Popes taking thereby advantages against him who had before given out in the Conclave that he was a favourer of Heresie and therefore would the more easily be induced to believe any thing that might be written over to Rome to his prejudice Those that sat in Canterbury to judge the Hereticks had four Men brought before them two Priests Bland and Frankesh and Shiterden and Midleton two Laymen They were condemned upon their Answers to the Articles exhibited to them and burnt at Canterbury Some burnt at Canterbury the 25th of June and in July Margery Polley was burnt at Tunbridge on the like account who was the first Woman that suffered in this Reign Christopher Ward was Condemned with her and burnt in Darford On the 22d of July Dirick Carver was burnt at Lewis and on the 23d John Launder was burnt at Stoning They had been taken in London and brought before Bonner but he would not meddle with them and desired they might be sent to their own Ordinaries One of them being of Surrey was within Gardiners Jurisdiction who resolved to proceed no more against the Hereticks so he procured a Letter from the Council to Bonner requiring him to proceed against them who thereupon presently condemned them There were at this time several discoveries of Plottings in several Counties especially in Dorsetshire and Essex Pretended Plots and some put to the Torture to make Discovery but the nature of these Plots is not set down in the Council Books Some were taken and put in the Tower Two or three Privy Councellors were sent thither on the 9th of June with a Letter from the Council to the Lieutenant of the Tower to put them to the Torture according to their discretions yet nothing following upon this it is probable these were only surmises devised by the Clergy to set on the Council more severely against them whose Ruine they were contriving by all the ways they could think on There was also an outrage committed on two Friars Peyto and Elston who were Franciscans of the Observance They had spoken sharply against King Henry in the business of the Divorce and had fled beyond Sea on that account The Qâ— rebuilds the Franciscan's house at Greenwich therefore the Queen had sent for them and not only procured the Attainder that had passed against them to be repealed in the last Parliament but made Peyto her Confessor and being resolved to raise Religious
Mart. 5. Because we should have a great multitude of Ships strangers to serve in the Wars 6. Because all strangers Goods when War is made should be in our danger 7. Because we should buy all things at the first hand of Strangers whereas now the Spaniards sell to the Flemings their Wares and the Flemings to us 8. Because the Towns toward the Sea-side should be much more populous 9. Because whereas now they bring Tapestry Points Glasses and Laces they would then bring in Bullion and other substantial Merchandice to the intent to have our Cloth and our Tin 10. Because we should take from our Enemies their Power and make that they should borrow no Mony of Merchants but when we list at least no great Sum of Mony The Causes why this Time is most Commodious to erect a Mart in 1. The Wars between the French King and the Emperor and the Ships of either side maketh the Italians Genoa's Portugals and Spaniards to forbear their Trade to Antwerp 2. The Frenchmen the Stadts the Sprusses and Ships of Eastland being against the Emperor will not come neither 3. The French King invading Lorrain and fearing Flanders 4. And the Almains lying on the River of Rhene stopeth the Course of Merchants out of Italy to Antwerp and also Frankfort 5. The putting of Men of War in the Town maketh the Merchants to forbear their Traffique and to look to their Lives 6. The breach of the last Tempest is like they say to make the Channel uncertain and the Haven naught 7. The stop of the Exchange to Lions will make many Flemings Bankrupts These things will decay the Marts of Antwerp and Frankfort But these Nations cannot live without a Vent therefore they will now most willingly come hither if they had a Free Mart. 2. It were an easier matter to come to Southampton for the Spaniards Britanes Vascoins Lombards Geneoese Normands and Italians than to go to Antwerp 3. It were easier for the Merchants of the Eastland the Sprusses the Danes Swedens and Norvegians to come to Hull than to Antwerp 4. Southampton is a better Port than Antwerp 5. The Flemings have allured Men to make a Mart there with their Privileges having but very little Commodities much easier shall we do it having Cloth Tin Seacoal Lead Bellmettal and such other Commodities as few Realms Christian have the like nor they when they began had no such opportunity How the Mart will be brought to pass 1. Our Merchants are to be staied from a Mart or two under pretence that they abstain because of the Imposition 2. Then Proclamation must be made in divers places of the Realm where Merchants resort That there shall be a free Mart kept at Southampton with these Liberties and Customs 1. The time of the Mart to begin after Whitsontide and to hold on five weeks by which means it shall not let St. James's Fair at Bristol nor Bartholomew Fair at London 2. All Men coming to the Mart shall have free going and free coming without Arresting except in cases of Treason Murder or Felony 3. For the time of the Mart all sorts of Men shall pay but half the Custom they do in other places of the Realm 4. No Shipping shall be from any other place from South-Wales to Essex during that time 5. In the Shires of Hampshire Wiltshire Sussex Surrey Kent Dorsetshire That no Bargain shall be made of Wares during that time but in the Mart Town 6. A Court to correct Offenders with Liberties thereto 7. Some one Commodity must be assigned to the Mart or some one kind of Cloth 8. The Merchants of the Staple must be bargained withal and contented with some honest Offer to the intent by their Liberties they may not let the Mart. 9. Some more Liberties must be given to the Inhabitants of Southampton and if Mony may be spared some must be lent them to begin their Trade withal 10. Our Ships on the Sea must look as well as they may observing the Treaties to the safeguard of the Merchants when they come 11. If this prove well then may another be made at Hull to begin after Stowrbridg-Fair to the intent they may return before the great Ices come to their Seas The Discommodities and Let ts to the Mart to be kept in England 1. BEcause Strangers lack access hither by Land which they have at Antwerp 2. The ill-working of our Cloths which maketh them less esteemed 3. The abundance of our Cloths in Flanders will make them less sought for here 4. The Merchants have established their dwelling-places at Antwerp 5. That other Nations will stay their coming hither for a while by the Emperor's Commandment 6. The denial of the Request of the Merchants of the Stiliard will somewhat let the Mart if it be not looked to 7. The poverty and littleness of the Town of Southampton 8. The goodliness of the Rhine The Remedies and Answers thereunto To the first Point 1. At this time when the Mart should begin at Southampton the French King and the Almains shall stop the entercourse by Land so that nothing shall come that way but in great danger 2. When War shall be made against us then our Navy may defend them 3. As the Town of Southampton lacketh the Commodity of the Access of Merchandise by Land so it hath this Commodity that there can be no access of Enemies by Land which may be at Antwerp and Men think will be this Year which is a great safety to the Merchants 4. The Traffique that cometh by Land will not much diminish the Mart for it is only almost the Venetians Traffique who shall much easilier come hither by Sea than to Antwerp and with less danger of the Seas To the second Point 1. The ill-making of our Clothes will be meet to be looked on this Parliament and order thereupon to be given The Matter is come to some ripeness already the Upper House hath one Bill and the Nether House hath another in good forwardness 2. As ill as they be made the Flemings do at this time desire them wonderfully offering rather to pay the Imposition of the Emperor than to lack them To the third Point 1. It were very necessary that the Ships that shall be hereafter going were staied till the Mart were come to some ripeness 2. The Clothes hereafter might be bought up with our Mony here and conveied to Southampton to be there uttered at the Mart time and so it should help the Mart very well To the fourth Point 1. The danger of their Lives which they now fear very much will make them seek another Harbor to rest in more safely 2. They came from Bruges to Antwerp only for the English Commodities although they were setled at Bruges 3. They have a great Commodity to come to Southampton and a great fear of spoiling to drive them from Antwerp 4. The Merchants never assign to themselves such a Mansion but for more gain they will leave that and take
another To the fifth Point 1. The Emperor is at this time so driven to his Shifts that neither he shall be able to attend the stay of Mony from coming to the Mart neither if he were able to attend could I think do it now the Flemings being put in such fear as they be of the loss of all they have 2. The Flemings and the Spaniards which be under him can hardlier be without us than we without them and therefore they would hardly be brought to forbear our Traffique To the sixth Point 1. It were good the Stiliard-men were for this time gently answered and that it were seen whether by any gentle offer of some part of their Liberties again they might be brought to ship their Wares to the Mart. The Frenchmen also I think would easily be brought to come hither having now none other Traffique but hither these two Nations would suffice to begin a Mart for the first part To the seventh Point 1. It is not the ability of the English Merchants only that maketh the Mart but it is the resort of other Nations to some one place when they do exchange their Commodities one with another for the bargaining will be as well amongst the Strangers themselves the Spaniards with the Almains the Italians with Flemings the Venetians with the Danes c. as other Nations will bargain with Us. 2. The Merchants of London of Bristol and other places will come thither for the Mart time and traffique 3. The Merchants will make shift enough for their Lodging 4. There may be some of these Clothes that shall go hereafter be bought with my Mony and so carried to Southampton to be there uttered To the eighth Point 1. Bruges where the Mart was before stood not on the River of Rhine nor Antwerp doth not neither stand on that River 2. Frankfort Mart may well stand for a Fair in Almain although Southampton serve for all Nations that lie on the Sea-side for few of those come to Frankfort Mart. Windsor Sept. 23. Sexto Edwardo Sexti 1552. Number 5. The Method in which the Council represented Matters of State to the King An Original Written by Sir William Cecil Secretary of State Questions 1. Whether the King's Majesty shall enter into the Aid of the Emperor Answ He shall A Pacto 1. THe King is bound by the Treaty and if he will be helped by that Treaty he must do the Reciproque A periculo vitando 2. If he do not Aid the Emperor is like to Ruin and consequently the House of Burgundy come to the French Possession which is perilous to England and herein the greatness of the French King is dreadful Religio Christiana 3. The French King bringeth the Turk into Christendom and therefore that exploit to be staied Periculum violati pacti 4. If the Emperor for Extremity should agree now with the French then our Peril were double greater 1. The Emperor's Offence for lack of Aid 2. The French King's Enterprises towards us and in this Peace the Bishop of Rome's devotion towards us Pro Repub. Patria 5. Merchants be so evil used that both for the loss of Goods and Honour some Remedy must be sought Pericula consequentia 6. The French King 's Proceedings be suspicious to the Realm by breaking and burning of our Ships which be the old strength of this Isle Declaration of Stuckley's Tale. Answer He shall not Difficile quasi impossibile 1. The Aid is to be chargeable for the Cost and almost to be executed is impossible Solitudo in periculis 2. If the Emperor should die in this Confederacy we should be left alone in the War Amicorum suspitio vitanda 3. It may be the German Protestants might be more offended with this Conjunction with the Emperor doubting their own Causes Sperandum bene ab amicis 4. The Amity with France is to be hoped will amend and continue and the Commissioners coming may perchance restore Corrolarium of a mean way Judicium 1. So to help the Emperor as we may also join with other Christian Princes and conspire against the French King as a common Enemy to Christendom Reasons for the Common Conjunction 1. The cause is common Auxilia communia and therefore there will be more Parties to it 2. It shall avoid the chargeable entry into Aid with the Emperor Sumptus vitandi according to the Treaties 3. If the Emperor should die or break off Amicorum copia yet it is most likely some of the other Princes and Parties will remain so as the King's Majesty shall not be alone 4. The Friendship shall much advance the King 's other Causes in Christendom Dignitas causae 5. It shall be most honourable to break with the French King for this common Quarrel of Christendom Pro fide Religione Reasons against this Conjunction 1. The Treaty must be with so many Parties Inter multos nihil secretum that it can neither be speedily or secretly concluded 2. If the Matter be revealed and nothing concluded Amicitiae irritatae then consider the French King's Offence and so may he at his leasure be provoked to practise the like Conjunction against England with all the Papists Conclusion 1. The Treaty to be made with the Emperor The King's Hand and by the Emperor's means with other Princes 2. The Emperor's Acceptation to be understanded before we treat any thing against the French King Number 6. A Method for the Proceedings in the Council written with King Edward's Hand The Names of the whole Council The Bishop of Canterbury The Bp of Ely Lord Chancellor The Lord Treasurer The Duke of Northumberland The Lord Privy-Seal The Duke of Suffolk The Marquess of Northampton The Earl oâ— Shrewsbury The Earl of Westmoreâ—â—nd The Earl of Huntington The Earl of Pembrâ—â—k The Viscount Hereford The Lord Admiral The Lord Chamberlain The Lord Cobham The Lord Rich. Mr. Comptroller Mr. Treasurer Mr. Vicechamberlain Mr. Secretary Petre. Mr. Secretary Cecil Sir Philip Hobbey Sir Robert Bowes Sir John Gage Sir John Mason Mr. Ralph Sadler Sir John Baker Judg Broomley Judg Montague Mr. Wotton Mr. North. Those that be now called in Commission The Bishop of London The Bishop of Norwich Sir Thomas Wroth. Sir Richard Cotton Sir Walter Mildmay Mr. Sollicitor Mr. Gosnold Mr. Cook Mr. Lucas The Counsellors above-named to be thus divided into several Commissions and Charges First For hearing of those Suits which were wont to be brought to the whole Board The Lord Privy-Seal The Lord Chamberlain The Bishop of London The Lord Cobham Mr. Hobbey Sir John Mason Sir Ralph Sadler Mr. Wotton Mr. Cook Masters of Requests Mr. Lucas Masters of Requests Those Persons to hear the Suits to answer the Parties to make Certificate what Suits they think meet to be granted and upon answer received of their Certificate received to dispatch the Parties Also
Soveraign Lord King Edward the 6th by the Grace of God King of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and in Earth of the Church of England and also of Ireland the Supream Head And have likewise for more ample testimony of this our Opinion of and upon the Premisses put and subscribed our Names to this present Duplicate of the same here asserted in this present Act of this 6th day of the month of March accordingly Number 6. The Duke of Somerset's Commission to be Protector Ex Libro Concilii Fol. 62. EDward the 6th by the Grace of God King of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and of the Church of England and also of Ireland in Earth the Supream Head Whereas our Council and divers of the Nobles and Prelats of this our Realm of England considering Our young and tender Age have thought meet and expedient as well for Our Education and bringing up in Knowledg Learning and Exercises of Good and Godly Manners Vertues and Qualities meet and necessary for a Prince of Our Estate and whereby We should and may at Our full Age be the more able to minister and execute the Charge of our Kingly Estate and Office committed unto Us by the Goodness of Almighty God and left and come unto Us by right Inheritance after and by the decease of Our late Soveraign Lord and Father of most famous Memory King Henry the 8th whose Soul God pardon As also to the intent that during the time of our Minority the great and weighty Causes of our Realms and Dominions may be set forth conducted passed applied and ordered in such sort as shall be most to the Glory of God our Surety and Honour and for the Weal Benefit and Commodity of Us Our said Realms and Dominions and of all Our loving Subjects of the same have advised Us to nominate appoint and authorize some one meet and trusty Personage above all others to take the special Care and Charge of the same for Us and in our Name and Behalf without the which the things before remembred could not nor can be done so well as appertaineth We therefore using their Advices and Counsels in this behalf did heretofore assign and appoint our dear and well-beloved Uncle Edward now Duke of Somerset Governour of our Person and Protector of Our said Realms and Dominions and of our Subjects and People of the same Which thing albeit We have already declared heretofore and our Pleasure therein published by Word of our Mouth in the presence of Our said Council Nobles and Prelats of Our said Realm of England and not by any Writing set forth under Our Seal for that only purpose Yet for a more perfect and manifest knowledg and further corroboration and understanding of Our determination in that behalf and considering that no manner of Person is so meet to have and occupy the said Charge and Administration and to do Us service in the same as is Our said Uncle Edward Duke of Somerset eldest Brother to our Natural most gracious late Mother Queen Jane as well for the proximity of Blood whereby he is the more stirred to have special eye and regard to our Surety and good Education in this Our said Minority as also for the long and great experience which Our said Uncle hath had in the Life-time of Our said dear Father in the Affairs of our said Realm and Dominions both in time of Peace and War whereby he is more able to Order and Rule Our said Realms Dominions and Subjects of the same and for the special confidence and trust that We have in Our said Uncle as well with the Advice and Consent of our Council and other our Nobles and Prelats as also of divers discreet and sage Men that served Our said late Father in his Council and weighty Affairs We therefore by these Presents do not only ratify approve confirm and allow all and every thing and things whatsoever devised or set forth committed or done by Our said Uncle as Governor of our Person and Protector of our said Realms and Dominions and of the Subjects of the same sith the time he was by Us named appointed and ordained by Word Governor of our Person and Protector of Our said Realms and Dominions and of the Subjects of the same as is aforesaid or otherwise any time before sithence the death of Our said late Father But also by these Presents We for a full and perfect Declaration of the Authority of Our said Uncle given and appointed as aforesaid do nominate appoint and ordain Our said Uncle Governor of Our said Person and Protector of Our said Realms and Dominions and of the Subjects of the same until such time as We shall have by the sufferance of God accomplished the Age of eighteen Years And We also do grant to Our said Uncle by these Presents full Power and Authority from time to time until such time as We shall have accomplished the said Age of eighteen Years to do procure and execute and cause to be done procured and executed all and every such Thing and Things Act and Acts which a Governor of the King's Person of this Realm during his Minority and a Protector of his Realms Dominions and Subjects ought to do procure and execute or cause to be done procured and executed and also all and every other thing and things which to the Office of a Governor of a King of the Realm during his Minority and of a Protector of his Realms Dominions and Subjects in any wise appertaineth or belongeth Willing Authorising and Commanding Our said Uncle by these Presents to take upon him the Name Title and Authority of Governor of our Person and Protector of our Realms Dominions and Subjects and to do procure and execute and cause to be done procured and executed from time to time until We shall have accomplished the said Age of eighteen Years all and every Thing and Things Act and Acts of what Nature Quality or Effect soever they be or shall be concerning our Affairs Doings and Proceedings both Private and Publick as well in Outward and Forreign Causes and Matters as also concerning our Affairs Doings and Proceedings within Our said Realms and Dominions or in any of them or concerning any Manner Causes or Matters of any of our Subjects of the same in such like manner and form as shall be thought by his Wisdom and Discretion to be for the Honour Surety Prosperity good Order Wealth or Commodity of Us or of any of Our said Realms and Dominions or of the Subjects of any of the same And to the intent Our said Uncle should be furnished with Men qualified in Wit Knowledg and Experience for his Aid and Assistance in the managing and accomplishment of Our said Affairs We have by the Advice and Consent of Our said Uncle and others the Nobles Prelats and wise Men of Our said Realm of England chosen taken and accepted and by these Presents do chuse take accept
Proceedings therein and in all things committed to our Charge shall be such as shall be able to answer the whole World both in honour and discharge of our Consciences And where your Grace writeth that the most part of the Realm through a naughty Liberty and Presumption are now brought into such a Division as if we Executors go not about to bring them to that stay that our late Master left them they will forsake all Obedience unless they have their own Will and Phantasies and then it must follow that the King shall not be well served and that all other Realms shall have us in an Obloquy and Derision and not without just cause Madam as these words written or spoken by you soundeth not well so can I not perswade my self that they have proceeded from the sincere mind of so vertuous and so wise a Lady but rather by the setting on and procurement of some uncharitable and malicious Persons of which sort there are too many in these days the more pity but yet we must not be so simple so to weigh and regard the Sayings of ill-disposed People and the Doings of other Realms and Countries as for that Report we should neglect our Duty to God and to our Soveraign Lord and Native Country for then we might be justly called evil Servants and Masters and thanks be given unto the Lord such hath been the King's Majesty's Proceedings our young Noble Master that now is that all his faithful Subjects have more cause to render their hearty thanks for the manifold Benefits shewed unto his Grace and to his People and Realm sithence the first day of his Reign until this hour than to be offended with it and thereby rather to judg and think that God who knoweth the Hearts of all Men is contented and pleased with his Ministers who seek nothing but the true Glory of God and the Surety of the King's Person with the Quietness and Wealth of his Subjects And where your Grace writeth also That there was a Godly Order and Quietness left by the King our late Master your Graces Father in this Realm at the time of his Death and that the Spiritualty and Temporalty of the whole Realm did not only without compulsion fully assent to his Doings and Proceedings specially in Matters of Religion but also in all kind of Talk whereof as your Grace wrote ye can partly be witness your self at which your Graces Sayings I do something marvel For if it may please you to call to your remembrance what great Labours Travels and Pains his Grace had before he could reform some of those stiff-necked Romanists or Papists yea and did not they cause his Subjects Rise and Rebel against him and constrained him to take the Sword in his hand not without danger to his Person and Realm Alas why should your Grace so shortly forget that great Outrage done by those Generations of Vipers unto his Noble Person only for God's Cause Did not some of the same ill kind also I mean that Romanist Sect as well with his own Realm as without conspire oftentimes his Death which was manifestly and oftentimes proved to the confusion of some of their privy Assisters Then was it not that all the Spiritualty nor yet the Temporalty did so fully assent to his Godly Orders as your Grace writeth of Did not his Grace also depart from this Life before he had fully finished such Orders as he minded to have established to all his People if death had not prevented him Is it not most true that no kind of Religion was perfected at his Death but left all uncertain most like to have brought us in Parties and Divisions if God had not only helpt us And doth your Grace think it convenient it should so remain God forbid What regret and sorrow our late Master had the time he saw he must depart for that he knew the Religion was not established as he purposed to have done I and others can be witness and testify and what he would have done further in it if he had lived a great many know and also I can testifie And doth your Grace who is learned and should know God's Word esteem true Religion and the knowledg of the Scriptures to be new-fangledness and fantasie For the Lord's sake turn the Leaf and look the other while upon the other side I mean with another Judgment which must pass by an humble Spirit through the Peace of the Living God who of his infinite Goodness and Mercy grant unto your Grace plenty thereof to the satisfying of your Soveraign and your most noble Hearts continual desire Number 16. Certain Petitions and Requests made by the Clergie of the Lower House of the Convocation to the most Reverend Father in God the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace and the residue of the Prelats of the Higher House for the furtherance of certain Articles following FIrst Ex M. S. Dr. Stillingfleet That Ecclesiastical Laws may be made and established in this Realm by thirty two Persons or so many as shall please the King's Majesty to name and appoint according to the effect of a late Statute made in 35th Year of the most noble King and of most famous Memory King Henry the 8th So that all Judges Ecclesiastical proceeding after those Laws may be without danger and peril Also that according to the Ancient Custom of this Realm and the Tenour of the King 's Writ for the summoning of the Parliament which be now and ever have been directed to the Bishops of every Diocess the Clergy of the Lower House of the Convocation may be adjoined and associate with the Lower House of the Parliament or else That all such Statutes and Ordinances as shall be made concerning all Matters of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical may not pass without the sight and assent of the said Clergy Also that whereas by the Commandment of King Henry the 8th certain Prelats and learned Men were appointed to alter the Service in the Church and to devise other convenient and uniform Order therein Who according to the same Appointment did make certain Books as they be informed Their Request is That the said Books may be seen and perused by them for a better expedition of Divine Service to be set forth accordingly Also that Men being called to Spiritual Promotions or Benefices may have some Allowance for their necessary Living and other Charges to be sustained and born concerning the same Benefices in the first Year wherein they pay the first Fruits Whether the Clergy of the Convocation may liberally speak their Minds without danger of Statute or Law Number 17. A second Petition to the same purpose Ex M. S. Dr. Stillingfleet WHere the Clergy in this present Convocation assembled have made humble suit unto the most Reverend Father in God my Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all the other Bishops That it may please them to be a Mean to the King's Majesty and Lord Protector 's Grace
Contention Your Answer thereunto our said Servant hath declared unto us in this manner Ye can no wise forbear to speak of the Sacrament neither of the Mass this last being the chief Foundation as ye say of our Religion and that without it we cannot know that Christ is our Sacrifice the other being so spoken of by many that if you should not speak your mind thereof what ye think you know what other Men would think of you in the end concluding generally that you will speak the Truth and that ye doubt not but that we shall be therewith content adding also as our said Servant reporteth unto us That you would not wish that we our selves should meddle or have to do in these Matters of Religion but that the care thereof were committed to you the Bishops unto whom the blame if any should be deserved might well be imputed To this your Answer if so it be we reply very shortly signifying unto you our express Pleasure and Commandment on our Soveraign Lord the King's Majesty's behalf charging you by the Authority of the same to abstain in your said Sermon from treating of any Matter in controversy concerning the said Sacrament and the Mass and only to bestow your Speech in the expert explication of the Articles prescribed unto you and in other wholsome Matter of Obedience of the People and good Conversation and Living the same Matters being both large enough for a long Sermon and not unnecessary for the time And the treatie of other which we forbid you not meet in your private Sermon to be had but necessarily reserved for a publick Consultation and at this present utterly to be forborn for the common Quiet This our express Pleasure wherein we know how reasonably we may command you and you we think know how willingly ye ought to obey us For our intermedling with these Causes of Religion understand you that we account it no small part of our Charge under the King's Majesty to bring his People from Ignorance to Knowledg and from Superstition to true Religion esteeming that the chief Foundation to build Obedience upon and where there is a full consent of others the Bishops and learned Men in a Truth not to suffer you or a few other with wilful headiness to disswade all the rest And although we presume not to determine Articles of Religion by our Self yet from God we knowledg it we be desirous to defend and advance the Truth determined or revealed and so consequently we will not fail but withstand the Disturbers thereof So fare you well From Sion June 28. Anno 1548. Your Loving Friend E. Somerset Number 29. Some of the Collects and Hymns to the Saints in the Hours ad usum Sarum printed at Paris Anno 1520. In which immediate Adoration is offered to them and those things are asked of them which God only gives Folio 4. SAncta Dei Genetrix quae digne meruisti concipere quem totus orbis nequivit comprehendere tuo pio interventu culpas nostras ablue ut perennis sedem gloriae per te redempti valeamus scandere ubi manes cum Filio tuo sine tempore Fol. 11. S. Pauthaleon Sancte Panthaleon Martyr Christi militari ordine fuisti quo promeruisti Demum heremiticam vitam acquisisti Tu vero hydropicum sanum reddidisti Missus in equleo ungues perdidisti Costas cum lampadibus adustus fuisti Collum subdens gladio pronus pertulisti Fundens lac pro sanguine vitam sic finisti Cunctas febres dilue a plebe tam tristi Qui Coelestis Gloriae Regna meruisti Fol. 12. S. Tho. Cant. Tu per Thomae sanguinem quem pro te impendit fac nos Christe scandere quo Thomas ascendit Versicle gloria honore coronasti eum Domino Resp constituisti eum supra opera manuum tuarum Fol. 12. of Pope Nicolaus And so in many other places Ut ejus meritis precibus a gehennae incendiis liberemur Sancta Maria succurre miseris Juva pusillanimes refove flebiles ora pro populo Fol. 30. interveni pro clero intercede pro devoto femineo sexu Fol. 33. Virgo singularis inter omnes mitis nos culpis solutos mites fac castos Vitam presta puram iter para tutum ut videntes Jesum semper collaetemur Fol. 44. A Prayer to the Virgin to the sayers of which Pope Calestine granted 300 days of Pardon a part of which is Consolare peccatorem ne tuum des honorem alieno vel crudeli precor te Regina Coeli Me habeto excusatum apud Christum tuum natum cujus iram expavesco furorem pertimesco nam peccavi tibi soli O Maria Virgo noli esse mihi aliena gratia Coelesti plena esto custos cordis mei signa me timore Dei confer vitae sanitatem da morum honestatem Et da peccata me vitare quod justum est amare O dulcedo Virginalis nunquam fuit nec est talis c. Fol. 77. S. George Georgi Martyr inclite te decet laus gloria praedotatum militia per quem puella Regia existens in tristitia coram Dracone pessimo salvata est animo te rogamus corde intimo ut cum cunctis fidelibus Coeli jungamur civibus nostris abluti sordibus ut simul cum laetitia tecum simus in gloria nostraque reddant labia laudes Christo cum gloria Martyr Christophore pro salvatoris honore fac nos mente fore Ibid. St. Christopher dignos deitatis amore Promisso Christi quia quod petis obtinuisti da populo tristi bona quae moriendo petisti confer solamen mentis tolle gravamen judicis examen fac mite sit omnibus Amen O Willielme Pastor bone Cleri pater patrone Fol. 78. munda nobis in agone confer opem depone vitae sordes Coronae Coelestis da gaudia O vos undena millia puellae gloriosae virginitatis lilia Fol. 80. 11000 Virgins Martyrii Rosae in vita me defendite prebendo mihi juvamen in morte vos ostendite supremum ferendo solamen To St. Alban Te nunc petimus patrone praeco sedule qui es nostra vera gloria solve precum votis servorum scelera To St. Peter and St. Paul Beate Petre qui Maxima reseras claudis verbo Coeli limina sume pius vota fidelia peccati cuncta dissolvendo vincula Sacra Paule ingere dogmata illustrans plebis pectora In die omnium Sanctorum Mariam primam vox sonet nostra per quam nobis vitae sunt data praemia Regina quae es mater casta solve nostra per filium peccamina Angelorum concio sacra Arch-Angelorum turma inclita nostra diluant jam peccata praestando supernam Coeli gloriam Number 30. Dr. Redmayn's Opinion concerning the Marriage of the Clergie An Original I Think that although the Word of God does
between Us and the Emperor but shall depend wholly upon his proceeding there so as if the Emperor shall upon consultation of his Affairs determine with us to do any thing to France we will frame our Communications with the French thereafter if otherwise than the said Commissioners now sent to the French shall do accordingly Item For making the Treaty perpetual We think convenient that the Prince of Spain do confirm and sign the same and the Low-Countries comprised therein do also in their General Parliaments or Assemblies make like Confirmation and in their Courts to make Decrees thereof and this or such form as hath been used in those Parts heretofore in like Cases to be done for their part And for our part the King to Ratify it the Parliament to Confirm it and the Courts of Chancery King's Bench and Common-Pleas to make Decrees thereof Item In the revising of the Treaty if any Doubt rise for the understanding of it which shall seem by his and the Ambassadors discretion to be for the King's Profit to conclude upon it if they will agree to the same and if there arise doubt which shall seem to their discretions against the King then to advertise hither Item For the case of the Marriage to declare at the first what was left by the King's Majesty deceased and yet nevertheless afterward to offer 100000 Crowns or the Revenue yearly which she hath now upon convenable Dower The said 100000 Crowns or Revenue to be paid at Calais if the Marriage take place she to be conveyed to Calais at the King's Charges the Marriage to be made in the Emperor's Court or else-where in the Low-Country by his appointment and for her Dowry to ask _____ by the Year to be paid in case of the Infant 's Death at Calais yearly at the Feasts of _____ and the Feast of _____ and She to return into England with Jewels Plate Houshold-stuff such as should be agreed upon And thus far to enter for the first Degree and in case of further Communication to advertise and reecive answer from hence Item Touching our Proceeding with France to declare how we have continued in War with them and Scotland these four Years alone without help and that we think it expedient for us upon this occasion now ministred by France to give ear in the which hearing we mind to attribute much to the Emperor's Friendship for loath we are to let slip from the King any one jot of his Right if the Emperor will assist but otherwise we must make such a Bargain for the King as we may with regard to his Honour and Surety And in this Point the Comptroller shall press the said Emperor to enter with us and to put him in a remembrance of his Quarrels and all such other things as he can devise for this purpose and to put him in hope generally that we will enter gallantly with him And if he descend to Particulars for the form of the Entry to hear his Opinion and to advertise and then proceed as answer cometh from hence but specially to remember to set forth the comprehension of Bulloign for defence upon a like Reciproque for so shall he be brought to think we mind not to conclude with France and thereby stay such practices as upon occasion of the said Comptroller's going either he with France or France with him might enter together And so the Commissioners sent to France may make the better Bargain for the King Marry this Point is not to be opened throughly till he hear some likelihood that our Commissioners in France break off without conclusion Item The said Comptroller shall essay as of himself whether they will accept Bulloign at the King's Majesty's Hands for some other reasonable recompence Item The said Comptroller shall use his discretion to open the Points aforesaid to the Emperor Granvela or D'arras either at one time or several times as to his discretion shall seem convenient and shall address his Pacquets to the Commissioners for France lying at Calais to the end they may see his Proceedings and send them over with speed directing their Charge the better hereafter Number 39. An Account of a Conference the English Ambassadors had with the Emperor's Ministers in a Letter to the Protector IT may like your Grace to be advertised Cotton Libr. Galba B. 12. that upon the 20th of this Present came to the Lodging of me the Comptroller Monsieur d' Arras and in his company the two Presidents of the Council St. Maurice and Viglius who after a few words of Office passed between them and us entred the cause of their coming saying That the Emperor having been informed of such Conference as was passed this other day between me and Granvela hath to declare his readiness to any thing that might satisfy his good Will and Affection to the intent of the King sent us here to revisite the Treaties and see how we do agree upon the understanding of the same I the Comptroller answered That it was not amiss howbeit I had not so opened the Matters nor looked to have it passed in such order But first to know the Emperor's Resolution how he can be contented with the Confirmation of the Treaty in the form that I had moved and then that agreed upon to proceed to the revisitation of the same In good Faith quoth d' Arras we did so understand it and have so reported to the Emperor and this Commission hath he now given us Well quoth I seeing you are now here and have brought the Treaty with you for that purpose we may do somewhat in it and afterwards be advised further requiring that in case any thing should be found in the passages of the Treaty meet to be considered that we might before further wading in the Matter know the Emperor's Resolution touching as well the Confirmation of the Treaty as in such things as now might be moved which they thought reasonable And so we began to read the Treaty and when we came to the sixth Article wherein it is provided for the common Enmity in case of Invasion and by the Establishment set forth with what number the Invasion must be made and that both for the Invasion and the Number the Prince required to join shall credit the Letters of the Prince requiring I put this Case quoth I for the understanding of this Matter that the King my Master will signify by his Letters to the Emperor that such a day the Scots our common Enemies to the number of 7000 Men with the aid of the French King affronted the Borders of England comprehended in the Treaty and set above 2000 Men into the Realm to invade who did indeed invade and spoil and burn and take Prisoners and therefore would require the Emperor according to the Treaty to take the French King who had aided his Enemies for his Enemies for so doth he and so will use him for his Enemies Is not the Emperor bound to do
it What say you quoth I how do you understand this Article It should seem yes quoth d' Arras but we will speak with the Emperor in it and bring you an answer The words be plain quoth I and cannot be avoided Then in the seventh Article where it is said That the Prince requiring for his Aid Mony instead of Men must if the Invasion made by the Enemy cease restore the Mony again which remaineth And afterwards says That though the Invasion cease yet if he will follow the Enemy he may use the Aid for the time appointed in the Treaty saying in generality eo casu subsidiis auxiliaribus c. I asked Whether in those general words they mean not the Mony as well as the Men Wherupon they seemed to doubt and took a Note thereof to know the Emperor's Pleasure in the same In the ninth Article where it is treated for redress of Injuries done by one Subject to the other there we fell into a brawl of half an hour upon a Question that I moved viz. When they took Justice to be denied And their Answer was That we used none at all And here at length I fell into their manner of Arresting of one whole Nation upon a Knave Mariner's Complaint And he What Thieves our Nation was upon the Sea and Lawless People and that they never proceed to such Extremities but when their Subjects had been in England and Justice was denied That hath never been seen quoth I but if any of your Subjects think himself grieved streight he runneth to Monsieur le Protecteur and he by and by setting all the King's Affairs apart must attend to the Affairs of Monsieur le Mariniure or else home runneth he with open cry That he cannot have Justice in England and you streight believe and thereupon cometh these often Blusters And do you think it reason that Monsieur G. or you should attend to every private Man's Complaint you should then have a goodly Office No you send them to the ordinary Justices and so let that take place and way as it will but you will never impeach your self more with the Matter And reason quoth he but the Cause is not alike with you in England for there quoth he all things come to the Lord Protector 's Hand there is none other Judg or Justice used or cared for in the Realm no and his Letters sometimes not esteemed and that our Subjects fear full often and therefore of force they must resort to Monsieur Protecteur And this is not true quoth I and that Monsieur Hobbey knoweth my Lord Protector nor none of the Privy-Council meddle with no private Matters whosoever it be but only meddle with Matters of State leaving all other things to the ordinary course of Justice except only many times to gratify your Ambassador and to shew himself glad to nourish the Amity he troubleth himself with the Complaints of your Subjects which by St. Mary by my advice he shall do no more seeing it is so little considered but shall refer them to the common Justice Whither is that quoth he To the Admiralty quoth I. Marry a goodly Justice quoth he for so shall the poor Man's Cause be tried before his Adversary And why not tried in our Admiralty quoth I as well as in yours Nay quoth he both be naught indeed they were very ordinary Courts at the beginning of the redress of Matters upon the Sea but now they feel the sweet of the Gain such as they care little for Justice And here as well for relief of poor Men spoiled and robbed upon the Seas as to avoid Arrests and such other troublesome Proceedings on either side we fell to devising and came to this Point If the Princes for their parts upon their advertisement to the Emperor and we to your Grace shall like it that Commission sufficient be given by the Emperor to two of his Privy-Council to hear and determine by their discretion summary de pleno all Complaints by the King's Subjects here for criminal Causes upon the Sea and the King's Majesty to do the like to two of his Privy-Council for the Complaints in like case of the Emperor's Subjects And this was all was passed in open Conference saying That in the Discourse for the Confirmation in the Treaty by the Prince and their Countries as they seemed to shew the Emperor's readiness but yet not so resolved that the Prince should confirm the Treaty and that further any other thing should be done that he might reasonably do to declare his good Will to the entertainment and augmentation of his Amity and Affection to the King's Majesty So he alleaged divers Reasons why the Emperor should not seek to his Subjects to confirm his Treaties with Forreign Princes We alleaged the Example of the King and the French King in times past and what was said in that Case at C. _____ in the presence of himself de C. _____ and Chap. _____ Whereunto he answered That the State of France was more restrained than the Emperor's and that the French King could give no piece of his Patrimony nor bind his Country without the consent of his Parliament at Paris and the three Estates but he thought the King of England to have a greater Prerogative and the Emperor he was sure had a greater Prerogative and so had all his Ancestors and therefore would be loath now to put himself so far in their danger They were he said fifteen or sixteen Parliaments and if a thing should be proposed unto them whereof they had never heard the like before they would not only muse much at the Matter but they would have also the scanning of it and what would come of it the Emperor could not tell peradventure dash the Matter and so prejudice his Prerogative with them Yet now where he and his Ancestors do and have always passed Treaties with other Princes and bind their Subjects thereby without making them privy thereto it would by this means come to pass that from henceforth their Subjects would look to be privy to every Treaty which were not convenient marry for the Prince which shall succeed to confirm the Treaty he thought the Emperor could not take it but reasonable and doubted not to bring a good Answer in the same So as we see for this Point it will come to the confirmation of the King and the Prince and upon any condition or interpretation of the Treaty to them also wherein we intend to go forwards for so our Instruction beareth us unless that before the conclusion and shutting up of the Matter we hear from your Grace to the contrary The things being thus far passed and our open Talk at a Point and they ready to depart Monsieur d' Arras taking occasion as it seemed to stay because of the Rain took me aside and asked me if I would command him any other Service I answered No Service but Friendship and the continuance of his good Will to the King's
That against Law he held a Court of Request in his House and did enforce divers to answer there for their Freehold and Goods and did determine of the same 8. That being no Officer without the advice of the Council or most part of them he did dispose Offices of the King's Gift for Mony grant Leases and Wards and Presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King gave Bishopricks and made sales of the King's Lands 9. That he commanded Alchimie and Multiplication to be practised thereby to abase the King's Coin 10. That divers times he openly said That the Nobility and Gentry were the only cause of Dearth whereupon the People rose to reform Matters of themselves 11. That against the mind of the whole Council he caused Proclamation to be made concernig Inclosures whereupon the People made divers Insurrections and destroyed many of the King's Subjects 12. That he sent forth a Commission with Articles annexed concerning Inclosures Commons High-ways Cottages and such-like Matters giving the Commissioners authority to hear and determine those causes whereby the Laws and Statutes of the Realm were subverted and much Rebellion raised 13. That he suffered Rebels to assemble and lie armed in Camp against the Nobility and Gentry of the Realm without speedy repressing of them 14. That he did comfort and encourage divers Rebels by giving them Mony and by promising them Fees Rewards and Services 15. That he caused a Proclamation to be made against Law and in favour of the Rebels that none of them should be vexed or sued by any for their Offences in their Rebellion 16. That in time of Rebellion he said That he liked well the Actions of the Rebels and that the Avarice of Gentlemen gave occasion for the People to rise and that it was better for them to die than to perish for want 17. That he said The Lords of the Parliament were loath to reform Inclosures and other things therefore the People had a good cause to reform them themselves 18. That after declaration of the Defaults of Bulloign and the Pieces there by such as did survey them he would never amend the same 19. That he would not suffer the King's Pieces of Newhaven and Blackness to be furnished with Men and Provision albeit he was advertised of the Defaults and advised thereto by the King's Council whereby the French King was emboldned to attempt upon them 20. That he would neither give Authority nor suffer Noblemen and Gentlemen to suppress Rebels in time convenient but wrote to them to speak the Rebels fair and use them gently 21. That upon the 5th of October the present Year at Hampton-Court for defence of his own private Causes he procured seditious Bills to be written in counterfeit Hands and secretly to be dispersed into divers parts of the Realm beginning thus Good People intending thereby to raise the King's Subjects to Rebellion and open War 22. That the King's Privy-Council did consult at London to come to him and move him to reform his Government but he hearing of their Assembly declared by his Letters in divers places that they were high Traitors to the King 23. That he declared untruly as well to the King as to other young Lords attending his Person That the Lords at London intended to destroy the King and desired the King never to forget but to revenge it and desired the young Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof with intent to make Sedition and Discord between the King and his Nobles 24. That at divers times and places he said The Lords of the Council at London intended to kill me but if I die the King shall die and if they famish me they shall famish him 25. That of his own head he removed the King so suddenly from Hampton-Court to Windsor without any provision there made that he was thereby not only in great fear but cast thereby into a dangerous Disease 26. That by his Letters he caused the King's People to assemble in great numbers in Armour after the manner of War to his Aid and Defence 27. That he caused his Servants and Friends at Hampton-Court and Windsor to be apparelled in the King's Armour when the King's Servants and Guards went unarmed 28. That he intended to fly to Gernsey or Wales and laid Post-horses and Men and a Boat to that purpose Number 47. A Letter written by the Council to the Bishops to assure them That the King intended to go forward in the Reformation By the KING RIght Reverend Father in God Right trusty and well-beloved Regist Cran. Fol. 56. we greet you well Whereas the Book entituled the Book of Common Prayers and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England was agreed upon and set forth by Act of Parliament and by the same Act commanded to be used of all Persons within this our Realm Yet nevertheless we are informed that divers unquiet and evil-disposed Persons sithence the apprehension of the Duke of Somerset have noised and bruited abroad That they should have again their old Latin Service their Conjured Bread and Water with such-like vain and superfluous Ceremonies as though the setting forth of the said Book had been the only Act of the said Duke We therefore by the advice of the Body and State of our Privy-Council not only considering the said Book to be our Act and the Act of the whole State of our Realm assembled together in Parliament but also the same to be grounded upon the Holy Scripture agreeable to the Order of the Primitive Church and much to the re-edifying of our Subjects to put away all such vain expectation of having the Publick Service the Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies again in the Latin Tongue which were but a preferment of Ignorance to Knowledg and Darkness to Light and a preparation to bring in Papistry and Superstition again have thought good by the advice aforesaid to require and nevertheless straitly do command and charge you That immediately upon the receipt hereof you do command the Dean and Prebendaries of your Cathedral Church the Parsons Vicar or Curat and Church-wardens of every Parish within your Diocess to bring and deliver unto you or your Deputy any of them for their Church or Parish at such convenient place as you shall appoint all Antiphonals Missals Graylles Processionals Manuels Legends Pies Portasies Journals and Ordinals after the use of Sarum Lincoln York or any other private use And all other Books of Service the keeping whereof should be a lett to the using of the said Book of Common Prayers and that you take the same Books into your hands or into the hands of your Deputy and them so to deface and abolish that they never after may serve either to any such use as they were provided for or be at any time a lett to that godly and uniform Order which by a common Consent is now set forth And if
God's Quarrel by mean of which my presence many things should be stated that for Superiority and otherwise in times past hath been occasion of disagreement amongst Princes Albeit peradventure the greatest respect shall not now be had hereunto nor this be the best Elective to win the Cardinals Favour wherein you must therefore use your self by your wisdoms as you shall see the time season and care to require assuring them for the removing of the doubt in changing of the See or not speedy repair thither that after the Election once passed and notified to me I would not fail by God's Grace within three months to be in Rome there and in the parts thereabout to remain during my Life whereof ye may make faithful assurance By these and other good means and promises on the King's behalf of large Rewards which his Highness referreth to your discretion and is contented to perform that which ye do therein It is not to be doubted but that you shall obtain the Favours of many of them so as if respect may be had to the Honour of the See Apostolic and the Surety of Italy the Tranquility of Christendom the Defence of the same against the Infidels the Exaltation of the Faith the Persecution of Christ's Enemies the Increase and Weal of the College of Cardinals with their Advancement and Promotion gentle frank and liberal entertainment of them and generally to the benefit of all Holy Church The King's Grace supposeth his mind and desire herein with your good means diligence and sollicitations is not unlike to take good effect wherein for the more authority and better conducing of your purpose the pleasure of his Grace is That you join with the Emperor's Ambassadors as far as you may see and perceive them to favour this the King's Intent like-as his Grace thinketh that according to the often Conferences Communications Promises and Exhortations made by the Emperor to me in this behalf and according to my said Lady Margaret's desire or offer they have commandment to do In the politick handling of all which Matters the King's Highness putteth in you his special trust and confidence so to order your self in the Premises as you shall perceive to accord with the inward desire of his Grace and the state and disposition of the thing there for which purpose his Grace hath furnished you at this time jointly or severally with two sundry Commissions the one general for me and in my favour by the which you have ample Authority to bind and promise on the King's behalf as well gift of Promotions as also as large sums of Mony to as many and such as you shall think convenient and as sure ye may be whatsoever ye shall promise bind his Grace and do in that behalf his Highness will inviolably observe keep and perform the other special as afore Letters to the College of two effects the one for the Cardinal de Medices and the other for me with other particular Letters in my favour all which his pleasure is That you shall use in manner and form aforesaid that is to say If you shall perceive the Affair of the Cardinal de Medicis to be in such perfect train that he is like to have the same Dignity ye then proceed to that which may be his furtherance using nevertheless your particular labour for me if you think it may do good after such sort as ye shall not conceive any ingratitude or unkindness therein And if you may see that the said Cardinal de Medicis be not in such great likelihood thereof then considering that as the King's Grace and I think verily he will do his best for me ye shall effectually set forth your practices for attaining and winning as many Friends for me as possible may be delivering your Letters for the Intent as you shall see cause Wherein you being now furnished for both Purposes and also having one of the Commissions general and indifferent without any Person therein specially recommended things be to be done or omitted as you shall know to stand with the state or commodity of the Affairs there with the Ground of the King's Mind to you now declared shall be your best and perfect Instruction and as you shall do or know herein so the King's Grace desireth you often and speedily to advertise me by your Letters having no doubt but that his Highness will see your travels diligence and pains in this behalf so to be considered as you shall have cause to think the same well employed and bestowed And my Lord of Bath as you do know well because Mr. Pace at the time of the last Vacation was sent purposely from hence with Commission and Instruction for that Matter the King and I supposing that upon knowledg of this news he being at Milan would incontinently repair unto Rome hath therefore made the foresaid Commissions and also this Letter to be directed unto you jointly and severally willing you in such substantial and discreet wise to proceed in that Matter not forbearing any thing that may be to the furtherance thereof as his Grace and my special Trust is in you And thus most heartily fare you well At my Mannor of Hampton-Court the 4th day of October The rest is the Cardinal 's own Hand MY Lord of Bath the King hath willed me to write unto you That his Grace hath a marvellous Opinion of you and you knowing his mind as you do his Highness doubteth not but this Matter shall be by your Policy set forth in such wise as that the same may come to the desired effect not sparing any reasonable Offers which is a thing that amongst so many needy Persons is more regarded than per-case the Qualities of the Person ye be wise and ye wot what I mean trust your self best and be not seduced by fair words and specially of those which say what they will desire more their own preferment than mine Howbeit great dexterity is to be used and the King thinketh that all the Imperials shall be clearly with you if Faith be in the Emperor The young Men which for the most part being needy will give good ears to fair Offers which shall be undoubtedly performed the King willeth you neither to spare his Authority or his good Mony or Substance You may be assured whatsoever you promise shall be performed and our Lord send you good speed Your loving Friend T. Cardinalis Eborac Number 49. A Memorial given by the King's Majesty with the Advice of his Highness Council to the Lord Russel Lord Privy-Seal the Lord Paget of Beaudesert Sir William Petre Kt. and one of his Highness two Principal Secretaries and Sir John Mason Kt. his Majesty's Secretary for the French Tongue being sent at this present in Commission to treat and conclude upon a Peace with certain Commissioners sent from the French King at this time for the same purpose An Original EDWARD R. Cotton Libr. Caligula E. 1 FIrst As touching the Place of their Meeting
plain words of Scripture overthroweth the nature of a â—acrament and hath given occasion to many Superâ—â—itions The Body of Christ is given taken and eaten in the Supper only after an Heavenly and Spiritual Manner And the mean whereby the Body of Christ is received and eaten in the Supper is Faith but it is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture and hath given occasion to many Superstitions Since the very Being of humane Nature doth require that the Body of one and the same Man cannot be at one and the same time in many places but of necessity must be in some certain and determinate place therefore the Body of Christ cannot be present in many different places at the same time And since as the Holy Scriptures testify Christ hath been taken up into Heaven and there is to abide till the end of the World it becometh not any of the Faithful to believe or profess that there is a Real or Corporeal presence as they phrase it of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Holy Eucharist The Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was not by Christ's Ordinance reserved carried about lifted up or worshipped XXIX Of the Wicked which eat not the Body of Christ in the Lord's Supper The wicked and such as be void of a lively Faith altho they do carnally and visibly press with their Teeth as St. Augustine saith the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ yet in no wise are they partakers of Christ but rather to their condemnation do eat and drink the Sign or Sacrament of so great a thing XXX Of both Kinds The Cup of the Lord is not to be denied to the Lay-people For both the parts of the Lord's Sacrament by Christ's Ordinance and Commandment ought not to be ministred to all Christian People alike XXX Of the one Oblation of Christ finished upon the Cross The Offering of Christ once made is a perfect Redemption Propitiation and Satisfaction for all the Sins of the whole World both Original and Actual and there is none other Satisfaction for Sin but that alone Wherefore the Sacrifices of Masses in which it was commonly said That the Priests did offer Christ for the Quick and the Dead to have remission of Pain or Guilt were * blasphemous Fables and dangerous Deceits XXXI A single Life is imposed on none by the Word of God Bishops Priests and Deacons are not commanded by God's Law either to vow the estate of a single Life or to abstain from Marriage Therefore it is lawful for them as for all other Christian Men to Marry at their own discretion as they shall judg thâ— same to serve better to Godliness XXXII Excommunicated Persons are to be avoided That Person which by open Denunciation of the Church is rightly cut off from the Unity of the Church and Excommunicated ought to be taken of the whole Multitude of the Faithful as an Heathen and Publican until he be openly reconciled by Penance and received into the Church by a Judg that hath Authority thereunto XXXIII Of the Tradition of the Church It is not necessary that Traditions and Ceremonies be in all places one and utterly alike for at all times they have been divers and may be changed according to the diversities of Countries Times and Mens Manners so that nothing be ordained against God's Word Whosoever through his private judgment willingly and purposely doth openly break the Traditions and Ceremonies of the Church which be not repugnant to the Word of God and be ordained and reproved by common Authority ought to be rebuked openly that others may fear to do the like as he that offendeth against the common Order of the Church and hurteth the Authority of the Magistrate and woundeth the Consciences of the weak Brethren Every Particular or National Church hath Authority to ordain change or abolish Ceremonies or Rites of the Church ordained onely by Man's Authority so that all things be done to edifying XXXIV Of the Homilies The second Book of Homilies the several Titles whereof we have joined under this Article doth contain a godly and wholesome Doctrine and necessary for the Times as doth the former Book of Homilies which were set forth in the time of Edward the 6th and therefore we judg them to be read in Churches by the Ministers diligently and distinctly that they may be understood of the People The Names of the Homilies Of the Right Use of the Church Of Repairing Churches Against the Peril of Idolatry Of Good Works c. The Homilies lately delivered and commended to the Church of England by the King's Injunctions do contain a godly and wholsome Doctrine and fit to be embraced by all Men and for that cause they are diligently plainly and distinctly to be read to the People XXXV Of the Book of Common Prayer and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England The Book lately delivered to the Church of England by the Authority of the King and Parliament containing the manner and form of publick Prayer and the Ministration of the Sacraments The Book of Consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops and ordering of Priests and Deacons lately set forth in the time of King Edward the Sixth and confirmed at the same time by Authority of Parliament doth contain all things necessary to such Consecration and Ordering Neither hath it any thing that of it self is superstitious and ungodly And therefore whosoever are Consecrated and Ordered according to the Rites of that Book since the second Year of the afore-named King Edward unto this time or hereafter shall be Consecrated or Ordered according to the same Rites we decree all such to be rightly orderly and lawfully Consecrated and Ordered in the said Church of England as also the Book published by the same Authority for ordering Ministers in the Church are both of them very pious as to truth of Doctrine in nothing contrary but agreeable to the wholsome Doctrine of the Gospel which they do very much promote and illustrate And for that cause they are by all faithful Members of the Church of England but chiefly of the Ministers of the Word with all thankfulness and readiness of mind to be received approved and commended to the People of God XXXVI Of the Civil Magistrates The King of England is after Christ The Queens Majesty hath the chief Power in this Realm of England and other her Dominions unto whom the chief Government of all Estates of this Realm whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil in all Cases doth appertain and is not nor ought to be subject to any Forreign Jurisdiction Where we attribute to the Queens Majesty the chief Government by which Titles we understand the minds of some slanderous Folks to be offended We give not to our Princess the Ministry either of God's Word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Injunctions lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen do most plainly testifie but that only Prerogative which we see to
and Blood and Country might not more weigh with some Men than Godliness and Reason but the truth is Country in this Matter whatsoever some Men do suggest unto your Grace shall not move me and that your Grace shall well perceive for I shall be as ready as any other first thence to expel some of my own Country if the Report which is made of them can be tried true And as for that your Grace saith of Flesh and Blood that is the favour or fear of Mortal Man Yea marry Sir that is a Matter of weight indeed and the truth is alas my own feebleness of that I am afraid but I beseech your Grace yet once again give me good leave wherein here I fear my own frailty to confess the Truth Before God there is no Man this day leaving the King's Majesty for the Honour only excepted whose favour or displeasure I do either seek or fear as your Grace's favour or displeasure for of God both your Grace's Authority and my bound Duty for your Grace's Benefits bind me so to do So that if the desire of any Man's favour or fear of displeasure should weigh more with me than Godliness and Reason Truly if I may be bold to say the Truth I must needs say that I am most in danger to offend herein either for desire of your Grace's favour or for fear of your Grace's displeasure And yet I shall not cease God willing daily to pray God so to stay and strengthen my frailty with holy Fear that I do not commit the thing for favour or fear of any Mortal Man whereby my Conscience may threaten me with the loss of the favour of the Living God but that it may please him of his gracious Goodness howsoever the World goes to blow this in the Ears of my Heart Deus dissipavit ossa eorum qui Hominibus placuerint And this Horrendum est incidere in manus Dei viventis And again Nolite timere eos qui occidunt corpus Wherefore I most humbly beseech your Grace for God's Love not to be offended with me for renuing of this my Suit unto your Grace which is that whereunto my Conscience cannot well agree if any such thing chance in this Visitation I may with your Grace's Favour have license either by mine absence or silence or other-like means to keep my Conscience quiet I wish your Grace in God honour and endless felicity From Pembrook-Hall in Cambridg June 1. 1549. Your Grace's humble and daily Orator Nich. Roffen Number 60. The Protector 's Answer to the former Letter Ex Chartophylac Kegio AFter our right hearty Commendations to your Lordship we have received your Letters of the first of June again replying to those which we last sent unto you And as it appeareth ye yet remaining in your former Request desires if things do occur so that according to your Conscience ye cannot do them that you might absent your self or otherwise keep silence We wâ—uld be loth any thing should be done by the King's Majesty's Visitors otherwise than Right and Conscience might allow and approve And Visitation is to direct things to the better not to the worse to ease Consciences not to clog them Marry we would wish that Executors thereof should not be scrupulous in Conscience otherwise than Reason would Against your Conscience it is not our will to move you as we would not gladly do or move any Man to that which is against Right and Conscience and we trust the King's Majesty hath not in this Matter And we think in this ye do much wrong and much discredit the other Visitors that ye should seem to think and suppose that they would do things against Conscience We take them to be Men of that Honour and Honesty that they will not My Lord of Canterbury hath declared unto us that this maketh partly a Conscience unto you that Divines should be diminished That can be no cause for first the same was met before in the late King's Time to unite the two Colleges together as we are sure ye have heard and Sir Edward North can tell And for that cause all such as were Students of the Law out of the new-erected Cathedral Church were disappointed of their Livings only reserved to have been in that Civil College The King's Hall being in manner all Lawyers Canonists were turned and joined to Michael-House and made a College of Divines wherewith the number of Divines was much augmented Civillians diminished Now at this present also if in all other Colleges where Lawyers be by the Statutes or the King's Injunctions ye do convert them or the more part of them to Divines ye shall rather have more Divines upon this change than ye had before The King's College should have six Lawyers Jesus College some the Queen's College and other one or two apiece And as we are informed by the late King's Injunctions every College in Cambridg one at the least all these together do make a greater in number than the Fellows of Clare-Hall be and they now made Divines and the Statutes in that reformed Divinity shall not be diminished in number of Students but encreased as appeareth although these two Colleges be so united And we are sure ye are not ignorant how necessary a Study that Study of Civil Law is to all Treaties with Forreign Princes and Strangers and how few there be at this present to do the King's Majesty's Service therein For we would the encrease of Divines as well as you Marry Necessity compelleth us also to maintain the Science and we require you my Lord to have consideration how much you do hinder the King's Majesty's Proceedings in that Visitation if now you who are one of the Visitors should thus draw back and discourage the other ye should much hinder the whole Doings and peradventure that thing known maketh the Master and Fellows of Clare-Hall to stand the more obstinate wherefore we require you to have regard of the King's Majesty's Honour and the quiet performings of that Visitation most to the Glory of God and Benefit of that University the which thing is only meant in your Instructions To the performing of that and in that manner we can be content you use your Doings as ye think best for the quieting of your Conscience Thus we bid you right-heartily farewel From Richmond the 10th of June 1549. Your loving Friend E. Somerset Number 61. A Letter of Cranmer's to King Henry the 8th concerning a further Reformation and against Sacrilege Ex Chartophylac Regio IT may please your Highness to be advertised that forasmuch as I might not tarry my self at London because I had appointed the next day after that I departed from your Majesty to be at Rochester to meet the next Morning all the Commissioners of Kent at Sittingbourn therefore the same Night that I returned from Hampton-Court to Lambeth I sent for the Bishop of Worcester incontinently and declared unto him all your Majesty's Pleasure in
moreover We will and Command all and singular Justices of Peace Mayors Sheriffs Bailiffs Constables and all other our Officers Ministers and faithful Subjects to be aiding helping and assisting to you at your commandment in the due execution hereof as they tender Our Pleasure and will answer to the Costs at their utmost Perils And We Will and Grant That these Our Letters Patents shall be a sufficient Warrant and Discharge for you and any of you against Us Our Heirs and Successors and all and every other Person or Persons whatsoever they be of for or concerning the Premises or any parcel thereof or for the execution of this Our Commission or any part thereof In Witness whereof We have caused these Our Letters to be made Patents and to continue and endure for one whole Year next coming after the Date hereof Witness our Self at Wistminster the 8th day of February the third and fourth Years of Our Reign Number 33. A Letter writ by the Council expressing their Jealousies of the Lady Elizabeth An Original Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2. Mr. Pope after our very hearty Commendations ye shall understand That amongst divers other devilish Practices attempted from time to time by Dudly Aston and other Traitors in France for the disturbance of the Quiet of the Realm they have now lately sent over one Cleyberdo who if I the Lord Chancellor be not deceived in the Man was whilst I was President in Wales indicted of a Burglary and should have been if he had not escaped by the means of certain his Complices who took him from the Sheriffs Man as well for the said Burglary as for divers other notable Robberies and other Offences made sure enough from attempting this Enterprize now This Man being sent by the foresaid Traitors into the extream parts of Essex and Suffolk where naming himself to be Earl of Devonshire he hath by spreading abroad of slanderous Letters Proclamations abused the Lady Elizabeth's Graces Name pronouncing thereby as much as in him lay to stir the King 's and Queen's Majesties Subjects in those parts to Rebellion as by the Copies of the said Letters and Proclamations which we send unto you herewith may at better length appear unto you And albeit the People there have shewed themselves so true and obedient Subjects as immediately upon the understanding of this Enterprize they did of themselves and without any Commandment apprehend as many of the Attempters of this devilish Practice as they could come by whereby their good-will and truth to the King and Queen's Majesties doth well appear Yet because this Matter is spread already abroad and that peradventure many Constructions and Discourses will be made thereof we have thought meet to signify the whole Circumstances of the Cause unto you to be by you opened unto the Lady Elizabeth's Grace at such time as ye shall think convenient to the end it may appear unto her how little these Men stick by falshood and untruth to compass their Purpose not letting for that intent to abuse the Name of her Grace or any others which their Devises nevertheless are God be thanked by his Goodness discovered from time to time to their Majesties preservance and confusion of their Enemies And so bid you heartily well to fare From Eltham the 30th of July 1556. Your Loving Friends Nichol. Eborac Canc. Arundel Thomas Ely R. Rochester Henry Jernegam Number 34. A Letter from Sir Edward Carne concerning the suspension of Cardinal Pool's Legatine Power An Original PLeaseth it your most Excellent Majesties Ex Chartophylac Regio according as I advertised your Highness in my Letters of the 8th of this So I have informed all the Cardinals that be here of the Congregation of the Inquisition as the most Reverend Lord Cardinal Morone advised me informing them of the good Proceedings and Reformations made by the most Reverend Lord Cardinal's Grace there as well in Clero as in Populo not only in things pertaining ad cultum Dei but also in other pertaining to the Common-Weal of Christ's Church in such sort as Christ's Religion doth so prosper there that there is good hope all things should come to their perfection in time And for that purpose his Grace had called there a Synod of the Clergy of the Realm where many good Ordinances for the maintenance of the Premises been past already and many ready in hand for to pass and not fully ended nor perfected which should be staid in case the Legacy should be there-hence revoked which might turn to the great danger and dammage of many in that your Majesty's Realm in case due Reformation throughout and perfectly were not made Therefore I desired them that when the Matter were moved amongst them so to weigh it as such a good beginning that through your Majesty's Goodness hath been there be not brought by their doings here into no worse terms then your Majesties with no little pain hath always travelled to bring it unto Adding besides divers Cases that daily might fall which could not be holpen without the Authority of this See And that Men newly reduced to the Unity of the Church would rather stand in their naughty Doings whose Examples might be noisome to many than repair hither for any help But having the Legate there would gladly seek help at his hands being present amongst them And likewise for reduction of your Majesty's Realm of Ireland to the Unity of the Church which whether it were past or no I doubted and ended throughly And if it were yet were it most expedient that there should be Reformation as well in Clero as in Populo which could not well be in case the Legacy continue not there This is the effect of the Points that I informed them upon who all thought it most expedient that the Legacy should continue there and would not fail to stay as much as might lie in them for these Considerations above rehearsed and thought being of such importance that if my Lord's Grace were not there already it were most expedient that he should be sent thither rather than to be revoked and hereof as well Cardinal Morone as all the other would needs I should move his Holiness Whereupon the 12th of this I went to the Pope himself upon pretence to give him thanks for the Provision of the Church of Chichester and of the most gracious and honourable Report that he made in the Consistory the same time of your Highness my Soveraign Lady the Queen where his Holiness declared so much Goodness and Vertue of your Majesty that he and this See could not he said shew so much favour to any of yours as the same required As undoubtedly as far as I could hear he doth whensoever he hath occasion to speak of your Majesty so reverently as more could not be who prevented me and said that he was glad that I was come unto him and trusted that God had sent me thither for there had been with him the day before
constituturos representaturos ad ipsum Concilium Generale proxime celebrandum ubicunque ipsum celebrari contigerit defectu ipsius Concilii tenendi celebrandi ad Tribunal Dei Omnipotentis Domini nostri Jesu Christi cujus idem Sanctissimus Pater Commissarius Vicarius existit in terris Appello Apostolos peto instanter instantius instantissime mihi dari liberari fieri cum effectu juro ad haec Sancta Dei Evangelia per me corporaliter tacta quod non sunt decem dies plene elapsae ex quo mihi certitudinaliter primo constabat de gravaminibus antedictis Quodque nescio certitudinaliter ubi invenirem dictum Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum ad notificandam eidem Appellationem praedictam quatenus de jure notificanda est infra tempus a parte juris limitatum Et Protestor me velle dictam Appellationem meam corrigere emendare eidem addere ab eadem detrahere ac eam omnibus quorum interest notificare intimare pro loco tempore opportunis toties quoties mihi expediens fuerit juris beneficio in omnibus semper salvo Super quibus idem Reverendissimus Pater Dominus Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis me Notarium Publicum subscriptum requisivit sibi unum vel plura conficere instrumentum vel instrumenta Acta sunt haec omnia prout subscribuntur recitantur sub Anno Domini indictione Pontificatus mense die loco praedictis praesentibus tunc ibidem venerabilibus discretis vivis M. W. Lyn Curiae Cant. Officii Thoma B. Archidiacono Sanctarum in Ecclesia Linc. utriusque juris Doctoribus In Dei c. Coram vobis c. Ego Henricus dictus C. c. Unde ego H. dictus C. c. sentiens me statum dignitatem Ecclesiam meam praedictam ex omnibus singulis gravaminibus praedictis nimium praegravari praegravatum ab eisdem omnibus singulis gravaminibus praedictis his quae eorum cujuslibet eorum occasione colligi poterunt aut debebunt ad dictum Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum Sedem Apostolicam melius informandum informandam Appello Apostolos peto instanter instantius instantissime mihi dari liberari fieri cum effectu c. Number 36. Instructions sent by the Privy Council representing the State of the Nation to King Philip after the loss of Calais First to say Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2. THat we be most bounden unto his Majesty for his good Affection towards this Realm and his gracious Disposition and Offer to put this Force to the Field this Year being else otherwise determined for the recovery of that Honour and Reputation which this Realm hath lost by the loss of Calais To say That this Offer of his Majesty we should not only have upon our Knees accepted but also in like wise have sued first for the same And so undoubtedly we would have done if other respects hereafter following which we trust his Majesty will graciously understand had not been to our great regret the lett thereof First We do consider That if we should send over an Army we cannot send under 20000 Men the levying and sending over whereof will ask a time before which time considering also the time the Enemy hath had being now almost a Month to Fortify and Victual the Place it is thought the same will be in such strength as we shall not be able alone to recover it We do consider how unapt and unwonted our People be to lie abroad and specially in the Cold And what Inconveniency might follow also at their hands besides the loss of Charges if their hope for recovery of Calais should not come to pass The Charge of this Army if it should go over would stand the Realm in one hundred and seventy thousand pounds at the least for five months which Sum having regard to other necessary Charges for the Defence of the Realm both by Land and by Sea which the People only have in their Heads with a wan hope of the recovery of Calais neither we doubt will be granted of the People nor if it were can be conveniently levied in time to serve the turn Great Garisons continually and an Army for Defence against the Scots and Frenchmen by Land must of necessity be maintained the charge whereof will be one way and another go the next way we can e're the Year go about an hundred and fifty thousand pounds The defence of the Sea-Coast and the Isles and the setting forth of an Army by Sea will cost the Realm in a Year all things accounted above two hundred thousand pounds and yet all will be too little that way if the Danes and the Sweeds which we very much doubt should be our Enemies The Sums amounting in the whole to five hundred and twenty thousand pounds besides Provision of Ammunition which will be chargeable and Furniture of Ordnance whereof we have great lack by the loss of Calais and Guisnes We see not how it can be levied in one Year to save us unless the People should of new have strange Impositions set upon them which we think they would not bear The Queen's Majesty 's own Revenue is scarce able to maintain her Estate The Noblemen and Gentlemen for the most part receiving no more Rent than they were wont to receive and paying thrice as much for every thing they provide by reason of the baseness of the Mony are not able to do as they have done in times past The Merchants have had great losses of late whereby the Cloathiers be never the richer The Farmers Grasiers and other People how well-willing soever they be taken to be will not be acknown of their Wealth and by the miscontentment of this loss be grown stubborn and liberal of Talk So that considering our Wants on every side our lack of Mony at home our want of credit by reason of this Loss abroad the scarcity of Captains and Leaders of our Men which be but few the unwillingness of our People to go abroad and leave their Things at home without a certain hope of recovering their Loss the need we have to defend Home looking as we do to be assaulted both by Land and by Sea how desirous soever we be to recover Calais and well-willing to serve his Majesty either for that purpose or in any other thing wherein it shall please him to employ us we see not how we can possibly at the least for this Year send over an Army nor until we may be assured of fewer Enemies than we fear to have cause to doubt and have time to bring such as be ill Men amongst our People and now be ready against their Duties to make Uproars and Stirs amongst our selves to Order and Obedience Wherefore in most humble wise upon our Knees we shall beseech the King's Majesty to accept in gracious part this our Answer which we make much against our Hearts if we might otherwise
chuse And as for our own Persons we shall bestow with all that ever we have to the death where and however it shall please him submitting our selves to his Majesty's Judgment in this Matter and to the execution and doing of that whatsoever either his Majesty or any other Man shall devise to be done better than we have said in this Answer and more for the honour and surety of their Majesties and Common-Wealth of this their Realm Feb. 1. 1577. Number 37. Sir Thomas Pope's Letter concerning the Answer made by the Lady Elizabeth to a proposition of Marriage sent over by the Elected King of Sweden FIrst Ex M. S. D G. Petyt After I had declared to her Grace how well the Queen's Majesty liked of her prudent and honourable Answer made to the same Messenger I then opened unto her Grace the Effect of the said Messengers Credence which after her Grace had heard I said The Queen's Highness had sent me to her Grace not only to declare the same but also to understand how her Grace liked the said Motion Whereunto after a little pause taken her Grace answered in form following Master Pope I require you after my most humble Commendations to the Queen's Majesty to render unto the same like thanks that it pleased her Highness of her Goodness to conceive so well of my Answer made to the same Messenger and here withal of her Princely Consideration with such speed to command you by your Letters to signify the same unto me who before remained wonderfully perplexed fearing that her Majesty might mistake the same for which her Goodness I acknowledg my self bound to honour serve love and obey her Highness during my Life Requiring you also to say unto her Majesty That in the King my Brother's time there was offered me a very honourable Marriage or two and Ambassadors sent to treat with me touching the same whereupon I made my humble Suit unto his Highness as some of Honour yet living can be testimonies that it would like the same to give me leave with his Grace's favour to remain in that Estate I was which of all others best liked me or pleased me And in good Faith I pray you say unto her Highness I am even at this present of the same mind and so intend to continue with her Majesty's favour and assuring her Highness I so well like this Estate as I perswade my self there is not any kind of Life comparable unto it And as concerning my liking the said Motion made by the said Messenger I beseech you say unto her Majesty That to my remembrance I never heard of his Master before this time and that I so well like both the Message and the Messenger as I shall most humbly pray God upon my Knees that from henceforth I never hear of the one nor of the other assure you that if it should eft-soons repair unto me I would forbear to speak to him And were there nothing else to move me to mislike the Motion other than that his Master would attempt the same without making the Queen's Majesty privy thereunto it were cause sufficient And when her Grace had thus ended I was so bold as of my self to say unto her Grace her pardon first required that I thought few or none would believe but that her Grace could be right-well contented to marry so there were some honourable Marriage offered her by the Queen's Highness or her Majesty's Assent Whereunto her Grace answered What I shall do hereafter I know not but I assure you upon my Truth and Fidelity and as God be merciful unto me I am not at this time otherwise minded than I have declared unto you no though I were offered the greatest Prince in all Europe And yet percase the Queen's Majesty may conceive this rather to proceed of a maidenly shamefastness than upon any such certain determination Tho. Pope FINIS A COLLECTION OF RECORDS c. BOOK III. Number 1. The Device for Alteration of Religion in the first Year of Queen Elizabeth offered to Secretary Cecill Question 1. WHen the Queen's Highness may attempt to reduce the Church of England again to the former purity Ex M. SS Nob. D. Grey dc Ruthen and when to begin the Alteration Answer At the next Parliament so that the Dangers be foreseen and Remedies provided for the sooner that Religion is restored God is the more glorified and as we trust will be more merciful unto us and better save and defend her Highness from all Dangers Quest 2. What Dangers may ensue thereof Answ 1. The Bishop of Rome all that he may will be incensed he will Excommunicate the Queen's Highness Interdict the Realm and give it in Prey to all Princes that will enter upon it and stir them up to it by all manner of means 2. The French King will be encouraged more to the War and make his People more ready to fight against us not only as Enemies but as Hereticks He will be in great hope of Aid from hence of them that are discontented with this Alteration looking for Tumults and Discords He will also stay concluding of Peace upon hope of some alteration 3. Scotland also will have the same Causes of boldness and by that way the French King will seem soonest to attempt to annoy us Ireland also will be very difficultly stayed in the Obedience by reason of the Clergy that is so addicted to Rome 4. Many People of our own will be very much discontented especially all such as governed in the late Queen Mary's Time and were chosen theâ—â—to for no other Causes or were then most esteemed for being hot and earnest in that other Religion and now remain unplaced and uncalled to Credit will think themselves discredited and all their Doings defaced and study all the ways they can to maintain their own Doings destroy and despise all this Alteration 5. Bishops and all the Clergy will see their own ruin and in Confession and Preaching and all other means and ways they can will persuade the People from it they will conspire with whomsoever will attempt and pretend to do God a Sacrifice in letting the Alteration though it be with murder of Christian Men and Treason Men which be of the Papists Sect which of late were in a manner all the Judges of the Land the Justices of the Peace chosen out by the late Queen in all the Shires such as were believed to be of that Sect and the more earnest therein the more in estimation These are most like to join and conspire with the Bishops and Clergy Some when the Subsidy shall be granted and Mony levied as it appeareth that necessarily it must be done will be therewith offended and like enough to conspire and arise if they have any heed to stir them to do it or hope of Gain or Spoil 6. Many such as would gladly have Alteration from the Church of Rome when they shall see peradventure that some old Ceremonies be left still
the Writings of the Disciples and of the Prophets are read as much as may be Afterwards when the Reader doth cease the Head-Minister maketh an Exhortation exhorting them to follow so honest things After this we rise all together and offer Prayers which being ended as we have said Bread Wine and Water are brought forth then the Head-Minister offereth Prayers and Thanksgivings as much as he can and the People answereth Amen These words of Justin who lived about 160 Years after Christ considered with their Circumstances declare plainly That not only the Scriptures were read but also that the Prayers and Administration of the Lord's Supper were done in a Tongue understood Both the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom declare That in the Celebration of the Communion the People were appointed to answer to the Prayer of the Minister sometimes Amen sometimes Lord have mercy upon us sometimes And with thy Spirit and We have our Hearts lifted up unto the Lord c. Which Answers they would not have made in due time if the Prayers had not been made in a Tongue understood And for further proof Basil Epist 63. let us hear what Basil writeth in this Matter to the Clerks of Neocesarea Caeterum ad Objectum in Psalmodiis crimen quo maximè simpliciores terrent Calumniatores c. As touching that is laid to our charge in Psalmodies and Songs wherewith our Slanderers do fray the Simple I have this to say That our Customs and Usage in all Churches be uniform and agreeable For in the Night the People with us riseth goeth to the House of Prayer and in Travel Tribulation and continual Tears they confess themselves to God and at the last rising again go to their Songs or Psalmodies where being divided into two parts sing by course together both deeply weighing and confirming the Matter of the Heavenly Saying and also stirring up their Attention and Devotion of Heart which by other means be alienated and pluck'd away Then appointing one to begin the Song the rest follow and so with divers Songs and Prayers passing over the Night at the dawning of the Day all together even as it were with one Mouth and one Heart they sing unto the Lord a new Song of Confession every Man framing to himself meet words of Repentance If ye will flee us from henceforth for these things ye must flee also the Egyptians and both the Lybians ye must eschew the Thebians Palestines Arabians the Phenices the Syrians and those which dwell besides Euphrates And to be short all those with whom Watchings Prayers and common singing of Psalms are had in honour These are sufficient to prove that it is against God's Word and the Use of the Primitive Church to use a Language not understood of the People in Common Prayer and Ministration of the Sacraments Wherefore it is to be marvelled at not only how such an Untruth and Abuse crept at the first into the Church but also how it is maintained so stifly at this Day And upon what ground these that will be thought Guides and Pastors of Christ's Church are so loath to return to the first Original of St. Paul's Doctrine and the Practice of the Primitive Catholick Church of Christ J. Scory D. Whithead J. Juel J. Almer R. Cox E. Grindal R. Horn. E. Gest. The God of Patience and Consolation give us Grace to be like minded one towards another in Christ Jesus that we all agreeing together may with one mouth praise God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen Number 4. The Answer of Dr. Cole to the first Proposition of the Protestants at the Disputation before the Lords at Westminster Est contra Verbum Dei consuetudinem veteris Ecclesioe Linguâ Populo ignotâ uti in publicis precibus Administratione Sacramentorum Most Honourable Ex MS. Col. Cor. C. Cant. VVHereas these Men here present have declared openly That it is repugnant and contrary to the Word of God to have the Common Prayers and Ministration of the Sacraments in the Latin Tongue here in England and that all such Common Prayer and Ministration ought to be and remain in the English Tongue Ye shall understand that to prove this their Assertion they have brought in as yet only one place of Scripture taken out of St. Paul's first Epistle to the Corinthians Cap. 14. with certain other places of the Holy Doctors whereunto answer is not now to be made But when the Book which they read shall be delivered unto us according to the appointment made in that behalf then God willing we shall make answer as well to the Scripture as other Testimonies alledged by them so as all good Men may evidently perceive and understand the same Scripture to be misconstrued and drawn from the native and true sense And that it is not St. Paul's mind there to treat of Common Prayer or Ministration of any Sacraments And therefore we now have only to declare and open before you briefly which after as opportunity serves in our Answer shall appear more at large causes which move us to persist and continue in the order received and to say and affirm that to have the Common Prayer or Service with the Ministration of the Sacraments in the Latin Tongue is convenient and as the state of the Cause standeth at this present necessary Second Section 1. And this we affirm first because there is no Scripture manifest against this our Assertion and Usage of the Church And though there were any yet it is not to be condemn'd that the Church hath receiv'd Which thing may evidently appear in many things that were sometime expresly commanded by God and his Holy Apostles 2. As for Example to make the Matter plain ye see the express Command of Almighty God touching the observation of the Sabbath-Day to be changed by Authority of the Church without any Word of God written for the same into the Sunday The Reason whereof appeareth not to all Men and howsoever it doth appear and is accepted of all good Men without any Controversy of Scripture yea without any mention of the Day saving only that St. John in his Apocalyps nameth it Diem Dominicam In the change whereof all Men may evidently understand the Authority of the Church both in this cause and also in other Matters to be of great weight and importance and therein esteemed accordingly 3. Another Example we have given unto us by the Mouth of our Saviour himself who washing the feet of his Disciples said I have herein given you an Example that as I have done even so do you Notwithstanding these express words the Holy Church hath left the thing undone without blame not of any Negligence but of great and urgent Causes which appeareth not to many Men and yet universally without the breach of God's Commandment as is said left undone Was not the Fact also and as it seemeth the express Commandment of Christ our Saviour changed and altered by the Authority
is thought and of these I must confess my self to your Lordship to be one And God is my Judg whether it be for any other respect in this World but that I suppose and verily believe it may prove best for her Majesty 's own quietness during her time And here I must before open to your Lordship indeed her Majesty's true State she presently stands in which though it may be granted the former Advice the better way yet how hardly it layeth in her Power to go thorow withal you shall easily judg For it must be confessed That by the taking into her protection the King and the Faction she must enter into a War for it And as the least War being admitted cannot be maintained without great Charge so such a War may grow France or Spain setting in foot as may cause it to be an intollerable War Then being a War it must be Treasure that must maintain it That she hath Treasure to continue any time in War surely my Lord I cannot see it And as your Lordship doth see the present Relief for Mony we trust upon which either failing us or it rising no more than I see it like to be not able long to last Where is there further hope of help hereafter For my own part I see none If it be so then my Lord that her Majesty's present estate is such as I tell you which I am sure is true How shall this Counsel stand with security by taking a Party to enter into a War when we are no way able to maintain it for if we enter into it once and be driven either for Lack or any other way to shrink what is like to follow of the Matter your Lordship can well consider the best is we must be sorry for that we have done and per-chance seek to make a-mends where we neither would nor should This is touching the present State we stand in Besides we are to remember what already we have done how many ways even now together the Realm hath been universally burdened First For the keeping of new bands after the furnishing of Armour and therein how continually the Charge sooner hath grown than Subsidies payed And lastly the marvellous charge in most Countries against the late Rebellion with this Loan of Mony now on the neck of it Whether this State doth require further cause of imposition or no I refer to your Lordship And whether entring into a further Charge than her Majesty hath presently wherewithal to bear it will force such a Matter or no I refer to wiser to judg And now my Lord I will shew you such Reasons as move me to think as I do In Worldly Causes Men must be governed by Worldly Policies and yet so to frame them as God the Author of all be chiefly regarded From him we have received Laws under which all Mens Policies and Devices ought to be Subject and through his Ordinance the Princes on the Earth have Authority to give Laws by which also all Princes have the Obedience of the People And though in some Points I shall deal like a Worldly Man for my Prince yet I hope I shall not forget that I am a Christian nor my Duty to God Our Question is this Whether it be meeter for our Soveraign to maintain the young King of Scotland and his Authority or upon Composition restore the Queen of Scots into her Kingdom again To restore her simply we are not of Opinion for so I must confess a great over-sight and doubt no better Success than those that do Object most Perils thereby to ensue But if there be any Assurances in this World to be given or any Provision by Worldly Policy to be had then my Lord I do not see but Ways and Means may be used with the Queen of Scots whereby her Majesty may be at quiet and yet delivered of her present great Charge It is granted and feared of all sides that the cause of any trouble or danger to her Majesty is the Title the Queen of Scotland pretends to the Crown of this Realm The Danger we fear should happen by her is not for that she is Queen of Scotland but that other the great Princes of Christendom do favour her so much as in respect of her Religion they will in all Causes assist her and specially by the colour of her Title seem justly to aid and relieve her and the more lawfully take her and her Causes into their Protection Then is the Title granted to be the chief Cause of danger to our Soveraign If it be so Whether doth the setting up the Son in the Mothers Place from whence his Title must be claimed take away her Title in the Opinion of those Princes or no notwithstanding she remain Prisoner It appeareth plainly No for there is continual Labour and means made from the greatest Princes our Neighbours to the Queen's Majesty for restoring the Queen of Scotland to her Estate and Government otherwise they protest open Relief and Aid for her Then though her Majesty do maintain the young King in his present Estate yet it appears that other Princes will do the contrary And having any advantage how far they will proceed Men may suspect And so we must conceive that as long as this Difference shall continue by the maintaining of these two so long shall the same Cause remain to the trouble and danger of the Queen's Majesty And now to avoid this whilst she lives What better Mean is there to take this Cause away but by her own consent to renounce and release all such Interest or Title as she claimeth either presently or hereafter during the Life of her Majesty and the Heirs of her Body Albeit here may two Questions be moved First Whether the Scots Queen will renounce her Title or no Secondly If she will do so What Assurance may she give for the performance thereof To the first It is most certain she hath and presently doth offer wholly and frankly to release and renounce all manner of Claims and Titles whatsoever they be to the Crown of this Realm during her Majesty's Life and the Heirs of her Body And for the second She doth likewise offer all manner of Security and Assurances that her Majesty can devise and is in that Queen 's possible Power to do she excepteth none Then must we consider what may be Assurances for here is the difficulty For that Objections be that Princes never hold Promises longer than for their own Commodity and what Security soever they put in they may break if they will All this may be granted but yet that we must grant also that Princes do daily Treat and deal one with another and of necessity are forced to trust to such Bonds and Assurances as they contract by And as there is no such Surety to be had in Worldly Matters but all are subject to many Casualties yet we see such Devices made even among Princes as doth tie them to perform that which