discharge your Iesuites of herisie and treason the wordes of scorpions and venemous spiders are no railing termes but apt to expresse their venemous and poisonous practises for they are vsed in scripture to describe the like mischeuous workes as Apocal. 9. Esa. 59. 5. The rest of his speaches haue either the same or the like phrases iustified in the scriptures against corrupters of Religion and enimies of publike peace as we shewe your Iesuites to be for the former and their practises to the confusion of some of them haue beene discouered for the latter With Master Hanmers termes I will not meddle who is to answer for him-selfe when you haue confuted his arguments or els when he shall see it conuenient Doctor Fulke the next man whom you condemne to be of a ruffianlike spirit because he saith shew me Allin if thou canst for thy guttes as though you raile not more of him in your ruffianlike terme then he in speaking of Allens guttes whatsoeuer the cause or affection were hath answered alreadie in his own behalfe in such sort as more shame redowndeth to you that haue gathered together his vehement and sharpe speaches vttered in manie bookes and to those whome you complaine by him to be abused while he giueth a reason of his speaches then all the eloquence you haue wil be able to wipe away in a larger treatise then your defense of the Censure as yet appeareth to be Confut of Topish quarrelles page 20. and so forth in 16. or 17 pages If it were no more but your marginall note Docter Fulkes talent in railing wherein you abuse an holie phrase of scripture like an Italian Atheist to mooue Sardonicall laughter it were much more able to conuince you of a ruffianlike spirit then anie terme that D. Fulke vseth seeing such vnreligious allusions vnto the termes and matters of holie scripture cannot be defended in anie man cause or manner The like you haue of Primitias spiritus and Luthers lying with a Nunne in the Lord all which argue a prophane spirite and a licentious intemperate and almoste blasphemous tongue or penne in anie that vse them or the like When you haue almoste done with Doctor Fulke you take vpon you to shew the like rayling in the Masters as you terme them that you haue done in the schollers and beginning with Iohn Caluin you saie that his ordinarie terme especially against Bishoppes and such like as are his superiours is to call them Nebulones knaues which beside the foull gall whence it proceedeth is vnseemelie For this you neither note nor quote anie one place where he vseth that terme in such sort as either his gall might thereby be espied or the same signfying light persons might not fitlie be applied vnto them vpon whome he bestowed the terme As for your popish Bishoppes are not his superiours but for the most part deserue sharper termes then Nebulones euen such as were fitte for Annas Caiphas Ananias and the rest of that race which were as great prelates as they Hauing nothing more against Caluin you passe ouer to Luther who in his booke against King Henrie the eight of England ministreth vnto you larger matter to triumph against him where in it maie be doubted whether you had greater pleasure in discouering of Lu ther 's intemper at stile then in displaying those odious and long since buried reproches against that noble Prince so great an enimie to your Romish Antichrist which as they were vnseemelie in respect of either of their persons him that did write the Prince against whom he did write so they were afterward misliked of Luther himselfe who in as great humilitie as before he did write in disdaine craued pardon at his handes not for the matter substance of his booke but for his vnreuerent handling of the same against a King of so great nobility of so good expectation the cause that mooued him to such destemper was for that he supposed that the booke was not endited by the King him selfe but by some enimie of his to procure his dishonour as he writeth in the same booke Crederes ab insigni hoste regis hunc librum editum in perpetuam regis ignominiam You would thinke that his booke was set forth by some notable enimie of the Kinges to the perpetuall shame of the King And in his Epistle of submission he declareth that he suspected cardinall Wolsey to be the author thereof which made him the bolder to write as he did against it And in the storie of Sir Thomas Moores life written by his sonne in lawe Master Roper which I haue seene it appeareth that Kinge Henrie tooke great displeasure against Sir Thomas Moore for the edition of that booke by which he receiued more dishonour then by anie thing in all his life Luther therfore writing against him that did abuse the name of the Kinge in defence of an euill cause thought he was not bound to spare him because of the Kinges title but that he might so much the rather be free to inueigh against him But this to saie the trueth might be some part of an excuse though not a sufficient defense of his doing neuerthelesse it followeth not here of that he could not be an elect vessell of God or that he had no part of Gods spirit or that he was herein worsse then anie russian or rakehell as our seuere Censurer saith without either malice or railing spirit I warrant you For Gods elect children they that haue a great part of his spirit do sometimes fal into far greater crimes then this and yet by his grace are brought to repentance as Luther was for this vntemperat stile and thereof made open confession in his epistle of submission againe he erred by immoderat zeale yet in defense of the truth which is not the cause that mooueth ruffians and rakehelles to rage Wherefore it is well with Luther that hath alreadie answered the matter before a more wise and merciful iudge and standeth not at the curtesie of our solemne Censurer But it is more to your purpose that you bring in Luther inueighing against the Caluinistes where he had not by our owne confession a good cause the Caluinistes againe as bitter against him a tast whereof though you refer the matter to another place you wil needes giue vs here by citing of one place in stead of all the rest and that is of the Church of Tygurine against Luther Tygur 〈◊〉 3. contra supermam Lutherij confessionem whole wordes you promise to rehearse out of what edition I cannot tell for the edition of Tigure by Froshere 1545. of Gwalters translation reporteth their wordes somewhat otherwise and therefore I thinke in this place as in diuers other you are but a broaker of other mens ware to put forth that you neuer sawe your selfe but gather out of some other mans notebooke which reported not al thinges either with such diligence or faithfullnes as had beene requisite to be found in
end of the Chapter next before you said in your brauerie that you would leaue Caluine wrestling with his owne shadow and follow on your purpose and course of matter a greate parte whereof is as it appeareth to wrastle with your owne shadowe For no man ther is in these dayes especially of them whome you count your aduersaryes in this cause but doeth acknowledge that it standeth well with gods honour that mortall men should remit sins according to that commission which they haue reccaued of him who only hath power absolutely and properly to remitte sinnes The heresie of Nouatus is also generallie condemned of all men neither holde we anie error common with him in denying the priestes authoritie much lesse any heresie To omitte therfore your impertinent declaration who be moste in daunger of heresy I acknowledge your argument to be good and found Nothing that is answerable to Gods ordinance can be disagreeable to his honour the authoritie of the Church is agreeable to Gods ordinance therefore not contrarie to his honour But if your Priestes will claime further authoritie then is answerable to Gods ordinance as you do in their name that is to saie that they haue power properlie to forgiue sinnes then they claime that which is not agreeable to Gods honour For it is God alone that properlie taketh awaie sinnes And Gods ordinance is that they should be declarers interpreters and expressers of his holie will and pleasure concerning remission of sinnes not properlie pardoners forgiuers or remitters of sinnes as though the sentence in heauen depended vpon the sentence in earth and not rather the sentence of man should be framed and depend vpon the sentence of God Your skornefull trifling in matching vs with auncient heretiks and graunting vs some preheminence of antiquitie as though we were not hable to prooue our do ctrine in all pointes of controuersie more auncient then yours I passe ouer as needing no answere except it were to such with whome no answere will preuaile The heresie of Nouatus of diuers writers is diuersly reported some affirme that he vtterly denied allrepentance to them that had fallen after Baptisme other that he denied only the absolution and admission into the Church vpon any repentance or submission of them that for falling into idolatrie for feare of persecution were excommunicated or excluded from the Church As for the popish Sacramente of penance was not instituted in his daies but the power that the Church hath in loosing them that werebound in such cases or of assuring the penitent osfenders of remission of sinnes he vtterlie denyed But you saie he was nothing disagreeing from Caluin that condemneth the saying of Hierome as sacrilegious where he writeth that penance is a second borde of refuge whereby after shipwrack a man maie be saued In which affirmation you vtter manie vntruethes at once For Caluine denyeth not with Nouatus the benefit of repentance absolution loosing or forgiuenes of sinnes after Baptisme as you shamefullie slaunder him but reprooueth the sophisticall papistes which to the derogation of Baptisme and the perpetuall fruite thereof cal their pretended sacrament a second borde aftershipwrack as though the benefit of Baptisme beeing lost they should haue remission of sinnes by this counterfet sacrament of popish penance and absolution Secondlie Caluin simpliecon demneth not the saying of Ierome as sacrilegious but saith that whose saying soeuer it is it can not be excused but it is plainlie impious if it be expounded according to their meaning As though saith he by sinne Baptisme were cleane put out and not rather that it is to be called into remembrance to the sinner so often as he thinketh of remission of sinnes that thereof he maie gather him-selfe together be comforted and confirme his faith that he shall obtaine remission of sinnes which was promised to him in Baptisme Now that which Hierome spoke hardlie and vnproperly that by repentance Baptisme is repaired from whence they fal which deserue to be excommunicated from the Church these good interpreters draw to their impietie Therefore you maie saie moste aptlie if you call Baptisme the sacrament of repentance seeing it is giuen for a confirmation of grace and faith in them that think vpon repentance These words of Caluin declare that he thought not so vnreuenthe of Saint Hierome as you would haue it seeme but that he reprooued their impudencie which to mainteine their sacrilegious opinion of their new found sacrament do draw his wordes though in them selues somwhat hard vnproper yet farre beyond his meaning And certainlie whosoeuer shall reade the place it selfe where Hierome hath these wordes in Esaie cap. 3. shal plainly perceiue that he speaketh neither of Baptisme nor of any other sacrament of penance or repentance nor of anie exercise of repentance in the Church of Christ but rather of them that were neuer baptized thelews which impudently cryed Crucifyhim we haue no King but Caesar or those elder Iewes against whome Esaie prophecied For vpon these wordes of the Prophet They haue declared their sinne as Sodoma c. Et quomodo Sodomitae in omni libertate peccantes nec pudorem quidem vllum habentes in scelere dixerunt ad Loth Educforas viros vt concubamus cum eis sic isti publicè proclamantes suum praedicauerunt peccatum nec vllam in blasphemando habuere vereeundiam secunda enim 〈◊〉 naufragium tabula poenitentia est consolatio miseriarum impietatem suam abscondere And as the Sodomites sinning with all licentiousnes and hauing not so much as anie shame in their wickednes said vnto Lot bring forth those men that we maie lie with them euen so these men haue declared their owne sinne openlle proclaiming it and in blaspheming had no shamefastnes For the second borde after shipwrack is repentance and a comfort of miseries to hide their owne vngodlines The sense is manifest that they which are not ashamed of their sinnes are farre from repentance and in a desperate state For they that haue made shipwrack of honestie and Godlines haue no recouerie but by repentance So that Hieromes saying except it be violentlie wrested to those things of which he neuer meant soundeth nothing to the maintenance of anie patch of Poperie That Nouatus reserued to him selfe anie power of giuing pardon after mans fall which he denied to the Church I know not where you finde it But Socrates must testifie that he ioyned fullie with vs yea though in some other point he did ouerprick his children yet herein they fully meete in one Why sir do we refuse to admit anie man to the sacramentes which haue sacrificed to Deuilles yea though they haue beene excommunicated from the Church fot their wickednes do not we vpon repentance graunt them absolution and assure them of remission of their sinnes This is too intollerable impudencie to charge vs with Nouatus heresie especiallie in that point in which we are as directlie repugnant vnto him as contradictoric sayings and
Ierusalem he thus mooueth himselfe to mercie Circuite vias Ierusalem a spicite considerate quaerite in plateis eius an inuenias virum facientem iudicium quaerentem fidem propitius ero ei Looke round about the citie and veiw the streets thereof and haue good consideration whether anie one maie be found there that doth instice and studeth after faithfullnes and I will haue mercie on the Citie In the fift of Ieremie Where you maie perceiue that God wil forgiue all for ones desertes and that the good workes of one maie by Gods iustice supplie the lacke of manie other not yet to deliuer anie man from euerlasting damnation that is impenitent and therefore in case and state of eternall death For the worke of the faithfull can not extend to do good to such as be for euer separated from their fellowship and therfore can be no members of the common bodie in the firme knot whereof onelie their is mutuall health and healpe among such as partlie lacke and partly do abound for release of the rodde of temporall correction that is often laied vpon the children and not of anie eternall punishment that onelie happeth to such as be separated and cut of effectuallie from Christes bodie which is the Church for euer FVLKE You continue still in Chrysostomes argument but you follow neither his wordes nor his meaning for he speaketh neither of meriting nor satisfying For his wordes are these immediatlie following that which I haue last rehearsed Haec nos Saepe facimus famulos qui peccauerunt dignos suppliciis nolentes punire neque à supplicij metu liberari anico iubemus vt illos è nostris eripiant manibiatque vt ita timor illorum in eis crescat nostra effugiant verbera Hoc Deus fecit Et quòd hoc sit verīs ex ipsis verb is manifestum est Dimitte me inquit irascar Etenim nullus remittit qui punire vult tuncenim irascimur Ipse autem dicit dimitte me irascar vt scias quodirain Deo non sit affectio sed pana in nos eo vocabulo nominetur Quando igitur audis Mosem dicentem siquidem dimittis pecceatum dimitte prae seruo Dominum obstupesee quod ipse fibi ipsi miserecordiae occasionem quaerit Non hîc autem solum hoc fecit sed ad Ieremiam ad Ezechielem idem hoc dicit circuite videte in viis Hierusalem num sit qui faciat iudicium insticiam miserieors ero cis Vidisti misericordiam Multietiam impij vnius virture simul fruuntur Multorum autem malitia quamuis vnus sit qui rectè agat in medio magni populi non 〈◊〉 Sed vnes quidem homo rectè viuens populum integrumeri pere potest ab ira Dei. Ciuitas autem integra per nersaque in suam poenam supplicium attrahere bene viuentem dietecre non potest Et hoc de Noe manifestum Pereuntibus enim omnibus solus seruatus est Et de Mose clarum est Solus enim potuit tanto populo impetrare veniam This doe we also oftentimes and being nether willing to punish our seruants worthie of punishment which haue offended nor to deliuer them from the feare of punishmēt we bid our friends that they should deliuer them out of our handes and that so their feare maie increafe in them and they maie auoide our stripes This did god also that this is true it is manifest out of the verie wordes Let me alone saith he and I will be angrie for no man relenteth that will punish for then we are angrie But he saith let me alone and I will be angrie that thou maiest know that anger in God is no affection but punishment toward vs is named by that terme Therefore when thou hearest Moses saying If thou doest forgiue this sin forgiue it wonder at the Lord in comparison of the seruant that he him selfe seeketh vnto him selfe occasions of mercie Neither did he this thing here onelie but also vnto Ieremie and Ezechtel he saith the same thing go round about and see in the waies of Ierusalem whether there be anie that doth iudgement and iustice and I will be mercifull vnto them Hast thou seene his mercie manie also vngodlie persons enioy the vertue of one man together And by the malice of manie although there be but one that doth well in the middest of a great people he doth not fall But one man truelie liuing well maie deliuer a whole people from the wrath of God but a wholl communaltie that is peruerse cannot draw into their paine and punishment him that liueth well nor cast him downe And this is manifest of Noe for when all perished he alone was preserued And of Moses it is cleere For he alone was able to obteine pardon for so great a people In all these wordes here is no mention or meaning of merit or satisfaction but onelie of mercie as appeereth in the example of men requiring their friendes to deliuer their seruants from punishment where not the worthines of the friendes can be the cause but the mercie of the Master Againe he speaketh of the auoiding of temporall plagues in this life whereof euen the vngodlie and they that perteine not to the communion of Saints often times are partakers which proceedeth of the loue of God towards his children and not of their merite which you confesse can not extend to them that be for euer separated from their fellowship ALLEN Neither doe the desertes onelie of the liuing helpe the necessitie of their fellow members being yet aliue but such as bedead also doe communicate in their workes with their brethren yet abiding in this world And God of his singular mercy is often contented to be answered by them for their poore fellow seruants that be indebted so far in the Church that they be not hable in their owne persons to dscharge their owne debt nor come out of the same whereof the said Saint Chrysostome doth excellentlie well consider in these wordes of his sermon de poenitentia mihi autem saieth he aliud maius est diuinae misericordiae iudicium quod dicam Cum enim non inuenis homines viuos fiducia praeditos qui possint intercedendo veniam obtinere confugit ad defunctos per illos inquit se remissurum peccata Ezechiae enim dicit protegam ciuitatem hanc propter me propter Dauid puerum meum Olim enim mortuus erat Dauid That is to saie I haue yet a plainer and greater token of Gods mercie which I will shew you For when he findeth none aliue that be of confidence which might by intercession procure pardon he turneth to the departed and saieth he will remit sins for their sakes For he spake to Ezechias thus I will defend this citie for my owne sake and my child Dauids sake and yet Dauid was dead long afore FVLKE This place of Chrysostome followeth immediately
FAVLTES ESCAPED IN THE first Booke Pag. 2. lin 37. Wylie 15. 11. vainelie 62. 21. renforce 64. 35. come 65. 8. the. 82. 8. runneth forth almost into ouer great 90. in the marg ad illumin 91. 4. soone 103. 28. immortall 111. 16. litterallie 118. 13. textes 33. as expreslie 124. 33. left 126. 13. one of other 130. 24. Spanianum 156. 32. without confusion 169. 26. brandes 177. 29. which with 184. 15. learned 186. 5. contra 206. 37. put out that 212. 8. hic 29. fiat hoc 215. 22. 〈◊〉 228. 1. is 237. 28. some 239. 17. haue 240. 30. a thought yet raueth 256. 8. dare not 274. 21. greatest fault 279. 31. Pacianus 280. 10. quotations 282 5. remaineth 299. read the 9. line before the 8. 309. 22 Ioh. 1. 321. 18. He faith 324. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 333. 8. de gen ad Lit. 336. 17. de Sp. S. 30. it is 36. not whatsoeuer 337. 36. suppose 351. 3. euer 352. in the marg cont 3. in margine 353. 37. is the. FAVLTES ESCAPED IN THE second booke Pa. 4. l. 2. to 7. 19. disorder 22. 9. euer 41. 12. to God 13. put out to 44. 33. to the. 49. 34. in the marg put out Allen. 37. where 103. 16. For. 114 8. Matthie 115. 1. thisplace 128. 23. the. 138. 2. expound 158. 6. grounded 173. 30. at hand 177. 24. strong ones 184. 2. by himselfe or by his saints and therefore remission ofsinnes by himselfe 186. 15. saide 201. 35. of mutuall offence 212. 5. but from 222. 1. as 〈◊〉 35. eordes 251. 36 Christes 311. 2. demurre 314. 3. that 〈◊〉 ters 17. Monkes 324. 28. delegaui 325. 33. put out 〈◊〉 334. 14. both 341. 1. halfe 35. deemed 342. 26. no 〈◊〉 345. 13. consortatiues 346. 33. false 350. 29. to the. 366. 27. 〈◊〉 30. I. 369 28. prostant 398. 15. mony 483. 30. put out not 521. 34 the marg 1. Ioh. 5. 529 2. and figures In the answere to Prarine p. put out the note in the marg TO THE READER AGainst this Popish and trayterous defense of the proude Censures giuen vpon Master Charkes and M. Hanmers bookes there hath bene alreadie set forth an answere conteining a maintenaunce of the creditte of those excellent Ministers and Elders of Gods Church which this malitious slaunderer hath sought to deface for staie of the simple reader till Master Charkes booke come forth There hath also bene printed and set forth by Doctor Fulke a briefe confutation of sundrie cauills and quarrel vttered by diuerse Papists against his writinges and speciallie by this Censurer in this his booke of defense whereby some parte of his vnhonest dealing is displayed to the discredite of this defender and to the shame of all Papists Neuerthelesse vnderstanding that Master Charke is not minded 〈◊〉 set forth his answere although he haue it 〈◊〉 written before this defender hath 〈◊〉 his wholl booke as he promiseth I haue thought it not amisse to write a shorte treatis for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the matters of doctrine especially which are in controuersie betweene M. Charke and the Censurer either omitting or but breiflie touching the points handled more at large in the two 〈◊〉 books Neither do I thinke M. Charkes staying to be misliked for diuerse causes First to auoyd confusion which might ensue if the defender should replic vpon his answere to the first parte before the confutation of the second parte were finished published Secondlie to auoyd misunderstanding for that diuerse pointes touched in the first parte may be more at large and otherwise handled in the latter parte vpon vew whereof Master Charke would change his answere And last of all lest replying and reioyning vpon the first parte might be occasion that the latter parte should neuer be handled For which reasons and some other perhaps better knowne vnto him-selfe indifferent readers may gather that it is expedient for him to staie vntill he see the wholl charge of the aduersarie and then more orderly and seasonablie he may publish his answere altogeather But now to the purpose taken inhande Three tall fellowes step forth vpon this bulwarke of defense the Corrector of the printe the setter forth of the booke and the graunde Captaine defender himselfe The Corrector commeth forth with his parte to stoppe a gappe or emptie place of a page with the reall 〈◊〉 of a nowne Heretike and that presuming as he 〈◊〉 without the authors knowledge to wise a man belike to be made priuie of such gramaticall trifles But whereas he weeneth that by reading his authors treatise a man shall see the moste points verified in Master Charke and his companions he is fouly beguiled For there is no wise man but seeth all the pointes of his newlie deuised declension throughly verified in his author and his Complices who hath shewed himselfe to be not in one but in all cases a proude maleperte Lyar and an obstinate seditious Atheist 〈◊〉 hereunto an impudent heretike and a malitious traytor And if any man be so simple that he cannot yet perfectlie be holde all these pointes in his owne treatise yet in the answeres and confutations thereof he that will not acknowledge them to be verified in him is like to proue a nowne of the same declension with him Thus the Owlie Corrector hauing shotte his bolte out of the bulwarke which by euil happe of a contrarie winde is caried backe against him selfe and his owne freinds retireth into a corner and doth no more appeare sauing that some notes of his negligence here and there bewraying him do declare that this was not the first time that he was ouerseene in his life that he should haue done his Master better seruise if he had imploied the time he spent in deuising this grammatication in being occupied more diligentlie about his office of Correction The setter forth of this booke hath the next place who writing an epistle to Master Charke minister as he termeth him and as he is indeede of the Church of god in England vnder colour of expostulation of some particuler matters concerning the person of M. Charke taketh occasion to be a setter forth not onelie of a seditious slaunderous booke against the Church but also of moste spitefull accusations against the prince and Magistrates of the realme a sin the particuler vew of this epistle shall moste manifestlie appeare First therefore he excuseth the long delaie of setting forth this defense of the Censure which hath beene deferred more moneths then the Censure was daies in writing vpon such cause as is easie to iudge and speciallie to Master Charke which for the moste parte is priuie to the same The meaning is that the author is so quicke a dispatcher of his matters partely by meanes of the weakenes of our cause partelie by singuler dexteritie of his owne wit and learning that hauing finished his Censure in eight or nine daies space at the moste he coulde also in like proportionable time haue
many women together vnder the cloake of mariage by his authority or what carnall liberty of mariage Luther graunteh otherwise then the Apostle alloweth in the case of the infidels departure Albert he put the case of the second third fourth tenth or more beinginfidelis or false Christians which is altogether vnlikely and almoste vnpossible to come to passe For he that is once ridde of an vnfaithfull match being himselfe a good Christian will not 〈◊〉 take a wife but of Christian Religion and if he be deceuid twise it were mōstrous that he should be deceiued in his third choise But if he should wilfullie and wittinglie match with so manie knowne heathen women it would breed another case then Luther speaketh of and he were worthie to be cut of from the congregation of Christians as one that sheweth him-selfe to be a dissembling hypocrite rather then a faithful Christian. The fift doctrine that you reported of Luther is that if the wife will not come les the maide come Which M. Chark hath answered sufficientlie to be spoken of a third cause of diuorce when the woman shall obstinatelle refuse hir husbandes companie But this you saie cannot be excused either by M. Hanmers shameles denial or by M. Charks impertinent interpretation For you saie that this was practised in Germanie to all kind of lasciuiousnes yea among the Ministers them selues as Sebastian Flaske sometime a Lutheran Preacher doth testifie Here is vpon the testimonie of a lewd baudie knaues confession of his owne filthines for which it is like that he was banished frō the Church and so becam a papist a slaunder raised vpon the wholl ministery yea vpon the wholl nation of Germanes that professe Luthers Doctrine that by authoritie of Luthers writting they vse to call their maides to bed when their wiues will not come c. But to iustifie Master Charkes interpretation and to let the reader see the intolerable impudencie of this wretched defender I will set downe as I haue done in the rest Luthers wordes concerning the matter in question more at large by which it may appeare that Master Hanmer might iustlie denie the wordes to be Luthers where they were drawne so farre from his meaning After he hath shewed three causes of diuorce in his iudgement the first being impotencie the second adulterie the third desertion or forsaking he speaketh ofit in these words Tertia ratio est vbi alter alteri sese subduxerit vt debitam beneuolentiam persoluere nolit au habitare cum 〈◊〉 Reperiuntur enim interdum adeò pertinaces vxores quae etiamsidecies in libidinem prolaberetur maritus pro sua duritia non curarent Hic 〈◊〉 est vt maritus dicat Si tunolueris alia voler si domina nolit adueniat ancilla it a tamen vt antea iterum tertiò vxorem admoneat maritus coram aliis eius esiam pertinaciam detegat vt publicè ante conspectum Ecclesiae duritia eius agnoscatur reprehendasur Situm renuat repudiae eam in vicem Vasthi Esther surroga Assueriregis exemplo Porro hîc tu Diui Pauli 1. Cor. 7. imitaris verbis maritus proprij corporis potestatem non habet sed vxor Et vxer sui corporis ius non habet sed maritus Ne fraudetis vos mutuò niss vterque consenserit Ecce 〈◊〉 hîc fraudem 〈◊〉 Apostolus Nam in desponsione alter alteri corpus 〈◊〉 tradit ad matrimonij obsequium vbi ergo alter debitum obsequium negat tum alteri corpus 〈◊〉 deditum spoliat vi aufert quod propriè coniugij repugnat iuri immo coniugium dissipat Igitur hanc vxorem cohihere magistratus est atque interimere Hoc si 〈◊〉 magistratus imaginandum est marito suam 〈◊〉 vxorem à Latronibus raptam interfectam esse confiderandumque vt aliam ducat Ferendum est aliquando vt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tollatur spolieturque corpus tollerandum non est si vxor sese marito ipsademat praedetur aut ab aliis adimatur The third way is when the one withdraweth himselfe from the other so that he will not pay the due beneuolence or refuseth to dwel with the other For there are found women sometimes so obstinat that although their husbands should ten times fall into filthie lust such is their hardnes that they would not care Here now it is good time for the husband to saie if thou 〈◊〉 not another will if the mistres will not let the maide come but yet so that the husband before do admonish his wife the second and third time and discouer her 〈◊〉 also before other men that openlie and before the sight of the Church her hardnes may be knowne reprehended If then she refuse be thou deuorced from hir and in steed of Vasthi take Ester by the example of King Asuerus and in this case thou maiest leane vnto the wordes of Saim Paule 1. Cor. 7. the husband hath not the power of his owne bodie but his wife and the wife hath none authoritie of hir owne bodie but hir husband Doe not defraud one another except it be by consent of both Beholde the Apostle here forbiddeth fraud one both partes For in their betrothing they deliuer their bodies one to the other to the seruice of matrimonie Therefore where the one denieth the due seruice then he robbeth taketh away by force his body which he hath giuen to another which is properly repugnant to the right of mariage yea and dissolueth the mariage Therefore it is the Magistrates dutie to bridle his wife yea and to put hir to death This if the magistrat omit the husband must imagine that his wife is stollen awaie and slaine by theeues and consider how to marie another Is it to be borne at any time that a man should be spoiled and robbed of his owne bodie and is it to be tollerated if the wife doe take awaie and steale hir selfe from hir husband or be taken awaie by other Now reader it is thy part to iudge whether Master Charke haue made an im pertinent interpretation of Luthers wordes and whether any practize of such lascuiuiousnes as was touched can be defended by this doctrine of Luther Last of all whether there be anie honestie in the defender that faseth out the matter still as though Luther spake not of a cause of diuorce but of licentious lecherie to be committed with the maid so often as her mistres should chaunce to refuse her husbandes companie vppon anie occasion yea he rubbeth his forehead hardlie and saith to Master Charke when you are not ashamed to defend the doctrine ye are more bolde then the Lutheranes them-selues who for verie shame do suppresse the Germaine booke wherein it was written as Cromerus a Germane testifieth If the Lutheranes had beene so ashamed of the doctrine as you saie they were whie suffer they the latine booke to be so often printed As for suppressing of the Germane booke for verie shame
wher of the high Priest was a figure Neither was the citie of refuge appointed onelie for the triall of the slaughter whether it were willinglie or vnwillinglie committed as you saie but also for a kinde of punishment and detestation of manslaughter so that if the sleaer were found out of the City before the death of the high Priest the auenger of blood might kill him and not be charged with his blood Where you refuse the mysterie of Christes death in the death of the high Priest and flie to the fantasies of the Iewes you declare that you care not what you bring so you maie obtaine your purpose But Chri stian diuines as Cyrillus Maximus and others of the death of the high priest in that place gather deliuerance by the death of Christ. Saint Ambrose also is cleere that the high Priest in this place signifieth Iesus Christ and confuteth the politike reasons by you rehearsed out of R. Mose and R. Leui for that in causis paribus there was impar euentus In equal causes vnequall end For the high Priest might die saith he the next daie after the manslaier hath taken his refuge Againe he addeth that Christ is exors omnium voluntariorum accidentium delictorum void of all offences voluntarie and chaunceable by which he acknowledgeth vnwilling manslaughter to be an offence Saint Ierome also Dialog aduers. Pel. lib. 1. is plaine in that wholl case and sinne of ignorance and that he which is fled to the citie must tarie vntill the high Priest die that is vntill he be redeemed by the blood of our Sauiour Beda also vpon this place by his allegorie sheweth how he thought of that kinde of sinne Also Theodoretus in lib. Num. quaest 51. declareth both the mysterie of the high Priests death and sheweth that such vnwilling manslaughter is sinne Cur ad obitum Pontificis praescribet eireditum qui nolens interfecit Qnia 〈◊〉 Pontificis secundùm ordinem Melchisedech erat humani peccati solutio Whte vntill the death of the high Priest doth he prescribereturne vnto him which hath slaine a man vnwillinglie Because the death of the high Priest after the order of Melchisedech was the loosing of the sinne of man and so forth to the same effect And if all the politike reasons be graunted of the mans tarying vntill the high Priest die yet the mysterie of Christes death is not thereby taken away whoos 's blood clenseth vs from all sinne voluntarie or vnuoluntarie The last fault of the definition is that the Iesuites acknowledge not the sinne of ignorance you answer they do of that ignorance whereof a man him-selfe is the cause but not of that ignorance which the schoolemen call inuincible which is not in the doers power to auoid nor he fell into it by his owne defaulte as in the example of the Queenes subiect being in his Princes affaires in India and commaunded by proclamation in Westminster to appeare there at a certaine daie in which cause his absence is excused by inuincible ignorance This case graunted betweene the Prince and his subiect prooueth not that ignorance excuseth before God because there is not the like reason seeing no such ignorance whereby a man should transgresse the law of God is in man but by voluntarie and witting transgression of the first man and his owne negligence which maketh his fact sinfull because he is cause of his ignorance by negligence or in the sinne of Adam in whome you confesse that all men sinned At least wise if originall sinne be voluntarie by the sinne of Adam so also is the transgression of gods law in these cases of inuincible ignorance wittinglie committed by the same sinne of Adam Augustine whome you quote for your purpose speaketh of naturallignorance and infirmitie which is in insants not of that whereby men fall into error and so transgresse Gods law For that he calleth penall ignorance and difficultie which is iustlie laid vpon them that neglected to seeke knowledge and is sinfull therefore cannot excúse sinne Chrisostome whome you quote likewise is manifestly against you his wordes are these Quòdsi ea ignoraueris quae scriri non possunt praeter culpam eris siverò quae scitu possibilia sunt facilia extremas poenas merito dabis If thou be ignorant of those thinges which are not possible to beknowne thoushalt be blamles but if they be possible and easie to be knowne thou shalt worthelie suffer extreame punishment As in the cases of Abimelech with Abrahams wife and Iacob with Lea who if they had made diligent inquirie needed not to haue beene deceiued through ignorance Neither doth God excuse Abimelech from sinne altogether as you saie albeit he pardoned his ignorance and kept him from the fact of adulterie acknowledged his minde to haue beene free from the purpose of Adulterie For the punishmeut laid vpon him argueth what he deserued by his ouer hastie purpose of mariage with Sara and Abimelech confesseth that Abraham had brought vpon him and his Kingdom a great sinne Also when God saith to him I haue kept thee thatthou shouldest not sinne against me he declareth plainlie that if Abimelech had lien with Sara vpon that ignorance he had sinned against God But of Iacobslying with Lea in steade of Rachell you mooue a greater contention and alledge Saint Augustine in his defense But whosoeuer gaue you your notes through your negligence in not reading the places your selfe made you erre through ignorance For S. Augustine doth notin all those Chapters once touch the question whether Iacob sinned in that he did not regarde what woman was laid in his bedde by which negligence as Master Charke saith he might haue committed most horribleincest with his mother aunt or daughter Onelie he defendeth his Polygamie by the custome of that time and the contention of his wiues for their lodgeing with him and last of all allegorizeth vpon the wholl storie drawing the error of Iacob and all the rest to a mysterie Nor yet de ciuit dei lib. 16. c. 38. doth he defend his negligence rehearsing onelie how he came to haue foure wiues when he went into Mesopotamia for one onelie adding that because he had lyen with Lea vnwittinglie he did not put her awaie lest he might be thought to haue mocked her Neither hath Iustinus Martyr lib. de verit Christ. rel anie defense of Iacobs innocencie or excuse of his negligence in this fact but sheweth onelie what mysterie maie be gathered of his marriages as Saint Augustine doth Finallie Theodores your last auncient witnes agreeing with the rest saith that Iacob betrothed onelie Rachell and beside the purpose of his will had to doe with Lea. But immediatelie assoone as he perceiued the deceit he tooke it heauilie and complained to his father in law what word of defense or excuse of his fact committed through ignorance negligence haue you in this saying yet you conclude after your vaunting mannner And what one
scriptum est post concupiscentias tuas non eas sed non perficit quia non implet quod scriptum est Non concupisces He doth much good which doth that which is written goe not after thy lustes but he maketh not his good perfect because he fulfilleth not that which is written Thou shalt not lust These wordes and the wholl Chapter prooueth that Saint Augustine vnderstandeth the tenth commaundement of concupiscence whereunto no consent is added Againe lib. de spir lit cap. vltimo he saith that this commaundement Thou shalt not lust perteineth to the life to come because no man can fulfill it in this life but the other Goe not after thy lustes perteineth to this life because men may restreine by Gods grace consent and delectation in lust Your third quotation is lib. 19. Cont. Faustum cap. 7 where Saint Augustine saith no more for you then in the rest sauing that he saith That for as much as it is hard for vs to fullfill in euerie respect that which is written in the law thou shalt not lust Christ beeing made a prieste by the sacrifice of his flesh obteineth pardon for vs euen so fulfilling the law that by his perfection might be recouered that which by our infirmitie we could not In which saying except you will cauill vpon the terme of difficultie which in other places he maketh a flat impossibilitie there is no shadow for your assertion In your fourth quotation Cont. 2. ep Petil. lib. 3. cap. 7. or in steede of Petil. as I gesse you would saie Pelagianorum is nothing sounding to the matter but rather the contrarie that perfection cannot be in this life because there cannot be perfect iustice or fulfilling of the law Where fore I can but wonder at your impudencie in these quotations And yet as though you had found a great 〈◊〉 you saie it is most worthie of laughter which Master Charke for filling vp of a page discourseth of S. Pauls estate when he saith Paul compareth his estate before his knowledge of the tenth commaundement with his state afterward c. Verelie the Greeke prouerbe hath place in you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. A foole lauheth when there is nothing worthie of laughter You aske how he could be ignorant of that commaundement considering his education yet be able to 〈◊〉 other sinnes by the light of naturall reason But Master Charke saith he knew other sinnes by the law and light of nature He knew also by his bringing vp that it was written in the law thou shalt not lust but he vnderstood it not otherwise then the Pharises did which thought they were able to keepe the law But after he learned what originall sinne and the lust thereof proceeding was he sound himselfe condéned by the tenth commaundement which he could not doe by the other nine from which it is perfectlie distinct nor by the light of reason for the philosophers could neuer atteine to vnderstand that sinne But concupiscence with consent and delectation they could perceiue to be vitious and sinfull So that your sardonicall laughter may be staide and turned to weeping if 〈◊〉 had grace to know that commaundement as Saint Paul had whereof it appeareth you are as ignorant as euerhe was Concerning the similitude of the latine tongue whereof the tongue is onelie an instrumentall cause as it answereth not the effect of originall sinne so being a contention of termes I will not stand vpon it Againe I confesse it is not necessarie that euerie effect of originall sinne should be sinne in the regenerate as hunger sicknes c. but originall sinne is not so the efficient of these as of actuall sinnes for the iustice of God is the good proper and principall next efficient of those punishments sinne is the cause moouing the iustice of God to punish but original sin is the immediat euil material cause of actual sin That the guilt of original sin is taken-away from theregenerate in and by baptisme we do not denie yet remaineth the sin after baptisme though it be not impured as sinne vnto condemnation in the children of God That Christ is called sinne because i. e is a sacrifice to take awaie sinne maie prooue as you saie that something is figuratiuelie called sinne which properlie is no sinne But that concupiscence should as vnproperlie be called sinne you can not prooue because it is a matter and increaser of sinne Your false quotation Rom. 8. where Christ is called sinne you would iustifie by the 3. verse where there is no such matter but that God sent Christ in the similitude of sinfull flesh and of sinne condemned sinne in the flesh But if the text will not serue you send vs to the commentaries which can not alter the text howsoeuer some do compare this place with that of 2. Cor. 5. 21. and other some do take it otherwise Touching the auncient Fathers 〈◊〉 in the Censure to testifie that concupiscence is not sin in the regenerat if consent be not yealed c. you saie he hath passed ouer Cyprian and Pacacius without anie word vnto him The cause is for that they saie nothing to him in the matter controuersed beteweene him and you For Cyprian in both the places sheweth that baptisme by the spirit of God purgeth a man and washeth him cleane from all spots of sinne Which Master Charke confesseth as concerning the guilt because concupiscence though it remaine is not imputed for sinne in the regenerated But the question is what concupiscence of it selfe deserueth 〈◊〉 in the regenerated if it were imputed by Gods iustice as it is forgiuen by his grace Albeit he be not bound to take all that Cyprian writeth for Gospel especiallie in that Sermon de ablutione pedum if it be Cypriant As for Pacianus he saith not all so much If you haue anie wordes in the Fathers that maie enforce your meaning set them downe plainlie and mocke vs no longer with dumme questiones Ambrose and Clemens Alexandrinus as Master Charke telleth you haue not your wordes nor sense for whatsoeuer they saie of the purenes of them that are regenerated we acknowledge with them in respecte of the remission of their sinnes not that the regenerated are voide of al sinne or naturall corruption more then they be voide of infirmitie and mortalitie Where Clemens saith that concupiseence alone is adultrie you labour in vaine to adde consent for the worde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alone doth exclude what soeuer you can adde vnto it Where you cauill that he exhorteth the Gentiles to resist these motions of concupiscence and would prooue thereby that they are not the first motions which are vnauoidable it is a tale for he exhorteth the Gentiles to Christianitie where they should finde remission of all sinnes and all honnstie oflife Gregorie Nazianzen hath an oration or homilie intituled of holie baptisme but not de S. Iana as your Censure had in the first edition and in that oration he prooueth not your
were by them Baptized it seemeth they take it of their Master Nouatus who because he had contemned he ceremonie vsed in that time of the Church him-selfe taught his schollers to doe the same left it should hawe beene reputed a want in him Although not the omission of the ceremonie but the contempt of the vsage of the Church being not impious in it selfe was chiefelie condemned in him For at such times as he was ordained Elder or Priest of the Church of 〈◊〉 it was thought by the Bishope a matter that might be remitted in him that for other respectes seemed meete for the office neither was it thought necessarie that he should receiue that cerimonie so by him omitted but not yet as it was thought in despight of the Church refused The Fathers oflater time as Theodoret writeth decreed that such as came from his heresie and would be incorporated into the Church should by receiuing that cerimonie which in time of their heresie they despised declare that they were truelie conuerted from it and willinghe submitted themselues to the Catholike Church and her Doctrine But of late daies when that ceremonie of anointing hath beene accounted a Sacrament yea and a greater Sacrament then Baptisme and thought necessary to eternall saluation whereas yet it hath no institution of Christ set forth in the holie Scriptures the reformed Churches haue iustlie abrogated that custome according to that libertie which the Church hath in all ceremonies not commaunded by God according to the example of the Church in former ages which hath abrogated manie ceremonies vsed of auncient times aswell as that of anointing with oile them that are Baptized ALLEN And first because generallie all the foresaid ioyne together against the trueth in this argument that it is dishonour to god and great presumption in a mortall man to claime the power so proper to God let the studious reader well consider that no function power ne dignitie be it neuer so peculiar to God him-selfe by naturaii excellencie but the same maie be occupied of man secondarilie as by the waie of seruice ministery or participation so that man challenge nor vsurpe it not as of him selfe or when it is not lawfuliie receaued nor orderlie giuen All the workes that extraordinarilie and miraculouslie were wrought either by Christ in his humanitie or by the Prophets or Apostles wordes or by their garments or by what other instrumēt so euer they were donne were the works of god no lesse then to remit sins yet al these things other the like brought to passe by man through the power of god that worketh by mans ministerie the same nothing derogateth to gods glorie but infinitelie augmenteth his honour euen so the power of pardoning mans sins being emploied by God the father vpon Christ his sonne by Christ vpon his Church ministers practized by them not of their owne might heades but in the 〈◊〉 of the holie ghost which by the sonne of god was 〈◊〉 vpon them this authoritie I saie is no derogation but an euident signe of his mightie power of saluation left for the faithfulls sake in the Church When the person that was lame from his birth begged of Peter and Iohn somewhat for his reliefe at the Temole dore as his manner was Peter answered him that golde and siluer he had none to giue but that which he had he would willinglie bestowe which was power to heale him of his incurable maladie for proofe whereof he bad him arise and walke and so he did at his word in the sight of all that there were gathered which being done and the people wondering thereat the Apostle thus instructed them Brethren faith he why wonder you at vs as though we had brought this strange worke to passe by our owne strength and power it is the God of Abraham Isaac Iacob that hath glorified his sonne Iesus whome you refused and betraied to Pontius Pilatus to be crucified in his name and faith this poore man is recouered Marcke well that the same thing which peter said him selfe had to giue quod habeo tibi do the same yet he professeth that he holdeth not as of his owne right or might but as of Christ Iesus in whose name he willed the lame to walke euen so the the power of pardoning sinner is truely and properly in the Priestes as the power of working miracles is properly in Peters hands neither the one noryet the other holden as of their owne might and power but both practized for the glory of God in the name of Iesus of Nazareth by their appointed ministery And as truly as Peter might saie to the feeble in body that which I haue I giue thee rise and walke in the name of iesos of Nazareth so surelie may the Priest saie to the sicke in souie that which I haue I giue thee in the name of Iesus thy Ennes my sonne be forgiuen thee No lesse is the one the peculiar worke of God then the other no more doth one dishonor god then the other FVLKE Nothing that is proper or peculiar to God can be communicated to man but it ceaseth to be proper to God For it is against the nature of properties to be made common to any other subiect then to that whereof they are proper adiuncts And yet I denie not but that which is proper to God he doth exercise often times by the seruice or ministery of men in which they are but instrumental causes he him selfe is the principal efficient otherwise man maie not occupie or execute secondly or thirdly or last of all by waie of participation that which is proper or peculiar to God So that it remaneth still an vndoubted truth that God onelie doth forgiue sinnes properlie and man doth not forgiue sinnes properlie but is the instrument of God to vtter and declare the good pleasure of God in forgiuing sinnes to all and euerie one that repent and beleeue the Gospe ll Your general negatiue that there is no function power nor dignitie be it neuer so peculiar to God by naturall excellencie but it maie be occupied of man secondly as by the waie of seruice ministery or participation if it were vrged against you would breed horrible absurdities To omit all other the power of creating thinges of nothing by what meanes maie man be partaker thereof occupie it or exercise it But let vs consider your induction All Miraculous workes worught by Christ in his humanitie the Prophets or Apostles were no lesse proper to God then the power to remit sinnes Yes verilie for manie miraculous workes that God did by Moses the inchaunters of Egipt did the like by the power of the deuill whereby it appeareth that although ail power be deriued from God as from the first cause thereof euen that power which the deuill hath yet it is otherwise communicated to creatures then the power of remission of sinnes is For that remaineth onelie in the hande of God and is not properlie
make satisfaction to the Church when there appeereth iust cause so to doe But let vs see how manie vntruthes you do boldlie aduouch which are besides this authoritie First that these Bishops had thought not to haue giuen peace to them that had fallen till the houre of death came But that is not so for they saie onelie they had determined that they should haue performed the penance that was enioyned for a long time vnto them vnto the ful except danger of infirmitie required to giue peace at the point of death Their wordes are these Totheir brother Cornelius Bishoppe of Rome Statueramus quidem iampridem frater charissimè participato inuicem nobiscum consilio vt qui in persecutionio 〈◊〉 supplantati ab aduersario lapsifuissent ac sacrificiis se illicitis maculassent agerent diu poenitentiam plenam si periculum infirmitatis vrgeret pacem sub ictu mortis acciperent Nec enim fas erat aut permittebat paterna pietas diuina clementia ecclesiam pulsantibus claudi dolentibus deprecantib speisulutaris subsidium denegari vt de saculo recedentes sine communicatione aut pace domini dimitterentur cùm permiserit ipse qui tegem dedit vt ligata in terris etiam in Coelis ligata essent solui autem possent illic que hîc prius in Ecclesia soluerentur Sed cum videamus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 infestationis appropinquare coepisse crebris atque assiduis ostensionibus admoneamur vt ad cert 〈◊〉 quod nobis hostis indicit armati parati simus plebem 〈◊〉 nobis diuina dignatione commissam exhortationibus nostris praeparemus omnes omnino milites Christi qui arma desiaerant praelium flagitant intra castra domini colligamus necessitate cogente censuimus eis qui de Ecclesia domini recesserunt sed poenitentiam agere lamentari ac dominum deprecari à primo lapsus sui die non destiterunt pacem dandam esse eos ad praelium quod imminet armari instrui oportere We had decreed indeed long since moste deer brother by aduise taken amongst our selues that such as in the trouble of persecution were supplanied by the aduersarie and fallen and had defiled themselues with vnlawfull sacrifices should doe full penance a long time and if daunger of infirmity did vrge they should receiue peace at the point of death For it was not lawfull neither did the Fatherlie pietie and clementie of God permit that the Church should be shut vp to them that knocke and that aid of healthfull hope should be denied to them that sorrowed and praied for it that departing out of the world they should be sent awaie without anie communicaiion or the Lordes peace seeing he hath permitted which made the lawe that those things that are bound in earth should also be bound in heauen that those things also might be loosed there which were loosed here in the Church But for as much as we see that the daie of another trouble beginneth to approch and are admonished by often and dailie shewings or visions that we should be armed and prepared vnto the battell which the enemie doth denounce vnto vs we should also prepare the people by gods voutsafing committed vnto vs with our exhortations and should gather in anie wise all the souldiers of Christ which call for armour and desire to fight into the Lordes campe necessity compelling vs we haue thought good that peace is to be graunted to them which haue departed out of the Lords Church but from the daie of their falling haue not ceased to shew repentance and to lament and to intreat our Lord and that they also ought to be armed and furnished against the battell which is at hand These are the words of Cyprian his fellow Bishops which you haue abridged at your pleasure if your note booke did not deceiue you to set down that you haue done as the very words of the epi stle Out of which you gather beside that I haue noted before power to inioyne penance and to release the same againe But where you saie they take vpon them cleerelie to inioyne what they list and how long they list that is not so but what is iust and conuenient and so likewise vpon iust cause they release the same or some parte thereof Againe you slaunder them in saying they take vpon thē to pardon after death for there is no such word or matter in all the Epistle They released and receiued them to the communion being in daunger of death but after death they receiued no man to the communion Nay they decreed that whereas Geminius Victor who had made Geminius Faustinus a clergie man his executor contrarie to the decrees of their synods there should be no oblation made for his falling a sleepe nor anie praier frequented in the Church in his name So farre of was it that they would pardon anie man after death when no repentance auaileth The scripture they doe rightlie applie for the establishing of the discipline of excommunication receiuing againe into the fellowship of the Church such as were fallen vpon their repentance as for the sacrament of penance you say wel they exercized discipline without it for such a sacrament they knew not but they claimed no iurisdiction to receiue offenders without good tokens of their repentāce as their words be manifest Where you saie they claimed iurisdiction by their onelie letters to giue them in absence peace pardon of their inioyned penāce as though their letter did resemble the Popes pardons in writing you speake beside the booke for they doe not giue peace by these letters onlie but signifie vnto Cornelius what they thought necessary to be done vpō what reasons left they might be thought to light in loosing the sinews of discipline toward so notorius offenders Your conclusion follow eth not vpon this example Cyprian and his fellow Bishope did vpon necessary cause release the time of penāce enioyned to certaine greeuous offenders and receiued them to the communion vpon certaine perswasion of their répentance therefore the Pope and his popelings maie giue pardon of paine due for sinnes remitted where hone is due and in the sacrament of penance when no such sacrament can be prooued out of the scripture neither doe you rightlie alledge Christes wordes as those holie Fathers did for they alledged them for the discipline of excommunication and absoluing which is necessarie to be vsed in the Church but you to maintaine a tirannical iurisdiction to loose that which other men haue bound without good cause as they did but for manie often times as they did neuer Therefore there is as great oddes betweene their practize of discipline and these Popes pardons as there is distance betweene their ages which is more then a thousand yeares ALLEN And now to make vp this matter for the true meaning of the said text which we now prooue to pertaine to the establishing of the true title of
though vnperfect as they proceede from vs vnpure and vnworthie vessells yet neuerthelesse to be acceptable before God vnto rewarde which he giueth of meere mercie and not of merite or deserte Therefore there is no shadow for Popish pardons to shroude themselues vnder the winges of the good workes of Saintes which are the fruites of faith to declare them to be iustified not anie cause by which in the sight of God they can appeare iust and much lesse be able to iustifie other ALLEN Would God euerie man could feele how happie a thing it is to dwell as brethren together in the house of God vnder the appointed Pastours of that familie in which onelie Gods fauour is euerlastinglie found that they might therewith be partakers of all their workes that feare God might haue some sense and taste of that holie ointment of Gods spirite and gift of his grace that first was vpon the head of this householde our Master Christ Iesus and then dropped downe abundantly to his beard euen to the verie beard of Aaren whereby as S. Augustine saith the holie Apostles be signified and by them is ishued downe to the homme of Christes coate and imbrued all the borders of his garments that euerie one of the felowship might receiue benefite and feele the verdure thereof Quoniam 〈◊〉 mandauit Dominus benedictionem vitam vsque in seculum For in this happie felowship onlie our Lord bestoweth his manifold blessinges and life for euermore Amen FVLKE Who so looketh for sense from anie other fountaine or beginning then from the head alone shall feele no more then a stone But who so thorough faith is become a liuelie member of the mystical body of Christ by the operation of his holie spirite shall vndoubtedlie haue a moste sweete feeling of that moste happie spirituall coniunction of himselfe first vnto the heade which is Christ then vnto his bodie which is the Church and maie cheerefullie sing with Dauid Beholde how good and pleasant a thing it is that breethren dwel together But such is the abundance of grace and vertue in the head Christ that he seeketh not for merite or desert in himselfe or in anie of his fellow members although he receiue the gracious ointment of spirituall doctrine as S. Augustine doth expound it flowing from Christ to his Apostles and from them into all parts of his Church by which he is not taught to trust in himselfe or to depend vpon other mens merits or pardons but to repose the wholl hope of his saluation deliuerance from the wrath of God in the merites and satisfaction of Iesus Christ his heade towhome with the father and the holy ghost be euerlasting praise of our redemption reconciliation saluation glorification in his holie Church and felowship of Saints throughout all generations world without ende Amen God be praysed for euer AN APOLOGIE OF THE PROFESSORS OF THE GOSPEL IN FRAVNCE AGAINST THE RAILING DECLAMATION OF PEter Frarine a Louanian turned into English by Iohn Fowler Written by William Fulke AN APOLOGIE AGAINST THE RAILING DECLAMATION OF PETER FRARINE IT is pitie that the president of the Quodlibeticall disputations of Louane had no more discretion then to propounde in steede of exercises of learning a question perteining to the estate and doeings of other people with whome neither the speaker nor the hearers had any thing to doe neither were hable by knowledge of their affaires to discearne the cause nor by authoritie of their place to decide the controuersie But seeing they are disposed otherwise then wise men woulde be to be curious in a foraine common wealth and Fowler hath fantafied that the same also may apperteine to England which in Flaunders was de claimed against Fraunce Let vs see what Peter Frarine bringeth which may concerne the comon cause of religion where in they of France against whome he hath shot his bolt doe agree with vs in England First he saith as moste wicked persons they haue disturbed religion and peace A grieuous accusation But where is the proofe The question of religion he leaueth to be handled of others the deciding whereof neuerthelesse would purge the persons accused for the most part of the other crime of disturbance of peace Well the respōdent is not to be blamed that standeth vpon that question which according to the custome of the schoole was propounded to be the argument of his talke at that time And therefore he wil open declare first that there was no cause or iust occasion why these men should rise and make insurrection Then that they tooke weapon in hand without authoritie contrarie to law and in dispite of all Magistrates and Rulers Last and finallie that they vsed themselues to cruellie handled their sworde to bloodelie to the greatest dammage hindrance and losse that euer was felt in Christendome These are the diuisions of the circle with in which the orator hath inclosed himselfe But al these points so farre as they concerne the troubles in France are fullie and directlie confuted by all the edictes of pacification giuen forth to the knowledge of the world by Charles the ninth and Henrie the third Kings of Fraunce in which they haue alwaies acknowledged that the Protestants vpon iust cause with sufficient authoritie and in their seruice and to their honour haue put them selues in armes and done whatsoeuer the necessitie of warre lawfullie taken in hande hath inforced them to doe Then iudge whether against the publike testimonie of two Kings whome the matter moste concerned and that more then once or twise repeted I need to stand in the cōfutation of Peter Frarines petty priuate declamation Notwithstanding although I haue with one hatchet hewen a sunder the wholle stoke of this rayling oration yet I will not spare to brattell out the bowes and branches thereof in answering to euerie particular quarrell and cauil of the same There was not anie good or reasonable cause saith he why the founders and brokers of this new Gospell should be driuen to put them-selues in armes against the Catholikes See how the vaine declaimer which refused before to handle the question of religion now taketh vpon him most arrogantlie to decide the same For if the Protestantes be founders and brokers of a new Gospell and the Papistes be good Catholikes there is no cause why they should once open their mouthes against the Papistes much lesse arme them-selues as he said they did against the Catholikes But if this matter pertaine to the question of religion the debating whereof is not presentlie intended let vs pardon him these preiudiciall tearmes as well now as hereafter and consider onelie what reasons he bringeth to prooue his purpose No lawes ought to be chaunged with out great cause least of all the lawes of religion So farre we both agree but there is great cause to change lawes ofreligion when Antichristes decrees haue displaced the lawes of God the onelie rule of true religion Yet saith he
there can neuer be anie reason or sufficient cause alledged that innouation of religion should be attempted by force of armes by warre and rebellion by fier and sword by murder and blood shed of good and faithfull subiectes Let this also be graunted for this nothing toucheth the cause of them which to mantaine a law made for religion and to defend them-selues from the crueltie of priuate persons are required by the gouernours of the realme to arme themselues for defence of the King his lawes and their owne liues The lawe of the Locrensians pleaseth him well that the procurer of anie alteration should preach with a rope about his necke wherewith he should be strangled if the audience misliked his deuise The rope had neede to be in wise mens handes where that lawe should be practised or els the Apostles and first preachers of religion in the world might haue bene hardlie handled before they had halfe vttered their message And therefore the Princes and rulers of the word in this our time are wiser then Peter Frarine or Iohn Fowler in not establishing and practising of this Iawe as these men would wish they had But the default thereof saith he hath caused so lamentable an estate of all thinges warres tumults slaughters ruines Churches and townes ouerturned c. Admit these were the effectes as they are nothing lesse of the Protestants preaching what woulde the lawe of the Locrensians haue staied in this case when with the good liking both of the Prince and of the people these preachers haue bene heard and their doctrine receiued It greeueth him that it was free for these preachers without anie feare of the rope frankelie and boldelie to perswade with the people And thinketh he that feare of the Locrensians rope woulde haue restrained them whome the terror of Antichristes fire and tragicall torments neuer discouraged to publish the message of Christ their master Naie they went further from wordes to woundes and blowes they attempted reformation by ciuill warre and rebellion There was a companie of desperate persons that ranne about the strcetes of Parris with naked swordes in their hands and cried out the gospell the gospell as Claudius de sanctes an vtter enemie of the gospell beareth witnes But I praie you M. Frarine were these preachers that so ranne and cried that beside varnished wordes disbursed woundes and blowes If they were not preachers as your author Claudius cannot saie they were how hangeth your talke togither Must the preachers be charged with euerie disorder of their hearers Then let the Popish preachers answere for all thefts murders treasons incests rebellions and other offenses of papists but if anie such desperate persons ranne about as you saie how prooue you that they were disciples of the protestant Preachers and not rather futious firebrands of the popish friers and Sorbonicall teachers by whose seditious sermons they were incensed to murder the Protestants and true professors of the Gospell for how like is it that so smal a number of the Protestants as was neuer able to afford but an handfull of fighting men in Parris would attempt to arme themselues against such an infinite multitude of zealous mutinous Papists as were in that Citie Where the verie Croisters and common porters that I speake nothing of so manie thousand artificers had bene able not onlie to haue withstood their attempt but also to haue chased them out of the citie Notwithstanding if you willneedes vrge your Authors reporte that they were Protestantes why doe you not tell vs how manie they slewe with those glistering swordes At least wise name one whome they wounded with those weopons in their handes when they cried out The gospell the gospell Contrariwise how thirstie of bloode the Papistes their preachers haue beene it is an easie matter to make manifest proofe For that I speake nothing of the horrible massacre most cruellie executed not onelie in Paris but throughout al the realme of France the crueltie whereof would ouer whelme at once and swallow vp whatsoeuer can be fained of the Protestantes seueritie There be manie hundreth witnesses aliue which can reporte that in the latter end of the reigne of King Henrie the second the Popish preachers perceiuing how greatly he fauoured their cause stirred vp the people in their dailie sermons vnto sedition affirming that it was a thing acceptable vnto God and meritorious if anie man should kill a Luthe rane whereupon insued manie horrible murders of which some are perticularlie recorded in historie In the Church yeard of Saint Innocents immediatlie after a sermon when two were brawling as the people came forth of the Church and the one more of spite then of anie cause called the other Lutherane the people streight waie ranne vpon him and pursued him into the Church whether he fled for sanctuary A certaine gentleman passing that waie with his brother which was a Popish Priest hearing that a man should be slaine of the people in deuoureth to pacifie their mindes with faire words to deliuer the pore man from their hands A hedge Priest by and by crieth out that this gentleman was the man whome they sought for which durst defend a Lutherane The people immediately set vppon the gentleman The priest his brother began to speake for him but thereby they were more inraged To be short after they were both drawne out of the Church the gentleman hardlie escaped into the Curats house The poore priest with manie woundes was cruellie murdered saying his Confiteor by which it did sufficientlie appeare he was no Lutherane Not manie daies before that a certaine Sorbonist whom they called the Picardes soule a common trumpet of sedition in those daies to inflame the people against the Lutheranes vsed often to beate vpon this point that it was an holie thing to shed the Lutheranes blood The slaughter of whome as of the Cananites of olde time was verie acceptable to God and that the handes of the godlie Catholikes should so be consecrated Acertaine student which came to heare one of his sermons chaunced to smile vpon his fellow which sat by him an olde woman that espying cried out that there was a Lutherane which mocked the preacher The brutish people no sooner heard that voice but without further enquirie they drue that student out of the Church and most cruellie digged out his eies and dinged out his braines The indiferent reader may reasonablelie by these examples gather what hauocke was made of them that were knowne to be Protestants indeede when vpon so light occasions they that were not knowen nor iustlie suspected were so suddenlie murdered when the Priestlie apparell could not defend the priest who fauoured the Lutherans no further then to speake a worde for his owne brother who was in manifest daunger of beeing murdered while he sought no more but by honest perswasions to deliuer a thirde person from murder against whom there passed no sentence to conuict him of Lutheranizme but the malitious reproch of his
first he saith though Kinges for light or no iust causes making warres are greatlie in fault yet the soldiours are excusable because they obeie lawfull authority But in these warres where no Magistrate biddeth them strike all are priuate men or rather all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and most cruel murtherers so with many needles words he runneth out into the common place of treasō rebelliō in which whatsoeuer cause be pre tended the war is vnlawful because it wanteth lawfull authority But such was not the cause of the protestāts warres in France where the King being vnder age and brought into captiuitie against his wil by a traitor by whōe also the edict made by the authority of the three estates of the Realme was violated witha moste barborous and cruel slaughter ofinnocent men being in exercise of their Religion as it was lawfull for them to doe by the Princes of his bloode and other nobles called also thereunto by the often letters of the Queene his mother to deliuer him and her from captiuitie was sought to be set at libertie his lawes to be obserued and the publike quiet of the realme to be restored and so Frarines question is answered whence came you who sent you by what authoritie doe you all these things The princes and noble men that ioyned in leagu to withstand the tirannie of the Guisians haue declared their commission in a publike instrument set forth to the vew of the world the copie of the Queene mothers letters are set forth in storie for euerie man to reede The originalles remaine with the prince of Condyes heires and haue beene seene of manie But what shall Guise answer if he be called to shew his commission by what authority he slew the poore people at Vassie by what authoritie he seased vpon the persons of the King and the Quene his mother against their willes as was manifest by the Queenes great pro testation against the violence and iniurie and the yong Kings teares By what authoritie he remooued them from the pallace of Fountaine de Bleu first vnto the prison of Melun castle and afterward to Paris a place indeed more meere for a King if the violence of the enemy had not made that also a prison For not somuch the place as the restraint of libertie maketh a prisoner It is certaine that Guyse had no commission no authoritie no lawfull power to doe these thinges nor whatsoeuer he did afterward abusing the name of the captiue King and the authoritie of the King of Nauarre contrarie to the edict and true meaning of them that laide gouernment vpon him As for Beza and the ministers of the reformed Church whome he faineth to haue beene dombe when they were demaunded by the Cardinall of Lorraine in the assemblie at Poysie answered for their vocation first to the Sorbonist Espensius who proponed those questions that they were lawfullie called and approoued in the Churches where they serued And the next daie more at large to the shame and confusion of the Popish cleargie and their vnlawfull and simoniacall vocation contrarie both to the olde Canons of the Church and to the authoritie of the holie scriptures declaring also that as the ceremonie of imposition of handes by the ordinaries as they call them is not allwaies needfull in an extraordinarie calling So miracles are not alwaies necessarie to approoue an extraordinary vocation as the examples of Esay Zacharie Amos and others of the Prophets declareth But Martin Luther whome Frarine maketh our chiefe Apostle and patriarch he taketh vpon him to know verie well what he was whence he came and what authoritie he had First his name was not Luther but Luder which signifieth a slaue or knaue but that for shame he changed that filthie name of his He would make vs beleeue that he was driuen to do the same that Pope Os porci or Hogges snowte did which turned his name to Sergius of whome all Popes since saue one haue taken the custome to chaunge there names which thing if Luther had done he had done no worse thē the pope had giuē him example to do It is a folish quarrel that is picked against a mans name which he hath receiued of his elders although the name of Luther being of honest signification needed no such change for who will thinke that Luther knewe not his owne name as well as Frarine But it it is a greater matter that he was begotten of a spirit Incubus as the common report goeth saith Frarine For that he was borne at Islebium in Saxonie I trust it is no reproch to him more thē for Frarine to be borne at Antwerpe in Brabant But is Frarine such a great philosopher to beleeue the common report of Luthers conception by a spirit Incubus which is impossible And whoe should be the authors of such a report But such impudent wretches as shewed more malice then wit in deuising such a monstrous lie as neuer was nor euer could be And yet what papist is there of any acount which fauoreth not this foolish fable which although in their conscience they know it neither was nor can be true yet are not onelie content that it runne among fooles as a currant argument but also offer it in their writinges to the ignorant as a matter sufficient to discredit Luther and all his teaching But to proceed that he studied the ciuill law when he was yong that he was mooued to become an Augustine frier by terror of his companione slaine with thunder or lightning if it were neuer so true what needed it to be rehearsed seeing it maketh nothing to the lawfullnes of his calling or to the discredit of his doctrine But at last saith he he was made Doctor with shame enough for he came to that degree with the monie that was bequethed vnto an other man whom with the helpe of his prior he be guiled If Luther were not sufficientlie knowne to the world to haue beene excellentlie well learned he would insinuate thathe were like a doctor Bullatus which bought his doctorshippe of the Pope for mony But seeing for the solemnitie of that degree in schooles their is vsuall some expences he chargeth Luther at the least to haue come by that monie wrongfullie and as it were by theft They that write the storie of his life affirme that the Prince his soueraigne did beare the charges of his cōmencement And this slaunder of Frarine as it is void of profe so hath it not so much as anie likelie hood of truth For Luther being at that time a frier could possesse nothing in proper no more could anie other frier possesse anie monie that was bequeathed vnto them Now if the prior of the house did defraie the charges of Luthers commencement with the legacie that was giuen to anie other of his bretheren it was all one as if he had done it out of there common boxe for friers possesse nothing in proper but in cōmon the dispositiō wherof pertaineth to
fit of the common wealth Besides this he imputeth to those warres the Turkes gaine of Hungary and whatsoeuer calamitie insued thereupon As though the first miserie of Hungary beganne not at the breath of the league with the Turke whereof the Pope was cause The next which fel in Luthers time when Belgrade was taken was long before any wars were mooued by the Protestantes or against them and so was that ouerthrow in which Lewes the King was ouerthrowen and slaine Al other inuasions of Hungarie by the Turk haue beene by occasion of the claime which Ferdinande the Emperours brother made to that kingdome wherein be was resisted by the Vaiuode of Transiluania The cōquest against the Turk that Frarin dreameth of might be atchiued by occasion of his ouerthrow at Malta were not these dissentions in religion I passe ouer as a thing to be wished for rather then loked for vntil God se the good time When all was Poperie and no appearance of dissention in religion the Turke neuerthelesse gained and Christendome went to wracke Therefore moste vnreasonablelie is the Turkes gaine and our losse imputed to the Protestants warres whoe mooue none but such as are necessarie for defence of religion and the common wealth when they are lawfullie called thereunto Likewise the shutting vp of the schoole dores and the solitarines of diuerse vniuersities in Fraunce which is an vsuall effect of warre must be laied to the charge of them whose oppression crueltie and tyrannie inforced those warres That Luther despised the vniuersitie of Louaine and called it a stable of Asset stewes and schoole of the diuell it was not for hatred of good learning but in contempt of those Barbarous doltes which in those daies opposed them selues against the light of the truth Erasmus whome all men knewe to haue deserued verie well of good learning writeth as hardlie of the vniuersitie of Louaine in respect of the multitude of vnlearned sophisters which were in that time as Luther saying there was no place for the muses there where so manie hogges grunted where so manie asses routed so many Camells blattered so many Iaies chattered so many pies prattled But doctor Cox is chardged to answer why the schooles in Oxford were suffered to go downe in King Edwardes time and the ordinarie disputations in Logick and Philosophie were left of Not for contempt of learning I warrant you but either because the Papistes his predecessers had so wasted the vniuersitie stock as it was not sufficient to set them vp or els because those litle celles were thought to be vnsufficient for so famous an vniuersitie and therefore they hoped that through liberalitie of the king or of the nobles a more magnificall building able to receiue the multitude of that vniuersitie should haue beene erected In the meane time the exercises of learning ceased not in euery colledge no nor yet the ordinary disputations inlogick and philosophie were left of but remooued to a more publike place namelie to Saint Maries Church where Master Warde the great professor of philosophie in the hearing of manie yet a liue did exercise the same by meanes of which good learning was as much promoted in King Edwardes time as euer it was before or since Naie saith Frarine they haue set their heades together and fullie agreed among them selues to banish the greeke and latine tongues quite and cleane out of the country O monster of impudencie who hath more deserued of the Greeke Latine Hebrew Caldy Syrian and Arabique tongues then such as haue bene professours of the Gospell Who are found in all places better learned in the tongues then they who haue more care to instruct youth in the knowledge of the tonges then they I knew the vniuersitie of Cambridge in Queene Maries time and this I dare be bolde to saie there are more good Grecians in one of the litle colledges now then was in those daies in the wholl vniuersitie But it is a great confirmation of Frarines or Fowlers senslesse slaunder that a preacher in the diocesse of Sarum beeing ignorant in the Latine tongue thanked God that he had neuer learned that Romish and Papisticall tongue If any such thing were it shewed the folly of one man which might be requited with an hundred mery tales of Sir Ihon Lacklatines in poperie if a man were disposed to blot paper with such bables But their ouerthrow of schooles and vniuersities saith he they excuse by bringing all knowledge into the mother tongue and by inuenting a compendious order of teaching wherby children in short time may profit more then auncient men in many yeares of olde time True it is that much knowledge is brought into the vulgare tongue for the benefit of them which haue not studied the learned languages and the methode of teaching hath found an easie waie in shorte time to great knowledge learning but it is vtterlie false that any such excuse is made for the ouerthrow of schooles and vniuersities which the professours of Christiā religion desire by al meanes to be mainteined and increased as there is manifest experience in all places where our religion is imbraced by publike authoritie When Luther burnt certeine bookes of the Canon law he meant no decay of good learning but protested against the heresie blasphemie of the Pope of which those bookes were full who neuerthelesse most iniuriouslie condemned Luther vnhard burnt his bookes vnconfuted Whatsoeuer Corolostadius did against good learning seeing Frarine confesieth it was misliked by Luther what should the blame therof extend any further then the offendour But Frarine wisheth they had beene satisfied with burning of bookes and had not proceeded to burning of men cutting of throtes tearing chopping in peèces with much foolish amplification of their crueltie in generall tearmes All which might be exemplified more truelie of Popish tyrannie in time of peace then it can be verified of any outrage committed in time of warre allowed by the Princes and captaines of the fielde or by the preachers and teachers of the Gospel But at length he descendeth to some particulars calleth forth Beza to tell him why he went vp to the pulpit in Orlians with his sword by his side and a pistolate in his hand and exhorted the people to shew their manhood rather in killing the papists then in breaking of images al which was reported to him at Orlians Although in time of warre it were not much to be wondered if the peacher especiallie in such places where be manie traiterous enimies as were that time in Orlians should be armed as well as other men yet it hath bene reported vnto me by them which heard dailie Beza preaching at Orlianes that there was no such matter But if he exhorted soldiers to exercise their manhoode against their enimies rather then vpon stokes and stones seing the warre was lawfull and necessarie I see not whie he should be reprehended The rest which followeth wherein he is charged with murther of
bodie burned with the Church wherein he was buried ouerthrowne at Cleris foure leagues from Orleans which is like to haue beene in detestation of idolatry there committed For otherwise if it had beene in hatred of his monument and memorie the Protestants being so long in possession of the towne of S. Dennis two leagues frō Paris would not haue spared so manie monuments of the kings as are there yet to be seene vntouched The burning of K. Frauncis the 2. his heart at Orleans whome he suspecteth to haue bene poysoned by the Gospellers is a fond fable For which he citeth Claudius de sanctes a lying frier of Paris where as if anysuch thing had bin Frarine might haue learned the trueth when he was at Orleans himselfe As for the crime of poysoning was neuer obiected by the papistes themselues of Fraunce neither is there any likelihood seeing it is certaine that he died of an aposteme in his head where of grew an intollerable paine in his eare which after it tooke him being readie to take his iournie left him not vntill life so iooke him The impouerishing of manie welthy townes in Fraunce the slaughter of men and all other incommodities of warre how vniustly he obiecteth vnto the Protestants which were no cause of the warres all indifferent men may iudge though I saie nothing But the pouertie of S. Peter and the riches of our preachers gotten with sacrilegious spoile of Churches were more meete to be obiected to the pope and his proud prelates which by the spoile both of Churches and tounes haue made them selues Lordes of the earth Yet is it most certaine saith Frarine that Beza and his companions stole out of the Churches at Towres 2000. markes in syluer and 1000. markes in gold besides precious stones chaynes and Iewells of greate value and and in so great aboundance of treasure were so gredie that they left not a naile behinde them Which wickednes he doubled by burning the shrine and casting the ashes of Saint Martine into the riuer But Beza himselfe when the like was obiected vnto him by Baldwine the apossata answered that all this is a moste impudent slaunder For he was then at Orleans when the treasure of the canons of Towres was taken not spoiled before sufficient witnesses a goldsmith weighing al things the notaries writing all things by the commaundement of the most Noble Prince of Condie and that for most iust causes as they themselues will testifie which moste misliked that sight All which thinges are testified in publike acts and were alowed after by the kings counsel that no reasonable person may saie that any thing was done vniustly or vnlawfully in so necessary a time And as for the dispersing of S. Martins reliks for which he declameth so tragically Beza confesseth that he aloweth the same by the exampell of the brasen serpent in like manner destroied when it was abused to Idolatry As were thereliques also of S. Iraene S Hylarie to the great dishonour of God and ignominte of those holy men and this supposing they were true reliques But to the intent all men may know what manner of reliques they were the abolishing where of he so pitefullie bewaileth Beza bringeth two or three examples There was at Towres a siluer crosse set with many precious stones which there was worshipped with shameful superstition Among which stones there was an Acates of auncient and curious grauing which after it was brought to Orleans and vewed in his hands which had brought it there was foūd the image of Venus bewailing the death of her minió Adonis slaine with a bore And this stone was that which on goodfridaie was moste deuoutlie kissed of them that crept on their knees to the croslc as the Image of the blessed Virgine Marie There was also brought forth a siluer arme as the case of an holy relique of the Saint which when it was vnclasped in the presence of the Canons themselues by the goldesmith that which was hidden within with maruelous foulding of silkes was brought forth there was 〈◊〉 first a paper which conteined a baudie song written in olde Rithme and within that a Carde commonly called the knaue of Picques or Diamondes At an other place that is at Biturige in an other case of reliques there was found a stick thrust into the naue of a woodden wheele with this magicall or foolish verse written in partchement Quand cesteroüe tournera Celleque i aime in aimeraidest When this wheele shal be turned she that I loue shal loue me and these thinges Beza offereth to proue by fiue hundred witnesses and affirmeth moreouer that a large volume will not suffice to rehearse such shamfull dishonour to God and dilusions of the people Let Frarine therefore crie out as long as he wil against the destruction of Idolatrie compare it with the cruelty of the Panimes mentioned in Eusebius which for hatred of Christian religion raged against the bodies of the saines whom they murdered yet al reasonable men must acknowledge a wonderfull great difference not onely in the facts of them and these but also moste speciallie in the ends But yet againe to returne to Orleans Frarine rehearseth the vncomelie stripping of an honest maide and shamefull groping of her to search if she had hid anie monie aboue the rate of the proclamation to carie priuilie out of the towne about her a foule fact surelie if it were true and worthy to be punished for they might rather haue committed the search of her to honest women But a thousand times more detestable was the violent rauishing of a maid in Picardie by that Popish captaine Monsieur de pontes whose soldiers held the maide til the captaine forced her for indignation whereof shee slewe him with a knife The souldiers slew her with their gunnes And the Pesants of the countrie destroied the souldiers as is testified by a Pamphlet set forth in French and English And yet more monstrous euen in time of the first warres in Fraunce wherof Frarine speaketh was the rage of the Popish women of Prouince against their owne sexe which hauing cast of-al womanhood yea all humanitie like furies of hell ranne about in the night spoiling the houses of the faithfull and such women as they found they dragged through the citie with manie stripes vnto the place which they had appointed for their diuelish crueltie and there they hanged them by the heeles and by thrusting a staffe in their priuiest parts a thing moste shamefull to be rehearsed or heard of in that most beastlie maner murdered them Of this hellish practise the cities of Marciles and Aix are witnesses What witnes Frarine hath of a Traitour as he calleth him by Angiers which to saue his fort from gun-shot hung a noble woman out in a basket I know not but if anie such thing were it was a stratageme or pollicie of warre the like whereof in such cases hath often heretofore bene vsed But that there full purpose was
content to ride on an Asse the Apostles to goe barefot in planting the Gospell But whereon 〈◊〉 the pope and how be his Cardinals feete surbaighted in going barefote to preach the Gospell Although I knowe not where he findeth in holie scripture that the Apostles went barefote in planting the Gospell Their trauell was great into all partes of the world though they had bene well shood yea booted and ridden on horsebacke But if the comparison be made between the ministers of the Gospell and Antichrist the Pope and his proud prelates whether in pacience humility and mildnes of behauiour be more like to Christ and his Apostels we doubt not our cause though the triall were before verie partiall iudges Well howsoeuer it were you should haue suffered Martyrdome rather then to haue resisted and murthered other but that you would not for you sought to liue licentiouslie and had no hope of eternall life after this Among so manie thousand as suffered martyrdome most quietlie without resistance when they were imprisoned tormented and condemned by those which had power to kil their bodies he can finde no examples of pacience and hope of eternall life except all the Protestants in the world will giue there throtes to be cut and suffer themselues to be murthered contrarie to lawe and liberties established by lawfull authoritie and that by priuat persones and bloodie Tirants as the poore Christians were by the Duke of Guyse at Vassi and so should all the rest in Fraunce haue beene if God had not stirred vp diuers Princes and noble men at the request of the Queene Mother to oppose themselues against the furious and trayterous attempts of that bloodie tyrant who abusing the minoritie of the King whome he toke captiue with his mother vsurped moste vnlawfull power against the King the Queene the estates and all the realme Frarine therefore fareth with vs as that seditious Ruffian of Rome who sued an action against his enemie whome he had wrongfullie wounded because he receiued not his weapon deepe enough to death Christ himselfe the paterne of patience saide to the seruant which moste iniuriouslie smote him when he stoode in iudgement before the high priest why smitest thou me if I haue spoken euill beare witnes of euill that is deale with me as order of iustice requireth And Saint Paule his faithfull disciple could not forbeare that painted wall Ananias who pretending to sit in iudgement according to the lawe did contrarie to the lawe commaund him to be smitten and should the Protestants in Fraunce hauing both authoritie and power to defend themselues suffer the Duke of Guyse a priuate man and a straunger with his complices to smite of all their heades as it were with one stroke and not rather to oppose themselues against his furie not onelie for defence of the gospell but also for the maintenance of the lawe and the libertie of their nation There resistance therefore was not treason rebellion crueltie as this declaimer raueth butobedience iustice and authoritie to withstand treason crueltie and rebellion Yet againe he repeateth that lack of libertie was no iust cause of these warres seing euerie where they might fill their paunches carrie a sister wife about with them toule Nuns out of cloysters filthilie abuse them still he speaketh as though none were Authors Captaines or Souldiers of these warres but such licentious ministers or as though so manie princes noble men gentlemen and valiant souldiers as serued in those warres had no other quarrell but to maintaine the gluttonie and lecherie of a fewe lewde ministers of which sort yet he is not able to name one Neuertheles he saith that moste commonlie euerie Apostate Monke had his Nun at his toile and holie Kate hir holie mate Although the worlde knoweth that this might better be verefied of Clauster all Monkes and Nunnes of limiting friers and their holie sisters But srier Luthers pleasure was if we beleeue this man that his Ladie Venus court should be franke and free if the wife saith he will not doe it let the maide supplie her place The will of God commaundeth and necessetie bindeth as well to haue carnall copulation as to eate and drinke See how malice draweth all wordes to the worste meaning Luther in his booke of Babilonicall captiuitie speaking in the person of Assuerus taking Hester his maide to wife when Vasti refused to come to him hath some such wordes as he reporteth If the wife will not let the maide come and possesse her place meaning nothing els but the diuorcing of Vasti and the marrying of Hester but nothing as the Papists cauill that a man hauing a wife maie abuse his maide The other saying of the necessitie of carnall copulation is spoken onelie of them that haue not the gift of continencie for whome marriage is the lawfull and necessarie remedie ordained by God to auoide sinne To conclude this first part he saith it was neither religion nor gospell nor Gods quarrell they meant to further but malice against the pope as Luther in an epistle ad argentin confesseth But Luther neuer confessed any such matter he might well acknowledge his iust hatred against the Pope as the enemie of Christ and so doe all true Christians And if the estates of France had raised warre for malice against the Pope they would haue sent a power into Italie to haue annoyed him or his possessions there as Charles the 5. and Philip his Catholike sonnes haue done for the loue they bare to the Pope As for the restitution of Christian faith wel neere worne out there was no neede he saieth to laboure For the Church of God the seat and piller of truth had alwaies without force battaile kept that most recurently Then it followeth the Church of Rome was not the Church of God for which Christ praied Ihon. 17. To which he promiseth the holie Ghost Ihon. 14. In which are foūd so few sparkes of true faith which mainteineth so many grosse errours eontrarie to the expresse wordes of God conteined in the holie scriptures as often and moste cleare demonstrations hath beene made To be short if the cause of these warrs taken in hand be demaunded which he calleth Tragicall and cruell doinges you shall haue a short answear saith he with Mum Budget except they will alleadge perhappes the ambition auarice boldenes wantones of certaine loose Friers as though he could be ignorant of the publike protestation of the Prince of Condy and a great part of the nobilitie of Fraunce set forth when they beganne the first warres In which they neither alledge the fond surmised causes by Frarine nor mumble them ouer in Mum Budget but plainlie declare the reasonable sufficient and necessarie causes which mooued them to that attempt The copie whereof is yet extant in storie to be seene and read Now is he come to the second part wherein he will prooue that as without iust cause so without authoritie and commission they haue made warres And