vnto the Law of God but followed his owne irefull affection the proceeding was vniust Polan beside their deuillish profession it seemeth they were ambitious and insolent and enuious against Daniel and the rest of the people of God therefore in respect of themselues their punishment was iust Bulling 2. Lyranus excuseth the Kings fact because he had beene at great cost in maintaining these Inchanters and Soothsayers he had raised them to honour giuen them great gifts and now when he requireth some seruice of them they are able to say nothing 3. But yet Nabuchadnezzer was diuers waies faultie in this action 1. in his rash and inconsiderate sentence which he pronounced against them in his rage and furie whereas the sentence of death should proceede with mature deliberation and aduice for like as Saturne the highest of the Planets hath the slowest motion of them all so Princes which sit in their high thrones of maiestie should be most considerate in their actions And as a musitian doth not presently cut away his strings if they be out of tune but doth wind them to and fro to bring them to a right harmonie so neither should a Prince punish euery disorder in the Commonwealth presently with death Pintus 2. An other point of iniustice is that he had not yet called all the wise men of Babylon and yet vnheard and vncalled commandeth them to be slaine 3. It was also vniust for some few mens fault to take reuenge of the whole profession and so to punish one for an others offence Osiand 16. Quest. v. 13. Whether the wise men in deede were slaine 1. Some thinke that praeparabantur tantum occidi they were onely prepared and appointed to be slaine not that they were indeede slaine so Lyran. gloss interlin Hugo Car. But the contrary is euident in the text for the sentence being gone forth that is proclaimed and published it islike some execution followed otherwise the proclamation should haue seemed to be ridiculous Caluin And beside seeing Daniel was also sought to be slaine it seemeth that all they which were in the way and at hand and needed not to be sought for were put to the sword 2. Wherefore it is certaine that many of these wisemen were smitten with the sword though the execution of many of them were deferred vpon Daniels offer and vndertaking to expound the dreame v. 24. Genev. like as vnder Ahab and Iehu Baals priests were put to death And Galerius Maximinus beeing ouercome of Licinius he caused the Idol Priests to be slaine as impostors and deceiuers Bulling Quest. 17. What office Arioch had to whom Daniel maketh this motion vers 14. 1. R. Shelemo taketh the word tabacaia for carnifices executioners he thinketh that Arioch was set ouer these which had the charge to put others to death but it seemeth that he had a better office for he was a chiefe man about the king and brought Daniel in to the king vers 25. 2. The Septuag interpret here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chiefe cooke but it appertained not to that office to see execution done vpon men 3. Some call him the kings chiefe steward Genevens but neither is it incident to that office to ouersee the punishment of offenders 4. The vulgar Latine interpreteth praefectum militiae captaine of his armie but here was no armie leuied or battell proclaimed 5. Therefore rab tabachim is better interpreted praefectus satellitum the captaine of the guard or high Marshall such an one was Potiphar vnto Pharaoh Gen. 37. 36. who had the chiefe charge of the kings prisoners Gen. 40. 3. Polan Iun. Quest. 18. vers 15. How Daniel was ignorant of the kings decree against the Soothsayers 1. Some thinke that Daniel of purpose did forbeare to goe with the rest least he might seeme ambitiously to haue sought honour and reward which was promised to them which should interpret the kings dreame gloss ordinar but there was no such reward promised till they appeared before the king and if Daniel had receiued any message with the rest of the wise men he might easily haue gessed at the cause of that hard sentence 2. But it is like that the Chaldeans concealed this matter from Daniel whereof two reasons may be giuen it proceeded ex inuidia cupiditate from their enuie and couetousnes Lyran. their enuie in that they thought great scorne that so young a man as Daniel should be called to counsell with the graue sage counsellors who were in great estimation with the king for their long experience Iun. their couetousnesse also herein appeared that they might haue the reward onely to themselues soli ingressi tanquam soli praemia percepturi they onely went in that they onely might receiue the reward Bulling they were also ambitious they were loath that any strangers should be admitted to the kings presence or any had in reputation but themselues Iun. annot 3. But specially this fell out by Gods prouidence that Daniel beeing sought for vnto death might by this meanes be brought forth and the gift of wisedome in him be made manifest and that by this meanes his life should be preserued Polan 4. And herein appeareth the malice of the Chaldeans qui in periculo voluerunt habere consortes which would haue Daniel and his fellowes partakers of their punishment whom they refused to haue any part before in the reward Pellican Quest. 19. vers 19. How this secret was reuealed vnto Daniel in the night 1. Some thinke that this vision was shewed vnto Daniel by an Angel because such reuelations are vsually made by the ministrie of Angels Pintus ex Dyonis But Daniel acknowledgeth in his thanksgiuing that he receiued this reuelation onely from God and to him onely he giueth the praise 2. And for the manner Hierome thinketh that it was shewed vnto him by dreame in the night so also Glosse ordin somnium regis discit suo insomnio he learneth the kings dreame by his dreame so also Osian Lyran. giueth this reason because the night is fittest for such reuelations the senses beeing quiet ab exterioribus tumultibus from all outward tumults and that the vision in the night is by dreame he would prooue by that place Iob. 33. 15. God speaketh c. in dreames and visions of the night when sleepe falleth vpon men c. But this place prooueth not that euery night vision is by dreame but that in the night when sleepe falleth vpon men the Lord sometime speaketh vnto them by dreame sometime by vision 3. Albertus magnus as Pintus reporteth his opinion thinketh that Daniel had this reuelation vigilia noctis as he watched in the night and this is the more probable opinion 1. because it is called a vision now visions and dreames are distinguished as the two vsuall waies whereby the Lord reuealeth himselfe vnto his Prophets Numb 12. 6. Polan 2. Daniel and his three fellowes were occupied in praier while other slept Pellic. and it seemed as they praied that this vision
interpretation thereof 8. The king answered and said I know certenly that he would gaine time redeeme or buie time Chald. because ye see the thing is gone from me 9. But if yee will not declare me the dreame there is but one iudgement sentence L. V. I. or law A. for you for yee haue prepared lying and corrupt words to speake before me till the time be changed G. I. the time be passed L. till there be an other state of things V. therefore tell me the dreame that I may knowe if ye can declare the interpretation thereof 10. The Chaldeans answered before the king and said Chal. and saying there is not a man vpon the earth Chal. vpon the drie ground which can declare the kings matter therefore not any king nor prince or ruler mightie Chald. euer asked such a question such a saying C. of any Magician Astrologian or Chaldean 11. And the matter the saying C. which the king requireth is precious I. rare G. of great weight L. A. and there is not any other to be found L. which can declare it before the king except the gods whose dwelling is not with flesh with men L. with mortall men V. 12. For this cause the king was angrie and in a great furie and gaue charge to destroy all the wisemen of Babel 13. So the sentence was giuen and the wisemen were slaine and they sought Daniel and his fellowes to be slaine 14. Then Daniel enquired of the counsell and decree L. Po. returned the counsell and decree C. not answered with counsell G. or interceded V. of Arioch the captaine of the guard I. or cheife marshall or executioner V. the captaine of his armie L. to the king which was gone forth to slay the wise men of Babel 15. Yea he answered and said vnto Arioch the kings captaine why is the sentence so hastie from the king then Arioch made knowne declared G. the thing the word C. to Daniel 16. So Daniel went in and desired of the King that he would giue him time leasure G. and he would declare the interpretation to the king 17. Then Daniel went to his house and made knowne the matter the word C. to Hananiah Chananiah C. Mishael and Hazariah his companions 18. And that they should beseech mercie from the God of heauen in this secret sacrament L. that Daniel with his fellowes might not perish with the rest of the wisemen of Babel 19. Then was the secret reucaled to Daniel in a vision by night therefore Daniel blessed the God of heauen 20. And Daniel answered and said The name of God be blessed for euer and euer for wisedome and strengh are his 21. And he changeth times and seasons moderateth V. he taketh away kings not kingdomes L. and establisheth kings setteth vp G. createth V. he giueth wisedome to the wise and knowledge to men of vnderstanding to them which knowe vnderstanding C. 22. He discouereth the deepe and secret things he knoweth what is in the darkenesse and the light dwelleth with him 23. I thanke thee and praise thee O thou God of my fathers that thou hast giuen me wisedome and strength and hast made knowne vnto me made me to knowe that which we desired of thee for thou hast made knowne vnto vs the kings matter word C. 24. Wherefore Daniel went vnto Arioch whom the king had appointed to destroy the wise men of Babel he went and said thus vnto him Destroy not the wise men of Babel bring me in before the king and I will declare vnto the king the interpretation 25. Then Arioch in hast brought in Daniel before the king and said thus vnto him I haue found a man of the children of ludah taken captiues children of the captiuitie of Iudah C. that will make knowne vnto the king the interpretation 26. Then answered the king and said vnto Daniel whose name was Beltshatzar Balthasar L. Beltsazar V. Belteshazzar G. art thou able to make knowne vnto me the dreame which I haue seene and the interpretation thereof 27. Daniel answered before the king L. A. to the king I. V. in the presence of the king B. G. and said The secret which the king hath demanded can neither the wisemen astrologians magicians L. wisards V. soothsayers B. magicians I. V. enchanters G. wise men B. coniecturers L. soothsayers such as gaue coniecture by the entralls of beasts aruspices I. L. readers of destinies V. B. declare vnto the king 28. But there is a God in heauen the reuealer of secrets who hath made knowne vnto king Nebuchadnezzar what shall be in the dayes following I. V. in the latter dayes L. G. B. A. P. but many of these things fell out not long after Nebuchadnezzars time in the consequence or following of dayes C. Thy dreame and the vision of thine head vpon thy bed is this 29. O king thoughts came ascended C. to thee vpon thy bed what should come to passe hereafter and he which reuealeth secrets telleth thee what shall come 30. As for me not for any wisedome which is in me more then in any liuing is this secret reuealed vnto me but for this that they might not that I might B. or that it might L. that some might V. for their cause which might I. make known vnto the king the interpretation and that thou mightest knowe the thoughts of thine heart 31. O king thou sawest and behold a great image this large image whose glorie and the glorie thereof C. was excellent stood before thee and the forme thereof was terrible 32. This images head was of fine good C. gold the breast thereof and the armes thereof of siluer his bellie and his sides I. thighes caeter of brasse 33. His legges of yron his feete were part some of them C. of yron part of clay 34. Thou beheldest till a stone was cut out which was not with hands that is cut out without hands caeter but then the relatiue which should be omitted which smote the image vpon his feete which were of yron and clay and brake them in peices 35. Then was the yron the clay the brasse the siluer and the gold broken altogether and became like the chaffe of the summer floates where the wheat is threshed and the wind carried them away that not any place was found for them and the stone that smote the Image became a great mountaine and filled the whole earth 36. This is the dreame and we will declare the interpretation thereof before the king 37. O King thou art a King of Kings for the God of heauen hath giuen thee a kingdome power and strength and glorie 38. And in all places where the children of men dwell the beasts of the field and the foules of heauen hath he giuen into thine hand A. P. G. B. not all those places where c. V. L. for here the preposition in is omitted or where the children of men the beasts of the field c. dwell I. these are rather said to be giuen as Ier. 27. 6.
true light that lighteth euery one that commeth into the world both the light of nature and the light of grace proceede from him and therefore as Basil well obserued prima vox Dei lucem creauit the first voice that God in Scripture is found to haue vttered created the light for like as a most goodly picture if it be laid ina darke caue maketh no shewe at all so the goodly workemanship of God in the creatures had beene obscured if God had not made light to cause the beautie of it to appeare Pint. 2. God also is said to be in light 1. Ioh. 1. 7. because he can endure no falsehood hypocrisie or vntruth 3. The Lord also is said to dwell in light that none can attaine vnto 1. Timoth. 6. 16. because we through the weakenesse of our vnderstanding and blindnesse of our mindes are not able to comprehend any thing of God vnlesse he by the illumination of his grace doe make a way for vs to come vnto him 4. Now whereas it is said Psal 97. 2. that clouds and darkenesse are round about him and 1. king 8. 12. God is said to dwell in the cloud the Scripture by this Metaphor sheweth onely Deum esse inaccessum that God is inaccessible vnto vs not what he is in himselfe and the cloud was a signe of Gods presence as he said to Moses Leuit. 16. 2. I will appeare in the cloud Polan And therefore the Lord when he appeared in Mount Sinai couered all the mountaine with a thicke cloud to shewe that no man is able to comprehend the brightnes of his glorie Quest. 25. vers 24. Whether Daniel did well in staying the execution of the kings sentence vpon the wisemen Vers. 24. He said vnto him Destroy not the wisemen c. Whereas if the sentence of death had beene executed vpon these superstitious Chaldeans the Church of God should haue beene deliuered from pestilent enemies and they beside had iustly deserued to die because of their fraud and impostures it may seeme that Daniel might haue done much better to haue suffered the sentence to proceede against them 1. For answer hereunto Osiander thinketh that there might be some innocent men among them which erred onely of simplicitie and did not malitiously by their wicked arts oppose themselues against the truth and therefore Daniel would haue them spared But it is euident by the text that Daniel would generally haue all the wisemen spared which yet remained for some of them had beene slaine alreadie 2. Caluin thinketh the reason was quia nondum maturuerat ipsorum iniquitas because yet their iniquitie was not come to the full they were reserued to a further punishment 3. Bullinger thinketh they were spared that by Daniels meanes in vera sapientia proficerent they might come to repentance and profit in true wisedome these endes indeede the Lord might propound to himselfe in sparing these hypocrites but the question is what appaâ—ant reason mooued Daniel to entreat for them 4. Bullinger againe thinketh that God stirred vp Daniel to doe it because he would haue his iudgements tempered with clemencie some of them were put to the sword the rest the Lord would haue spared that his mercie and clemencie might appeare in iudgement This beeing admitted to haue beene the secret cause before God of this work yet it is not shewed what stirred vp Daniel to doe it 5. These two reasons then remaine which perswaded Daniel 1. his charitie and loue euen toward his enemies non vult eos perire propter quos erat ipse periturus he would not haue them perish for whose cause he was like to haue perished Hierome Lyran. wherein he imitateth the clemencie of Christ who prayed for his enemies Pellican he might by this meanes winne them or els heape coales vpon their head and make them lesse excuseable 2. Daniel in equitie considered causam non esse iustam that the cause was not iust which mooued Nebuchadnezzar to command them to be killed but he did it in hast and rage and therefore Daniel not so much looking vnto their persons as to their cause desireth that they might be spared Polan Quest. 26. vers 25. Whether Arioch lyed vnto the king in saying I haue found a man c. 1. Some thinke that Arioch which knewe that Daniel and his companions were wiser then the rest of the Chaldeans had indeede sought them out ad solutionem faciendam to giue solution of the kings demaund Hugo but it is euident out of the text ver 13. that they were no otherwayes sought for but to be put to death 2. Most doe thinke that Arioch here played the cunning courtier qui sibi vsurpant aliorum inuenta which doe take vnto themselues that which other men finde out Bullinger for he had not sought for Daniel vltro se obtulerat he had offred himselfe of his owne actord Lyran. Dei gratiam ad suam refert diligentiam the grace and gift of God he ascribeth to his owne diligence Pellican fallebat regem c. he deceiued the king herein as though he had found out Daniel whereas he offred himselfe Pintus But he could not without the kings great offence and indignation haue told such a palpable lie seeing that Daniel had before presented himselfe to the king ver 16. and desired some time to shewe the king his dreame Polan 3. Therefore to meete with this doubt Caluine thinketh that Daniel had not conference before immediately with the king but Arioch fuisse internuntium that Arioch was the messenger betweene them when the king granted him some time But the text is rather to be taken according to the letter vers 16. that Daniel himselfe went and desired the king for Arioch durst not haue mooued any such thing hauing strait charge giuen him to put all the wisemen to death forthwith 4. Vaâ—ablus to helpe the matter readeth in the passiue he said quod repertus est vir that a man was found out c. but the word in the Chalde hashcacath is in the actiue I haue found And yet it had not beene true in the other sense for Daniel was not found but offred and he was not now first knowne or found but he had made himselfe knowne to the king before 5. Polanus maketh this therefore to be his meaning that in this speach he doth gratulari regi c. congratulate with the king and ascribe as vnto his fortune that such a thing had happened But the phrase it selfe I haue found sheweth that he doth attribute somewhat in this matter vnto himselfe 6. Therefore I thinke with Iunius that the meaning of these words I haue found a man is nothing els but incidi in hominem I haue met with the man not that he first found him out but that now he fell vpon him or he came vnto him to bring him to the king so is the word vsed 1. King 22. 20. where Ahab going downe to take possession of Noboths vineyard said to Elias
such like 2. by their impotencie they could neither see heare nor vnderstand 4. he gaue not glorie vnto God which is aggrauated by two benefits the giuing him of his life and breath and in protecting him in whose hand is thy breath and all thy wayes c. 3. Then followeth the interpretation of the dreame v. 25. to 29. Quest. 26. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speach to the king v. 17. Keepe thy rewards to thy selfe The reasons why Daniel vseth no insinuaâ—ion or salutation to the king were these 1. In respect of his age and grauitie such a simple and plaine beginning became him for he was 90. yeare old if we suppose him to be 20. when he first went into captiuitie 2. it best beseemed him in respect of his office beeing a Prophet and now consulted with concerning the will and counsell of God to shewe his contempt of the kings gifts Iun. 3. hoc ipsâ— monstrauit abiectum c. in that he saluteth him not as a king giuing him his titles he therein sheweth that he was now reiected of God no longer to be king Oecolampad 4. voluit asperius loqui cum impiâ— desperatâ— he would speake the more roughly with a wicked and desperate man of whom there was small hope and therefore he doth rippe vp his sinne and searcheth it to the depth Calvin Quest. 27. Why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards 1. That was not onely the reason in respect of his office because he was a Prophet least he might seeme to haue made merchandize of his propheticall gift as Polan and to fulfill that saying in the gospel ye haue freely receiued freely giue Lyran. Pellican for then he should not by this reason haue receiued any gifts of Nebuchadnezzar 2. Neither was this the cause tristia nuntiantem indecens erat dona aeciperâ— it was not fit for one telling hard newes to receiue gifts gloss ordinar for then neither should Daniel haue receiued any reward of king Nebuchadnezzar after he had expounded the dreame of theimage which foreshewed the ende and dissolution of Nebuchadnezzars kingdome 3. And to say that Daniel affected no such honours because he was now old is an insufficient reason for neither had he at any time before any desire to those places but onely for the good of the Lâ—rds people 4. But the speciall reasons are these two noluit ab homine impiâ— c. he would not receiue any gifts of a wicked man Osiand as Abraham refused to take any thing of the king of Sodome and the Prophet Elisha of Naaman who was a stranger As also tempus subiectionis mox finiendum erat the time of subiection vnto this king and of his gouernment was at an ende Caluin and therefore he refused these honours at his hand who was as no king but reiected of God Quest. 28. Why Daniel receiued the like rewards from Nebuchadnezzar and refuseth them from Balthazar 1. The reason of this difference is because Daniel knewe that Nebuchadnezzar was established in the kingdome which the Lord had giueâ— to him and to his sonne and therefore he made no refusall of the honours which were offred vnto him because thereby he might stand the Church of God in great stead But the case was now otherwise for he knewe that Balthazar 's kingdome was at an ende and these honours vnder him he could not long hold and the Monarchie of the Chaldeans beeing at an ende he could not thereby aduantage the people of God Polan 2. Because also their was greater obstinacie and stubbornenesse in Balthazar then there was in Nebuchadnezzar ideo oftendit se minus ei deferre quam avo and therefore he sheweth that he doth not so much respect and honour him as his grandfather Calvin Quest. 29. Why then Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards v. 29. This shewed no inconstancie at all in Daniel to suffer that to be done vnto him which before he in words refused 1. It is like that they were verie vrgent and instant vpon him to accept of the kings offers 2. Chrysostome giueth this reason that if he had beene stiffe in refusing still it would haue beene thought quod ipse de responso suo addubit asset that he himselfe had doubted of the truth of his answer and therefore to take away that suspition he vpon that instance accepteth of the rewards so also Occolampad Bulling 3. An other reason was qui mundi diuitias contempserat ne regem ipsum contemnere videretur least he which had despised the riches of the world should haue seemed to haue set the king himselfe at naught he accepteth of the kings offers Pintus 4. If he had still obstinately refused he might haue beene brought in suspicionem proditionis into suspicion of treason Calvin as though he had conspired with the Medes and Persians against the king if he had refused Balthazar 's rewards and offers 5. signum fuisset timiditatis it had beene also a signe of fearefulnesse that by this meanes he might haue lien hid still and so escaped the danger beeing called to no publike place he therefore in accepting of these honours ostendit se imperterritum sheweth himselfe without feare Caluin Quest. 30. Whether in these words he put to death whom he would v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed 1. Neither is this a description of Nebuchadnezzars tyrannie and cruell gouernement as though he put to death the innocent and spoyled men of their goods without iust cause or equitie for that this is not meant of the abuse of his power the next v. following sheweth But when his heart was puft vp this power then might be in Nebuchadnezzar and his heart not yet lifted vp 2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Bullinger that it is like that Nebuchadnezzar non iniuste suum administrauit regnum did not vniustly administer his kingdome for the contrarie appeareth c. 2. in that he commanded the Chaldeans to be slaine without cause for that they could not tell the king his dreame which he had forgotten and c. 3. he commaunded the three seruants of God to be cast into the fierie fornace for refusing to worship the idol which he had set vp 3. Nor yet can it be prooued by this place that princes haue authoritie to take away their subiects liues and goods at their pleasure for euen kings themselues must remember serationem summo regi reddituros that they also shall giue account vnto the the great king Calvin 4. But the Prophet simply speaketh de regia potestate of the kingly power Calv. neither touching the abuse or right vse thereof But sheweth to what eminent authoritie God had exalted him that he might exalt and cast downe whom he list to shewe that God had giuen him this great honour and power for the which he was feared of all This amplitude and greatnesse of his authoritie is set forth by two effects 1. the one is in his subiects they feared and stood in awe
the Lord to be Daniels God and that he serued him but he did not call him his God neither did Darius abolish the worship of idols out of his kingdome all which are euident arguments that he was not truely conuerted vnto the knowledge of Daniels God Polan Quest. 23. Of Daniels deliuerance from the lyons and the cause thereof Daniel sheweth both the causes efficient the forme and manner and ende of this his deliuerance 1. the principall cause of this his deliuerance was God God hath sent the instrumentall cause was the Angel for though God can immediately deliuer his without the ministrie of others yet it pleaseth him to vse his angels both for the setting forth of his owne glorie and the further consolation of his seruants 2. The forme and manner is expressed the Angel shut the lyons mouthes that they had no power to hurt Daniel And not onely their mouthes were shut but herby is signified also that their talents and clawes were stayed from hurting him and therefore it followeth that they haue not hurt me so that they touched him neither with their teeth clawes tayle or by any other meanes Iun. 3. The end also is expressed that by this meanes the innocencie of Daniel might appeare and the goodnesse of his cause that he had not offended against the king but had shewed himselfe a true worshipper of God Polan Quest. 24. Of Daniels salutation to the king O king liue for euer 1. This was the manner of salutation in the East countrey to wish long life vnto their king Thus the Chaldeans saluted Nebuchadnezzar c. 2. 4. but in hypocrisie wishing in their hearts rather that such a tyrant might perish So c. 3. 4. they which accused Daniels godly companions and brethren doe with such words insinuate themselues to the king as flatterers But Daniel doth wish vnto the king long life ex animo from his heart because it is the dutie of subiects to pray for magistrates yea he wisheth vnto him eternall life gloss he then vttered the same words but with an other heart and minde then the â—est did 2. He might haue expostulated with the king because by his authoritie he was cast into the lyons denne but two reasons might mooue Daniel to forbeare all such reprehension 1. because he more respected Gods glorie then his owne particular cause satis fuit eius liberatione illustratam fuisse Dei gloriam it was enough that Gods glorie was set forth by his deliuerance and therefore he is silent in the rest Calvin 2. According to S. Pauls rule infirmum in fide recipe c. receiue him that is weake in faith c. So Daniel would not deale sharpely with the king and discourage him but by gentle meanes seeke to winne him fâ—rther to the faith Quest. 25. Of Daniels manner of deliuerance from the lyonâ— that it was diuine and extraordinarie 1. There are diuerse meanes whereby men haue resisted the rage and violence of lyons 1. As first by force and strength as Samson killed a lion and Dauid slewe a lyon and a beare that inuaded his flocke but so was not Daniel deliuered here for the lyons might haue teared him before he came at the ground as they did his accusers and though resistance may be made against one lyon yet here were many 2. Some haue conquered lyons by casting some garment vpon their head and so as it were blindfolding them as Plinie writeth how a Getulian shepheard at Rome vnder Claudius did stay the rage and fiercenesse of a lyon leui iniectu operâ—o capite his head beeing couered with some light thing cast vpon it by which meanes Lysimachus whom Alexander caused to be shut in with a lyon might more easily strangle him 3. Some haue tamed lyons by vsing them gently while they were yet young and but whelpes as Plinie in the same place maketh mention of Hanno the Carthaginian who as he saith primus hominum ausus est leonem manu tractare the fiâ—st of any durst handle a lyon with his hand 4. Beside lyons vse to shewe themselues kinde vnto those which haue shewed them any kindnesse as Aulus Gellius reporteth out of Appian of a certaine seruant called Androdus who was condemned to the wild beasts and was spared of a lyon that remembred some former kindnesse he had receiued and this he was an eye witnesse of at Rome 5. Plinie also writeth in the same place that lyons vnlesse they be very hungrie wil spare those which are suppliant vnto them mulceri alloquio and that they are made gentle with speach as he maketh mention of a woman which fell downe in the woods before a lyon alleadging se indignam eius gloria praedam c. that she beeing a silly weake woman was a prey vnworthie so noble a beast But none of these meanes did Daniel here vse 6. neither yet as Daniels enemies obiected did they spare Daniel because they were full before as they say a lyon will not prey vpon a man vnlesse he be verie hungrie Iosephus addeth further that thereupon the king caused flesh to be cast before the lyons to feede them and then cast Daniels accusers into the denne who notwithstanding beeing full did teare them before they came at the ground But this narration of Iosephus though it may seeme probable is not necessarie to be receiued seeing the Scripture hath it not 2. But the lyons here were not bound by any such ordinarie meanes this was Gods extraordinarie worke wherein it pleased him to vse the ministrie of Angels who diuersly as Pererius coniectureth might stoppe the lyons mouthes 1. as by remoouing the lyons into some other place 2. or by blinding their eyes 3. or by slaking their hunger 4. or by changing their inward phantasie which stirreth them vp to rage when they apprehend that as enemie vnto them which they deuoure 5. or there might be a terror and feare striken into them as they say lyons naturally are afraid of the rumbling of wheeles the crowe of a cocke and burning fire 6. But Augustine better sheweth how this was non natura in leonibus mutata the nature of these lyons was not changed sed lenitatem quam catuliâ— ostendunt in Danielem exercebant but they practise toward Daniel that lenitie which they vse to shewe to their whelpes c. So also Lyranus natura non est mutata sed feritas prohibita their nature was not changed but their rage was prohibited and stayed as appeareth afterward in that they returned to their kind in falling vpon the accusers of Daniel and breaking all their bones in peices ere they came at the ground v. 24. As God by his power stayed the sword of Arioch that sought Daniel to slay him cap. 2. 13. and kept the fire that it hurt not his three â—aithfull seruants c. 3. so here he stoppeth the mouthes of these lyons against Daniel Polan Quest. 26. Why the Lord doth not alwayes send his children temporall deliuerance 1. It
world could not beare two kings Oecolamp 4. He is said also to cast him downe to the ground and stampe vpon him that is Alexander made none account of the Persian glorie and riches who at the instance of his concubine caused the most goodly pallace in the world at Persepolis to be set on fire Calvin Quest. 16. v. 8. Of the breaking of this great horne and of the death of Alexander Three things are worthie of obseruation in Alexanders death 1. the time 2. the causes 3. the manner of his death 1. When Alexander was at the greatest and was returned from the conquest of the Indians as of king Porus and Ambira and purposed to passe ouer into Greece and into the West parts he died in the way at Babylon where embassadours from all nations in the world expected him from Carthage and Africa Spaine France Sicilia Sardinia 2. The causes of this sudden iudgement which befell him may be thought to be the great vices which he fell into in the last three yeares of his raigne hauing in the former 8. yeares shewed himselfe an example of a good prince Theâ—e fowre great sinnes he was touched withall crueltie he killed diuerse of his friends in his drunkennesse which was another vice then he was giuen vnto lust and wantonnes his pride also was such that he would be worshipped as a God and made himselfe Iuppiter Ammons sonne for which cause he commaunded Calisthenes to be killed because he refused to worship him for these his great enormities the diuine iustice ouertooke him and iudged him 3. The manner of his death some thinke was by poison but the most agree that he died of a surfet he feasted at a Physitians house a Thessalian one of his friends and continued all the next day quaffing and drinking vnto midnight and thorough this distemperature he fell into a burning feuer and after fewe dayes died at Babylon and had no time to returne into his owne countrey thus write of him Iustinus Arrianus Curtius Plutarke Quest. 17. Of the fowre hornes which came vp in the stead of this great horne 1. These fowre hornes were fowre kingdomes into the which the Monarchie of Alexander was diuided in the East Seleucus Nicanor obtayned the kingdome of Babylon and Syria in the West Cassander and Antipater the kingdome of Macedonia in the North Antigonus held Asia minor in the South Ptolome obtained Egypt 2. the Rabbines doe not agree among themselues what these fowre hornes should be Some of them as R. Saadiah maketh these the fowre hornes one Romanus at Rome the second Alexander in Alexandria the third Arideus in Achaia the fourth Antiochus in Antiochia Ab. Ezra thinketh they be the fowre kingdomes of Rome Egypt the land of Israel Persia But both these opinions are euidently conuinced by the text for the Angel afterward interpreteth these fowre hornes to be fowre kingdomes which should stand vp of the nation of the Grecians v. 22. 3. Pererius also is deceiued who appointeth but three successors to Alexander Ptolome in Egypt Seleucus in Syria and Antigonus in Macedonia whereas he succeeded in Asia and Cassander after Antipater in Macedonia Quest. 18. When these fowre kingdomes did arise after the great horne was broken 1. The author of the historie of the Macchabees affirmeth that Alexander beeing sicke parted his kingdome among his seruants while he was yet aliue 1. Macchab. 1. 7. But this is contrarie to all other historiographers Iustinus Diodorus Curtius Arrianus Orosius Iosephus who all affirme that this was the cause of the long warre among Alexanders captaines after his death because he had appointed none to succeede him 2. Pererius to iustifie the Apochryphall storie of the Macchabees thus helpeth the matter that Alexander being at the point of death when he could not speake did resigne his ring vnto Perdiccas to whom the rest of the captaines at the perswasion of Aristonus did yeeld the chiefe dominion and so in that by his authoritie the fowre kingdomes were diuided to the rest it was in effect done by Alexander who had resigned the kingdome vnto Perdiccas while he liued But this agreeth not with the true historie for after Alexanders death not Perdiccas but Arideus the brother of Alexander succeeded and Perdiccas was but viceroy neither was there any peaceable diuision of the kingdom but after much contention and bloody warres wherein 15. of Alexanders captaines were slaine Polan 3. Some thinke that presently after Alexanders death the captaines made this distribution among themselues and diuided the kingdome into fowre parts gloss ordinar but that is not so for after Alexanders death Philippus Arideus succeeded and Perdiccas was protector or viceroy vntill Roxane Alexanders wife had brought forth Alexander his sonne and then Philistio was protector of the kingdome But Arideus was killed by Olympias Alexanders mother and Alexander his sonne with Roxane his mother and Hercules an other son of Alexanders with Barsanâ— his mother were killed by Cassander so immediately after Alexanders death this diuision could not be made 4. Wherefore the truth is that a long time after Alexanders death there was contention among Alexanders captaines for the kingdom Orosius saith 14. years And then these fowre captaines preuayling diuided the kingdome among them as is shewed in the former question And as Eusebius writeth the kingdome of Syria begunne the 11. yeare after the death of Alexander Quest. 19. Who was this little horne v. 9. 1. This little horne was Antiochus Epiphanes that is noble or famous Antiochus or rather as Polybius calleth him Epimanes the furious or madde Antiochus he came out of one of the fowre hornes namely of Seleucus Nicanor beeing the eight of that race which are thus reckoned Seleucus Nicanor Antiochus Soter Antiochus Theos Seleucus Callinicus Seleucus Ceraunus Antiochus Magnus Seleucus Philopator and then succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes brother to the said Seleucus and younger sonne to Antiochus the great 2. Hierome then is here deceiued who maketh this Antiochus the sonne of Seleucus Philopator beeing indeede his brother 3. He is called a little horne not in respect of other kingdoms then whom he was mightier but in these respectâ— 1. because he had no title to the kingdome at the first beeing the younger brother and Seleucus his elder brother had also an issue male Demetrius Polan 2. he was a long time an hostage at Rome and liued as a priuate man Perer. 3. he was of a seruile and flattering nature and had no princely qualitie and condition in him Quest. 20. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this little horne Three effects are described 1. his attempts against other nations 2. his violence against the people of God 3. his blasphemie and profanenesse against God himselfe 1. He attempted much against the South namely against Egypt vpon this occasion Ptolomeus Epiphanes married Cleopatra daughter vnto Antiochus the great sister vnto this Antiochus Epiphanes by whom he had Ptolome Philometor who being a child Antiochus tooke vpon
gift were especially called and sent to that ende to prophesie and in this sense onely the Iewes hold neither Dauid nor Daniel to be Prophets 2. Theoderet doth simply reprehend the Iewes for denying Daniel to be a Prophet and this booke to be any of the propheticall writings so also Iunius affirmeth that the Iewes denie this booke to be counted among the Hagiographa or holy writings 3. But the truth is as Polanus setteth it downe that the Elder Iewes did acknowledge this booke to be authenticall and canonicall and equall in authoritie to the booke of the Psalmes the Prouerbs of Salomon the Lamentations of Ieremie and diuerse of them haue written commentaries vpon this booke as R. Salomon R. Leui Ben Gerson R. Abraham Aben Ezra R. Saadia with others but the later Rabbines doe denie the booke of Daniel to be authenticall and therefore seldome reade it as he speaketh of his owne experience how diuerse Rabbines in Moravia whose helpe he vsed did confesse that they seldome did reade the prophesie of Daniel the occasion whereof he thinketh to be this because Daniel doth so euidently point out the time of the Messiah his comming 4. But this errour of the Iewes in reiecting this prophesie of Daniel may thus further be refuted 1. The bookes which are called Hagiographa holy writings were of three sorts either they are taken for those bookes which were laid vp by the Arke and had the miraculous extraordinary approbation by the Vrim and Thummim other visible demonstrations or for such canonicall books which though they had not that allowance being written after the captiuitie when those visible monuments of the Arke the Vrim and Thummim ceased yet were written by the spirit of God and commended to his Church and thirdly those bookes were called holy writings which were not made of Canonicall authoritie but onely preferred before other humane writings and receiued of the Church into some higher order though not made equall to the the Scriptures Now though the prophesie of Daniel be not of the first sort yet that it is authenticall and canonicall of the second it thus may appeare The authoritie then of this booke is set forth by testimony both internall and externall the externall is either diuine or humane the diuine essentiall or accidentall the humane is either Ecclesiasticall and domesticall or forraine or prophane these further shall thus be declared in their order 1. The internall testimonie est spiritus testificatio the inward witnesse of the spirit which cleareth our vnderstanding that by the same spirit we acknowledge the Diuine prophesie of Daniel by the which he wrote it 2. The Diuine externall testimonie which is called essentiall is consensio cum diuino canone the agreement which this prophesie hath with the rest of the Scriptures and the warrant which Daniel hath from the testimonie of Christ Matth. 24. 15. 3. The Accidentall is à signis euentis from the signes which God ioyned with the prophesie as Daniels interpretation of dreames and his preseruation from the lyons c. 6. The euents were the true and sensible accomplishment of the predictions and prophesies conteined in this booke as all histories which doe write of these Kingdomes doe beare record and where these two doe concurre with the truth of doctrine namely the signes and euents they are diligently to be regarded Deut. 17. 4. The Ecclesiasticall testimonie is the consent of Gods Church and generall approbation of the seruants and worshippers of God which though it be not so forcible to perswade vs as the former yet it is a good motion and inducement ioyned with the rest hereunto may be added that testimonie of Iosephus that all the bookes which were written vnto the time of Artaxerxes were of diuine authoritie 5. The forraine testimonie is the authoritie and allowance which this booke found euen among the Heathen as is euident in that a great part of this prophesie is written in the Chalde tongue which sheweth that the truth thereof was euen euident to the Chaldeans Iunius And here may be remembred how laddus the high Priest shewed Daniels prophesie vnto Alexander the great and by name that vision c. 8. how the goate which signified the Grecians ouercame the ramme which betokened the Persian Monarchie as Iosephus reporteth whereupon this booke was had in great admiration of Alexander Quest. 12. Of the difficultie and obscuritie of this prophesie Pererius giueth these foure reasons and causes thereof 1. Because diuerse things are otherwise reported of forraine historiographers then they are remembred in this booke as in the 2. chap. Nebuchadonazer is made the mightiest King vpon the earth whereas Herodotus much more extolleth the power of Cyaxares who raigned about that time among the Medes c. 5. Balthazar is said to be depriued both of life and kingdom by Darius king of the Medes whereas other writers ascribe it to Cyrus c. 11. the Angel foretelleth but of three kings after Cyrus vnto Alexanders time whereas there were many more 2. The transposing of the storie which is often vsed in this booke is an other cause of the darkenesse and obscuritie as the prophesies conteined in the 7. and 8. chap. which were shewed vnto Daniel vnder the raigne of Balthazar in order should be set before the 6. c. Pererius addeth that the historie of Susanna which happened when Daniel was yet a child and the storie of Bell and the dragon which was done the Empire of the Chaldes yet standing should be placed tâ—e one before the second the other before the 5. chap. But concerning these two pretended histories there is no certaintie of the truth of them at the least when and at what time they were done and therefore this instance might be spared 3. The prophesies and visions themselues are darke and obscure as that c. 9. of the 70. weekes which terme when it should take beginning and how it proceeded and was continued is a matter of deepe vnderstanding 4. The varietie of histories which must be vsed as helpes for the vnderstanding of this prophesie and the change and alteration of so many states and kingdomes in this booke decyphered doe make this prophesie intricate specially because many of those historicall writers whose workes are necessarie for the opening and vnfolding of this mysticall prophesie are now lost and perished As Hierome sendeth vs to the histories of Sâ—etâ—nius Callinicus Possidonius Thean Andronicus Polybius Diodorus Titus Linius Trâ—gus Pompeius whose histories concerning these matters here prophesied of by Daniel are now either in part or in whole wanting 5. And thus much was signified by the Angel that this historie should seeme obsure vntill the things therein contained were accomplished as he saith to Daniel Goe thy way Daniel for the words are closed vp and sealed till the ende of the time vntill then they should be obscure to all but euen afterward also when the fulnesse of time is come none of the wicked shall haue vnderstanding and
12. Iechonias begate Salathiel Pererius obserueth out of Epiphanius and Beza also is of the same opinion that in the first place Iechonias is taken for Iehoiakim the father in the latter for the sonne for otherwise there are not 42. but onely 41. generations there rehearsed Quest. 4. Why the King of Babel had such an enuie against Iehoiakim 1. First Nebuchadnezzar came against him because he was made king by Pharaoh Necho king of Egypt with whom Nebuchadnezzar had warre and subdued his countrie and thereupon Iehoiakim became tributarie to the king of Babel 2. But Nebuchadnezzars hatred was more increased afterward when as after three yeares Iehoiakim rebelled against him and would haue cast off his yoke then the king of Babel came vp the second time and carried Iehoiakim away captiue who after he was dead was cast out and lay vnburied according to Ieremie his prophesie c. 22. 19. 3. But the greatest cause of all was the purpose of God to punish the wickednesse of the king and his people for he killed the Prophet Viiah Ierem. 26. cut Ieremie his prophesie with a knife and cast it into the fire Ierem. 36. beside there were found in his bodie when he was dead markes of idolatrie as Lyranus following the Hebrewe noteth vpon that place 2. Chron. 36. 8. Concerning the rest of the acts of Iehoiakim and his abhominations which he did and that which was found vpon him c. God therefore for his crueltie impietie idolatrie brought this iudgement vpon him Pere Quest. 5. Of Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babel and how many there were of that name 1. Pintus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar was a generall name to the kings of Babylon as the kings of Egypt were called by the name of Pharaoh and the kings of the Philistins of Abimelek And he further is of opinion that this Nebuchadnezzar had a sonne of the same name and that neither of them are the same with that Nebuchadnezzar mentioned in the storie of Iudith who sent Holofernes against the Iewes for that was after the returne of the Iewes out of captiuitie as appeareth Iudith 5. beside he thinketh that neither Nebuchadnezzar the father nor the sonne was that Nebuchadnezzar which destroyed Tyrus according to the prophesie of Ezechiel 26. 7. which he taketh to be Cyrus or Alexander But Pintus is in many things here deceiued 1. It is not to be shewed out of the sacred historie of Scripture that all the kings of Babylon were called by the name of Nebuchadnezzar but the contrarie rather appeareth for this kings sonnes name was Evilmerodach 2. King 25. 27. and his sonne Balthazar Dan. 5. 2. And this Nebuchadnezzar was the sonne not the father and the second was called great Nebuchadnezzar for his great exploits and many victories for next vnto this succeeded Evilmerodach So throughout the whole prophesie of Daniel we must vnderstand the second Nebuchadnezzar Iun. 3. We easily agree that neither of these could be that Nebuchadnezzar mentioned in the booke of Iudith for who that was it is vncertaine and there is small certaintie of any thing in the booke beside for Pintus will haue that storie referred to the times after the captiuitie Pererius thinketh it was done before the captiuitie in the time of Manasses but neither of these can stand not the first for we reade of no Nebuchadnezzar after the captiuitie when the kingdome was translated from the Chaldeans to the Persians nor the second for that storie of Iudith maketh mention of the casting downe of the Temple cap. 5. 18. which had not yet beene done in the dayes of Manasseh 4. This Nebuchadnezzar was the same which besieged Tyrus which he besieged 13. yeares as witnesseth Iosephus lib. 10. c. 11. he could not be Cyrus or Alexander for he is called the king of Babel Ezek. 26. 7. 2. Pererius acknowledgeth that there were two Nebuchadnezzars the one here spoken of and in the Prophets the other whereof mention is made in the booke of Iudith whom he taketh to haue beene before this and he misliketh their opinion who take this Nebuchadnezzar some for Cyrus some for Cambises some for Artaxerxes or Darius Ochus the last king but one of the Persians for neither was the Temple yet built againe vnder the raigne of Cyrus and Cambises as is mentioned Iudith 5. and Artaxerxes was 200. yeares after the returne of the Iewes from captiuitie whereas the storie of Iudith seemeth to haue fallen out immediately after Iudith 5. 19. Pere Contra. 1. It appeareth what small certaintie there is of the Apocryphall booke of Iudith seeing it cannot be agreed vpon who that king Nebuchadnezzar was 2. He could not be the Elder Nebuchadnezzar for in his time the temple was not destroyed but in his sonnes but before the time of Iudith it had beene destroyed Iudith 5. 18. 3. Wherefore their opinion is to be preferred that make two Nebuchadnezzars the father and the sonne who was called Nebuchadnezzar the great Iun. Caluin Bullinger Polanus so also Iosephus who giueth vnto the raigne of the Elder 23. yeares and to the other 43. This Nebuchadnezzar seemeth to be the same whom Ptolome calleth Nabopolassar in the 19. yeare of whose raigne he saith the captiuitie of Babylon beganne Polan Quest. 6. Of the acts and exploits of Nebuchadnezzar 1. Iosephus out of Berosus who wrote of the Chalde affaires reporteth of Nebuchadnezzar the second that beeing sent by his father the Elder Nebuchadnezzar against the king of Egypt who reuolted from him and in the meane time hearing of his fathers death returned to Babylon and tooke the gouernement vpon him where he did many princely and sumptuous workes he beautified the temple of Belus repaired the edifices of the city enlarged the riuer compassed the citie with a treble wall built a goodly palace in the space of 25. dayes which seemeth incredible and built high rocks and mountaines vpon vaults of stone and vpon them planted orchards as hanging aloft because his wife being brought vp in Medea desired to see some resemblance of her countrie for the like acts he referreth vs to the histories of Megasthenes the Indian historiographer and Diocles who wrote of the Persian histories and Philostratus of the Pheniceans who witnesseth that Nebuchadnezzar besieged Tyrus 13. yeares which beganne in the 7. yeare of his raigne as Pererius noteth 2. His acts set downe in the Scriptures were these in the third yeare of Iehoiakim he besiedged Ierusalem and carried the spoyle of the citie into Babylon in the 11. yeare he came againe and tooke the citie and carried many into captiuitie and slue Iehoiakim who wanted the honour of buriall then he set in his place his sonne Iehoaichin whom after 3. moneths he remooued and appointed Zedekiah in his place in whose 11. yeare which was the 18. of Nebuchadnezzar he tooke Zedekiah and put out his eies and the 19. yeare he burnt the citie and Temple and carried away the people captiue these things are thus testified 2.
Nego which was the starre of Venus Bullin some thinke it should be read Abednebo the seruant of Nebo the God of the Chaldeans some giue the sense servus anxius a carefull seruant Pintus But the true deriuation is of ghebat a seruant and Nego fire which the Chaldeans worshipped as a God So then in all these foure names there was some memoriall of the Chaldean idolls of Bel in the first rach which was the Sunne in the next of their goddesse Shacah which was Venus in the third and of their god Nego in the last Iun. Polan Quest. 29. Ver. 8. Why Daniel refused to eate of the kings meate and of the diuers kinds of abstinence Ver. 8. Dâ—â—iel had determined in his heart that he would not defile himselfe with the portion of the kings meate 1. here we may remember that there are foure kinds of vnlawfull abstinence 1. Some of the Philosophers as Pythagoras Empedocles Apollonius Porphyrius because they imagined that the soules of men did passe into the bodies of beastes in varia se corpora indure and did as it were cloth themselues with diuers bodies for this cause they abstained from the eating of flesh 2. There were certaine heretikes who therefore would eate no flesh because they held them to be euill by nature a malo quodam principio conditas and made at the first by some euill powers such were the Heretikes Marcion Tacianus the Encratites the Manichees against whom Augustine did write at large confuting their errors but specially in his bookes against blasphemous Faustus the Manichee 3. Some were in an other error who at the first beeing conuerted from Iudaisâ—e did thinke they were bound to abstaine from certaine meates as vncleane according to the law of Moses concerning whom the Apostles made a decree Act. 15. 4. And some other there are which haue a peruerse opinion of fasting which thinke that the perfection of a Christian consisteth in fasting or they fast onely for the praise of men and opinion of the world All these are in great error and doe offend in their fasting but Daniels abstinence was of none of these kinds Pere Quest. 30. The causes which mooued Daniel to forbeare the kings meate There were many pollutions in the meate which serued at the kings table 1. they might eate such flesh as was counted vncleane by the lawe of Moses as swines flesh hares and conies were held to be vncleane by the lawe of the Hebrewes and diuerse others both beasts fish and foule as is declared Deut. 14. which might be notwithstanding vsed as delicate meates in the kings court Pap Bullinger which meates though of their owne nature they defiled not yet by the institution of God beeing forbidden they defiled the eater in respect of his disobedience to the lawe 2. Beside they in the beginning of their feasts did praise the gods of gold and siluer and so consecrated their meates and table to their idols for which cause Daniel and the rest abstained Iun. Polan Lyran. Hugo Cardi. And though the first obseruation of meates was onely legall and ceased with the rest of the ceremonies yet the abstaining from things offered to idols was perpetuall afterward obserued of the Christians as both is euident by S. Paul 1. Cor. 8. 10. where he speaketh of those that sate downe in the idoll temples and by the practise of the Primitiue Church as Caecilius obiected to the Christians praeceptos delibatos altaribus cibos abhorretis c. yee abhorre meates commanded that are consecrate to idols 3. Beside sciebat perturbationum fontem esse intemperantiam he did knowe that intemperancie was the fountaine of all distemperature he remembred that Adam was cast out of paradise for eating of the forbidden fruit and Esau lost his birthright for a messe of pottage Daniel therefore and the rest abstained least they might be intangled with the desire of their delicate meates Pintus 4. An other reason was that the king by this sweet poyson should not cause him to forget his religion Geneuens ne inescaretur talibus illecebris least he should haue beene caught with such baits he therefore shunneth the occasion Quest. 31. vers 8. How Daniel should haue beene defiled with the kings meate Though that the meate it selfe in it owne nature could not haue defiled Daniel as our Blessed Sauiour saith that which goeth into the mouth defileth not the man Matth. 15. 11. yet foure waies Daniel should haue defiled himselfe and others 1. He had offended the godly if they were weake in following his example so wounding their owne conscience if they were strong yet they would haue grieued to see the law of God transgressed 2. The profane should haue beene scandalized if they were enemies in causing them to blaspheme if they were indifferent and such as of whom there might be hope in putting before them a stumbling blocke they might haue discouraged them from embracing their religion in seeing them to doe contrarie to their owne profession 3. Their owne conscience they should haue defiled in sinning against the â—nowledge and disobeying the lawe 4. God they should haue contemned in neglecting his lawe and so in a manner haue polluted him as in another case the Priests are said to haue polluted God for offering vncleane bread vpon his altar Malach. 1. 7. Polan Quest. 32. Whether Daniel euer after abstained from the kings meate It is like that Daniel afterward did both eate and drinke of the kings prouision for he was of the kings Court and was the chiefe officer about the king and sate in the kings gate cap. 2. 49. therefore it is not vnlike but that he did liue at the kings diet neither doe we read of Ioseph that was in the like estimation with Pharaoh that he refused the kings meat Caluin The reasons why Daniel abstained now and not afterward may be these 1. Daniel principio abstinuit à lautitijs aulae ne inescaretur at the beginning abstained from the delicats of the court lest he should haue bin intangled Cal. but afterward there was not the like feare when Daniel was called to place of gouernement and depended not vpon the command and authority of others as now he did So also Pellicâ—iam grandaevus extra periculum constitutus vinum bibisse legitur c. when he waxed olde and was out of danger he is found to haue drunke wine c. 2. this must be admitted ceremonialia cedere magnae necessitati that the ceremonialls must giue place vnto extreame necessitie It is no question but the people of the Iewes beeing in captiuitie did sometime eate of the meates forbidden by the lawe rather then they should be famished but if the eating of such meates had beene a deniall of their faith and religion in that case they should rather haue chosen to die then in the least ceremonie to denie their faith Osian Daniel might then in his captiuitie vpon such necessitie eate such things as in
then one should as well haue such dreames as an other for in the time of rest euery mans soule is free from the busines of the day 4. Porphyrius thinketh that the notions which are naturally in the soule which it brought with it into the bodie are the causes of dreames which notions shew more freely in the night then in the day But Christian religion acknowledgeth no such former notions or pre-existence of the soule before it came to the bodie for the Lord formeth the spirit of man within him Zachar. 12. 1. 5. Synesius maketh the phantasticall part of the soule to be the cause of dreames that as the representations of diuers things are raised in the phantasie so the soule thereupon conceiueth dreames and therefore Pythogoras going to bed vsed to fall asleepe with the sound of the harpe and so prepared himselfe to haue quiet and pleasant dreames But yet the cause appeareth not why such imaginations and representations should be raised vp in the phantasie the phantasie affecteth the soule but how commeth the phantasie to be so affected first 6. Hippocrates maketh two causes of dreames the diuine and supernaturall instinct which is infused of God and the naturall disposition of the bodie for as the humours are affected if there be emptines or fulnesse or any distemperature in the bodie the dreames are answerable But as these are the true causes of diuine and naturall dreames so of other dreames other causes must be found out Hippocrates then toucheth the true causes of some but not of all dreames 7. Gregorie maketh sixe causes of dreames 1. the fulnes or emptines of the bodie 2. the diuâ—ne cogitations 3. the illusion of Satan 4. the illusion of Satan and mans thoughts together 5. the diuine reuelation 6. the diuine instinct and humane thoughts concurring together But as Hippocrates alleadged not all the causes so Gregorie maketh more causes then he needeth as now shall be shewed 8. As then there are fowre sort of dreames as hath beene before declared Quest. 42. so there are fowre causes of the same 1. Naturall dreames proceede of naturall causes as cholerike men dreame of fire phlegmatike of water melancholike men of darknes and blacknes and any distempered humour or affected part of the bodie often raiseth a dreame agreeable as Galen reporteth of one that dreamed that one of his legges was made of stone and presently after he was taken with a palsie and nummenesse in that legge And Plinie writeth how P. Cornelius Ruffinus in his sleepe thought that he suddenly became blind and when he awaked he was blind in deede 2. Of humane dreames humane affaires are the cause which leaue a strong impression in the minde whereby such like dreames are engendred in the night as the thoughts were in the day so mariners dreame of the sea and fish husbandmen of the fields shepheards of their sheepe of this kind was Hannibals dreame who hauing now swallowed Italie in his desire as he transported his armies from Spaine thither he had a dreame wherein he saw a most hideous serpent destroying and deuouring all where he went this dreame was answerable to his desire and seemed to issue forth of his former thoughts 3. The third sort of dreames is Diabolicall which Satan casteth into mens mindes to seduce and deceiue them and of these the Deuill is the author who is the third generall cause of dreames for if some dreames were not caused by Satan why should the Lord condemne such dreamers of dreames which should goe about to seduce and deceiue the people Deut. 13. 1. Of this kinde may be thought Alexanders dreame to haue beene who comming to Ptolome the next king of Egypt after beeing sore wounded by a venemous dart and of that wound like to die fell asleepe by him and in his sleepe saw a serpent bringing a roote in his mouth shewing the place where it grew whereby Ptolome was healed These Sathanicall dreames are of two sorts for some of them doe prognosticate of things to come which Sathan can foretell two waies either by naturall causes he can foresee the euents or he doth foretell such things as he knoweth he is permitted of God to doe the other kind of Diabolicall dreames tendeth to the inciting and stirring vp of men to sinne as murder lust or other vngodlines 4. The fourth cause of dreames is God himselfe who by dreames and visions in the night diuersly instructeth men and teuealeth vnto them things to come ex Perer. Quest. 46. How Diabolicall and Diuine dreames may be discerned 1. Diabolicall dreames are discerned 1. by the matter if they be vnchast and vncleane dreames prouoking vnto any vice or impietie 2. by the ende if one shall haue a reuelation in a dreame of things to come whereof there is no profitable ende but onely the feeding of mens curiositie or the maintaining of superstition 3. by mens persons also a coniecture may be made as if vncleane and corrupt dreames be offered vnto godly and righteous men therein they are to suspect the craft of Satan that he goeth about to assault and tempt them 2. Concerning Diuine dreames they are two waies principally discerned by the excellencie of the matter as when things to come are reuealed the knowledge whereof onely belongeth vnto God or the Lord discouereth mans secret thoughts which he onely can descrie the other way is by the illumination of the minde when the Lord doth so euidently reueale himselfe vnto the soule and minde of man that he nothing doubteth of the author of those dreames but knoweth assuredly that the Lord spake vnto him in a dreame such were the dreames which Abraham Ioseph Daniel Paul had for like as naturally the soule hath light to discerne of the first notions and principles so the minde in this case is illuminate to acknowledge the diuine instinct 3. In diuers manners and to diuers purposes doth the Lord speake vnto men in dreames 1. sometime he terrifieth and feareth them as he staied Abimelek and Laban by fearefull dreames that they should doe no hurt the one to Abraham the other to Iaakob 2. sometime the Lord encourageth men by dreames to enterprise some great worke as he did Gedeon Iudg. 7. 9. 3. he admonisheth some by dreames what they should doe as Paul Act. 16. and Ioseph Matth. 1. 4. God instructeth by dreames concerning things to come as he did in Pharaohs and Nabuchadnezzers dreames 4. And as the endes and purposes are diuers why the Lord sendeth dreames so also the kinds are diuers 1. some diuine dreames are plaine and manifest and neede no interpretation such were the dreames of Ioseph of the starres and the sheaues 2. sometime God speaketh with them himselfe in their dreames as with Abimelech Gen. 20. sometime an Angel appeareth as to Ioseph Matth. 1. sometime a man as to Paul Act. 16. 3. sometime God sendeth dreames not expected or desired such were Pharaohs and Nebuchadnezzers dreames sometime they are first craued and
all by his wisdome and they beeing auncient thought scorne that such a young man should be ioyned vnto them Perer. 3. The king also might spare Daniel as hauing yet had no great triall of his faithfulnes and therefore he would not at the first commit his secrets to a stranger Calvin 4. Peretius thinketh that Nebuchadnezzer might haue forgotten him in the space of 22. yeares for so long it was since Daniel first stood before the king But that cannot be for this yeare wherein Nebuchadnezzer dreamed was but the second yeare from the beginning of Daniels ministie and seruice in the Court as is before shewed Quest. 1. vpon this chapter 5. But herein chiefly we are to acknowledge Gods prouidence who so disposed that Daniel should not be admitted neither before nor together with the Chaldeans If he had beene called first the Magicians might haue saide that they could haue interpreted the dreame if they had beene called If he had come with them and expounded the dreame the Chaldeans would haue ascribed it to their owne skill and so the ignorance and follie of them should not haue so manifestly appeared Polan 6. And further God to this ende would not haue Daniel present with the rest to signifie that he would not haue the professors of the truth matched or mingled with the assemblies of lyers and hypocrites Polan 9. Quest. v. 4. Of the Aramites language whether it differ from the Hebrew and be all one with the Chalde v. 14. Then spake the Chaldeans to the King in the Aramites language 1. Hierome by this argument confuteth the opinion of Philo who taketh the Hebrew and Chalde language for all one because Daniel then needed not to haue learned the Chaldean tongue c. 1. 5. And further that they differed it is manifest by that speech of Eliakim to Rabshakeh Speake to thy sâ—ruants in the Aramites language for we vnderstand it and talke not with vs in the Iewes tongue So the Lord threatneth by his Prophet that he will bring a nation vpon them whose language they vnderstand not meaning the Chaldeans 2. Now although the ancient and pure Hebrew tongue differ much from the Chalde yet after the captiuitie the vsuall language of the Iewes did borrow much of the Chalde tongue by reason of their long captiuitie among them and was compounded partly of the Chalde partly of the Hebrew from their returne from Babylon vntill the daies of out blessed Sauiours beeing in the flesh Perer. 3. But concerning the Syrian tongue some take it and the Chalde for all one Osiand some thinke that they differed onely as the tongue of the learned and vnlearned Lyran. that the Syriake was held to be the more eloquent tongue Genevens some thinke the Chaldean and Babylonian tongue was when called the Syrian or Aramites language because Chaldea was counted part of Syria Iun. And it seemeth that in times past there was small difference betweene them though now the ancient Chalde tongue wherein part of Ezra and Daniel is written be farre diuers both in character and sound from the Syrian tongue wherein the learned Iewes write and speake at this day see more hereof Quest. 25. c. 1. 10. Quest. Why the Chaldeans speake in the Aramites language From the beginning of this booke vnto the 4. v. of this chapter all is written in the Hebrew words and characters from this place to the ende of the 7. chap. the Prophet vseth Chalde words but Hebrew charactrs and then the rest of the booke followeth in the Hebrew tongue and writing as before now the reasons why these Chaldeans vse the Aramites language were these 1. These wise men were of diuers countries and so of diuers languages therefore they spake in the Syrian or Chalde tongue which was knowne and vnderstood of all Perer. 2. Some thinke they vsed it as the more eloquent tongue Genevens 3. Or because it was the language which the king vsed Perer. 4. Or rather the Syrian was the Babylonian tongue which in that respect was fittest for them to vse 5. And the Lord hereby so disposed that the knowledge of these things should be manifest vnto the Chaldeans that euen they might be conuinced of the truth out of their owne acts and records which also was the cause for the more credit of this historie among the Chaldeans that Daniel setteth it downe in the very same language wherein it was acted Polan 11. Quest. v. 8. Why the King saith They would gaine or redeeme time 1. It is the third interrogation or question which the king propoundeth vnto them the first was cum simplici denuntiatione v. 3. withâ—â— simple prolation and propounding of his dreame the second v. 5. cum forti comminatione praemij promissione with a vehernent commination and threatning with promise also of reward the third v. 9. cum falsi suspicione with a suspition of falshood c. You haue prepared lying and corrupt words 2. By gaining or redeeming of time is vnderstood occasionem quaerere evadendi pericula to seeke occasion to escape the daunger as the Apostle saith Eph. 5. 16. Redeeming the time for the daies are euill as trauellers that fall into foule weather doe watch their times and opportunities how to escape it and so to goe on in their iourney Pintus some vnderstand by time spatium vita the tearme of their life which they desired to be prolonged Gloss. Lyran. but it is more fitly referred to the interpretation of the dreame which they would haue shifted off and so quarebant dilationem temporis they sought to prolong the time that some other thing falling betweene the king might forget to vrge that matter Osiand sic daretur effugiendi ecoasio and so they might haue occasion to escape and auoid the daunger 3. But the kings coniecture is not good that they which doe not presently make answer to the king doe it to gaine time and so to delude the king for there may be diuers and different causes of suspending ones answer as cuÌ„ officium piâ—tatis charitatis vetat when as the office of pietie or charitie enioyneth silence as the Martyrs which were vrged to bewray their fellowes would not make direct answer Iun. lection in Daniel 4. But the kings other argument is good which he vrgeth against these wisemen and Chaldeans v. 9. Tell me the dreame that I may know if you can declare me the interpretation thereof The argument is this framed They which can giue the interpretation of a dreame can finde out the dreame it selfe for the one is of a diuine instinct as well as the other And to God nothing is hid he can as well tell what the dreame was as open the meaning of it But ye cannot tell me my dreame therefore neither can you interpret it though you knew it you are then but impostors and deceiuers Polan But Osiander collecteth otherwise non reste argumentabatur rex c. the king reasoned not well as though it were
was sent as he saith Thou hast shewed now the thing that we desired of thee it is not like that Daniel and the rest beeing full of care in this so weightie a busines would giue themselues to rest but they awaked when other slept So Hugo Card. giueth this as a reason why this vision came in the night quod tempus magis orationi competit because that time is fittest for praier 3. And presently after this thing was reuealed it is said that Daniel answered and said The name of God be praised but he could not thus answer and praise God in his sleepe It was then such a vision in the night as Paul had Act. 16. 9. when a man of Macedonia appeared vnto him and said Come and helpe vs. 4. Yet this further must be added that visions come not onely by day but by night and not onely when men are awake but when they sleepe as Daniel saw a dreame and had visions in his head as he lay vpon his bed c. 7. 1. such visions are more then dreames and differ in respect of the more cleare illumination and euident demonstration of things such was Salomons dreame wherein he had a vision beside when actually the gift of wisdome was conferred vpon him 1. king 3. whereof see c. 1. qu. 51. Yet dreames and visions doe differ in nature still though they may concurre together the one beeing but a representation of the image and similitude of things the other a demonstration of the things themselues 20. Quest. Of the forme and order of Daniels thanksgiuing Daniels thanksgiuing is of two sorts either generall v. 20. to 23. or speciall and particular and either of them consisteth of the proposition containing the doxologie or thanksgiuing and the probation thereof 1. In the generall benediction in the proposition is expressed who is to be praised the name of God not the letters or syllables as the Iewes adore the name Iehouah the Papists the name Iesus but the name of God is God himselfe and the adiunct of the time also is added for euer and euer 2. The probation is set forth briefly for wisdome and strength are his then it is amplified by the effects first his power is declared by two effects the changing of times and seasons and the taking downe and setting vp of Kings then his confidence by three effects 1. in giuing wisdome for action 2. vnderstanding for contemplation 3. and in discouering secret things which is amplified by the cause taken from the essentiall propertie of God he knoweth what is in darknes because with him is light 3. Then followeth the speciall thanksgiuing with the proposition wherein Daniel giueth thanks for himselfe and the probation taken from two effects in opening vnto them the Kings dreame according to their desire and giuing them power and strength thereby to preuaile against and ouercome the imminent danger and perill of death the latter effect is set forth in the first place Quest. 21. v. 19. How Daniel is said to haue blessed the God of heauen 1. The Lord is called the God of heauen 1. because he made the heauens but other gods haue not made the heauen and the earth Ierem. 11. Hug. Card. 2. And this sheweth a difference betweene the true God and idols herein because they are worshipped onely in the earth and not in heauen Pint. 3. And God is so called because he is habitator coeli he inhabiteth and dwelleth in the heauens and therefore he saith heauen is my seat or throne Isa. 66. 1. not that God is limited and confined in the heauens but there are the most glorious and visible signes of his presence Pintus 4. And by this title is set forth Gods glorie greatnes and power because the heauens are the most glorious of Gods creatures and doe sway things below in the earth Polan 2. To blesse is taken diuersly in Scripture 1. when God is said to blesse man benedicere to blesse is the same that benefacere to bestowe benefits as the Lord saith to Abraham I will blesse thee and make thy name great Genes 12. 2. to blesse here is to encrease and multiplie him and make him great 2. when one man blesseth another it signifieth to wish well vnto them and to pray for them as Rebekahs mother and brother are said to blesse her Gen. 24. 60. 3. but when man is said to blesse God it signifieth to praise him and giue thankes vnto him as Psal. 54. 1. I will blesse the Lord for euer his praise shall be in my mouth continually and so is it taken here 22. Quest. vers 21. How the Lord is said to change times and seasons 1. He changeth times 1. he maketh day and night summer and winter ipse est primus motor coelestium corporum because he is the first mouer of the celestiall bodies which doe rule the time 2. and he changeth and altreth the times either according to the course of nature ordinarie as in distinguishing dayes moneths and the times of the yeare or extraordinarie as when the seasons of the yeare keepe not their kind but many times the Summer weather is changed into the winter raine and cold and the winter into Summer Cal. and he altreth the times against the course of nature as when he caused the Sunne to stand still in Iosuahs time and to goe backe in the dayes of Hezekiah Pere 2. He also changeth the particular seasons both of the ayre and weather sending sometime heate and drought sometime raine and cold Polan as also he disposeth of the age and yeares of mans life in generall as mans age was shortened after the flood and in particular sometime shortening mans dayes as he did vnto Moses not suffering him to liue to see the land of Canaan sometime prolonging it as he added 15. yeares to Hezekiahs life Pere 23. Quest. vers 22. VVhat secret things the Lord is said to discouer There are three kinds of secret things which the Lord is said to discouer 1. The mysteries of religion as concerning the blessed Trinitie the incarnation of the Sonne of God the life to come the knowledge of which things a man cannot attaine vnto vnlesse it be reuealed vnto him from God 2. There are the secrets of the heart which none knoweth but God who is the searcher of the heart saue the spirit of man which is in him 1. Cor. 2. 11. to none other are the thoughts of the heart knowne but onely vnto God 3. The things to come are great secrets which onely are manifest vnto him by whome all things are acted and gouerned both past present and to come Pere 24. Quest. How light is said to dwell with God v. 22. whereas it is said Psal. 18. 11. he made darkenesse his secret place 1. God is said 1. to be light in himselfe in his essence because there is nothing in God but most pure sincere cleare as also because he communicateth of this light vnto others as Iohn 1. 9. he is the
Hast thou found me O my enemie that is hast thou met with me Quest. 27. vers 25. Why Arioch nameth Daniel to be one of the captiues rather then of the wisemen 1. Some thinke he nameth him of Iudah because he had heard that diuers excellent Prophets had beene of that tribe Lyran. Pintus but that is not like for the famous Prophets which liued about that time in the captiuitie were Ieremie and Ezekiel who both were of the kindred of the Priests Ierem. 1. 1. Ezeck 1. 3. and so not of Iudah 2. Therefore Gods prouidence rather appeareth herein that as Daniel was not before in the assemblie of the wisemen so now he should not be counted among them that the interpretation of the dreame should onely be acknowledged to proceede from God and not be ascribed to the skill and cunning of any wisemen 3. Hugo Card. following the ordinarie gloss noteth here that Daniel was of the tribe of Iudah and not a priest sicut in fine continet fabulae Belis as is contained afterward in the fable of Bel c. he calleth that supposed historie of Bel and the dragon a fable which among the Romanists is held for canonicall 4. Bullinger here obserueth well in that the Lord refused the great wisemen of Babylon who were had in great reputation for their learning and wisedome and preferreth a poore captiue infirma mundi fortissimis esse robustiora that the weake things of the world are stronger then the mightie as the Apostle saith 1. Cor. 1. 27. God hath chosen the weake things of the world to confound the mightie Quest. 28. vers 26. How the king is said to answer no question beeing demanded The word hhanah or ghanah which properly signifieth to answer is taken simply for to speake as Iob 3. 2. Iob cursed his day and Iob answered and said so is the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vsed in the newe testament as Math. 11. 25. at that time Iesus answered and said I giue thee thankes O father c. and yet no man asked him there any question Pintus so Mark 11. 13. when Iesus came to the figtree and found nothing but leaues it is said Iesus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answering said where the word answered is superfluosly added as it is vsed in the Hebrewe tongue and therefore the Syrian interpreter onely readeth and he said so in this place then answered the king and said the word ganah answered is added ex abundanti as we say more then neede see Beza in his annota vpon that place Quest. 29. vers 27. Why Daniel denieth that any of the wisemen of Babel could expound this dreame 1. Daniel reckoneth vp 4. kind of wisemen among the Chaldeans the first are called cachinim wisards which by coniectures and casting of lots did gesse of things to come the second ashphin which by the aspect and sight of the starres did make coniecture of things the third chartummim which consulted with spirits of these three see before Qu. 7. the fourth sort are called gazrin of the word gazar to cut and they were they which did open and cut the entrals of sacrifices and by the sight thereof diuined of things to come Polan 2. All these Daniel denieth to be sufficient or able to finde out this secret and that for these causes 1. least men should arrogate vnto themselues diuine knowledge 2. that from henceforth the king should not exact any such thing of his wisemen which was farre beyond their reach 3. that he might stay from putting in execution his bloody sentence against the wisemen Iun. Quest. 30. vers 28. VVhether God onely be the reuealer of secrets and things to come It will be obiected on the contrarie that the heathen often had dreames whereby they knewe things to come and the like oracles they receiued at Delphos which were not giuen by God but vttered by spirits Hereunto we answer 1. that many of those oracles were false ambiguous and doubtfull as those which were giuen to Craesus and Pirrhus 2. many of them were deuised either by them who affirmed they had such dreames or by the writers to win more credit thereby 3. And if some such dreames and oracles tooke place either verie sewe of them did hit which might be by chance and hap hazzard as we say a fewe onely of a great number falling out or the deuill by the subtiltie of his nature by some naturall signes might foresee the effects and euents which should follow or he might foretell such things as by Gods permission he should effect himselfe Pere Polan 4. And as their dreames were vncertaine so were they as vncertainely interpreted as the dreame which Darius had before he encountred with Alexander some expounded to signifie the victorie that he should haue against him some gaue a contrary sense as Q. Curtius writeth lib. 3. Tullie giueth an other instance how one going to the Olympike games had a dreame that he was turned into an eagle one wisard interpreted it that he should ouercome because the Eagle is superiour to all other foules an other turned it the contrary way that he should haue the worse because the eagle driuing other birds before her commeth last of all so then the Gentiles had neither any diuine dreames and such as they had they could not interpret Pere Quest. 31. vers 28. VVhat Daniel meaneth by the latter dayes 1. Some doe expound it of all the time from thence when Daniel expounded this dreame vsque ad consummationē seculs vnto the ende of the world Hierome which were then to be fulfilled complenda modo incepta but alreadie begun Hugo But Nebuchadnezzars thoughts extended not so farre to the ende of the world but onely to knowe what should come to passe after him and according to his thoughts so was the dreame answerable as Daniel sheweth vers 29. 2. Some by the latter dayes vnderstand the comming of Christ extremitas dierum vocatur Christi aduentus the extreame or latter dayes are the comming of Christ because the Gospel is as it were the perfection and renewing of all things Caluin Bullinger so also Lyranus because mention is made in this vision of the kingdome of Christ quod est vltimum regnorum which is the last of all kingdomes but if it were onely vnderstood of Christs comming then all the times following betweene Nebuchadnezzars raigne and Christs comming should be excluded 3. Much lesse for the same reason is it vnderstood de vltima mundi aetate of the last age of the world from the comming of Christ vnto the ende of the world as Pintus for then Nebuchadnezzar should haue had no reuelation of the times which should immediately followe wherebout his thoughts were most of all troubled 4. Wherefore by this word acharith are signified posteriora tempora the latter times Pellican or consequentia the times following Polan as the word is taken Gen. 49. 1. where Iacob declareth to his sonnes the things which should come to passe
in the latter dayes that is in the dayes following not in the ende of the world but he sheweth their diuers lots which should befall them when they came into Canaan And Daniel thus expoundeth himselfe in the next verse 29. Thoughts came into thy minde what should come to passe hereafter Iun. Quest. 32. vers 29. Whether Nebuchadnezzars thoughts were the cause of his dreame 1. There are foure causes of dreames either the disposition of the bodie and the humors thereof which procure naturall dreames as cholerike men dreame of fire phlegmatike of water and such like or else the affection thoughts and passions of the minde in the day which cause the like dreames in the night and these are humane dreames or the reuelation of Gods spirit sometime concurring with mens thoughts sometime without them whence are diuine dreames of which kind this was or the illusion of Sathan which causeth diabolicall dreames 2. Now mens thoughts sometimes are the cause of dreames as the preacher saith dreames come through the multitude of busines Eccles. 5. 2. but such dreames then doe not prognosticate things to come but are a representation onely of things done and past Ly. sometime they are not the cause but the occasion onely and preparation of the minde for the dreame which God purposeth to send as Iosephs carefull thoughts what he should doe with Marie whom he suspected to be with child were but forerunners of that direction which God gaue him by a dreame correspondent vnto his former thoughts Matth. 1. Pere So Polanus distinguisheth well that the cause of this dreame was twofold either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the preparatiue cause or occasion rather which were his pensiue thoughts or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the efficient and working cause which was God himselfe Quest. 33. vers 29. Why it pleased God to impart vnto Nebuchadnezzar this dreame Vers. 29. He which reuealeth secrets telleth thee what shall come 1. God sent this dreame vpon Nebuchaddnezzar for certaine particular causes that his minde might thereby be humbled when he should consider the mutable and variable state of his kingdome that he might submit and subiect himselfe vnto God 2. That hereby his heart might be mooued toward the Lords people not to tyrannize or beare rule cruelly ouer them seeing there was an higher and mightier then himselfe 3. Other generall causes there were beside that all earthly Potentates should hereby be admonished how fraile and of what short continuance their earthy dominions are 4. And withall that they might hereby be occasioned to looke vnto the spirituall and euerlasting kingdome of Christ that should shake all other kingdomes and that they should all be in expectation of that kingdome Quest. 34. vers 30. This secret is not shewed me for my wisedome Whether Daniel by any naturall wisdome could haue attained to the knowledge of this dreame It is evident he could not 1. for then the Magicians and Chalde philosophers might also by their naturall skill and long experience haue founded the depth thereof 2. As the dreame is so must be the interpretatioÌ„ a natural dreame may be expouÌ„ded by natural means but this heeing a diuine dreame sent of God must be interpreted by a diuine instinct 3. This dreame beeing a premonstration of things to come whereof God onely hath the knowledge could not be opened but by the spirit of God who reuealeth secrets and things to come 4. This dreame containing a signification of thingâ— to come was either a naturall or voluntarie signe a naturall signe it could not not be for then there should be some affinitie betweene it and the things to come it was either as the cause or effect or had some other agreement and coherence but the vision of an image could haue no such naturall affection or disposition to or with the conuersion and alteration of kingdomes thereby fignified and shadowed forth It was therefore no naturall but a voluntarie signe not appointed by the will of man but by the will of God so disposing therefore it could not be interpreted but according to the minde and will of him by whom it was assigned Pere Quest. 34. vers 30. Why Nebuchadnezzar could not vnderstand the dreame which he same 1. Augustine giueth the reason of it non est propheta veri Dei qui oblata diuinitus visa c. he is no Prophet of the true God which seeth either with his bodie or with that part of the spirit which receiueth the images and representations of bodily things yet seeth not with his minde such visions as are effred of God c. therefore Nebuchadnezzar seeing one ly the vision but hauing no propheticall gift to interpret it could not vnderstand it sed ad interpretandum visum suum aspectum quaesivit alienum but he vsed an others spirituall sight to interpret his vision c. Augustin ibid and so els where he concludeth magis propheta erat qui interpretabatur quod alius vidisset quam ipse qui vidisset and so he he was rather a Prophet that could interpret that which an other sawe then he which sawe it c. 2. And Augustine further maketh here three sorts of men the first is when one rerum quae significatur sola signa vider c. doth onely see the signes of such things which are signified c. and he as he saith minus propheta est is no Prophet the second is when one solo earum intellectu praeditus est is onely endued with the vnderstanding of them and he is rather a Prophet such an one was Ioseph who expounded Pharaohs dreame sed maxime propheta qui vtroque excellit but he is most of all a Prophet which excelleth in both as Deniel both sawe the king vision and dreame and gaue also the interpretation of it Quest. 36. vers 30. Of the two ends why it pleased God to reueale vnto the king his dreame 1. One cause was that by this occasion the Church of the Iewes might â—â—re the better seeing that by their prâ—yers the king had the interpretation of his dreame the words are thus to be read that they might ratifie or make knowne vnto the king the interpretation they not the Angels as Vatab. but Daniel and his fellowes which ioyned in prayer some read that the interpretation might be made manifest as the Latine whom Lyranus followeth some translate it in the first person vt exponerem that I might expound or declare to the king the interpretation Caluin but the word is iehoreghun that they might notifie this was the first reason that by this meanes the Iewes might receiue more fauour vnto whom God reuealed the meaning of this vision 2. The other cause was for the instruction of the king himselfe that he might knowe and vnderstand the thoughts of his heart both these reasons why the Lord gaue vnto Daniel both the knowledge of the dreame and the vnderstanding thereof are expressed by Augustine Hoc factum est vt
fourth kingdome and the fift cannot stand together 6. Argum. The Romane Empire yet in some sort continueth therefore this fift is not the kingdome of Christ which must not be raised vntill the other be destroyed Contra. The Romane Monarchie is long since dissolued and there remaineth nothing but an image and shadowe thereof therefore this reason concludeth not Quest. 58. That this kingdome of Christs is a spirituall no temporall kingdome 1. Some thinke that Christ was the temporall king of the Iewes and that the kingdome of Dauid descended lineally vnto him by right of inheritance which they would further confirme by that prophesie of Iaacob Gen. 49. 10. the scepter shall not depart from Iudah till Shilob come c. whence they inferre that the kingdome of Israel shall be restored by the Messiah Contra. 1. It can not be shewed that Christ descended by such a right line as that the kingdome came vnto him by lineall descent for the line which Matthew and Luke set downe are of Ioseph not of Marie which sheweth that they were both of the same tribe but that lineall descent wil deriue the temporall kingdome rather to Ioseph then to Marie 2. The contrarie rather is inferred vpon that prophesie that the scepter should then and not before depart from Iudah when the Messiah should come and he saith not that he should be expectatio Iudaeorum the expectation of the Iewes but the expectation of the Gentiles as the Latine translator readeth or the people or nations not the Iewes should be gathered vnto him Pintus 2. Now that Christs shall be no temporall but a spirituall kingdome neither that he had any temporall kingdome by succession from Dauid it may thus appeare 1. Iehoiachin the last king of the Iewes beside Zedekiah whose sonnes were killed before his face had none of his seede to sit vpon the throne after him Ieremie 22. 30. but if the kingdome of Christ were lineally deriued from Dauid it must be counted from him 2. Christ refused to be made a king and when he perceiued the people had such an intent he conuaied himselfe from among them Ioh. 6. 15. he likewise refused to entermeddle with the office of a king as to be a iudge in ciuill causes Luk. 12. 14. 3. No temporall kingdome is eternall but the kingdome of Christ is eternall therefore it is no temporall kingdome 4. What manner of kingdome Christs is the Prophet Zacharie sheweth Behold thy King commeth vnto thee c. poore and riding vpon an asse if Christs were a temporal kingdome where is the pompe riches and glorie of his kingdome 5. As Christs kingdome is so was the oyle wherewith he was annointed and the sword wherewith he was girded but he was annointed with spirituall oyle and the sword of his kingdome is also spirituall Psal. 45. 3. 7. therefore so is his kingdome Pintus 59. Quest. v. 44. In the daies of what kings Christs kingdome should be raised vp 1. The Latin interpreter readeth in the daies of these kingdomes which Lyran. Pint. with others vnderstand of the Romane Empire which is called kingdomes in the plurall quia multa regna continebat sub se because it contained many kingdomes vnder it and they giue this sense that while the Romane Monarchie yet continued the kingdome of Christ should begin Pappus 2. Bullinger somewhat diuerslly by these kings vnderstandeth â—â—iuers princes of the Romane Empire as Augustus and Antonius betweene whom Herod went vnto the Capitol beeing by them confirmed in his kingdome Contra. But that these times can not be vnderstood of the Romane Empire at all hence it is euident because this 5. kingdome must be raised vp in the ende of the other Now the Romane Empire most of all flourished when Christ was borne it was not then the fourth kingdome here spoken of See other arguments against this opinion question 49. 3. The Iewes do vnderstand this fourth kingdome of the Turkish dominion they confound the Macedonian and Romane Empire together making them both one because they say the Romanes had their originall from the Grecians and this is their deuise that they should not be forced to finde the beginning of Christs kingdome vnder the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes Contra. 1. The fourth kingdome cannot be the Turkish segnorie which came 600. yeares at the least after the other 3. kingdomes were dissolued but by Daniels description the fourth kingdome must followe immediately vpon the dissolution of the other 2. Though the Romanes had their beginning from Troy in Asia minor yet that was destroyed a 1000. yeares well nie before the ende of the three first Monarchies therefore the Romanes could not then be counted one kingdome with the Grecians 3. Likewise the Turks came from the mount Caspian and out of the greater Asia then by this reason they might as well confound the Turkish gouernement with the Babylonian or Persian Monarchie which had their chiefe dominions in the greater Asia 3. Therefore the times of these kings must be referred vnto the last kings of the fourth kingdome which consisted of Syria and Egypt as the two legges thereof as is before shewed quest 50. And so Hugo verie well expoundeth in diebus vnius ex illis in the dayes of these kings or kingdomes that is one of them and in the ende of them as the word is taken Ezech. 7. 12. the time is come that is the ende to the same purpose gloss ordinar his regnis pracurrentibus these kingdomes going before as beeing forerunners the kingdome of Christ was both prophesied of and came This beeing agreed vpon that this time is the ende of these kingdomes yet there is this doubt Iunius seemeth to vnderstand this king to be Herod who was an Arabian and so of the kindred of the kings of Syria who vsurped the kigdome of the Iewes and in his time Christ came But this cannot be so fit to find this forth kingdom among the people of God in Iudea it must be a forren kingdome that was cruell and yron-like towards that nation And the kingdome of Syria was dissolued a good while before by Pompey before Herod was king Therefore I rather consent to them which vnderstand this time to be the ende of Ptolomies house and race for vntill Herod the house of Ptolomie continued for Antonie who confirmed Herod in his kingdome married Cleoptra the daughter and heire of Ptolomie Piper 60. Quest. How Christs kingdome is said to destroy other kingdomes 1. Seeing that three of these Monarchies and kingdomes were destroied before Christs birth how is Christs kingdome saide to destroy them and seeing kingdomes are set vp by God and the Apostle saith that the powers that be are ordained of God how is Christ said to destroy that which he setteth vp Answ. 1. Though those kingdomes were in act dissolued before Christs comming in the flesh yet because Christs kingdome is euerlasting and beganne not with his incarnation those kingdomes were destroied by the power of Christs
commanded that they should bring Shadrach Meshach and Abednego then these men were brought before the king were hastily brought L. but that word is added 14. And Nebuchadnezzar spake answered C. and said vnto them of set purpose I. P. better then what disorder G. or desolation A. or is it true L. V. B. S. the word tzedah as R. Dauid signifieth to lie in wait to mooue a question will not you worship my gods nor bow A. P. worship caeter vnto the image of gold which I haue set vp 15. Now if ye be readie I. L. V. be readie B. are ye readie G. behold ye are readie A. but cheen here must signifie if as appeareth by the other clause of the verse if ye worship not c. that when ye heare the sound of cornet pipe harpe sackbut psalterie and dulcimer or symphonie ye fall downe and bow vnto the image which I haue made it is well this must be added to make the sense full But if ye will not bow downe in the same houre shall ye be cast into the middes of an hoat fierie furnace for who is that God that can deliuer you out of my hands 16. Shadrach Meshach and Abednego answered and said vnto the king O Nebuchadnezzer we are not carefull I. V. A. it behooueth not vs. L. P. the word cashach signifieth both but it is here most proper in the first sense as R. Dauid and R. Shelemoh here take it to answer thee in this matter 17. Either it will be our God whome we worship beeing able to deliuer vs out of the hoat fierie furnace and out of thine hand O King wil deliuer vs better then behold our God c. is able to deliuer vs out of the fornace and to deliuer us out of thine hand L. for the latter word is in the future tense will deliuer or then he will deliuer vs G. B. for they were not assured of present deliuerance as appeareth in the next verse but if not or whether God be able to deliuer vs V. or not V. for this had beene to doubt of Gods power if it will be Polan that is that we be cast into the fornace but this must be referred to their deliuerance as the other opposite part is but if not we resolue then vpon the first interpretation the word is is deuided by the distinction rebia from the sentence following and so cannot be ioyned with God 18. Either it will not yet be it knowne vnto thee O King that we will not worship thy gods nor bow vnto the golden image which thou hast set vp 19. Then was Nebuchadnezzer filled with rage and the forme of his visage G. the image of his face C. I. the countenance of his face B. was changed vpon B. L. or against V. G. I. Shadrach Meshach and Abednego and he answering gaue charge C. I. charged and commanded G. B. commanded L. that they should heate the fornace at once seauen times more then it was wont seemed good C. to be heate 20. And to the most valiant men of strength which were in his armie he gaue charge to bind Shadrach Meshach and Abednego to cast them into the hoat fierie fornace 21. So these men were bound in their coates breaches L. their bonets L. their hosen V. I. G. B. and their cloakes G. I. their shooes L. bonets V. B. with their other garments and cast into the middest of the hoat fierie furnace see the diuerse readings quest 25. following 22. Therefore because the kings word was straite or vrgent C. that the fornace should be exceeding hoate the flame sparkes I. A. of the fire slew those men which had put in B. thrust in I. or sent in L. not brought forth G. V. the word properly signifieth to cause to ascend they had brought them vp to cast them downe into the fornace Pel. Shadrach Meshach and Abednego 23. And these three men Shadrach Meshach Abednego fell downe into the middes of the hoat fierie fornace bound 24. Then Nebuchadnezzar the king was astonied and rose vp in hast with a troubled mind or beeing perplexed I. the word behal signifieth both hast and perplexitie but the first rather both because his perplexitie is expressed in the former word and the preposition â—eth more properly signifieth in then with and spake and said vnto his counsellers or gouernours I. or nobles I. V. Did we not cast three men bound into the midst of the fire who answered and said to the king True O king truely O King L. V. 25. He answered and said Lo I see foure men loose walking in the middes of the fire and they haue no hurt no corruption C. and the forme of the fourth is like the Sonne of God L. I. B. G. of the gods C. V. 26. Then the king Nebuchadnezzar came neere to the mouth G. B. the doore C. cum caeter of the hoat fierie fornace and spake and said Shadrach Meshach and Abednego the seruants of the high God goe forth and come hither then Shadrach Meshach and Abednego came forth of the middes of the fire 27. Then the nobles princes and dukes and the kings counsellers mightie ones L. gouernours I. came together to see these men because the fire had no power ouer their bodies for not an haire of their head was burnt neither were their coates changed not any smell of fire came passed C. vpon them 28. Wherefore Nebuchadnezzar spake and said Blessed be the God of Shadrach Meshach and Abednego who hath sent his Angel and deliuered his seruants that put their trust in him and haue altered the kings commandement and yeelded their bodies that they should not serue nor bowe vnto any god saue their owne God 29. Therefore I set forth a decree that euery people nation and language which shall speake any blasphemie error C. against the God of Shadrach Meshach and Abednego shall be drawne in peices shall perish L. and his house be made a iakes be vasted L. because there is not any other God there is no God B. G. but here the word other is omitted which can deliuer after this sort 30. Then the king aduanced caused to prosper C. Shadrach Meshach and Abednego in the Prouince of Babel 1. The questions discussed Quest. 1. At what time Nebuchadnezzar set vp this great image 1. Some thinke that this was done not long after the former dreame which Nebuchadnezzar had as the Rabbines that imagine this image to be set vp by the king as an amulet or defense to preuent the effect of his dreame ex Caluin But it is not like that the great impression which that vision left behind it in Nebuchadnezzars minde could be so soone extinguished 2. Theodoret and Chrysostome in his sermon of the three children following some greeke copie reade that this image was set vp in the 18. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne But then it should haue beene made before the destruction and desolation of Ierusalem which is not like for when Nebuchadnezzar had
Gentiles as Origen as Suidas writeth was excommunicate of the Church for holding a little incense in his hand before an idol 5. The Romanists will not come at our Churches and seruice where yet there is no externall obiect that may offend them therefore much lesse should Protestants shew such weaknes to assemble with them in their idolatrous temples which lay so many stumbling blocks before the eyes 13. Quest. Of the malitious accusation of the Chaldees against the Iewes 1. The malitious Chaldees were so incensed against the seruants of God that refused to worship the image that they could not stay at all but presently at the same instant they made complaint of them 2. They bend their accusation not onely against those three whome they held to be offenders but against the whole nation of the Iewes v. 8. they grieuously accused the Iewes 3. They by flattering speech insinuate themselues to the king that they might be the better heard O king liue for euer v. 9. 4. Then they subtilly seeke to bring their persons into disgrace and hatred 1. by their nation and countrey they were Iewes the kings captiues and vassals 2. by their vnthankfulnes for the benefits which the king had bestowed vpon them who had made them gouerners and chiefe officers Bulling 3. by their apostasie that beeing called by Babylonian names Shadrach Meshach Abednego and so incorporated into that nation yet were of a diuers religion and vsage Iun. 5. Then followeth the crime which they obiect against them which was threefold 1. contempt of the kings commandement and decree 2. irreligion in not worshipping the kings gods 3. mutinie and sedition in being singular among the rest in that they did not fall downe before the kings image 14. Quest. Why they say in the plural they will not serue thy gods v. 12. when as there was but one image Lyranus thinketh that this image is called in the plural gods after the manner of the Iewes which vse to call an idol so though it be but one as they said of the golden calfe Exod 32. These are thy gods but it is euident in the text that by gods they meane not the image because they complain of 2. things they would not serue thy gods nor worship the image 2. The ordi gloss which Hugo followeth so also Pintus thinke that the gods here spoken of were diuers from the image for this he set vp for himselfe to be worshipped in it but his gods he worshipped himselfe But that they were not here two such distinct things it appeareth because the kings decree was onely that they should fall downe and worship the image which they transgressing are said therein also to haue refused to serue the kings gods 3. Wherefore it is euident that this image was set vp by the king to the honour of his gods Calvin which are so called in the plurall because they worshipped many gods so that in one and the same action in refusing to bow vnto the image they are held to be contemners also of the kings gods 15. Quest. Why these three Shadrach Meshach and Abednego are onely accused 1. It may seeme that the principall and chiefe men were onely or especially called and that the vulgar and common sort of people were not all present or at the least the principall men were most marked and obserued whose example the rest might follow Pere but it seemeth by their general accusation of the Iewes v. 8. that there were more Iewes present then these three 2. It may be also supposed that the vulgar sort of the Iewish people which were present did for feare doe as the rest did fall downe and worship therefore they were not complained of Perer. It is very like indeede that many Iewes did fall away in time of captiuitie to worship the Chaldean images because many of them had beene idolaters in their owne countrey for the which they were carried into captiuitie but that some other of the Iewes beside these three refused to fall downe may be gathered by the generall accusation against the Iewes but principally against these three 3. Wherefore this is like to be the cause why these three are singled out because they were aduanced to honourable place of gouernment and for this cause were enuied and maligned of the Chaldees and this may be gathered by their manner of accusation v. 12. wherin they specially vrge that point that the king had set them ouer the prouince of Babel that seemed to be an eye-soare and a griefe vnto them Why Daniel was not accused with the rest it was by reason of his absence as is shewed before quest 4. 16. Quest. What age these three were of when they were brought before the king 1. Chrysostome thinketh that these three were infantili aetate but as infants and children when this was done homil de trib pueris Augustine also hom 24. calleth them pueros children But this is not like that the king would set children in the place of gouernment for before this at Daniels request they were made gouernours ouer the prouince of Babel c. 2. 49. 2. Theodoret gesseth they were young men in aetatis vere in the spring and as we say in the floure of their age 3. Pererius thinketh they could not be lesse then 35. yeares of age for he supposeth they might be 10. yeare old when they went into captiuitie and in the 25. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer he had that dreame of the image But though Pererius opinion be probable for their age yet his ground is vncertaine for the second yeare mentioned c. 2. 1. was not the 25. but the 5. yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne as is shewed c. 2. qu. 1. 4. But Pererius laboureth to cleare this point because in their Missals they are called the three children either for that they were children at their first going into captiuitie or they are so called according to the phrase of Scripture that young men and they which were of perfect age are so called pueri as Iosua Exod. 31. beeing then aboue 40. yeare old is called puer the lad or seruant of Moses Contra. 1. The word puer when it is so applied is referred rather to their ministerie and seruice then age 2. we doe not stand vpon it how they are called in their Missals it sufficeth vs that in the Scripture they are not called children but gubhraia men v. 23. of the word gabbar to be strong they were then men of perfect age and strength 17. Quest. Why Daniel made not intercession to the king for his three friends 1. They which thinke Daniel was present and that he either stood by the king who did not worship his owne image as gloss ordin Hugo or that they did forbeare to accuse him because he was in great grace and fauour with the king Polan which conceits see refuted before quest 4. those which affirme Daniel to be present consequently must hold that Daniel was silent and spake not in the behalfe
of his friends and Lyranus saith vidit regem obstinatum in malicia ideo tacuit c. he saw the king setled and obstinate in his malice and therefore held his peace But Daniel had offended much if beeing present he should by his silence and connivence haue betraied these innocents as the wise man saith Prou. 24. 11. Wilt thou not preserue them that are lead to be slaine 2. Pererius thinketh that Daniel beeing a great Prophet might foresee that God would deliuer them out of this daunger by some great miracle that thereby the power and glorie of God might be set forth as our blessed Sauiour suffered Lazarus to die that he might get greater glorie by raising him vp againe out of his graue Contra. 1. Our blessed Sauiour and Daniel the master and the seruant are not well matched together Christ had all power and knowledge in himselfe so had not Daniel 2. he knew not of his deliuerance from the Lyons himselfe when he was cast into their denne for then it had beene no triall of his saith if he had bin sure to be deliuered much lesse is it like that he foresaw the miraculous deliuerance of these 3. Therefore Daniel is excused by his absence and ignorance he neither was present and so consequently was ignorant of all that now happened beeing done speedily and in hast see before qu. 4. 18. Quest. Of Nabuchadnezzers speech vnto those three brought before him 1. The equitie of the king herein deserueth commendation that would not presently giue sentence against these persons till he had heard their defense as it was the commendable custome of the Romanes not to deliuer any vnto death before he that was accused had place to defend himselfe Act. 25. 16. Bulling 2. But herein appeareth the wilfull blindnes of the king that beeing seduced to set vp such an abominable idol he proceedeth to maintaine it with crueltie Pellican 3. He doth first seeke to win them by gentle speech as though he could not beleeue it to be true that they had done this thing or if they did it was of some ouersight rather then of purpose which he was content to pardon if now they would worship the image but beside these faire speeches he addeth also threatning Bulling 4. He peremptorily enioyneth obedience to his decree not suffering it to be disputed or called into question whether it were iust or lawfull but it was his will so to be Calv. 5. And at the last he endeth with blasphemie extenuating the power of that great God whome before he had acknowledged to be the God of gods c. 2. 47. so Rabsakeh said to Hezekiah that the Lord could not deliuer Ierusalem out of his hand 2. king 18. 35. 19. Quest. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three conuented before the king They answer with godly resolution and courage to euery part of the kings speech 1. Whereas the king first insinuateth himselfe as though he did not beleeue that they would doe such a thing and thereby suggesteth vnto them that they should be better aduised which kind of humane and fauourable questioning Suetonius noteth to haue bin much vsed by Augustus who in examining those which were guiltie would seeme as though he beleeued not any such thing to be done by them to this vncertentie in the kings demaund they answer resolutely that they needed no consultation in that matter they had their answer readie and were determined both what to say and doe to answer and suffer We are not carefull to answer thee in this matter 2. To the kings blasphemie that there was no God to deliuer them out of his hand they replie that their God whome they serued was able to deliuer them out of his hand 3. Touching the kings threatning of the fierie fornace they answer in effect that it did not mooue them they feared it not though their God for some causes knowne to himselfe should leaue them in his hands yet they would not worship the image 4. And as the king would admit no discussing of his decree but would haue it absolutely obeied so they could not be remooued from their religion neither desired to haue the same discussed or sifted they would by no meanes consent to worship the image 20. Quest. Why the Lord doth not alwaies deliuer his out of temporall daungers v. 18. But if not These valiant seruants of God were certen of Gods fauour that he would assist them with his spirit to suffer for his glorie but they could not certainly promise themselues temporall deliuerance wherein the Lord alwaies sheweth not his power for these reasons 1. If the Lord should continually by some miraculous deliuerance ridde his children out of danger then would not the miracle be so great and so neither Gods glorie nor power therein so much magnified nor men thereat so much mooued Perer. 2. God suffereth his children to fall into temporall daungers for the triall and probation of their faith and patience 3. Thereby also God doth chastice his seruants to bring them to more effectuall repentance Papp 4. And the Lord permitteth his children to be temporally tried inuisibiliter eos ad gloriam transferendo to bring them inuisibly vnto euerlasting glorie Lyran. ex Augustin 21. Quest. Why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image 1. The godly Hebrewes were not ignorant how often they were charged by Moses and the Prophets not to bow vnto or worship images as Exod. 20. in the second commandement Deut. c. 4. and c. 27. Isa. 44. and Ierem. 10. and in many places beside that no one thing in Scripture is more straightly giuen them in charge 2. They had the example of the godly Patriarkes and kings and other holy men who had a perfect detestation of idols as Iaacob burned all the images in his house vnder an oak Gen. 35. Hezekiah pulled down the brasen serpent when they began to abuse it to idolatrie 3. Yea in the most corrupt times after their returne out of the captiuitie the Iewes abhorred images for when Pilatus and Petronius the presidents of Iewrie had secretly brought the images of Tiberius and Caligula into the citie to be worshipped of the Iewes they manfully resisted offering their necks and liues rather then they would contrarie to their law worship any images Ioseph lib. 18. antiquit c. 4. 10. who further writeth l. 2. cont Appia that when Alexander the great would haue repaired the Temple and sepulchre of Bel the Chaldeans god at Babylon and therein vsed the helpe of the Iewes they vtterly refused 4. Therefore that is a most malitious lie reported by Appollonius Appian the Grammarian and Cornelius Tacitus that the Iewes in the inwards of the Temple kept an asses head of gold which they worshipped ex Perer. 22. Quest. Whether the Prince is by fire and sword to roote out them which are of contrarie religion v. 19. Nabuchadnezzer commanded these three holy men to be cast into the fierie ouen wherein he
hath an other exposition that hereby is signified that Nebuchadnezzar was aduanced from low degree vnto the kingdome and that he was per humilitatem restitutus restored againe by humilitie 3. But the vse is rather more generall that by this deposing of Nebuchadnezzar so great a king men might learne that all kingdomes are at Gods disposing seeing many times most base men haue beene aduanced to the kingly dignities and so as Caluin well noteth hoc non tantum in vno Rege contigit c. this hath not fallen out onely in one king It is notorious that among the Romane and Greeke Emperours some had beene â—eateheards as cruell Maximinus some swineheards as Iustinus the father of Iustinian Quest. 20. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre Diuerse reasons may be yeelded of this silence of Daniel 1. Some thinke that in this space Daniel praied vnto God for the interpretation of the dreame as Theodoret saith prime ostendenda erat humana infirmitas c. first humane infirmitie was to shewe it selfe and then inspired grace to be manifested c. so thinketh Dyonis Carthusi intra hanc horam fuisse ei ostensam c. that in this space was shewed vnto him the interpretation of the dreame se totum ad Deum extulit cum pijs precibus he lifted vp his prayers vnto God Pint. feruids Dominum orauit c. he earnestly besought the Lord. Bulling 2. But this seemeth not to haue beene all the cause for it is said Daniels thoughts troubled him not because he was afraide of the king â—â—d dolebat pro eo he grieued for him of whom he had receiued such honour Hierome so also Lyran. Iun. Polan for the holy prophets had a double affection when they declared Gods iudgements ex vna parte condolebant miseris hominibus on the one side they pitied those miserable men to whom the iudgements were denounced deinde intrepide pronuntiabant yet they pronounced them without feare Caluin And this seemeth to haue beene the cause of this pause which he made the greatnesse of the iudgement which was determined and for that it greiued him for the king of whom he had beene so honoured because the king encourageth him to proceede whatsoeuer the dreame was 3. Vtilis etiam fuit regiscunctatio c. and in this behalfe also this stay of Daniel was profitable to the king that he might be more desirous to heare the truth Oecolampaid Pelli This vse the king might make thereof but this was not the cause which mooued Daniel Quest. 21. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies Daniel should seeme herein to pray against the will of God which had so decreed against Nebuchednezzar and beside it might be thought against charitie to wish such things vnto those whome he knewe not who might some of them be better then Nebuchadnezzar 1. Some thinke therefore that Daniel by this speach onely sheweth the great calamitie which should befall him such as we vse to say a man wisheth to his enemie Bulling which was the cause he was so loath to open the dreame because it pretended such heauie things but it is euident by Daniels troubled thoughts that he was indeede sorie for the king and wished that euill farre away from him 2. Dyonis Carthusian answereth that this euill which he wished vnto the kings enemies might ad salutem animae proficere be profitable vnto them for their soules health and therefore this wish was not vncharitable But it might as well haue beene for the health of Nebuchadnezzars soule he should not then haue wished it from him 3. Some thinke that it was rather ciuilis salutatio then precatio ex fide a ciuill kind of salutation then a prayer of faith which it was necessarie Daniel should vse to insinuate himselfe Iun. in commentar 4. But it was more then a ciuill salutation for indeede Daniel desired averti tam horriâ—ilem poenam à regis persona such an horrible punishment to be turned away from the king Caluin whereupon Polanus also noteth that we should euen pray for our enemies as Daniel did for Nebuchadnezzar who was an enemie to the people of God and held them in captiuitie 5. But Daniel herein went not against the decree of God for he thus prayeth praesupposito beneplacito diuino presupposing if it were Gods good pleasure Dyon Carthus so also Pintus he knew Dei minis promissionibus haerere suas conditiones that certaine condions were annexed to the threatnings and promises of God Iun. for otherwise Daniel in vaine afterward had giuen counsell vnto Nebuchadnezzar here to preuent this calamitie see further quest 29. Quest. 22. That at yrannicall gouernement is better then an anarchie or no gouernement V. 19. It is thou O king that art great and mightie 1. though Nebuchadnezzar were a Tyrant as both appeareth by his crueltie against the Iewes in destroying their citie both burning the Temple and putting the people to the sword as also by his fierce rage shewed against the Chaldeans whom he vniustly caused to be killed cap. 2. because they could not tell him his dreame which he had forgotten yet he is compared to a goodly tree which gaue meat and shadowe vnto the foules and beasts So that although Tyrants and cruell gouernours seeke to extinguish all equitie and iustice Deus retinet illos incomprehensibili modo God holdeth them in after a secret manner that some profit commeth by their gouernement Caluin As the heathen Emperours of Rome though they were cruell yet ordained good politike lawes as may appeare by the constitutions of Alexander Diocletian and the rest as are extant in the Code 2. Whereas when there is no gouernement but euery one doth what they list there is a confusion of all things a corruption both of manners and religion as appeareth in the time of the Iudges when as there was no king in Israel they followed what religion they would Iudg. 17. 6. and they liued as they would themselues without either feare of God or man as appeareth by the sinne of the men of Gibeah against the Leuites wife Iudg. 19. Quest. 23. v. 10. What is meant by hewing downe the tree 1. If but one or two branches had beene cut off yet the rest remaining would haue flourished still and so the losse should not haue beene so great As in a commonwealth when one noble man of account or one of excellent learning or vertue dieth and is taken away though it be a losse or hinderance yet the countrey is not vndone others may rise vp in his place as when Sulpitius that eloquent orator among the Romanes was slaine yet Cicero succeeded in whom that want was supplied And if a king loose one citie in his kingdome yet he may comfort himselfe in the rest But Nebuchadnezzar at once should loose all his great and large dominion and be stripped of his regall dignitie The Duke of Florence gaue for his ensigne a
praise taken from three properties and adjuncts of Gods workes the veritie and truth iustice and equitie and the power and omnipotence in these words Whose workes are all truth and his waies iudgement and those that walke in pride he is able to abase v. 34. 43. Quest. That God onely is without checke and not to be controlled in his workes v. 32. None can stay his hand nor say vnto him What doest thou 1. They which profanely obiect that God sheweth himselfe as a Tyrant doing what he list his will standing for law may easily be answered that this proposition they whose wills onely stand for law are Tyrants is true onely among men it concerneth not God and the reason of this difference is God is a law to himselfe quia voluntas eius est perfectissima iustitia because his will is most perfect iustice Calvin he can will nothing but that which is holy and iust So is it not with man whose will is corrupt and peruerse and therefore it had neede of a rule and law to guide it 2. It is a question among the Ciuilians whether the Prince haue not an absolute power in his kingdome statuendi omnia pro suo arbitratu c. to appoint all things according to his will and so they would haue the Prince to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without checke and controlment of this opinion are Bartolus and his followers others doe hold that euen the Emperours themselues are bound vnto their lawes for they doe thus professe digna vox est maiestate regnantis legibus alligatum sâ— principem profiteri adeo de authoritate iuris nostra pendet authoritas it is a voice worthie the maiestie of him which ruleth for the Prince to professe himselfe bound vnto the lawes in so much that our authoritie dependeth of the authoritie of the law c. Polan 3. But thus may these opinions be reconciled that though Princes are both bound by oath in some kingdomes to keepe the lawes and customes of the countrey and in policie also doe subiect themselues to their owne lawes for the example of others and beyond all these they are tied by a straiter bond of Gods word yet they are without checke of their subiects their doings are not of euery one to be called in question as the Preacher saith c. 8. 4. Where the word of the King is there is power and who shall say vnto him what doest thou where Princes hold immediatly their kingdoms of God there they are only to giue account vnto God But God is not to giue account vnto any and therefore of him onely simply and absolutely it is true that none can say What doest thou both because of his perfect iustice that none can finde fault with his workes and his absolute power that he is not subiect to the checke of any 44. Quest. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were saued 1. It may be obiected that he was not out of that place Isa. 14. 14. Thou shalt be brought downe to hell to the sides of the pit which beeing spoken of Nebuchadnezzer sheweth his euerlasting destruction in hell and the rather because in him is set forth and described the fall of Lucifer who with the rest of the reprobate angels were cast downe to hell Answ. 1. Though it be admitted and graunted that Nebuchadnezzer herein were a type of Lucifer yet it is not necessarie that all things which are expressed in such typicall predictions should agree vnto the type for some things are so spoken that they may fitly agree both vnto the type and figure and to the thing prefigured some vnto the signe onely some vnto the thing prefigured onely as in the 2. Psalme where Dauid is a type of Christ the 2. verse The kings of the earth band themselues c. agreeth vnto both and v. 6. I haue set my king vpon Zion but these words v. 7. Thou art my Sonne this day haue I begotten thee can onely be applied vnto Christ So in this place this casting downe to hell may be vnderstood onely of Lucifer here prefigured Perer. but there are better answers then this 2. As this commination against the King of Babylon is conditionally vnderstood that vnlesse he repenâ—ed he should be cast downe to hell 3. As it may be an allegoricall speech shewing his great abasement as that other is I will ascend aboue the height of the cloudes 4. But yet it may be further and better answered that it is not necessarie to vnderstand this prophecie of Nebuchadnezzer but rather it was performed in Balthazar for the Prophet prophesieth also together of the destruction of Babylon which continued many yeares after the death of Nebuchadnezzer 5. And lastly the word translated hell signifieth also the graue and so better interpreted here because there is mention made of the pit 2. Wherefore the more probable and certen opinion is that Nebuchadnezzer in the end was saued as may appeare by these reasons 1. Iosephus saith that Nebuchadnezzer all his life long after this did acknowledge God and gaue praise and glorie vnto him 2. Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius inferre as much vpon his afflictions that God therefore chastened him because he would not haue him perish 3. Augustine sheweth as much by the diuers end of Pharaoh and Nabuchadnezzer that he was hardened in his sinne and so giuen ouer to destruction the other was humbled vnder Gods hand and so saued 4. Theodoret likewise moouing the question why the Lord punished Nabuchadnezzers for a time but Balthazar with sudden death maketh this answer because the Lord did foresee that the one would be amended by his corrections but the other was irrecorrigible 5. Lastly Lyranus addeth this reason scripturae terminat historiam in eius humiliatione c. fidei confessione the Scripture endeth this storie in his humiliation and confession of faith which it vseth not to doe in them that afterward fall away and are lost 45. Quest. Why Nabuchadnezzer was saued and not Pharaoh both beeing in the same cause 1. Augustine putting forth this question sheweth wherein both of these were like quantum ad naturam ambo homines c. in respect of their nature they were both men for their dignitie they were both kings their cause was the fame they both held the people of God captiue quantum ad poenam and for their punishment they both were gently admonished with Gods scourges and yet their ends were diuers the question is cur medicamentum vnius medici manu confectum alij ad interitum alij valuerit ad salutem c. why a medicine made by the hand of the same physitian should be effectuall to the destruction of the one and for the health of the other 2. His answer is this because the one was humbled vnder the Lords correction the other hardened but then it will be asked why the one was humbled the other hardened the answer must be this illi vt mutaretur adfuisse diuinum huic vt
among the Medes in the meane time Niglasar and his sonne Labosardach after him a while vsurped the kingdome and after that Balthazar was restored So that Balthazar was in deede the right nephew of Nabuchadnezzer yet called his sonne according to the phrase of Scripture see before quest 2. Quest. 22. Of the Queenes oration to the King It consisteth of 4. parts 1. the salutation O King liue for euer whereby shee doth insinuate her selfe 2. the proposition which containeth the drift and scope of her speech that he should not be troubled v. 10. 3. The narration followeth containing a reason why he should not be troubled because there was a man found in his kingdome who was able to reueale this secret In this narration three things are expressed 1. a description of Daniel by his gifts 2. the experience of his gifts in the daies of Nabuchadnezer which were three light or illumination by Gods spirit vnderstanding in the apprehension of those things which were reuealed and wisdome in wisely and fitly applying the same 3. then the approbation of his gifts and publike testification by his aduancement he was set ouer all the wise men 4. The fourth part is the conclusion that Daniel might be sent for to interpret the kings vision with a repetition of the argument taken from his sufficiencie and abilitie which consisted either in his gifts which are the three before named an excellent spirit called before light vnderstanding and knowledge called before wisdome or els in the exercising and vse of these gifts specially in the expounding of dreames more generally in declaring hard sentences and most generally of all in declaring any manner of doubts or hidde matters v. 12. Quest. 23. Of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene 1. In that shee came in vpon this occasion to the banket not hauing beene there before therein shee was an example of great temperance and sobrietiâ— in not beeing present at this riotous seast Polan 2. her wisedome appeareth in the whole course of her speach she saluteth the king with louing words to insinuate her selfe therein also giuing an example of due reuerence to be yeelded vnto kings Bulling 3. she is sola admiratrix viriutum Danielis found to be the onely admirer of Daniels gifts Oecolamp and setteth him forth as one excelling all other in the gifts of wisedome and vnderstanding 4. And beside in making mention of Nebuchadnezzar a prince of great wisedome and iudgement who aduanced Daniel for his excellent wisdom ostendit eum nimis crasse arrare she sheweth that he greatly erred in neglecting such an excellent man in his kingdom and seeking satisfaction of others where it was not to be found Calvin herein then appeareth her faithfulnesse in giuing such good aduice vnto the king 5. And the Queene whom Herodotus calleth Nitocris is by the same author commended for a woman of great wisedom whereof he giueth this experiment she caused her tombe to be made in an high and conspicuous place ouer one of the gates of the citie with an inscription to this effect that if any of the kings of Babylon wanted money if he opened that sepulchre he should finde enough Afterward Darius of Persia opened the tombe wherein he found nothing but a writing to this effect that if he had not an vnsatiable minde he would not haue raked in the tombes and ashes of the dead 6. This woman for her great age and experience like to haue beene the wife of Nebuchadnezzar was of great wisedome she was not Balthazar 's wife as is before shewed quest 20. And therefore Porphyrie his scoffe that the wife here shewed her selfe wiser then her husband is soone answered Quest. 24. Of Balthazar 's speach to Daniel v. 13. Art thou that Daniel c. 1. he vpbraideth him with his captiuitie which art of the children of the captiuitie c. Iunius and Polanus following him thinke that he mooued this question to be certaine of his person but there beeing no more of that name or of those excellent parts it is rather to be imputed to his pride as insulting ouer the poore captiues and vaunting of the victorie which his predecessours had gotten the Queene wisely concealed this hoc vnum commemorat gloriosus rex but the king remembreth this one thing more then the rest Oecolamp so also Bulling The gloss saith that he asked this question because the Prophets were onely of the nation of the Iewes But if the king had held such an opinion of the Iewes he would not haue relied vpon his Chaldean Soothsayers therefore these questions rather spirant superbiam regis doe breath out the pride of the king Osiand 2. The kings simplicitie appeareth that saith no other thing then was put before into his mouth as vnwise and simple Princes vse to speake vnto their people conceptis verbis in aurem suggestis in a set speach and suggested as it were to their eares Bulling 3. Detegitur eius socordia his carelesnesse appeareth that hath nothing but by heare-say Calvin that he did not take knowledge himselfe of so worthie and excellent a man as Daniel was 4. Dubitanter loquitur he speaketh doubtfully v. 16. if thou canst c. he had yet more confidence in his Chaldees Oecolamp 5. Non quaerit consilium c. he doth not require any counsell how he might escape this danger but onely to knowe the meaning of the dreame Pellican Quest. 25. Of Daniels answer to the king and the seuerall parts thereof It consisteth 1. of the exordtum or preface and 2. of the narration 1. In the preface there is 1. a refusall of the kings rewards then a promise and vndertaking to interpret the dreame 2. In the narration there is first a redargution and reprehension of the king shewing the cause why the Lord sent this strange sight v. 25. then the interpretation of the vision In the reprehension 1. there is a commemoration of that which happened to Nebuchadnezzar to v. 22. 2. an application thereof to the king In the commemoration 1. the benefits are rehearsed which God had bestowed vpon Nebuchadnezzar a kingdome maiestie authoritie and honour v. 18. 2. his vnthankfulnesse is shewed that abused his authoritie and power to crueltie iniustice and tyrannie v. 19. 3. his punishment is declared 1. in his depriuation and deposing from his kingly estate 2. in the miserie that befell him liuing and dwelling among bruite beasts to v. 22. In the application the reprehension is set forth first negatiuely that he was not mooued with an example which was so neare him euen in his grandfather who is here called his father Then affirmatiuely he had lift vp his heart which is described by fowre effects 1. in that he had brought forth the vessels of Gods house 2. he had profaned them in that he his princes wiues and concubines drunke in them 3. he praised their idols which are described 1. by their matter they were made but of siluer brasse and
The victorie then is specially ascribed vnto Darius though it were atchieued and obtained by Cyrus skill and valour for these three reasons as Hierome briefly expresseth them ordâ— aetatis propinquitatis regni servatus est the order of age of affinitie and of the kingdome was kept 1. Darius was now not onely 40. yeare old as Cicero saith but 62. yeares old Cyrus beeing a young man 2. he was Cyrus great vnkle his grandfather Astyages brother and beside as some thinke his father in law 3. and now the chiefe dominion was in the Medes from whome it was translated after Darius death by Cyrus to the Persians 48. Quest. Of the cause of this Babylonian warre 1. Heaodotus thinketh it was onely Cyrus ambition and immoderate desire of enlarging his dominion that made him enterprise this battell but this was not the chiefe cause for Cyrus was but an assistant and associate vnto Darius in this exploit as is before shewed 2. The author of the scholasticall historie imagineth this to be the cause that the mother of Baltbazar for whose cause those hanging orchards were made in Babylon was this Darius daughter and now Balthazar hauing no sonne Darius attempted to inuade the kingdome Balthazar yet liuing But this is not like for Darius could pretend no title at all by this pretext vnto the kingdome especially Balthazar the right heire of the kingdome beeing aliue 3. That cause is more probable which is alleadged by Xenoph. lib. 1. that the king of Babylon combining himselfe with the kings of Asia was purposed to haue warred against the Medes who had then the chiefe dominion and therfore Darius to preuent him first setteth vpon Babylon 4. But what cause soeuer mooued them the speciall stirrer and instigator to this battell was the Lord himselfe as Ierem. 14. The Lord hath broken the rodde of the wicked and the scepter of the rulers and Ierem. 51. 11. The Lord hath raised vp the spirit of the king of the Medes 5. For the Lord was prouoked by the sinnes of Babel and therefore brought this desolation and destruction vpon them which sinnes were these 1. their crueltie and oppression Isa. 14. 6. which smote the people in anger with a continuall plague c. And they were not onely cruell toward other nations but specially against the people of God when they destroyed their citie and Temple and therefore Ieremie saith c. 51. 11. It is the vengeance of the Lord and the vengeance of his Temple 2. An other of their great sinnes was their superstition and idolatrie Ierem. 51. 44. I will visit Bel in Babel v. 52. I will visit her grauen images 3. The Babylonians were giuen to diuinations to sorcerâ—e and enchantiments for the which they were punished Isa. 47. 9. They shall come vpon thee c. for the multitude of thy diuinations and for the great abundance of thine enchantments 4. And to fill vp the measure of their iniquitie Balthazar had in this his last and as it were his funerall feast prophaned the vessels of the Temple and blasphemed God All these sinnes beeing put together made vp the full measure and cried for vengeance which the Lord would no longer deferre 49. Quest. Whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according the predictions of the Prophets 1. The Prophets spake of an vtter ouerthrow and subuersion of Babylon as Isa. 13. 19. Babel the glorie of kingdomes and the beautie and pride of the Chaldeans shall be as the destruction of God in Sodome and Gomorrha it shall not be inhabited for euer c. and c. 14. 23. I will make it a possession for the hedgehogge and pooles of water and I will sweepe it with the besome of destruction saith the Lord. Ierem. 50. 23. Babel is become desolate among the nations c. But at this time Babylon was not brought to such desolation for it continued after the raigne of Darius and Cyrus to the times of Alexander beeing then a citie of great riches and power 2. Some to winde themselues out of this straight doe make an allegorie of these propheticall predictions whome Hierome iustly reprehendeth in his commentarie vpon the 13. c. of Isa for if still vpon euery doubt and obiection men should flie vnto allegories there would be no certentie of any thing 3. Calvin to dissolue this knot saith that Babylon was subdued twice once by Cyrus and Darius the Mede then afterward by Darius Hystaspis by the helpe of Zopyrus when 3000. of the nobles were hanged vp and many other put to the sword But although this second taking of Babylon were more cruell and grieuous then the other yet neither at this time was it finally ouerthrowne as is before shewed 4. Wherefore it must be considered that these prophecies were not fulfilled all at once neither was Babylon at the first brought to vtter desolation but by degrees 1. it was surprised by Cyrus and Darius and depriued of the Empire and dominion 2. afterward it was defaced by Darius Hystaspis when they rebelled and the walls were broken downe to the ground Herod lib. 3. Iustin. lib. 1. 3. after this not farre from Babylon by Seleucus Nicanor was built the citie Seleucia and by the Parthians the citie Ctesiphon Plin. lib. 6. c. 26. and so Babylon was almost exhaust by this meanes of the inhabitants 4. In the Emperour Adrians time as Pausanias writeth lib. 8. Babylon nihil praeter muros reliqui habet had nothing left but the walls 5. In Hieromes time as he writeth from the report of an Elamite the walls of Babylon onely serued to keepe in wild beasts for the kings game and so he saith vsque in praesentem diem prophetia Babylonis impletur euen vnto this day the prophecie on Babel is fulfilled Isa. 13. 20. Neither shall the Arabian pitch his teuts there neither shall the shepheards make their folds there And so accordingly it was fulfilled as Hierome saith praemultitudine bestiarum daemonum nullus pastorum audet intrare by reason of the multitude of beasts and of deuills and vncleane spirits that there haunted no shepheard durst enter within the walls of Babylon 50. Quest. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchie continued There are three generall opinions hereof 1. Some extend it not so farre as to 70. yeares 2. some limit it vnto 70. yeares 3. some make it farre to exceede the tearâ—â— of 70. yeares 1. Of the first opinion are diuers one disagreeing from an other Berosus from the beginning of Nabuchadnezers raigne to the ende of Balthazar 's counteth but 65. yeares as Iosephus alleadgeth him lib. 1. cont Appion Alexander Polyhistor cited by Euseb. lib. 9. de praep Evang. reckoneth but 62. yeares Clemens Alex. lib. 1. stromat and August lib. 18. de civit Dei doe make the summe but 48. yeares But the Scripture euidently conuinceth all these which sheweth that the Chaldeans should rule ouer nations 70. yeares Ierem. 25. 11. and so long the Iewes should be in captiuitie vnder
vaine is the defense of the Papists which alleadge that they doe not worship the image but as it hath relation to him that is represented thereby Poaln See further of this controversie Synops. Centur. 2. p. 402. 2. Controv. Whether images in Churches may be retained though they be not worshipped Like as they onely doe not worship God which doe pray vnto him and fall downe before him but they also which doe fight for him So they are not onely worshippers of images which doe bowe vnto them but they also which doe maintaine them and striue still to haue them retained In this place they are not said to worship the gods of siluer and gold but to praise them So they are praisers of images which thinke they may be retained as ornaments in their Churches for the verie making of such images for any religious vse is accursed before God and abominable and therefore defileth Gods house it can be no ornament vnto it As Deut. 27. 15. Cursed is the man that shall make any carued or molten image which is an abhomination to the Lord c. God did not onely forbid the Israelites to make them any such images but he commanded them to breake downe and deface the images of the Cananites Deut. 7. 5. they might with as good pretense haue kept them for ornaments as the Lutherans doe popish images in their Churches But as Augustine saith Deus istarum omnium superstitionum euersionem iussit permissit exhibuit God hath commanded permitted exhibited vnto Christians the subuersion and ouerthrowe of all such superstitions 3. Contro That no Protestants but Papists are the profaâ—ers of holy things v. 23. They haue brought the vessels of his house before thee Pererius taketh here occasion p. 399. to enueigh against protestants whom he falsly and contumeliously calleth heretikes quires sacras Iudiâ—rio contemptui habeant c. which doe contemne and make a mocke of holy things which they take away from sacred places and persons and put them to impure and wicked vses Contra. 1. We denie that Church vessels and implements taken from idolaters are sacred things they were neuer consecrate vnto God but to superstitious vses and therefore it can be no sacriledge to conuert such things to ciuill vses 2. If any haue abused such things notwithstanding to riot and excesse they are not to be excused 3. But the Papists are the profaners of holy things indeed they profane the Scriptures not suffering them to be read to the peoples vnderstanding and the Sacraments in polluting them with their owne inuentions they baptise bels and make an idol of bread in the Eucharist 4. the Church maintenance by tithes they first tooke away from the Churches and translated them to their Abbeys where their fatte bellied Monkes wasted and consumed them in riot as all the world knoweth 4. Controv. That there are no certaine periods of kingdomes Pappus here noteth that concerning the periods of kingdomes they are for the most part quingentorum annorum of fiue hundreth yeares or halfe so much as the Assyrian Empire continued 520. yeares from the going out of Israel are counted 480. yeares and thence to the captiuitie of Babylon 430. yeares from thence to the comming of Christ 490. yeares the kingdome of Athens from Cecrope to Codrus continued 490. yeares and so long the commonwealth of the Lacedemonians from Lycurgus to the ende and subuersion thereof Some kingdomes continued but halfe the time of this periode as the kingdome of Israel in Samaria 262. yeares the Persian Monarchie 230. the kings among the Romanes raigned 245. yeares Contra. 1. First they can define no certaine periode of kingdomes some will haue 500. yeares the periode some 700. some an 120. yeares and here before diuerse examples are alledged of vnlike continuance 2. The examples are impertinent the Assyrian Empire is held to haue continued aboue a 1000. yeares the state of the Iudges exceeded not 300. yeares the 490. yeares till the comming of the Messiah take not beginning from the captiuitie but from the reedifying of Ierusalem after the captiuitie as is euident Dan. 9. and in that time there were great alterations in the commonwealth of the Iewes 3. But many contrarie examples may be produced the Romane state after the kings were expelled vnder Consuls and Dictators eudured aboue 600. yeares The dominion of the Turkes hath borne sway a 1000. yeares the kingdome of France hath continued a 1200. yeares the state of Venice 800. And for short continuance the Monarchie of the Athenians exceeded not 50. yeares nor the Chalde Empire many aboue 70. This therefore is a vaine obseruation of any such certaine and definite periode of kingdomes 4. Further in that this Chaldean Monarchie was dissolued because of their iniquitie two other errors are met withall 1. of them which thinke that the alteration and change of kingdomes is ruled by the constellations and aspects of planets the Chaldeans were very expert in such contemplations who could foresee no such thing that their Monarchie was so neere vnto an ende 2. they are also here confuted which thinke there is a fatall destinie of kingdomes that by an ineuitable necessitie which dependeth vpon the connexion and concurrence of certaine secundarie causes commonwealths come vnto their fatall ende We see in this place that no such second causes here concurred but it was Gods decree and the writing of his owne hand which dissolued the Babylonian state for the iniquitie thereof 6. Morall obseruations 1. Observ. Of the dangerous sinne of drunkennesse v. 2. Whiles Balthazar tasted the wine c. The king beeing intoxicate here with wine casteth off all care of God and man he falleth to profanenesse and blasphemie such are the fruites of drunkennesse It made Noah discouer his nakednesse Lot to commit incest it caused Benhadad with his 30. kings to be ouercome of a fewe 1. king 20. And Simon the Macchabe beeing filled with good cheare was slaine at a banket Alexander the great killed more of his friends when he was drunke then he did enemies in battell Pythagoras therefore well said ebrietatem brenem esse in saniam that drunkennesse is a short kind of madnesse And Anacharsis his saying was primum poculum vini esse sanitatis alterum voluptatis tertium contumeliae the first cuppe of wine was for health the next for pleasure the third was raging and contumelious c. the Apostle therefore exhorteth be not drunke with wine wherein is excesse Ephes. 5. 18. yea he sheweth that drunkards shall not inherite the kingdome of God 2. Cor. 6. 10. what madnesse then is it for so short and a beastly pleasure to loose Gods inheritance at the least to put it in hazard 2. Observ. Against carnall securitie This Balthazar being so neere vnto his destruction gaue himselfe to banqueting and feasting to drinke and to be drunken So the wicked and vngodly many times are most secure when their iudgement is at hand according to that saying in the Prouerbs 16.
for their wisedome and other gifts are worthy to be aduanced which are not esteemed of according to that obseruation of the preacher cap. 10. 7. I haue seene seruants on horses and princes for their knowledge and gifts walking as seruants on the ground 5. Observ. That it is a dangerous thing not to profit by the example of others v. 22. And thou his sonne O Belthassar hast not humbled thy selfe His sinne was so much the greater because he had his fathers example before him whom God had humbled for his pride and yet would not be warned as Lamechs profanenesse is set forth for that he threatned to kill a young man in his rage flattering himselfe in his impunitie yet hauing before his eyes such a fearefull example of Gods seueritie vpon Cain for the like sinne 6. Obseru The tyrannie of the wicked shall haue an ende v. 26. God hath numbred thy kingdome The people of God endured much sorrowe vnder the hard bondage and seruitude of Babylon but now their tyrannie is at an end So when the Israelites were most cruelly oppressed in Egypt the Lord looked vpon their affliction numbred Pharaohs kingdome So the tyrannie of the Romane Emperours was numbred which for 300. yeares had persecuted the Church of God and God raised vp Constantine to be their deliuerer And in this latter age of the world when the Pope had a long time raged against Christs members the Lord brought him to number and account and hath freed his Church in many famous kingdomes from his Tyrannie CHAP. VI. 1. The Methode and Argument IN this chapter is set forth the miraculous deliuerance of Daniel from the lyons with the occasion thereof going before and the effects that followed It hath three parts 1. a narration of Daniels dignitie and honour 2. the enuie thereupon raised against him with the effects to v. 21. 3. the deliuerance of Daniel whereunto he was brought thorough enuie 1. Daniels dignitie is described 1. by the efficient cause and author of his aduancement the king v. 1. 2. by the degrees of his honour 1. he was one of the three set ouer the 120. gouernours 2. he was made the first and cheife of the three v. 3. 3. the king purposed to set him ouer the whole kingdome 2. Hereupon Daniel is enuied enuie bringeth forth malitious practising against Daniel which is of two sorts 1. they practise but preuaile not v. 4. 2. they practise against Daniel and preuaile where first is set forth their consultation v. 5. 2. the putting the same in practise where these three things are shewed 1. the enacting of a law to entrappe Daniel v. 11. 2. the vrging of the lawe to v. 16. 3. the execution of the lawe in the condemnation of Daniel with the effects thereof 1. In the making of the lawe there is 1. their petition to the king to make a lawe v. 5. and to ratifie it 2. the kings condescending v. 9. 2. The law is vrged where 1. is set forth the matter of their accusation they found Daniel praying the manner of whose prayer is described v. 10. see quest 12. following 2. the manner of their accusation which containeth a generall repetition of the law made v. 12. a particular accusation against Daniel with false suggestions v. 13. 3. the kings endeauour to deliuer Daniel v. 14. 3. The execution followeth 1. with the cause thereof the vrging of the Princes v. 15. 2. the manner the kings commandement goeth before in the instant the king vseth comfortable words v. 16. and afterward to make all sure he and the princes seale the stone of the lyons caue or denne v. 17. 3. then followe the effects 1. the kings heauines shewed by three effectâ— the refusing of his meate of his delight and of his sleepe v. 18. 2. the kings earely rising 3. and friendly salutation of Daniel Then followeth the third part Daniels deliuerance with the manner thereof see afterward quest 23. And the effects which followed which were fowre 1. the king reioyceth v. 23. 2. Daniel is deliuered without any hurt at all v. 23. 3. his accusers are cast into the lyons denne the manner is expressed who were cast into the lyons denne and how it befell them their bones were broken in peices before they came at the ground v. 24. 4. the kings decree concerning the worship of Daniels God the parts and order where of see qu. 29. 2. The text with the diuerse readings 1. And it pleased before C. Darius to set and he set C. ouer the kingdome an hundreth and twentie gouernours which should be ouer the in the. L. C. whole kingdome 2. And ouer these he set three rulers of whom Daniel was the chiefe one V. L. S. G. B. but one signisieth here the first as the next verse sheweth that the gouernours might giue account vnto them and the king should haue no damage not be troubled L. but the word nazik signifieth rather to sustaine losse then trouble 3. Now Daniel was preferred excelled V. was superior L. aboue the rulers and gouernours because the spirit of God L. B. ad was excellent in him and the king thought to set him ouer the whole realme 4. Wherefore the rulers and gouernours fought were seeking C. to find occasion against Daniel on the behalfe on the side C. in the businesse V. in the administration I. of the kingdome but they could finde none occasion not fault for he was so faithfull that there was no blame nor fault found in him 5. Then said these men we shall finde no occasion against this to this C. L. Daniel except we finde it against him concerning in C. the lawe of his God 6. Then these rulers and gouernours went together craftely assayled V. L. thronged tumultuously A. so the word pagash signifieth as Psalm 2. 1. to the king and said thus vnto him king Darius liue for euer 7. All the rulers of the kingdome the officers and gouernours the counsellers and dukes haue consulted together to make a regal statute a statute of the king C. for the king G. B. and to confirme an edict that whosoeuer shall aske a petition of any god or man for thirtie dayes saue of thee the king I. of thee O king V. L. B. G. should be cast into the lyons denne 8. Now O king ratisie the edict and signe seale G. B. describe or write C. the writing that it be not changed according to the lawe of Medes and Persians which faileth not passeth nâ—t C. 9. Therefore king Darius signed the writing and the decree 10. Now when Daniel vnderstood that the writing was signed that 〈◊〉 sealed the writing B. G. he went into his house and his windowe beeing open in his chamber the word signifieth an vpper chamber Polan towards Ierusalem he three times in the day kneeled vpon his knees and prayed and praised confessed C. before his God as he did aforetime 11. Then these men thronged together and found Daniel praying and making supplication
interpretando edictum by interpreting his decree and seeking to excuse Daniel Lyran. But he could not preuaile Thus farre the king is to be commended in labouring for the innocent 2. But in two things he faileth on the one side metuit discrimen c. he is afraide least the nobles should haue conspired against him if he had resisted them he durst not infringe their lawes at the first 2. stulto pudore mouetur he is mooued with shame least he might be noted of inconstancie for reuersing his lawe Calvin Thus Herode was loath to put Iohn Baptist to death but he more fearâ—d the note of inconstancie with those which sate at the table and Pilate would haue deliuered Christ but he feared the displeasure of Caesar as the Iewes obiect that in so doing he should not be Caesars friend 3. Yet though Darius here shew himselfe to be but a weake Prince yet his offence was no so great as was the sinne of the Rulers for he lapsus est infirmitate fell of infirmitie Melancthon illi accusant per inuidam c. they accuse the seruant of God through enuie Oecolamp And as there was difference in their sinne so the euent was diuerse for the Lord had mercie on the king and brought him to repentance but Daniels enemies were destroyed Quest. 19. Whether Darius might not haue broken this decree 1. There is no question but that the king ought to haue reuersed this vniust lawe whatsoeuer the custome was to the contrarie whereby the innocent were condemned like as it is better to breake an vniust oath then to obserue it for then there is a double fault committed first in making an vniust oath and then in keeping it like as Dauid did well to reuerse his oth of reuenge which he had made against Nabal and Herode did wickedly in performing his rash and vnaduised oath in killing Iohn Baptist Pap. 2. Darius then binding himselfe to strictly to his lawe therein cannot be excused 1. he knewe in his conscience that it was a wicked decree and against the glorie of God 2. And that it was made fraudulently to intrappe Daniel 3. neither should he haue beene drawn to be partaker of other mens sinnes 4. And though his nobles resisted him yet where he could not by argument and perswasion preuaile he should haue striken thorough by his authoritie Polan Quest. 20. Whether Darius prayer for Daniel were of faith v. 16. Thy God whom thou alway seruest he deliuer thee c. 1. Hierome with whom consenteth Lyranus Hugo gloss ordinar doe here note quod non ambigue loquitur sed audacter confidenter that Darius speaketh not doubtfully but boldly and confidently c. And this may seeme to be an argument that he prayed in faith because his prayer was heard but Daniels deliuerance was not an effect of Darius prayer the Lord had respect vnto his owne glorie and to Daniels innocencie and he wisheth rather that God should deliuer him then affirmeth any thing as Iunius translateth 2. There appeareth in Darius that he had here aliquam Dei cognitionem some knowledge of God which he had learned of Daniel Osiand which is manifest both in that he speaketh of Daniels God that he and not any other god was able to deliuer him and then in respect of Daniels person because he was innocent he was perswaded God would deliuer him Iun. 3. Yet this was farre from a faithfull prayer 1. for then he would neuer haue suffred an innocent man to be condemned 2. he calleth him Daniels God as though he were not his God Polan 3. If he had prayed in faith he would not onely haue wished well vnto Daniel but haue endeauoured by all his power to doe him good for not good words but good workes are the fruits of faith as S. Iames sheweth c. 2. 16. Bulling yet we may gather non omni pietate vacuuÌ„ fuisse regem that the king was not void of all pietie by his words following when he thus spake to Daniel v. 20. O Daniel seruant of the liuing God is not thy God whom thou alway seruest able to deliuer thee from the lyons Bulling though Calvin here doubt not to affirme â—e micam pietatis fuisse in rege that there was not a crumbe of pietie in the kiâ—â— Quest. 21. v. 17. Why the king sealed the stone with his owne seale 1. The Latine interpreter readeth he sealed the stone with his owne signet and the signet of his princes ne quid fieret contra Danielem least any thing should be done against Daniel whereupon the ordin gloss noteth following Hierome de leonibus securus de hominibus pertimescit the king beeing out of feare for the lyons is afraide of men c. he is afraide least any of his enemies seeing the lyons to doe Daniel no harme might haue practised against him in the denne and therefore he sealed the stone ne introiret aliquis sine scitu suo least any should enter without his priuitie Lyran. to the same purpose also Bullinger and Pellican But the originall is otherwise which is truely translated thus that the purpose might not be changed concerning Daniel 2. Therefore the meaning is this that when these men perceiued when Daniel was cast into the denne that the lyons stirred not at him they doubting of the kings constancie least he should cause Daniel to be taken out aliue or that some other of his friends might drawe him out Daniels accusers cause the king to seale the stone and they not trusting to the kings seale alone put to their owne seales likewise Iun. Polan Quest. 22. Whether Darius were truely conuerted confessing Daniels God to be the liuing God v. 20. Is not thy God whom thou seruest able to deliuer thee 1. Hierome and Lyranus following him thinke that the king did not speake thus as doubting of Gods power sed ambiguam sententiam temperat c. but he so tempereth his speach that when Daniel should come forth without any hurt the more credible the thing was tanto aduersus principes iustior sit indignatio so much the more iust his indignation might be against the rulers c. And so their opinion seemeth to be that Darius as trusting in the power of God spake confidently as a man assured that Daniel was deliuered And for further strengthening of this opinion it wil be said that Darius here confesseth the liuing God as beleeuing in the onely true God But to confesse one onely God men are taught by the light of nature and diuerse of the Gentiles so acknowledged this then was no firme argument of his conuersion 2. Though Darius spake not thus as incredulous sed inter spem metumque haerebat but did sticke as it were betweene hope and feare Osiand yet the manner of his speach sheweth that he somewhat doubted of Gods power habuit aliquid spei sed coniectum cum dubitatione he had some hope but ioyned with doubtfulnesse and infirmitie Bulling beside he confesseth
the Temple vnto Cyrus he counteth 52. yeares Paulus Burgensis thus confuteth this assertion because none are simply in Scripture calleth annointed but those which were annointed either with materiall oyle as the kings and Priests or with spirituall as the Prophets but Cyrus was neither of these wayes annointed And whereas this place is vrged of Cyrus he saith it is not to be vnderstood of Cyrus but of the Messiah this answer of Burgens is verie weake for in that the Prophet saith Cyrus his annointed what is more euident then that he speaketh of Cyrus beeing expressed by name Pererius answer also is vnsufficient that Cyrus was long before the beginning of these weekes whereas it hath beene alreadie shewed that the weekes beganne in Cyrus time 1. Thus therefore is this opinion rather refelled 1. because he himselfe counteth 52. weekes vnto Cyrus which make aboue 7. weekes of yeares Burgens 2. Afterward by Messiah that should be slaine he vnderstandeth Agrippa king of the Iewes and so he changeth the person taking the Messiah for two diuerse persons whereas it is euident that the Prophet speaketh of one and the same Messiah Lyran. 3. he is called Messiah the gouernour or principall for so the word nagid signifieth but none is called the principall Messiah but onely Christ of whom the Prophet speaketh Isay. 55. 4. I haue giuen him for a witnesse to the people for a Prince c. the word is nagid Burgens 2. Some by the Messiah vnderstand Nehemiah as Ab. Ezra some Zorobabel some Iehoshua the high Priest as R. Levi Ben Gersoâ— But these were in the beginning of the 7. weekes at the returne of the captiuitie Ezrâ— 2. 2. it cannot be therefore said that there should be 7. weekes vnto them And againe the office of this Messiah was to finish sinne and reconcile iniquitie which none of these could doe 3. Some by Messiah taking the singular for the plurall doe vnderstand the annointed gouernours whom Eusebius taketh to be the Macchabees who were both Priests and kings but vnto the beginning of the raigne of the Maccabees were aboue 7. weekes from the beginning of the 70. weekes wheresoeuer they beginne them for the regiment of the Macchabees beganne aboue an hundred yeares after the ende of the Persian Monarchie 4. M. Liuely therefore in his Persian Monarchie p. 205. taketh the word Messiah somewhat more largely for the chiefe rulers and kings of the Iewes commonwealth vnto the beginning of whose setled estate are counted 7. weekes for from the 2. of Darius Nothus when the Temple beganne to be reedified of whose raigne there remained 17. yeares to the 32. of Arrashasht are iust 49. yeares in whose 32. yeare the citie beeing builded and set forme of gouernement established Nehemiah returned vnto the king Nehem. 13. 6. of this his opinion he yeeldeth two speciall reasons 1. from the Hebrewe point athnah after 7. weekes which beeing a perfect distinction doth suspend it from the sentence following so that he would haue these 7. weekes to the Messiah taken by themselues and not to be ioyned with the 62. weekes following 2. these two things beganne together the citie builded and the annointed gouernour thereof as Samballat in a letter to Nehemiah ioyneth them both together Nehem. 6. 6. thou and the Iewes thinke to rebell for the which cause thou buildest ihe wall and thou wilt be the king thereof to this purpose M. Liuely p. 209. Answ. 1. Oecolampadius to that obiection of the points maketh this answer we had rather followe in this place the Greekes and Latines quam Iudaeos pro sua libidine punctum constituentes then the Iewes setting the points according to their pleasure but this is a dangerous answer for if we make question of the Hebrewe pricks and points we shall haue no certaintie of the Scripture therefore I rather answer with Polanus that although the perfect distinction athnah be there set yet the rest must be ioyned in sense as the Angel at the first maketh but one whole number of 70. weekes 2. It followeth not because when the citie was builded the setled gouernement began that therefore the gouernours were this Messiah And if Nehemiah were the first gouernoâ—r as it cannot be denied after the building of the citie to the beginning of his gouernement there were not 7. weekes of yeares seeing he was sent in the 20. of Artaxerxes and there continued to the 32. yeare when according to his account the 49. yeares expired 5. Wherefore the best and most receiued interpretation is that by Messiah here we are to vnderstand our Blessed Sauiour Christ Iesus as it may thus appeare 1. one and the same Messiah is spoken of through this prophesie but the Messiah which should be slaine and confirme the couenant for one weeke was Christ therefore this Messiah here spoken of was Christ. 2. the weekes before spoken of to finish sinne and reconcile iniquitie could onely be performed by Christ. 6. Some doe vnderstand by Messiah Christ and make this the sense that 7. weekes that is 49. yeares he should be their gouernour and afterward cast them off But it is euident that the Lord did not onely during those 7. weeks take vpon him the protection of that people but many yeares after also 7. Some obiect that in that Messiah is called here a captaine or gouernour if it were meant of Christ it would extenuate his dignitie M. Calvin answereth that therein the dignitie and excellencie of Christ is set forth who was a captaine ouer all other kings and Princes and this title is giuen also to kings and to the chiefe earthly states as Dauid is called the captaine of the people 2. Sam. 3. 2. and Hezekiah 2. king 20. 5. Pererius addeth further that this title nagid captaine Prince is particularly giuen vnto Christ as Isay. 55. 4. I haue giuen him for a prince or captaine for he was our captaine 1. to lead vs by his holy example of life 2. in teaching the way vnto saluation 3. in gathering together his church and conducting them to eternall life Perer. lib. 10. quest 17. Quest. 61. v. 25. The streetes shall be built againe in a troublesome time how this was fullfilled 1. Some doe referre this troublesome time to the 62. weeke immediately before spoken of which containeth 434. yeares to be counted vnto the Messiah from the ende of the 7. weekes and then the meaning is this that during all the continuance of that time the commonwealth of the Iewes should haue much â—â—â—uble so Iun. Polan and M. Liuely out of Saadiah giueth this sense pag. 172. that Ierusalem beeing builded shall continue 434. yeares before the desolation but in that mention is made of building the streetes againe that is the citie the words seeme to haue speciall reference to these troublesome times in the first 7. weekes wherein the worke of the Temple and citie were intermitted 2. Some by the streightnes of time vnderstand the short time wherein the citie was builded
loue I were nothing Pintus 3. But there are some which are the faithfull seruants and true Prophets of God who haue both the gift of Prophesie with the vnderstanding therof and are also in Gods fauour and in the state of grace such an one was Daniel Quest. 4 v. 1. Why Daniel maketh mention of his name Belteshazzar What the meaning of this name is is shewed before c. 1. quest 28. But Daniel nameth himselfe here Belteshazzar for these cause 1. voluit hoc vaticinium celebre esse per omnes nationes he would haue this prophesie famous among all nations where he was knowne rather by the name of Belteshazzar then by the name of Daniel Calvin 2. by this meanes though he were called by a strange name yet he would make it knowne se non alienum esse à populo Dei that he was not enstranged from the people of God but continued still in their communion 3. And hereby also Daniel intimateth that he was the same man vnto whom the former visions were shewed and the vnderstanding of secret things and so by this meanes this vision was receiued with greater credit and authoritie Polan Quest. 5. v. 2. Why Daniel was so long in heauines 1. Theodoret thinketh this was one cause thereof because all of the Iewes hauing libertie to returne yet many of them beeing in loue with the pleasures of Babylon neglect◠in patriam reditu tanto beneficio vti noluerunt neglecting to returne into their countrey would not vse so great a benefit But if this had beene the cause Daniel would not haue deferred the time of mourning so long for this backewardnesse of the people was knowne in the 1. yeare of Cyrus when the people had licence to returne 2. An other cause of Daniels mourning is supposed to haue beene the remembrance and consideration of so many heauie things as were foreshewed him in time to come to befall his people 3. As also because it was reuealed vnto him to what blindnesse and obstinacie his people should growe as to put to death the Messiah Perer. But if either of these had beene the cause Daniel would not haue put off his mourning so long for the first was signified vnto him in the 3. of Balthazar c. 8. and the other in the 1. of Darius c. 9. But this mourning of Daniel was in the 3. yeare of Cyrus two yeares after 4. Therefore this indeede was the cause the people which were returned had begunne to reedifie the Temple and presently they were hindred by Cambyses Cyrus beeing occupied in warres abroad this hard newes came to Daniel in Persia and therefore he mourneth entreating the Lord that the businesse might goe forward Iun. Polan Oecolampad Pellic. with others Quest. 6. Of the time that Daniel mourned which was three weekes of dayes 1. This is added of dayes by way of distinction because in the former chapter he had spoken of weekes of yeares Polan 2. Some thinke he mourned 3. weeks to signifie the Trinitie gloss interlin but that is too curious 3. Some because the people hauing leaue to returne in the first of Cyrus had deferred their iourney vntill this 3. yeare and therefore Daniel mourneth 3. weeks for euerie yeare a weeke least this negligence should haue beene layd vnto the peoples charge Hugo but this is contrarie to the storie Ezra 2. where it is declared that they beganne to build the Temple in the second yeare therefore they did not put off their returne vnto the third yeare 4. Further Hugo hath an other conceit that as Daniel fasted 21. dayes before the Angel appeared which represented Christ so the Church hath the like vse to fast 21. dayes before the aduent But such superstitious customes are not grounded vpon either precept or example in Scripture superstition was the mother and founder of such inuentions 5. This then was the cause Daniel herein sheweth his constancie not that sorrowe is valued before God by the length of time but Daniel continueth in fasting and prayer expecting still some comfortable answer from God he therefore giueth not ouer vntill he sawe that the Lord graciously inclined vnto his prayer Iun. 6. And in that he fasted 21. dayes in the 1. moneth the 1. day which was the newe moone which they were commanded by the lawe to keepe with reioycing seemeth to be excepted Iun. 7. And whereas within this time they vsed to keepe the Passeouer which was a time also of reioycing it seemeth that in the captiuitie that solemnitie was omitted and so thinketh R. Leui whereupon Theodoret reprooueth the Iewes in his time who vsed to celebrate the Pasch with all the rites and ceremonies thereto belonging wheresoeuer they were whereas by Moses lawe it was onely to be kept in the place which the Lord should chuse Quest. 7. Of Daniels abstinencie v. 3. I ate no pleasant bread In the Hebrewe it is called bread of desries which Theodoret taketh to haue beene common bread because it was desired of all but it rather signifieth some fine pleasant bread such as whitebread or manchet is to browne Vatab. for afterward he speaketh of wine which is a pleasant and principall drinke from the which also Daniel abstained it is not like that for 3. weekes he did eat no bread at all 2. Now in that Daniel the space of 3. weekes refrained the drinking of wine and eating of pleasant bread or meate it seemeth that before he vsed them so that Daniels abstinencie when he did chuse at the first to be fedde onely with bread made of pulse c. 1. seemeth only to haue beene for a time which some thinke was for that he was now in yeares and therefore it was not fit he should vse such a sparing and course diet as he did before or now he was at his owne finding and needed not to be forced to eat any meate that was polluted but might prouide such as he thought best himselfe Lyran. Perer. But this rather was the cause as M. Calvin well noteth that now there was not the like danger as then in eating delicate meates for then they were vsed as baits to corrupt Daniel and winne him from his faith and religion But afterward Daniel elapsus è Diaboli Regis insidijs hauing escaped the snares of Sathan and of the king vseth greater libertie Quest. 8. Of the custome and vse of anointing which Daniel also forbeareth Hierome here writeth that the Persians in stead of bathes vsed to anoint themselues ye◠to besmeare themselues all ouer with ointment as Plinie writeth lib. 13. c. 1. which they did both to defend themselues from the intemperat heat and to keep their bodies in health Lyran. this custome of anointing was verie auncient Plinie in the same place saith it was not in vse in the time of the Troiane warte But that is not so for Diodorus Siculus lib. 2. c. 1. reporteth how a king of Egypt called Miridies allowed vnto his wife for ointment and other ornaments of her bodie
saw a light confusedly but distinctly they saw not him which was both seene and heard of Paul 4. Pintus thinketh that they saw in deede the Angel but perceiued not what he said and therefore they are said not to haue seene the vision so also Lyran. but the text euidently sheweth that they did not see the vision at all but Daniel onely saw it they heard the sound and therewith were astonished and fled away but they saw nothing 5. Calvin thinketh that Daniel was in his chamber at this time and in his spirit onely by the riuer and so falling into a traunce the rest were stricken with a terrour But if Daniel in spirit onely had seene this vision absent it were needelesse to say that the rest saw it not for how could they see a thing absent 6. In that Daniel had companie and witnesses present it so sell out by Gods prouidence that the truth of this vision which Daniel afterward was to communicate to the Church should not be doubted of Polan 16. Quest. The causes of Daniels great feare v. 8. There remained no strength in me It was vsuall with the holy Prophets and seruants of God to be stricken with a great feare when they receiued any vision as Ieremie saith c. 23. 9. Mine heart breaketh within me c. for the presence of the Lord and for his holy words so Habac. 3. 2. O Lord I haue heard thy voice and was afraid likewise Dan. c. 7. 28. My cogitations troubled me and my countenance changed in me c. 8. 27. I Daniel was stricken and sicke certaine daies Thus were the holy Prophets affected in these visions Now these reasons may be alleadged of this their feare 1. The great maiestie and glorie which appeareth vnto them farre exceeding mans capacitie maketh them afraid and abateth their strength as this was a most glorious sight which here was shewed to Daniel If we can not behold the Sunne without dazeling of the eyes how much lesse is man able to behold such excellent brightnes 2. The heauie things which were declared in those visions did also terrifie them as the prediction of the calamities and miseries which should befall the people of God cast Daniel into a sicke fit c. 8. 3. It is the qualitie and condition of spirituall contemplation that the more the minde is intent thereupon the lesse vigour and strength the bodie hath all the powers of nature bending and applying themselues to the disposition of the minde as Gregorie obserueth well cum ad virtutem Dei mens astringitur à propria fortitudine caro lassatur when the minde is bent toward God the strength of the flesh is abated c. and this he resembleth fitly to Iaacobs halting after he had wrestled with the Angel 4. By this meanes man seeth his owne infirmitie and the greater euidence he hath of Gods power and glorie the more he seeth into his owne estate and feeleth his owne wants As Abraham beeing admitted to that familiar conference with God Gen. 18. confessed himselfe to be dust and ashes Moses who thought himselfe some bodie before as beeing brought vp in the learning of the Egyptians yet after he had talked with God he then beganne to see his imperfection that he was flow of speech Exod. 4. 10. and the Prophet Isai after he had that vision c. 6. crieth out that he was a man of polluted lippes to this purpose Gregor homil 8. in Ezechiel 17. Quest. Whose hand it was that touched Daniel 1. Iunius in his commentarie by this hand vnderstandeth the spirit of God by the which we are comforted as Ezekiel saith c. 1. 3. the hand of God was vpon me by the riuer Chebar But this thing was not mystically but histotically done yet this hand was symbolum virtutis spiritus a symbole or signe of the vertue of the spirit Polan 2. Some take this for the hand of the Angel which appeared in that glorious manner vnto Daniel before Hierome Pintus Calvin Genevens But it is shewed before that it was not an Angel which there appeared but Christ himselfe 3. Lyranus hath this conceit that the same Angel touched Daniel as it were with a mans hand but in an other shape then he appeared at the first for the Angels can easily change their shape But there is no reason to suppose that in the same vision the same Angel should assume a diuers shape neither doe I thinke that the like can be shewed in Scripture 4. Some thinke that this was Christ who touched Daniels lippes and this Polanus would confirme by these two reasons 1. because it is God that vsed at other times to touch the Prophets lippes and to strengthen them as Ierem. 1. 9. and Revel 1. 17. 2. he is said to be like the similitude of the sonne of man v. 16. and so Christ is described c. 7. 13. one like the sonne of man Answ. 1. True it is that God onely giueth strength and vtterance but the Angels also may be as ministers of Gods worke though they doe it not by their owne power as Gabriel touched Daniel and strengthened him c. 8. 18. And Polanus himselfe vpon the 18. v. saith that the Angel tanquam administer Dei as Gods minister did strengthen Daniel 2. v. 18. he saith one like the appearance of man touched me there he sheweth what he meant before by the similitude of the sonnes of men for not onely Christ appeared in vision as a man but the Angels also as Gabriel c. 8. 15. appeared in the similitude of a man and c. 9. 21. he is called the man Gabriel 5. Therefore I subscribe to Iunius in his annotations that this was the Angel that touched Daniel because the same that speaketh toucheth as may appeare v. 11. 19. And Hierome saith that the Angel touched him with a mans hand vt sui generis corpus aspiciens that seeing a bodie of his owne kind he should not be afraid but the armes which Christ appeared with were as polished brasse and therefore not of the same kind and Daniel would haue beene more afraid to haue beene touched with such glorious hands So that hereby it is euident that the hand which touched Daniel was an ordinarie mans hand it was not then the hand of that glorious bodie which appeared before v. 4. 18. Quest. Why Daniels prayer beeing heard at the first yet the Angels comming was deferred one and twentie daies v. 12. In that the Angel meeteth with a secret obiection and vouchsafeth therein to satisfie Daniels minde therein the Lords singular mercie appeareth toward his seruant for Daniel might haue thus thought after the Angel had told him that his prayer was heard the very first day that he humbled himselfe why the Angel came not till now which was three weekes after to this therefore the Angel maketh answer shewing the cause of his stay 1. Hierome maketh this the cause data est per moram occasio amplius deprecandi Deum c. by this
stay occasion is giuen to Daniel the more earnestly to pray that he might the more effectually be heard c. This indeede was the vse that Daniel made of this stay still continuing in prayer and not giuing ouer but this was not the cause which kept the Angel from comming 2. The ordinarie glosse addeth further that when Daniel beganne to pray the Angel tooke occasion and went into Gods presence pro re oraturus to pray for thee and this was that which occupied the Angel but the text is I am come for thy words he came forth as sent from God he did not goe to God neither needed Daniel the mediation of an Angel in his praiers he had a sufficient Mediatour beside euen Michael Christ Iesus the Prince of his Church 3. Pererius addeth further that this was an other cause of this stay that it might appeare what an hard thing Daniel entreaâ—ed for namely the deliuerance of the rest of the people which were yet in captiuitie not that it was an hard thing with God but in respect of the sinnes and ingratitude of the people which hindred this worke But these are mens coniectures the Angel afterward expresseth the very cause which is none of these alleadged 4. Osiander thus writeth that while the good Angel resisteth Sathan whome he vnderstandeth by the Prince of Persia aliquot dies in deliberationibus elabuntur certaine daies passe in deliberation But the Angels neede not any such time to consult and deliberate of their busines as men doe their counsell is alway readie without dâ—bating and their execution speedie without opposition 5. Oecoliampadius alleadgeth out of Chrysostome an other cause of this let to shew vnto the Prophet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he asked things which were not lawfull and forbidden that the people should returne which benefit they were vnworthie of But this petition of Daniel was grounded vpon Gods promise that the people should returne after 70. yeares captiuitie and therefore it was not vnlawfull 6. The Angel therefore sheweth whereabout he was hindred these 21. daies he was emplâ—ied in the affaires of Persia to stay the proceedings of them which had hindred the building of the Temple and intended to worke yet further mischiefe against the people of God and therein Daniel had his desire for from the first day that he praied forward the Angel was occupied in the defending and protecting of the Church Calvin 19. Quest. What it was that Daniel praied for and how he was heard 1. Some thinke that Daniel here praied for the returne of the people out of captiuitie which was graunted by Cyrus sed non sine magna disceptatione but not without great disceptation and opposition the Deuill interposing himselfe to hinder this busines But the people returned out of captiuitie two yeares before this in the first of Cyrus for which thing Daniel had prayed for before c. 9. Of this opinion seemeth also to haue beene the author of the interlinearie glosse Daniel praied vt captivus populus sub Dario relaxetur that the captiue people vnder Darius might be released he meaneth Darius the Mede that raigned with Cyrus by whome as Hugo Card noteth initum fuit consilium the counsell first was begunne for the peoples returne But this as I said was done two yeares before this prayer of Daniel 2. Lyranus thinketh that although this libertie were graunted by Cyrus yet because most of the Iewes were borne in the captiuitie which had continued from the first taking of the citie in Iehoiakims raigne 70. yeares from Iehoiachins carrying away 66. from Zedekiah 56. yeares they beeing in loue with Babylon where they had possessions and there were borne deferred their going two yeares and so Daniel feared ne totum hoc negotium de eorum reditu impediretur least that all this busines concerning their returne might be hindred c. But it is euident that the returne of the Iewes out of captiuitie was not so long put off for they according to Cyrus edict returned in the first yeare and in the second yeare the seuenth moneth they beganne to build the house of God Ezr. 3. 1. 3. Pintus thinketh that Daniels desire was to know what should become afterward of the Persian Monarchie and what should befall the people of God But though these things be afterward reuealed to Daniel c. 11. yet that was not it for the which Daniel was in heauines three weekes of daies The Lord graunteth more then he desired and reuealed vnto him things to come as c. 9. Daniel onely praied for the temporall deliuerance of the people but he is iustructed also by the Angel concerning the Messiah which should bring spirituall deliuerance and redemption 4. Pererius thinketh that Daniel prayed that the rest of the Iewes which remained yet behind might returne also into their countrey but Daniel was not heard in this for many of them beeing entangled with the pleasures of Babylon neuer returned 5. Wherefore Daniels praier was this rather that whereas the building of the Temple and Citie was hindred by Cambyses it would please God that the worke might goe forward and that the impediments might be remooued and the enemies of his Church preuented herein Daniel was heard for the present in the one that the malice of the aduersarie might be staied which was the cause of the Angels stay to bridle the enterprise of the king of Persia the other was in due time effected afterward when the Temple was reedified vnder Darius and afterward Ezra and Nehemiah were sent to set the citie in order and to finish the building of it And that this was Daniels request may be gathered by these two reasons 1. Daniel was heard concerning that matter for the which he was in griefe so many daies but that is shewed before to haue beene for the hindring of the building of the Lords house 2. that which deteined the Angel 21. daies was to shew the effect of Daniels prayer but the busines of Persia staied the Angel that the enemies of Gods people should not proceede in their malice therefore for that Daniel praied 20. Quest. Who is vnderstood to be the Prince of Persia. 1. Some doe thinke that this Prince of Persia was an euill angel and no other but Satan this was the opinion of Iulian the Apostata and some doe father it also vpon Hierome as Rupert lib. 9. de victor verb. Dei Thomas p. 1. qu. 113. Carthusian and Hieromes words seeme to import so much for he thinketh that this Prince of Persia was of those Princes whome S. Paul calleth princes of the world which crucified Christ 1. Cor. 2. 8. which are vnderstood to be the euill angels though indeede in that place S. Paul speaketh of the Princes and gouernours of the world which set themselues against Christ. But whether Hierome were or not of that opinion Cassianus euidently saith quem principem regni Persarum minime dubitandum est adversariam fuisse potestatem quae favebat genti
onely can foretell things to come v. 1. The time appointed was long Hereby the God of Daniel sheweth himselfe to be the true God because he could foreshewe things that should come to passe long after Things at hand which alreadie are begunne in their causes the subtile spirits can giue notice of nay we see that diuerse creatures by their naturall sense can prognosticate of the change of weather which is instant But things a farre off and to come none but God can foretell as he saith by his Prophet Isay 44. 7. what is at hand and what things are to come let them shewe vnto them The Lord by this argument sheweth himselfe onely to be God and all the idols of the heathen to be but vaine because they can declare no such things aforehand 4. Doctr. Of the diuerse kinds of feare v. 7. A great feare fell vpon them so that they fledde away c. Here is great difference betweene the feare of Daniel and his companions they were so frighted that they ranne away and hid themselues and so were depriued of this goodly vision but Daniel though much amazed yet staieth by it and to him is this vision reuealed So there are some which through their infirmitie and weakenesse doe quite fall away others though they haue their imperfections yet doe recouer themselues and returne againe Iun. of this sort was Peter of the other Iudas and to this purpose saith the Apostle Heb. 12. 13. make streight steppes vnto your feete least that which is halting be turned out of the way but let it rather be healed 5. Doct. Of the office of Angels v. 14. Now I am come to shewe thee c. Here are three speciall things expressed wherein the Lord vseth the ministrie of Angels to the comfort of his children 1. They are sent of God vpon their praiers to comfort them as God sent his Angel to Peter beeing in prison Act. 12. 2. their office is to protect and defend the children of God as here the Angel fighteth against the Prince of Persia in defense of the Iewes so was the Angel sent to stoppe the lions mouthes against Daniel 3. they are employed to instruct men and giue them knowledge of such things as concerne them as here the Angel reuealeth diuerse things to Daniel that afterward should come to passe so the Angel appeared to Cornelius aduising him what course to take for his further instruction 6. Doct. Of the power of Angels These Angels are spirits of great power to whom all earthly Potentates must giue place there is no creature that can withstand them beeing armed with power from God therefore they are called principalities Rom. 8. 38. Principalities and powers in heauenly places Ephes. 1. 21. One Angel in Dauids time destroyed 70. thousand when Dauid had numbred the people 2. Sam. 24. 15. One Angel slue in Senacheribs host in one night an 185. thousand 2. king 19. And here one Angel encountreth with the whole power of the king of Persia yet the Angels power is limited they can goe no further then they are authorized of God 7. Doct. Of the presence of Angels The Angels though they are of great agilitie and can speedily passe from place to place yet are they not euerie where nor in many places at once this Angel while he was stayed about these affaires in Persia could not be present with Daniel and while he was communing with Daniel he was absent from Persia as he saith v. 20. knowest thou not wherefore I am come vnto thee but now will I returne to fight with the king of Persia Onely it is peculiar vnto God to fill heauen and earth with his presence and to be euerie where in the same instant as he saith by the Prophet Heauen is my seate earth is my footstoole Isay. 66. 1. 8. Doctr. The cause of the ruine of kingdomes The efficient cause is the Angel the minister of Gods wrath and vengeance as here the Angel sighteth against the kings of Persia vntill by little and little their kingdome was taken away from them by the Prince of Grecia The occasion of the fall of kingdomes is the afflicting and oppressing of the Church of God as the Babylonians for holding the people of God in captiuitie were surprized by the Persians and they likewise for hindering the worke of Gods house and suffering the people of God to be molested were subdued by the Grecians and these also especially the Seleucians for tyranizing ouer the people of God were rooted out by the Romanes 9. Doctr. Of the certaintie of Gods decrees v. 21. I will shewe thee what is decreed in the Scripture of truth that is in the prescience of God who needeth not any bookes to put him in mind but this is taken from the vse of Princes and Iudges which haue their Registers and Records wherein their decrees and ordinances are set downe This Scripture of truth is nothing els but Gods infallible and vnchangeable decree which cannot alter But as the Lord hath decreed so certainely shall euerie thing be fulfilled Isay. 14. 24. The Lord of hosts hath sworne saying Surely like as I haue purposed so shall it come to passe and as I haue consulted it shall stand 5. Places of controversie 1. Controv. Against superstitious fasting v. 3. I ate no pleasant bread c. Daniel beeing purposed to humble himselfe by fasting did not onely abstaine from flesh but from wine also yea from fine bread and from other delicates as in annointing himselfe with oyle whereby their nice superstition or superstitious nicenâ—sse is reprooued who though they forbeare the eating of flesh in their fastings yet will fill their bellies with other delicate meates with daintie fish and curious confections But here Daniel contenteth himselfe with course bread and water Calvin Neither did he thus fast as thereby thinking to merit any thing at Gods hand but only that he might be the more humbled thereby and to make his prayers more feruent and effectuall Osiand See more of the abuse of fasting elsewhere 2. Controv. That Paradise was a terrestriall place v. 4. I was by the side of the great riuer Hiddekel Whereas some were of opinion that the historie of Paradise with the trees and riuers is spiritually to be vnderstood and in an allegorie as Plilo lib. 1. allegor Valentinus apud Ireneum lib. 1. aduers. hares c. 1. Origen mentar in Genes and of late daies Franciscus Georgius tom 1. problemat S. Hierome out of this place confuteth them where mention is made of one of the riuers which flowed out of Paradise namely Hiddekel or Tigris Hieromes words are these Vnde eorum deliramenta conticescant qui vmbras imagines in veritate quaerentes ipsam conantur evertere veritatatem c. whence their madde conceits are put to silence who seeking shadowes shewes in the truth goe about to ouerthrow the truth in making an allegorie of Paradise of the trees and riuers thereof 3. Controv. Against the
sometime the kings of Syria but in the last sociall warre against Antigonus it was agreed that the most part of Iudea should belong vnto the Seleucians as Antiochus the great alleadgeth in an embassage sent vnto Ptolome Philopator king of Egypt Polyb. lib. 5. Therefore mention is made onely of these two kings because they onely had to doe with the people of God and as Hierome saith scripturae propositum est non externam absque Iudais historiam texere it is the intent and purpose of the Scripture not to follow a forren historie without respect vnto the Iewes And Iosephus hereof thus writeth Antiocho magno in Asia regnante c. While Antiochus the great raigned in Asia Iudea was continually troubled and Coelesyria for while he had warre with Ptolomeus Philopator and his sonne Epiphanes whether he did ouercome or were ouercome they went to wracke euen like vnto a shippe driuen to and fro of the windes inter prosperam adversam Antiochi fortunam iactat a est Iudea was tossed vp and downe betweene the prosperous and aduerse fortune of Antiochus Ioseph lib. 12. antiquit c. 3. 16. Quest. Of the Kings of Egypt and Syria of whome Daniel prophesieth in this Chapter The kings of Egypt which succeeded one another after the diuision of Alexanders kingdome into foure parts were these 1. Ptolomeus the sonne of Lagus called Ptolomeus Soter which signifieth a sauiour because he rescued diuers kings that fledde vnto him for succour as Seleucus and Pirrhus king of Epyrus but he contrarie to his name made hauocke of Syria and Iudea 2. Ptolomeus Philadelphus so called either because he married his owne sister or by the contrarie because he killed two of his brothers Iun. in commentar 3. Ptolome Euergetes a benefactour he was a great fauourer and patron of learning as his father was the Egyptians called him a benefactour because he brought home the images from Babylon which Cambyses had carried away 4. Ptolomeus Philopator so called by the contrarie for he killed his father mother and brother 5. Ptolomeus surnamed Epiphanes that is the famous or renowned 6. Ptolomeus Philometor which signifieth a louer of his mother or beloued of his mother by the contrarie for his mother hated him 7. Ptolomeus Physcon so called of his great bellie 8. Ptolome Lathurus so named because beeing exiled by his mother he secretly practised to returne againe 9. Ptolome Auletes so surnamed the piper because he would publikely in his princely habit contend with fidlers and pipers to exceede them in fidling and piping 10. He left behind him his sonne Ptolome Dyonisius and Cleopatra this Dyonisius caused Pompey to be killed that fledde thither for succour beeing ouercome of Cesar who because he afterward practised against Iulius Cesar was by him commanded to be slaine and the kingdome was giuen to Cleopatra his sister who afterward married to Antonius ex Melancth Bulling And these were the Egyptian kings vntill the Romanes reduced it into a Prouince after the death of Antonius and Cleopatra These also were the kings of Syria called the kings of the North. 1. The founder and beginner of this kingdome was Seleucus surnamed Nicanor 2. Next vnto him was Antiochus surnamed Soter a sauiour 3. Then Antiochus called Theos which signifieth God because he required diuine hoâ—â—â—â— to be giuen vnto him Bulling or as Pausanias he was saluted by that title of the Mileâ—ians for expelling their tyrants 4. Seleucus Callinicus which signifieth an excellent warriet the sonne of Antiochus Theos by Laodice his brother Antiochus Hierax so tearmed for his rapacitie raigned together with him in an other part of the kingdome 5. Seleucus Ceraunus that is a flashing or lightning was the next but he raigned not long therefore by some he is omitted as Hugo Card. Melancth 6. Antiochus surnamed Megas the great succeeded his brother Ceraunus 7. Then Seleucus Philopator so called because his father loued him raigned but not long 8. Antiochus Epiphanes the famous by the contrarie for he was of a base nature and despised v. 2. or rather as some call him Epimanes the madde or furious Antiochus succeeded Philopator Thus farre the prophecie of Daniel is extended to the 8. king of Syria which was Epiphanes and to the 6. of Egypt Ptolome Philometor At these the prophesie staieth because the principall intendement of this prophesie is to foreshew the troubles which the people of God should endure vnder Antiochus Epiphanes and this prophesie there ending signifieth that the comming of the Messiah was not farre off and beside after this time when such â—auocke was made of the people of God by Antiochus the kings of Syria as a iust recompence for their crueltie against Gods people did one cut an others throat and so the kingdome by ciuill dissention was rent a sunder vntill it came vnto the Romanes These then were the kings that succeeded Epiphanes 9. Antiochus Eupator Epiphanes sonne whome Demetrius his vncles sonne killeth 10. Demetrius succeedeth whome one Alexander faining to be Epiphanes sonne killeth and vsurpeth the kingdome by Ptolome Philometors meanes 11. Demetrius Nicanor sonne of the other Demetrius killeth Alexander 12. Antiochus Sedetes expelleth Demetrius his brother 13. Tryphon killeth Sedetes and is king 14. Antiochus the brother of Demetrius called Eusebes for his pietie because hauing besieged Ierusalem in the feast of the Tabernacles for reuerence of their feast he did forbeare them and sent them sacrifices to offer he killeth Tryphon and he himselfe is slaine in a batâ—ell by Arsaces king of the Parthians 15. Demetrius Nicanor is restored againe to his kingdom 16. One Alexander vsurpeth the kingdome who is ouercome by Antiochus Gryphus 17. Antiochus called Gryphus of his Eagles or hooked nose was the sonne of Demetrius betweene him and Antiochus Cyzicenus so named of the place where he was brought vp the sonne of Sedetes was great warre 18. Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus prosecuteth his fathers quarrell he killeth Cyzicenus Thus the familie of the Seleucians by mutuall discord was at the length extinquished and then Tygranes king of Armenia taking aduantage of this ciuill dissention vsurped the kingdome and held it certaine yeares vntill he was subdued by Pompey Melancth Bulling 17. Quest. Of the first Ptolome called here the king of the South 1. This Ptolome was held to be the sonne of Lagus but in truth he was the sonne of Philippus king of Macedon who married his mother beeing great with child vnto Lagus 2. Alexander for his singular valour exalted him Iustin. for when Alexander was in daunger at Oxydrace he onely of all his friends rescued him 3. He was the chiefe author of diuiding the Empire and tooke vpon him the gouernment of Egypt slaying Cleomenes the gouernour thereof and he ouercame Perdiccas that came against him with an armie 4. After the death of Perdiccas he recouered Phoenicia Syria and Cyprus to his kingdome and by his sonne Megas obtained Cyrene Pausan. in Attic. 5. He restored Pirrhus king of Epyrus to
yet herein agreeth with the truth applying this whole prophesie vnto Antiochus but he is deceiued in naming the place of his death to be Tabis a towne of Persia whereas he was carried to Babylon and there sickned 1. Macchab. 6. 4. and was striken of God with an incurable disease that no man could helpe him for he crawled full of wormes and his flesh fell off from him so that no man could endure his stinke yea he was loathsome to himselfe as is further declared 2. Macchab. 9. 10. 12. This was the ende of wicked Antiochus But against this exposition it is thus obiected 1. that Antiochm died not betweene the Seas and vpon the mountaine as is here described but as he came out of Persia Lyranus 2. Seeing these latter words of the chapter are ioyned with necessarie coherence to the former as they are not vnderstood of Antiochus no more are these Perer. Answ. 1. It is not said here that he died vpon the mountaines or betweene the Seas but there was his princely pauilion spread for while Antiochus went into Persia he left halfe of his armie and his sonne Antiochus with Lysias who pitched in Emmaus at the entrance or beginning of the hilles as is shewed 1. Macchab. 3. 34. 40. Now while Lysias with other captaines were busie in suppressing of the Iewes and were discomfited as is further declared 1. Macchab. 5. the newes thereof was brought to Antiochus beeing in Persia whereupon he fell into a great rage purposing vtterly to destroy Ierusalem but the Lord plagued him and he died in the way 1. Macchab. 6. 2. Macchab. 9. And thus was the horne broken without hand as is prophesied c. 8. 25. 2. This argument may be returned vpon Pererius for seeing these words hang together with the former and it hath beene sufficiently shewed before that the former part of this prophesie is vnderstood of Antiochus so must the latter also 3. This â—ore plague fell vpon Antiochus which Appianus thinketh to haue beene a venereous or leacherous disease in Syriac but it was more strange and extraordinarie though that be foule and filthie enough he was thus smitten not as Polybius thinketh because he would haue spoiled the Temple of Diana for as Iosephus saith tantum cogitavit he onely intended it he did it not and therefore he well concludeth against Polybius that Antiochus perished ob templi Hierosolymitani excidium for the spoyling of the Temple of Ierusalem lib. 12. Antiquit. c. 12. And thus farre of the questions and doubts mooued out of this chapter 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. The Scripture the rule of truth v. 2. Now I will shewe thee the truth The truth is onely reuealed in Scripture the truth of God is first manifested vnto the world in Christ as he saith Ioh. 14. 6. I am the way the truth and the life and this truth is reuealed in Scripture as our blessed Sauiour saith Ioh. 17. 17. thy word is the truth the Scriptures of truth are committed to the Church which is called the pillar of truth 1. Tim. 3. 15. not because it beareth vp the truth but it rather is borne vp by the truth but both because the truth of God is onely reuealed to the Church as here the Angel deliuereth the truth of this prophesie vnto Daniel and the truth is set forth and professed in the world by the Church as a light set vpon a pillar or a beacon raised vpon a mountaine Doctr. 2. Of the impotencie of images v. 8. He shall carrie away captiue their gods with their molten images quales dij sunt qui captiui ducuntur what manner of gods are these which are carried into captiuitie Bulling so the Prophet Isay derideth the idols of the Chaldeans Bel and Nebo which were carried vpon beasts into captiuitie Isay. 46. 1. how should they be able to helpe others that can doe nothing for themselues Doct. 3. Victorie not alwaies a signe of a good cause v. 11. And the multitude shall be giuen into his hand Ptolome Philopator a most vitious king who slue Eurydice his both sister and wife and vsed both a male concubine Agathocles and his sister Agathoclea yet he ouercommeth Antiochus Magnus not so bad as himselfe which sheweth that the victorie alwayes falleth not on the better side as the Israelites fighting against Beniamin hauing the better cause were twice ouercome Bulling Doct. 4. The Church of God maketh a land glorious v. 16. He shall stand in the pleasant glorious or beautifull land which was Iudea not so much glorious because of the fertilitie thereof Pintus or for the miracles done therein Lyran for many great workes had beene done in Egypt but because there was the Temple and publike seruice and worship of God this sheweth that religion maketh lands famous and glorious Polan Doct. 5. Of the fidelitie of wiues to their husbands v. 17. She shall not stand on his side Antiochus the great gaue his daughter Cleopatra vnto Ptolome Epiphanes thinking to vse her as an instrument to destroy him but she contrarie to the expectation of her father cleaueth to her husband wherein she shewed the part of a dutifull obedient wife preferring the life and safetie of her husband before her fathers vngodly desire thus the Scripture saith for this cause shall a man forsake father and mother and cleaue to his wife Genes 2. If in the degrees of lawfull affection the wife or husband must be preferred before the parents much more in vnlawfull desires Polan 6. Doctr. That tribute must be paied to the Prince v. 20. Then shall stand vp in his place one that shall raise taxes This was Seleucus Callinicus who raised immoderate taxes Tribute is to be paied vnto Princes and they may lawfully take it for what God giueth they may take but such things are giuen vnto Princes as our blessed Sauiour saith Giue vnto Cesar the things that are Cesars and such things are to be yeilded vnto the Magistrate because they are helps to suppresse the euill that disturbes the peace and in that behalfe they are due as the Apostle sheweth Rom. 13. 4. 7. But two cautions are to be obserued 1. that such taxes be moderate not excessiue tending to the ouerthrow and vndoing of the subiect as Seleucus here was such a raker and the king of Spaine of late daies who exacted the tenth part of the things which were sold in the low countries 2. such taxes and leuies of money must not be wasted in ryot and excesse but â—mploied for the most part to the good of the Commonwealth 7. Doct. Religion is not to be compelled or vrged by torment v. 33. They shall fall by flame by sword Antiochus did wickedly force the faithfull by such torments to forsake their religion so doth that Antichrist of Rome that by fire and sword forceth men vnto his superstitions Lactantius saith well Religio cogi non potest verbis potius quam verberibus res agenda est religion is not to be forced
the sonne of the said Friderike by the procurement of Pope Innocent the 3. who established transubstantiation was slaine at Bamberge by Otto Count Palatine Otto the 4. and Friderike the 2. were excommunicate by Pope Innocent the 3. and Gregor 9. Henrie the 7. was poisoned with a consecrate host by a Monke of the faction of the Guelphes which was on the Popes side the Gibellines were an other faction which held with Emperour Lodovike the 4. was likewise excommunicate by the Pope who sent forth his Monkes and Friers into euerie quarter to defame the Emperour and the Cardinals did stirre vp the Princes to warre against him Avent And thus haue the Popes handled the Emperours Kings and Princes opposing themselues to their superstition haue found no better measure 2. Childericus king of France was deposed and thrust into a monasterie Rachis king of the Lombards was by the same Pope Zacharie put into a monasterie Lodovike the 12. was much encumbred by Iulius the second who himselfe leading his armie from Rome as he went ouer the bridge of the riuer Tiber threw S. Peters keies into the riuer and seeing they would doe him no good he said he would betake himselfe to Pauls sword Henrie the 4. now king of Fraunce was assaulted by 6. Popes Gregor the 13. Sixtus the 5. Vrbane the 7. Gregor the 14. Innocentius the 9. Clement the 8. who the last named hauing brought the king to be reconciled to the Church of Rome did thereupon triumph insolently ouer him As in a certaine booke set forth of that matter there is a tractate de victoria Clementis 8. de Henricâ— 4. c. gloriose triumphantis of the victorie of Clement the 8. most gloriously triumphing ouer Henrie the 4. king of Fraunce and Navarre Thus haue the famous kings also of this Realme of England beene serued by the Popes and their ministers King Iohn was poisoned by a Monke King Henrie the 8. that most famous and renowned king was by the bull of Paulus the 3. depriued of his kingdome and his subiects freed from their oath of alleagance Queene Elizabeth our late Gracious Soueraigne of blessed memorie before she came to her crowne was persecuted by her sister Queene Marie and her chiefe agent Stephen Gardener for her religion and after that by Gods fatherly prouidence and care to his Church she was aduanced to the kingdome she was practised against by nine Popes the sixe before named and by Paulus the 4. Pius the 4. Pius the 5. both by open warre and hostilitie wherein the two Philips of Spaine bare the chiefest stroke and by priuie treacherie and treason Our kings maiestie that is now both in Scotland had experience of Popish practises against him and since his happie comming into England some of the Popish faction haue more then once or twice conspired against him But blessed be God he hath escaped their snares 3. Now in the third place Some Princes and nobles shall be produced whom the Popes haue cruelly assaulted The Exarcâ— or viceroy of Ravenna vnder Leo the 3. Emperor by the Popes faction was slaine with his sonne The Medices at Florence were set vpon in the Church by the counsell of Sixtus the 4. the Popes legate gaue the signe when the host was lift vp Volaterran lib. 5. Geograph The Earle of Tholouse was pursued by the French king by most fierce warre at the instigation of the Pope onely because he fauoured the Albigenses Iohn Friderike Duke of Saxonie and Philip the Lantgraue of Hassia were assaulted by most cruell warre onely for the cause of religion Count Egmond and Count Horne were beheaded for fauouring the Protestants The Prince of Condie was poisoned Caspar Colignius slaine in the Massacre in Fraunce Antelot and Cardinall Castilion poisoned William prince of Aurane was slaine by a villane Charles the king of Spaines sonne because he was thought to fauour the Protestants whom they call heretikes was made an ende of by the Inquisitors for religion neither could his father or would not deliuer him 4. These learned confessors also and some holy martyrs haue in diuerse ages opposed themselues against the Pope and were euill entreated for it Vigilantius Bishop of Barcellona in Spaine because he found fault with the adoration of reliques and with single life was counted an heretike The Bishops and Presbyters which held a synod at Eliberine in Spaine were adiudged heretikes by Pope Adrian in a synod at Frankefort Ann. 840. Bertram writ against transubstantiation So did Ioannes Scotus Ann. 869. and was slaine of his schollers with their writing pens Ann. 964. Huldericus Bishop of Augusta impugned the single life of the Clergie Ann. 1039. Berengarius bent himselfe against transubstantiation Ann. 1157. Ioannes Sarisburiens did teach that the Pope was Antichrist and Rome Babylon Arnoldus Bishop of Brixia denied vnto the Pope the vse of the temporall sword About the same time liued Peter Bloix who publikely maintained in his writings that Rome was Babylon the Popes officers harpies his Priests Baalites Ann. 1160. Petrus Waldo of Lions ann 1240. Petrus de Vineis ann 1260. Gulielmus de S. Amore ann 1306. Petrus Cassiodorus a learned Noble man of Italie 1314. Dulcimus of Navarre 1315. Arnoldus de noua villa 1383. Iohn Wicleffe in England 1405. Iohn Hus and Nicolaus Clemangis a Doctor of Paris Hyeronym Savonarola a Monke of Ferrara whom Alexander the 6. caused to be burned Antonius Mancinellus Gulielmus Occam All these were great impugners of the Pope Ann. 1517. Martin Luther ann 1519. Huldericus Zuinglius and since many learned men in Germanie Oecolampadius Capito Melancthon Martyr Bullinger with others in Fraunce Calvin Beza Farellus Viretus with others in England B. Cranmer B. Ridley B. Hooper M. Latimer M. Filpot M. Bradford holy martyrs and since B. Iewell D. Fulke D. Whitakers D. Reynolds with many more excellent writers and worthie preachers haue discouered the nakednesse of the whore of Babylon 5. Lastly whole Churches haue beene persecuted for resisting the Pope and his doctrine the Albigenses vnder Innocentius the 3. the Waldenses vnder Pope Iohn the 22. the Church of Calabria of Sevill in Spaine of England in Queene Maries dayes and the Curches of Fraunce vnder Charles the 9. and Henrie the 3. endured much oppression by the tyrrannie of the Popish faction And thus doth the Pope resemble Antiochus in persecuting with fire and sword the faithfull seruants of God professing the truth 15. Controv. Of the pride and blasphemie of Antichrist against God 10. v. 36. He shall magnifie himselfe against all that is God This is most true of the Antichrist of Rome for he exalteth himselfe aboue the Angels which are called gods in respect of their excellencie of nature and condition making himselfe iudge of the Angels Princes and Magistrates also are called gods them hath the Pope caused to kisse his feete and hath troad vpon their neckes disposing of their kingdomes at his pleasure Innocentius the third
Antichrist shall in deede sit in the true Church of God for he shall be an enemie to the Church of Christ but he shall sit in the visible Church so reputed and he shall style and title himselfe by the Church As he taketh vpon him to be Head of the Church and to be Christs Vicar in earth Melancth Papp Fulke annotat 2. Thess. 2. v. 4. He sitteth also in the temple of mens consciences taking vpon him to haue power to forgiue sinnes and to make lawes to binde the conscience Bulling 4. Some that hold the Turke to be Antichrist may by the Temple vnderstand those places where sometime was the Church of God but the Apostle speaketh of the Temple that shall then be so reputed and taken at the time of Antichrists sitting therein 17. Controv. Of the prosperitie and outward successe of Antichrist As it is here said of Antiochus that he shall doe what him list and againe that he shall prosper so the Romane Antichrist hath both so taught that he is to doe what he list and he hath practised and prospered accordingly For the first Nicolaus the Pope thus writeth to Michael the Emperor à seculari potestate nec ligari posse nec solvi Pontificum c. that the chiefe Bishop can neither be loosed nor bound of the secular power and then he inferreth how that Constantine the Emperor called the Pope God and so concludeth nec posse Deum ab homme iudicari manifestum est it is manifest that God is not to be iudged of man c. And these are their positions in their Canons that the Pope is without law and that he is to be iudged of none and if all the world should determine any thing against the Pope yet the sentence rather of the Pope must stand and seeing he hath all fulnesse of power no man is to say vnto him why doe you so for his will standeth for reason distinct 19. 17. quaest 4. nemini And as this is their doctrine that the Pope may doe what he list and no man is to checke or controll him so he hath mightily prospered in his wicked proceedings as Antiochus did for Emperors Kings and Princes haue furthered his enterprises learned men haue and doe desend his errors All kingdomes almost in the Christian world Vniuersities schollers haue applauded him So many Monasteries in diuers countries with their Monks and Fryers depended of him This is the prosperitie and externall happie successe which the Romanists doe boast of and Bellarmine among the rest maketh it a speciall note to know the true Church by but as Antiochus prosperous successe against Christs Church was no signe of Gods fauour toward him no more is it in the kingdome of Antichrist But I will here stay a while a little further yet to sift and examine this point 18. Controv. That externall happines is not a sure note of the Church Bellarmine making externall felicitie a note of the Church giueth these instances of the good successe of the Romanists in their battells 1. In the time of Innocentius the 3. the Catholikes in France with an armie of 8000. conquered an 100. thousand of the Albigenses Aemil. lib. 6. hist. Francor 2. Anno 1531. the Helvetian Papists had fiue conflicts with the Helvetian Protestants and still had the better 3. Charles the 5. ann 1547. obtained a miraculous victorie against the Protestant Princes in Germanie 4. In France and the low countries the Papists haue had many victories not without miracle and the Protestants seldome had the better 1. Ans. These instances produced by Bellarmine are false as shall now appeare in the particular examination of them 1. Mathias Parisiens reporteth farre otherwise of that battell writing that Lewes the French king died in the siege of Avenion and that his sonne hauing the leading of a great armie against the Albigenses was ouercome ab exiguis copijs of a few small bands And this is like to be the truer report for it seemeth not probable that the persecuted Church of the Albigenses could set forth such an huge armie 2. The Popish Helvetians had not so many battells with the Protestants there was but one battell and a skirmish the Popish sort had the better hauing the aduantage of the higher ground neither was it such a great victorie for they were glad to aske peace and to compound the matter vpon equall conditions 3. It was no miracle for Charles the 5. to preuaile in that battell setting vpon Duke Fredericke on a sudden and some of his confederates hauing forsaken him neither did the Emperor long enioy that victorie for he was not long after by Mauritius who ayded him against Duke Frederike chased out of Germanie for the wrongs offered vnto Philip the Lantgraue and neuer after that returned he into Germanie againe 4. Of the successe of the battells in France and low Germanie they haue no cause to brag Henrie the 4. â—ow king of France and Navarre when he professed and maintained the Gospel was alwaies superiour in battell and how the warres haue prospered on the Protestants sides in the low countries no man is ignorant So that if the goodnes of the cause is to be esteemed by the good successe if they had no other arguments to defend themselues this might plead for them that God hath aboue these 30. yeares vpheld that small countrey miraculously against all the power of Spaine But they haue diuers reasons besides which may iustifie their warres against the king of Spaine 1. The breaking of their priuiledges by the Duke of Albanie 2. the vnreasonable exacting of tribute vpon things which were sold 3. the vniust execution of diuers both noble and others 4. the setting of garrisons of strangers in their cities 5. the building of castles and sconces 6. the constituting of Iudges of the Spanyards and not of their owne countrey 7. the generall restraining of their libertie Polan p. 1070. 8. beside the bringing in among them of a strange religion 2. Now that outward prosperitie is not a signe of Gods fauour or a marke whereby to discerne the Church it is euident by the example of Antiochus here who mightily prospered in his wicked attempts against the people of God So also Nebuchadnezzer preuailed against Ierusalem and destroied the very Temple All the tribes of Israel beeing assembled together against the children of Beniamin hauing the better cause yet were twice ouercome Iudg. 20. God then in suffering his Church to be for a time afflicted and oppressed doth not thereby testifie his fauour toward their oppressors but doth rather shew his wrath against his owne people for their sinnes which was the cause that Antiochus prospered whome the Lord vsed as his scourge as it is here saide till wrath be accomplished that is Gods wrath kindled against his people And the same is one of the reasons why the Lord shall suffer Antichrist to rage in the world whereof more shall be here inserted in the next
The meaning of those words which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god 15. qu. Of the land of Shinar or Shingar 16. qu. Of the god and idols of the Chaldes 17. qu. v. 2. What is to be commended what discommended in Nabuchadnezzer in carying part of the vessels of the Temple 18. qu. Why it pleased God to suffer that the vessels of the Temple should be carried away 19. qu. Of Ashpenaz the master of the Eunuches his name and office 20. qu. Whether Daniel may be prooued froÌ„ hence to haue beene an Eunuch in the first sense 21. qu. Who are vnderstoode here by the Princes 22. qu. Why the children of the Princes and nobles were taken captiues 23. qu. How the Lord performed his promise to Dauid that his kingdome should be established for euer 2. Sam. 16. seeing lehoiakim was giuen into Nabuchadnezzers hand 24. qu. Whether it were lawfull for Daniel to be taught the learning of the Chaldeans 25. qu. Of the Chalde language and the difference betweene it and the Hebrew 26. qu. Of the necessarie institution of schooles and the manner and order thereof 27. qu. Why other names were giuen them 28. qu. Of the signification of their names both the new and the old 29. qu. v. 8. Why Daniel refused to eate of the kings meate and of the diuers kinds of abstinence 30. qu. The causes which mooued Daniel to forbeare the kings meate 31. qu. v. 8. How Daniel should haue beene defiled with the kings meate 32. qu. whether Daniel euer after abstained from the kings meate 32. qu. v. 9. What fauour it was which Daniel found with the chiefe of the Eunuches not obeying his request 33. qu. Of Daniels request to the butler 34. qu. Whether Daniel tempted not God in setting a certaine number of daies 35. qu. Why Daniel did chuse rather to eate of pulse then of the kings meate 36. qu. vers 15. Whether the beautie and strength in Daniel and the rest feeding on this course foode were a naturall worke 37. qu. v. 17. Of the knowledge and vnderstanding which God gaue vnto Daniel and the other three whether it were naturall or supernaturall 38. qu. Whether Daniel and the rest learned the curious arts of the Chaldeans 39. qu. Whether it be lawfull to vse the arts and inuentions of the heathen 40. qu. Of the dreames and visions which Daniel had vnderstanding of 41. qu. Whether this gift of vnderstanding visions and dreames were in Daniel as an habit permanent and remaining alwaies in him 42. qu. Of the diuers kinds of dreames 43. qu. Whether there be any diuine dreames 44. qu. Whether there be any truth or certentie in dreames 45. qu. Of the causes of true dreames 46. qu. How diabolicall and diuine dreames may be discerned 47. qu. Why it pleased God by visions and dreames to instruct his seruants 48. qu. Why visions and dreames are often shewed vnto simple and vnlearned men 49. qu. Why dreames are not alwaies cleare and manifest but darkely and obscurely propounded 50. qu. what dreames may be obserued and by whome 51. qu. Whether in diuine dreames there is a free vse of reason and the will and the same acceptable to God 52. qu. v. 21. How Daniel is saide to haue beene vnto the first yeare of king Cyrus Questions vpon the second chapter of Daniel 1. qu. v. 1. How the second yeare is to be counted wherein Nabuchadnezzer had this dreame 2. qu. What Nabuchadnezzer this was and whence he was so called 3. qu. v. 1. Why he is said to haue dreamed dreames 4. qu. What manner of dreame this was which Nabuchadnezzer had 5. qu. Why it pleased God to send this dreame vpon Nabuchadnezzer 6. qu. v. 1. Of the meaning of those words And his sleepe was vpon him 7. qu. Of the foure kind of wise men whome the king sendeth for 8. qu. Why Daniel was not called and sent for among the rest of the Chaldeans 9. qu. v. 4. Of the Aramites language whether it differ from the Hebrew and be all one with the Chalde 10. qu. Why the Chaldeans spake in the Aramites language 11. qu. v. 8. Why the king saith they would gaine or redeeme time 12. qu. v. 10. Of the Chaldeans answer vnto the king 13. qu. Of the impostures and falshoods in the answer of the Chaldeans 14. qu. what the Chaldeans meane in these words Except the gods whose dwelling is not in the flesh 15. qu. v. 12. Of the kings rash sentence in commanding all the wise men of Babylon to be slaine 16. qu. v. 13. whether the wise men indeede were slaine 17. qu. what office Arioâ—h had to whome Daniel maketh this motion v. 14. 18. qu. v. 15. How Daniel was ignorant of the kings decree against the Soothsaiers 19. qu. v. 19. How this secret was reuealed vnto Daniel in the night 20. qu. Of the forme and order of Daniels thanksgiuing 21. qu. v. 19. How Daniel is said to haue blessed the God of heauen 22. qu. vers 21. How the Lord is said to change times and seasons 23. qu. v. 22. what secret things the Lord is said to discouer 24. qu. v. 22. How light is said to dwell with God wheras it is said Psal. 18. 11. he made darkenes his secret place 25. qu. v. 24. whether Daniel did well in staying the execution of the kings sentence vpon the wise men 26. qu. v. 25. whether Arioch lied vnto the king in saying I haue found a man 27. qu. v. 25. why Arioch named Daniel to be one of the captiues rather then of the wise men 28. qu. v. 26. How the king is said to answer no question being demanded 29. qu. v. 27. why Daniel denieth that any of the wise men could expound this dreame 30. qu. v. 28. whether God onely be the reuealer of secrets and things to come 31. qu. v. 28. What Daniel meaneth by the latter daies 32. qu. v. 29. whether Nebuchadnezers thoughts were the cause of his dreame 33. qu. v. 29. why it pleased God to impart vnto Nebuchadnezer this dreame 34. qu. v. 30. This secret is not shewed me for my wisdome whether Daniel by any naturall wisdome could haue obtained the knowledge of this dreame 35. qu. v. 30. why Nebuchadnezer could not vnderstand the dreame which he saw 36. qu. v. 30. Of the two ends why it pleased God to reueale vnto the king his dreame 37. qu. v. 31. of the vision which the king saw in his dreame the manner parts therof 38. qu. of the diuers kinds of signes of things to come and of which kind this image was 39. qu. what kingdoms of the earth are not comprehended in this vision 40. qu. v. 8. why the Chaldean Monarchie is compared to the head of gold 41. qu. Of the largenes of the Empire and dominion of Nebuchadnezer 42. qu. whether Nebuchadnezers dominion were at that time the greatest in the world 43. qu. v. 39. Of the second Monarchy described by
Of the meaning of those words According to the request of the holy ones 19. qu. of the meaning of those words v. 14. appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men 20. qu. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre 21. q. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies 22. qu. That a tyrannical gouernment is better then an Anarchie or no gouernment 23. qu. v. 20. What is meant by hewing down the tree 24. qu. v. 22. How Nebuchadnezzer was driuen from among men dwelt with beasts 25. qu. How Nebuchadnezzer did eat grasse like an oxe 26. qu. How the kingdom of Babylon was gouerned in Nebuchadnezzers absence 27. qu. v. 22. what is vnderstood by 7. times 28. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers transmutation but first in generall of the diuers kinds of transmutations 29. qu. what manner of change Nebuchadnezers was 30. qu. How Nebuchadnezzers bodie was changed 31. qu. v. 24. How Daniel gaue counsel to the king to preuent this iudgement seeing it was determined 32. qu. whether Daniel did counsell the king to redeeme his sinnes by almes deedes 33. qu. whether Daniel spake doubtfully saying v. 24. It may be thy prosperitie may be prolonged 34. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer did follow Daniels counsell 35. qu. Of the greatnes of the citie of BabyloÌ„ 36. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were the builder of Babel 37. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers pride in saying which I haue built for the house of c. 38. qu. what manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen 39. qu. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebuâ—hadnezer 40. qu. v. 30. of the execution of the sentence vpon Nebuchadnezer he did eat grasse c. 41. qu. v. 31. After the end of what daies Nebuchadnezer was restored 42. qu. of the restitution of Nebuchadnezer 43. qu. That God onely is without check and not to be controlled in his works 44. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were saued 45. qu. why Nebucdadnezer was saued and not Pharaoh both being in the same cause 46. qu. why Nebuchadnezer being thus conuerted the Iewes kept in captiuitie were not deliuered nor Iehoâ—akim released out of prison Questions vpon the fift chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Why this chapter is transposed and noâ— set downe according to the order of time 2. qu. Of the kings of Chalde which succeeded after Nebuchadnezer 3. qu. Of the diuers names of this Balthazar 4. qu. In what yeare of Balthazar 's raigne this historie fell out 5. qu. of the greatnes of Balthazar 's feast 6. qu. of the maner and order of this feast 7. qu. of the occasion of this feast 8. qu. who commanded the vessells of the Temple to be brought and how 9. qu. Of Balthazar 's prophaning of the holy vessels 10. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezer did not likewise prophane the vessels in laying them vp in his idols temple 11. qu. Of the blind and obscene idolatrie of the Chaldeans 12. qu. How farre it is lawfull to applie some things to prophane vses 13. qu. Of the fingers which appeared on the wall how they were caused 14. qu. whether it were the likenes of an hand onely and seene of Balthazar alone 15. qu. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand 16. qu. Why the hand appeared ouer against the candle sticke 17. qu. Of Balthazar 's sudden feare and the manner thereof 18. qu. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest 19. qu. How it came to passe that the wise men could not so much as read the writing 20. qu. What Queene it was which came in 21. qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezzar is called Balthazar 's father 22. qu. of the Queenes oration to the king 23. qu. of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene 24. qu. of Belshazars speech vnto Daniel 25. qu. Of Daniels answer to the king and the seuerall parts thereof 26. qu. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speech to the king v. 17. keepe thy rewards to thy selfe 27. qu. why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards 28. qu. why Daniel receiueth the like rewards from Nebuchadnezer and refuseth them from Balthazar 29. qu. VVhether Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards v. 29. 30. qu. whether in these words he put to death whom he would v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed 31. qu. Of the writing and interpretation thereof in generall 32. qu. Of the interpretation by writing in generall 33. qu. why the first word Mene is doubled 34. qu. Of the meaning of the word tekel 35. qu. Of the meaning of the word Pheres 36. qu. Of the tropological that is the morall application of this vision 37. qu. why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes 38. qu. Of the honours here bestowed vpon Daniel 39. qu. whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours 40. qu. why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance as he had done Nebushadnezzar before 41. qu. v. 30. whether Balthazar were slaine at that time 42. qu. whether Balthazar were slaine the same night and the citie taken 43. qu. whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon 44. qu. By what meanes Babylon was taken 45. qu. By whom Balthazar was slaine 46. qu. By whom the citie of Babylon was taken 47. qu. who was chiefe in the taking of Babylon Darius or Cyrus and why mention is made onely of Darius 48. qu. Of the cause of this Babylonian war 49. qu. whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according to the predictions of the Prophets 50. qu. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchie continued 51. qu. Of the yeares of the raigne of the seuerall kings of Babylon Questions vpon the sixt chapter of Daniel 1. qu. what Darius this was which tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 2. qu. of the diuers names which Darius had 3. qu. How Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 4. qu. when Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of the Chaldeans 5. qu. Of the officers which Darius appointed and the reason thereof 6. qu. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel beeing a stranger ouer the whole realme v. 3. 7. qu. Whether Daniel did well in taking vpon him to beare office in an idolatrous kings court 8. qu. How the rulers failed in their purpose finding no fault at all in Daniel 9. qu. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel the occasion thereof and iniustice therein 10. qu. Of the immutable decrees of the Medes and Persians v. 8. 11. qu. why Daniel did not stay the kings decree by his contrarie aduise 12. qu. Of Daniels constancie of praying with the circumstances therof 13. qu. How Daniels custome in opening the windows when he praied agreeth with our Sauiours precept Matth. 6. to shut the dores of the chamber in praier 14. qu. Why Daniel opened the window of his chamber toward Ierusalem 15. qu. why Daniel praied thrice in a day 16. qu. whether Daniel did well in this
praying to offer himselfe to publike danger 17. qu. Of Daniels aduersaries practise and accusation against him 18. qu. How the king laboured to deliuer Daniel till the Sunne went downe 19. qu. whether Darius might not haue broken this decree 20. qu. whether Darius praier for Daniel were of faith 21. qu. v. 17. why the king sealed the stone with his seale 22. qu. Whether Darius were truly conuerted confessing Daniels God to be the liuing God 23. qu. Of Daniels deliuerance from the lyons and the cause thereof 24. qu. Of Daniels salutation to the king O king liue for euer 25. qu. Of Daniels maner of deliuerance froÌ„ the lyons that it was diuine extraordinary 26. qu. why the Lord doth not alwaies send his children temporall deliuerance 27. qu. Of Darius ioy v. 23. then was the king exceeding glad 28. qu. whether the king did iustly in causing Daniels accusers with their wiues and children to be cast into the denne 29. qu. Of king Darius decree concerning the worshipping of Daniels God the order and parts thereof 30. qu. Of Daniels prosperous estate vnder Darius and Cyrus 31. qu. Whether this miracle of Daniels deliuerance from the lions were shewed at Babylon in Chaldea or in Media Questions vpon the seuenth chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Of the order obserued by Daniel in the setting downe of these visions 2. qu. Of the visions which followe in generall 3. qu. Of visions in generall 4. qu. Of the time when this vision was reuealed vnto Daniel 5. qu. Why the vision of the fowre Monarchies is againe reuealed vnto Daniel being shewed before to Nebuchadnezzar c. 2. 6. qu. What manner of vision this was which Daniel here had and how it was reuealed 7. qu. What was meant by the fowre winds which stroue together vpon the sea 8. qu. Of the description of these beasts in generall 9. qu. Why the kings and kingdomes of the earth are likened vnto beasts 10. qu. Of the agreement betweene this vision of the fowre beasts and that of the image shewed to Nebuchadnezzar c. 2. 11. qu. Of the first beast representing the Chaldean Monarchie 12. qu. Where the Chaldean Monarchie here described must take beginning 13. qu. Of the second beast and why the Persian Monarchie is compared to a beare 14. qu. Why the beare is said to stand vpon the one side 15. qu. Of the three ribs in his mouth what they signifie 16. qu. Who said vnto him Arise and deuoure c. v. 5. 17. qu. Of the Persian kings with whom the Persian Monarchie begunne and ended 18. qu. Of the third beast called a leopard the description of the third Monarchie 19. qu. Why the fourth beast hath no name 20. qu. Of the description of the 4. beast in generall 21. qu. Whether the Romane or Turkish Empire be signified by this fourth beast 22. qu. That the kingdome of Syria which was held by Seleucus and his posteritie was this fourth beast 23. qu. Of the yron teeth and other parts of the generall description of the fourth beast 24. qu. Why it is said to stampe the residue vnder the feete 25. qu. Wherein this fourth beast was vnlike the rest v. 7. 26. qu. Of the tenne hornes what is signified thereby v. 7. 27. qu. Who is signified by the little horne ver 8. 28. qu. VVho these three kings should be signified by the three hornes plucked away 29. qu. Of other properties of this litle horne 30. qu. Of the description of the glorious manner of Gods iudgement expressed v. 9. to v. 15. 31. qu. VVhether the finall iudgement in the ende of the world be here described 32. qu. v. 9. who is said to be the auncient of dayes and how 33. qu. How God was seene of Daniel which is invisible 34. qu. How iudgement is said to be set seeing God is iudge from euerlasting 35. qu. VVhat the fire signifieth which issued from the throne 36. qu. Of the number of Angels that ministred vnto God thousand thousands c. ver 10. 37. qu. VVhat bookes these were which were opened v. 10. 38. qu. Of the destructioÌ„ of the fourth beast 39. qu. VVhy tâ—e other beasts had their dominion taken away and how their liues were prolonged 40. qu. v. 13. VVhy it is said one like the sonne of man 41. qu. How he is said to come in the clouds and approacheth to the auncient of dayes and when 42. qu. That this kingdome could not be the kingdome of the Macchabees 43. qu. That this kingdome is the kingdoms of Christ our Blessed Lord and Sauiour 44. qu. That this kingdome giuen to the sonne of man shall not be in earth against the Chiliastes 45. qu. Of the excellencie of Christs kingdome beyond other kingdomes 46. qu. How the kingdome of Christ is said to be euerlasting seeing it shall be deliuered vp vnto God 1. Cor. 15. 24. 47. qu. v. 17. Of the rising of the fowre beasts 48. qu. VVho shall possesse the kingdome of the Saints 49. qu. VVhy they are called the most high Saints v. 18. 50. qu. v. 20. How the horne called before little is said to be in shewe greater then the rest 51. qu. How this little horn is said to change lawes and times 52. qu. What is meant by a time times and a part of time v. 25. 53. qu. What is meant by the halfe or diuiding of time v. 25. 54. qu. How this kingdom is said to be giuen to the holy people v. 27. which is said v. 14. to be giuen to the sonne of man Questions vpon the 8. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. The difference between this vision and the former 2. qu. Of the time of this vision 3. qu. What manner of vision this was 4. qu. How Daniel is said to be in Sushan ver 2. 5. qu. Of the citie Sushan by whom it was builded and whence so named 6. qu. Of the situation of the citie Sushan 7. qu. Of the riuer Vlai where Daniel had this vision 8. qu. Why Daniel nameth himselfe in the first person 9. qu. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ramme v. 3. 10. qu. Who are signified by the two hornes whereof one was higher then the other 11. qu. Of the greatnesse and prosperous successe of this ramme 12. qu. Of the meaning of these words as I considered v. 5. 13. qu. Why the kingdome of the Grecians is resembled to a goat 14. qu. Of Alexander the great signified by the horne betweene the eyes his birth education exploits death and ende 15. qu. Of the victorie of Alexander against Darius described by the goats ouercomming the ramme 16. qu. Of the breaking of this great horne and of the death of Alexander 17. qu. Of the fowre hornes which came vp in the stead of this great horne 18. qu. When these foure kingdomes did arise after the great horne was broken 19. qu. Who was this little horne v. 9. 20. qu. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this litle horne 21. qu.
be vnderstood 63. qu. Shall Messiah be slaine v. 26. who this Messiah was that should be slaine 64. qu. And he shall haue nothing or rather not for himselfe of the meaning of these words 65. qu. Of the yeare of the natiuitie of our blessed Sauiour 66. qu. Of the computation of yeares from the creation to the natiuitie of our Blessed Sauiour 67. qu. In what yeare of the raigne of Herod our blessed Sauiour was borne 68. qu. In what yeare of his age Christ was baptised 69. qu. How many yeares Christ liued on earth and in what yeare of his life Christ was put to death 70. qu. Of the number of Pasches which Christ solemnized in the dayes of his flesh whereby the time and yeares of his preaching is certainly gathered 71. qu. At what time of the yeare Christ was borne 72. qu. Of the space and distance of time that was between Christs baptisme and his passion 73. qu. Vpon what day of the week Christ suffered and whether vpon a festiuall day 74. qu. Who are meant by the people of the Prince to come 75. qu. how long after the Messiah was slain this destruction happened by Titus 76. qu. Why mention is made of the destruction of Ierusalem here seeing it is without the compasse of the 70. weeks 77. qu. Of the meaning of these words v. 26. the ende thereof shall be with a flood and vnto the ende of the battell it shall be destroyed 78. qu. That the end of the state of the Iewes not of the Romanes is here signified 79. qu. Of the most grieuous calamities that fell vpon the Iewes in the finall destruction of their citie 80. qu. That all this miserie came vpon the Iewes for putting to death the Messiah 81. qu. He shall confirme the couenant with many for one weeke how this one week is to be vnderstood 82. qu. What is vnderstood by the couenant 83. qu. How this couenant was ratified and confirmed 84. qu. When this Testament beganne to be ratified and confirmed by the preaching of Christ. 85. qu. v. 27. In the halfe of the weeke he shall cause the sacrifice to cease when this halfe weeke beganne 86. qu. How and when the sacrifices were caused to cease and were abolished 87. qu. What is meant by the ouerspreading of abhomination v. 27. of the best reading thereof 88. qu. What this abhomination of desolation was 89. qu. v. 27. Whether the desolation of Ierusalem here spoken of should be finall Questions vpon the tenth chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Of the excellencie of this vision reuealed in this chapter and the two next vnto Daniel 2. qu. How the third yeare of Cyrus is here to be vnderstood 3. qu. Of Daniels vnderstanding of this vision 4. qu. v. 1. Why Daniel maketh mention of his name Belteshazar 5. qu. v. 2. Why Daniel was so long in heauinesse 6. qu. Of the time that Daniel mourned which was three weeks of dayes 7. qu. Of Daniels abstinencie 8. qu. Of the custome and vse of annointing which Daniel also forbeareth 9. qu. Of the riuer Hiddekel where Daniel had this vision 10. qu. Whether Daniel were onely in spirit or bodily present by the riuer Tigris 11. qu. Why this vision was shewed vnto Daniel by the riuer Tigris 12. qu. Whether it were an Angel or Christ which appeared here vnto Daniel 13. qu. Of the description of the manner how Christ appeared and first of his apparell 14. qu. Of the glorious parts of this heauenly body which appeared vnto Daniel 15. qu. How Daniel is said to see the vision alone 16. qu. The causes of Daniels great feare 17. qu. Whose hand it was that touched Daniel 18. qu. Why Daniels prayer beeing heard at the first yet the Angels comming was deferred 21. dayes v. 12. 19. qu. What it was that Daniel prayed for and how he was heard 20. qu. Who is vnderstood to be the Prince of Persia. 21. qu. How the Prince of Persia is said to haue withstood the Angel 22. qu. Who this Michael was which helped the Angel 23. qu. How Michael helped the other angel 24. qu. How the angel saith he was left with the kings of Persia. 25. qu. Who it is whom Daniel calleth Lord v. 17. 26. qu. Who it was that had this communication with Daniel in this vision 27. qu. Who is meant by the Prince of Grecia 28. qu. Of the originall of the Grecians here called Iavan v. 21. 29. qu. In what sense the Angel saith that none held with him but Michael their Prince Questions vpon the 11. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Whether this vision in the 11. chapter be diuerse from the former vision in the 10. chapter 2. qu. v. 1. Who it was that here saith I stood vp c. 3. qu. Who it was whom the Angel stood vp to strengthen 4. qu. Why the Persian Monarchie is so briefly touched and the Grecians set forth at large 5. qu. That there were more then three kings of Persia as may be gathered out of the Scripture 6. qu. Who were those fowre kings of Persia here named 7. qu. Of the fourth king of Persia his riches and power 8. qu. why the Angel leaueth at the fourth king of Persia seeing there weâ—e more 9. qu. A briefe description of the rising and fall of Alexanders kingdome 10. qu. Of Alexanders birth and education acts and life end and death abridged 11. qu. Of the 4. successors of Alexander 12. qu. How all Alexanders posteritie was rooted out that none of them succeeded in the kingdome 13. qu. Of the meaning of these words v. 4. It shall be for others beside these 14. qu. Of the petie diuisions of Alexanders kingdome among his seuerall captaines before it grewe into fowre and of their mutuall dissension 15. qu. why the Angel prosequuteth the storie onely of the king of the South and of the North omitting the rest 16. qu. Of the kings of Egypt and Syria of whom Daniel prophesieth in this chapter 17. qu. Of the first Ptolome called here the king of the South 18. qu. v. 5. One of his Princes shall preuaile who is meant hereby 19. qu. That this kingdome of the North is the same which Ezekiel calleth Gog and Magog 20. qu. Of the first variance betweene the king of the South and the king of the North and of their ioyning together againe 21. qu. what king of the South this was whose daughter came to the king of the North. 22. qu. Of the translation of the Septuagint which was procured by this Ptolome Philadelphus 23. qu. who was the bud of her rootes v. 7. and of his exploits 24. qu. Of the third battell betweene the king of the South and the king of the North v. 10. 11. 12. 25. qu. Of the first expedition of Antiochus the great against Epiphanes king of Egypt 26. qu. Of the second expedition of Antiochus the great against Ptolomeus Epiphanes 27. qu. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Megas against Epiphanes v. 17.
this looking of Daniel toward Ierusalem out of the captiuitie of Babylon teacheth vs that we beeing set here in the world as in the captiuitie of Babel ex hac confusione ad calestem Ierusalem respiciamus should out of this confused estate looke vp to the heauenly Ierusalem Pintus Quest. 15. Why Daniel prayed thrice in a day 1. Daniel did not make choice of these houres as though they were more specially consecrated vnto praier and by the circumstance of the time more holines and efficacie were added thereunto as the Romanists haue such a superstitious conceit of their canonicall houres And they say the Iewes obserued these three times with more religious respect as the third houre because then the holy spirit was giuen the sixt houre because then the brasen serpent was lift vp in the wildernesse and the ninth because then the waters came out of the rocke in Cades And so Christians should obserue the same three times the third houre when the Holy Ghost was giuen the sixt at what time Christ was crucified and the ninth when the water gushed out of his side Pintus 2. But this was the reason rather why Daniel obserued these times he made choice of such times wherein he had best leisure and was freest from worldly businesse which was the morning before he went abroad at noone when he came home to eate meate as Ioseph also vsed to doe Gen. 43. 16. and at night when all his businesse was ended Iun. Besides these are the fittest times in respect of the benefits therein receiued of God in the morning to giue thankes for our deliuerance the night past at noone when we take our meat and at night for our preseruation that day Calv. of these three times Dauid maketh mention Psal. 55. 17. Euening morning and at noone will I pray A Deo initium felicem successum beatum exitum petimus we doe aske of God the beginning the happie successe and prosperous end of our busines Oecolampad 16. Quest. Whether Daniel did well in thus praying to offer himselfe to publike danger It will be obiected that Daniel might haue done better to haue prayed in secret 1. because of the kings commandement 2. he should haue had herein some speciall reuelation 3. he might haue prayed vnto God though he had not done it so openly seeing the externall worship is not simply necessarie but it is referred to the internall whereby God will specially be serued 4. a wise man would haue giuen way to the present necessitie and obserued the time 5. by this meanes he might haue brought all the Iewes into danger if God had not extraordinarily deliuered him Contra. 1. The kings commandement was to be obeyed so long as it was not contrarie vnto Gods commandement as in this case it was for the Lord saith call vpon me in the day of trouble but here the king forbiddeth that God should be called vpon 2. Daniel herein was guided by the spirit of God yet he was not to expect any speciall reuelation hauing the generall word of God as Deut. 6. 12. 13. beware least thou forget the Lord thy God c. thou shalt feare the Lord thy God and serue him c. and Deut. 8. 10. when thou hast eaten and art filled thou shalt blesse the Lord thy God 3. though the internall worship of God be most necessarie yet the other is necessarie also as beeing a part of our outward confession of God as in this case it was necessarie Daniel should thus testifie his worship of God because it had beene his custome in former times which if he had intermitted fâ—isset obliqua quaedam abiuratio c. it had beene an indirect abiuring of his religion 4. in ciuill matters things indifferent it is good to giue way vnto the time but not in matters which concerne the saluation of the soule 5. he was rather to goe before his nation in constancie of religion and to giue them a good example whereas if he had dissembled he might haue brought them all into the same dissimulation Daniel then herein doing his dutie was not to giue ouer in respect of any danger but to leaue the successe vnto God But that Daniel did well in making this open confession of his faith it appeareth by the happie successe Gods extraordinarie assistance whereby the Lord approoued of Daniels godly resolution Beside if Daniel had done otherwise he should haue diuersely offended 1. against God in preferring the kings commandement before his 2. against the law of nature which teacheth vs that God is to be worshipped 3. against the true religion and worship of God which by his example should haue beene much hindred 4. against the people of God in offending them with his inconstancie 5. and against his owne conscience if he had for feare forbeared that which in his iudgement he allowed Iun. in comment Quest. 17. Of Daniels aduersaries practise and accusation against him 1. First they lie in waite for Daniel And there is both a multitude of them which conspire together these men assembled v. 11. and they finde Daniel in the verie manner praying vnto his God 2. In their accusation is to be considered the forme of it which is full of subtiltie and cunning they doe not at the first directly accuse Daniel because they knewe he was fauoured of the king but first by making rehearsall of the decree in generall they drawe from the king a former consent that afterward he should not goe backe wherein they call three things to the kings remembrance the sum of the decree the ratification the penaltie v. 12. 3. The matter of the accusation is against Daniel which is not simply done but with diuerse false and enuious suggestions Enuious concerning his person in obiecting his captiuitie and the action in concealing to whom he made his petition they simply propound it he made his petition three times a day the king might conceiue that he might make it to some other man their suggestion is false as though Daniel did it in contempt of the king lawes 4. And their enuie further appeareth in these two things 1. they omit to make mention of Daniels vertues they burie them all in obliuion and picke what matter they can against him Pintus 2. they forget that Daniel was their fellowe in office which many times is respected by men of like place and calling Osiand Quest. 18. How the king laboured to deliuer Daniel till the sunne went downe 1. The king by deferring the sentence vntill night might thinke that some opportunitie might in the meane time be offred vnto Daniel to escape this danger Iun. And in the meane time optimum testimonium Danieli dat he giueth a good testimonie vnto Daniel Oâ—co it is like he pleaded for him shewing what a necessarie man he was to the commonwealth and what good seruice he had done and that afterward there might be great misse of him Beside he might dispute the cause with them
sonne of Seleucus Nicanor as Iustine writeth lib. 41. By others then here are meant none els but those fowre generall captaines who diuided Alexanders kingdome among them yet it shall not be amisse here somewhat to touch the petie diuisions of the kingdome before it grew into fowre parts and of Alexanders seuerall captaines with their endes 14. Quest. Of the petie diuisions of Alexanders kingdome among his seuerall captaines before it grew into fowre and of their mutuall dissension Three things here shall be briefly touched concerning Alexanders captaines 1. of their feuerall diuisions 2. of their ciuill warres which they made one with an other 3. of their bloodie endes 1. After that Alexanders captaines had by a generall consent chosen officers for the whole kingdome Arideus was appointed Viceroy during the nonage of Alexanders children Perdiccas protectour whome Antipater afterward succeeded in that place Seleucus generall for the armie Craterus Treasurer then they sorted the seuerall Prouinces among them Ptolomeus had Egypt Laomedon Syria Philotas Cilicia Antigonus Lycia Pamphylia and Prygia the greater Cassander Caria Menander Lydia Leonatus Phrygia the lesse Eumenes Cappadoeia and Paphlagonia Phiton Media ex Curtio Lysimachus Thracia Antipater Maâ—edonia H. Br. And Iustinus maketh mention beside of others to Nicanor called Seleucus were committed the Parthians to Amyntas the Bactrians to Neoptolemus the Persians to Peucestes the Babylonians to Philippus the Hircanians And the other Prouinces remained vnder their gouernment which held them Alexander yet liuing Thus Alexanders Empire beeing distributed among so many petie gouerners 15. or 16. in all could not long so continue vnder so many masters but they presently fel at variance among themselues And in this respect Demades wittily compared Alexanders armie when he was dead to Cyclops the huge gyant when he had lost his eye for as that huge bodie wanting light to direct it hit here and there and could not guide it selfe so this vnruly companie wanting a guide dashed one vpon an other as a shippe without a pilote runneth vpon the rocks and sands 2. We are in the next place then briefly to see the ciuill dissention and warres which were mooued among these captaines 1. The first warre was begunne thorough the ambition of Perdiccas who beeing in greater authoritie then the rest intended to marrie Cleopatra Alexanders sister and so to take vpon him the gouernement which his purpose that he might the better atchieue he first enterpriseth to remooue the lettes and impediments and sendeth Eumenes against Antipater and Antigonus and he himselfe goeth against Ptolome into Egypt but he was slaine of his owne souldiers and not long after Alcetas his brother and his sister were slaine also and this was his ende who was the first beginner of sedition 2. After this a second stirre beganne betweene Eumenes and Antigonus in which battell Neoptolemus and Craterus were slaine and Eumenes was betraied by his souldiers vnto Antigonus whome he killed 3. Then Cassander after he had most treacherously extinguished Alexanders familie quarrelleth with Antigonus from whome he would haue taken certaine cities in Asia and ioyneth with Ptolome and Seleucus who feared Antigonus greatnes but Antigonus vanquisheth Cassander and maketh him to restore the cities in Asia 4. After this Antigonus setteth vpon Seleucus and Ptolome but first he was ouercome by Ptolome at Tyrus who tooke Demetrius Antigonus sonnes pauilion with all the princely furniture but restored it againe afterward Demetrius surprized Cilles one of Ptolomes captaines and 8000. men but returned them safe to Ptolome to requite his former humanitie and kindnes 5. Then followed a soare battell betweene all of the chiefe captaines remaining not farre from Ephesus on the one side were Seleucus and his sonne Antiochus Lysimachus and Ptolomes forces on the other Antigonus the night before the battel Antigonus had a vision wherein Alexander appeared saying vnto him that now he would goe vnto his enemies whereby Antigonus vnderstood that hauing beene hitherto victorious he should be ouercome now And so it fell out for as he pursued Antiochus in battell he was slaine by Seleucus horsemen beeing almost 80. yeare old his sonne fledde to Athens and renewed the warre but he was taken by Seleucus and long suruiued not his father then the rest diuided the kingdome of Antigonus among them 6. The last battell betweene Alexanders captaines was betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus This Lysimachus was a man of valour for beeing familiar with Callisthenes whome Alexander killed he was commanded to be cast vnto the lyons but he killed the lyon and so escaped for which his valour he was afterward much made of by Alexander But this Lysimachus among his vertues had enormous vices he married two sisters and had children by them both but the one killed the others child the mother for succour fledde vnto the other kings allied vnto her hereupon beganne the quarrell betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus but Lysimachus beeing ouercome was slaine Melancth ex Pausan. 3. In the last place let vs take a view of their bloodie endes Perdiccas first killed Meleager Ptolome killeth Cleomenes Perdiccas friend and Perdiccas himselfe is slaine of his owne souldiers going against Ptolome Craterus and Neoptolemus are slaine in battell Philotas killeth Phiton and he with Eumenes are slaine by Antigonus Antigonus fighting against Seleucus is killed Lysimachus by Seleucus Seleucus is slaine by Ptolome Ceraunus brother to Ptolome Philadelphus then raigning in Egypt and the same Ceraunus not long after was slaine by Brennus Demetrius Antigonus sonne rooteth out the house of Cassander and so he and his posteritie held the kingdome of Macedonia vntill the Romans possessed it And this was the ende of Alexanders captaines 15. Quest. Why the Angel prosequuteth the storie onely of the king of the South and of the North omitting the the rest Two reasons may be yeelded hereof 1. The other kingdomes the one of Asia the lesse in the North to Egypt which fell vnto Antigonus after he was slaine and vanquished by Seleucus was diuided among the other captaines and so it was extinguished and the other kingdome of Macedonia in the West was translated from Cassander and his posteritie vnto Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus neither was it in power answerable vnto the other two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt and therefore these onely are mentioned for vers 5. the Angel speaketh onely of two mightie kingdomes which should preuaile aboue the rest 2. An other reason is Iudea stood in the middes betweene these two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt by which occasion these kings waging battell one against an other Iudea beeing in the middes went to wracke betweene them Melancthon And sometime the Iewes fauoured one and sometime an other and then the aduersarie part still afflicted them and thus betweene these two kings were the Iewes molested the space of three hundred yeares Lyranus And a third cause there was of trouble vnto the Iewes sometime the Ptolomies of Egypt challenged the gouernment and soueraigntie of Iudea