very swift as Habak 1. 8. Their horses shall be swifter then leopards So Alexander in a short time conquered the most knowne countries of all the world 3. He is likened also to a leopard for his strength Polan 4. The Panther Pard or Leopard is full of spots which either noteth the varietie of countreies and nations which Alexander subdued Hug. or rather his variable and changeable nature which was tempered both with excellent vertues and notable vices Perer. 5. The Leopard they say is taken by this meanes it much coueâ—eth and desireth wine which beeing poured neere vnto their dennes the sent thereof draweth them forth and the hunters set not farre off vessels of wine which the beast drinketh till he falleth a sleepe and so is taken And herein was Alexander like vnto the leopard who died of surfeting and drunkennes 2. Then this beast is described by the adiuncts it had foure wings 1. Some hereby vnderstand Alexanders foure vertues 1. his strength of bodie 2. courage of minde which feared nothing 3. dexteritie and industrie 4. his great liberalitie and clemencie Lyran. Perer. 2. Some by the foure wings and foure beasts vnderstand the same thing namely his foure successors Melancth Calv. but then should something in this description be superfluous 3. Hereby rather is signified Alexanders great celeritie which is shadowed forth in the nature of the beast but more liuely expressed by wings he is said to haue foure wings not two quia nihil fuit velocius Alexandri victoria because nothing was swifter then Alexanders victories Hier. for in 12. yeares he made conquest of all the famous kingdomes of the world yea in sixe yeares as Hierome testifieth he subdued all Egypt a great part of Europe all Asia euen vnto India in the first yeare of his kingdome he tooke the citie Thebes in the 2. he ouercame Darius armies at Granicum in the 3. yeare he againe ouercame Darius at Issum in the fourth yeare he tooke Tyrus when he had besieged it 7. moneths and then in the 5. subdued Syria and Iudea in the 6. yeare he finally vanquished Darius at Arbela and so possessed the Asian Empire Polan 3. Then this beast is set forth by the number of the heads the beast also had foure heads 1. Iunius hereby would not haue vnderstood foure kingdomes but the great dexteritie of Alexander in taking care for all the parts of his kingdome as if he had had foure heads Iun. in comment 2. The most doe take them for Alexanders foure successors in the kingdome Cassander in Macedonia Antigonus in Asia minor Seleucus in Syria Ptolome in Egypt so Oecolamp Perer. Papp Calv. with others but these 4. kingdomes make the fourth beast as afterward shall be shewed 3. Wherefore better are here vnderstood the 4. chiefe captains of Alexander which did aide him to atchieue his victories and afterward gouerned the kingdome vnder Aridaeus Alexanders brother who beeing slaine they diuided the kingdome among them So Hugo saith quatuor dicit duces Alexandri he meaneth the foure captaines of Alexander which afterward became his successors so Iunius in his annotations vnderstandeth quatuor satrapiae the fowre regements of the kingdome which after Alexanders death should haue come vnto his two sonnes Alexander and Hercules but they agreed to make Aridaeus Alexanders brother king and appointed Antipater to be protector of the kindome but at length both Alexanders sonnes were slaine by Cassander and Aridaeus also And then Cassander succeeded Aridaeus in Macedonia and after him Antipater And the other three in their seuerall kingdomes as is before expressed 4. The last part of the description is from the efficient cause and author of this great dominion which Alexander had it was giuen him of God and that he obtained not such great victories by his owne power or policie but by the extraordinarie assistance of God doth euidently appeare by these fowre arguments 1. because he in a shorter time subdued more countries then other 〈◊〉 captaines haue taken cities as is before shewed in the second part of the description 2. in that he with so small an host of 30. thousand encountred with such great armies of the Persians first with an 150. thousand then with 400. thousand and last of all with 10. hundred thousand which Darius Codomannus had gathered together against him 3. Alexanders securitie is an euident argument also thereof who the same day that Darius was ouercome was so fast asleepe in his Tent that all his captaines could not awake him making a noise round about for they durst not goe in 4. Alexander himselfe also confessed as much who meeting Iaddua the high Preist in his pontificall robes and falling downe before him and reuerencing him being asked the reason of Parmenio answered that he worshipped not the man but God in the man who in the same habite had appeared vnto him and encouraged him to goe on in his enterprise to ouercome Asia and promised to lead his armies thus Iosephus writeth lib. 11. Antiquit. c. 8. Quest. 19. Why the fourth beast hath no name 1. The Hebrewes doe here imagine that although this fourth beast be not expressed by name yet that it was a wild boare whereby they would haue signified the Romane Empire which destroyed Ierusalem and they alleadge that saying in the Psalme 80. 13. the wilde boare out of the wood hath destroyed it But seeing this last kingdome is described to be more fierce and cruell then the rest it was not like to be resembled by the wild boare which is not so terrible as the other three beasts the lyon the beare the Leopard vnto the which the other three kingdomes are compared 2. Theodoret applying this vision to the Romane Empire thinketh that this is the reason why certaine beasts are before named but none here because in the other three kingdoms there was a certaine forme of gouernement by kings but in the Romane state the forme of gouernment often changed they were gouerned 1. by kings 2. by Consuls 3. by the Tribunes of the people 4. by Dictators 5. by Emperours But it shall euidently appeare afterward that this vision is not to be extended to the Romanes 3. Hierome giueth this reason the beast is not named vt si quid ferocius bestijs supradictis cogitauerimus hoc imperio Romanorum attribuamus c. that if any thing can be imagined more cruell then the forenamed beasts it should be attributed to the Romane Empire thus also Lyran. gloss ordinar with others Hieromes reason here in generall is to be admitted but he faileth likewise in his particular application to the Romane state 4. Pererius hath this conceit that if this last Monarchie here described which he supposeth to be of the Romanes should be represented by any certaine kind of beast it is most like to be that which Aristotle out of Ctesias Gnidius saith is found in India which he describeth in this manner the name of the beast is Mantichora it hath three
vnto the Law of God but followed his owne irefull affection the proceeding was vniust Polan beside their deuillish profession it seemeth they were ambitious and insolent and enuious against Daniel and the rest of the people of God therefore in respect of themselues their punishment was iust Bulling 2. Lyranus excuseth the Kings fact because he had beene at great cost in maintaining these Inchanters and Soothsayers he had raised them to honour giuen them great gifts and now when he requireth some seruice of them they are able to say nothing 3. But yet Nabuchadnezzer was diuers waies faultie in this action 1. in his rash and inconsiderate sentence which he pronounced against them in his rage and furie whereas the sentence of death should proceede with mature deliberation and aduice for like as Saturne the highest of the Planets hath the slowest motion of them all so Princes which sit in their high thrones of maiestie should be most considerate in their actions And as a musitian doth not presently cut away his strings if they be out of tune but doth wind them to and fro to bring them to a right harmonie so neither should a Prince punish euery disorder in the Commonwealth presently with death Pintus 2. An other point of iniustice is that he had not yet called all the wise men of Babylon and yet vnheard and vncalled commandeth them to be slaine 3. It was also vniust for some few mens fault to take reuenge of the whole profession and so to punish one for an others offence Osiand 16. Quest. v. 13. Whether the wise men in deede were slaine 1. Some thinke that praeparabantur tantum occidi they were onely prepared and appointed to be slaine not that they were indeede slaine so Lyran. gloss interlin Hugo Car. But the contrary is euident in the text for the sentence being gone forth that is proclaimed and published it islike some execution followed otherwise the proclamation should haue seemed to be ridiculous Caluin And beside seeing Daniel was also sought to be slaine it seemeth that all they which were in the way and at hand and needed not to be sought for were put to the sword 2. Wherefore it is certaine that many of these wisemen were smitten with the sword though the execution of many of them were deferred vpon Daniels offer and vndertaking to expound the dreame v. 24. Genev. like as vnder Ahab and Iehu Baals priests were put to death And Galerius Maximinus beeing ouercome of Licinius he caused the Idol Priests to be slaine as impostors and deceiuers Bulling Quest. 17. What office Arioch had to whom Daniel maketh this motion vers 14. 1. R. Shelemo taketh the word tabacaia for carnifices executioners he thinketh that Arioch was set ouer these which had the charge to put others to death but it seemeth that he had a better office for he was a chiefe man about the king and brought Daniel in to the king vers 25. 2. The Septuag interpret here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chiefe cooke but it appertained not to that office to see execution done vpon men 3. Some call him the kings chiefe steward Genevens but neither is it incident to that office to ouersee the punishment of offenders 4. The vulgar Latine interpreteth praefectum militiae captaine of his armie but here was no armie leuied or battell proclaimed 5. Therefore rab tabachim is better interpreted praefectus satellitum the captaine of the guard or high Marshall such an one was Potiphar vnto Pharaoh Gen. 37. 36. who had the chiefe charge of the kings prisoners Gen. 40. 3. Polan Iun. Quest. 18. vers 15. How Daniel was ignorant of the kings decree against the Soothsayers 1. Some thinke that Daniel of purpose did forbeare to goe with the rest least he might seeme ambitiously to haue sought honour and reward which was promised to them which should interpret the kings dreame gloss ordinar but there was no such reward promised till they appeared before the king and if Daniel had receiued any message with the rest of the wise men he might easily haue gessed at the cause of that hard sentence 2. But it is like that the Chaldeans concealed this matter from Daniel whereof two reasons may be giuen it proceeded ex inuidia cupiditate from their enuie and couetousnes Lyran. their enuie in that they thought great scorne that so young a man as Daniel should be called to counsell with the graue sage counsellors who were in great estimation with the king for their long experience Iun. their couetousnesse also herein appeared that they might haue the reward onely to themselues soli ingressi tanquam soli praemia percepturi they onely went in that they onely might receiue the reward Bulling they were also ambitious they were loath that any strangers should be admitted to the kings presence or any had in reputation but themselues Iun. annot 3. But specially this fell out by Gods prouidence that Daniel beeing sought for vnto death might by this meanes be brought forth and the gift of wisedome in him be made manifest and that by this meanes his life should be preserued Polan 4. And herein appeareth the malice of the Chaldeans qui in periculo voluerunt habere consortes which would haue Daniel and his fellowes partakers of their punishment whom they refused to haue any part before in the reward Pellican Quest. 19. vers 19. How this secret was reuealed vnto Daniel in the night 1. Some thinke that this vision was shewed vnto Daniel by an Angel because such reuelations are vsually made by the ministrie of Angels Pintus ex Dyonis But Daniel acknowledgeth in his thanksgiuing that he receiued this reuelation onely from God and to him onely he giueth the praise 2. And for the manner Hierome thinketh that it was shewed vnto him by dreame in the night so also Glosse ordin somnium regis discit suo insomnio he learneth the kings dreame by his dreame so also Osian Lyran. giueth this reason because the night is fittest for such reuelations the senses beeing quiet ab exterioribus tumultibus from all outward tumults and that the vision in the night is by dreame he would prooue by that place Iob. 33. 15. God speaketh c. in dreames and visions of the night when sleepe falleth vpon men c. But this place prooueth not that euery night vision is by dreame but that in the night when sleepe falleth vpon men the Lord sometime speaketh vnto them by dreame sometime by vision 3. Albertus magnus as Pintus reporteth his opinion thinketh that Daniel had this reuelation vigilia noctis as he watched in the night and this is the more probable opinion 1. because it is called a vision now visions and dreames are distinguished as the two vsuall waies whereby the Lord reuealeth himselfe vnto his Prophets Numb 12. 6. Polan 2. Daniel and his three fellowes were occupied in praier while other slept Pellic. and it seemed as they praied that this vision
loue I were nothing Pintus 3. But there are some which are the faithfull seruants and true Prophets of God who haue both the gift of Prophesie with the vnderstanding therof and are also in Gods fauour and in the state of grace such an one was Daniel Quest. 4 v. 1. Why Daniel maketh mention of his name Belteshazzar What the meaning of this name is is shewed before c. 1. quest 28. But Daniel nameth himselfe here Belteshazzar for these cause 1. voluit hoc vaticinium celebre esse per omnes nationes he would haue this prophesie famous among all nations where he was knowne rather by the name of Belteshazzar then by the name of Daniel Calvin 2. by this meanes though he were called by a strange name yet he would make it knowne se non alienum esse à populo Dei that he was not enstranged from the people of God but continued still in their communion 3. And hereby also Daniel intimateth that he was the same man vnto whom the former visions were shewed and the vnderstanding of secret things and so by this meanes this vision was receiued with greater credit and authoritie Polan Quest. 5. v. 2. Why Daniel was so long in heauines 1. Theodoret thinketh this was one cause thereof because all of the Iewes hauing libertie to returne yet many of them beeing in loue with the pleasures of Babylon neglect◠in patriam reditu tanto beneficio vti noluerunt neglecting to returne into their countrey would not vse so great a benefit But if this had beene the cause Daniel would not haue deferred the time of mourning so long for this backewardnesse of the people was knowne in the 1. yeare of Cyrus when the people had licence to returne 2. An other cause of Daniels mourning is supposed to haue beene the remembrance and consideration of so many heauie things as were foreshewed him in time to come to befall his people 3. As also because it was reuealed vnto him to what blindnesse and obstinacie his people should growe as to put to death the Messiah Perer. But if either of these had beene the cause Daniel would not haue put off his mourning so long for the first was signified vnto him in the 3. of Balthazar c. 8. and the other in the 1. of Darius c. 9. But this mourning of Daniel was in the 3. yeare of Cyrus two yeares after 4. Therefore this indeede was the cause the people which were returned had begunne to reedifie the Temple and presently they were hindred by Cambyses Cyrus beeing occupied in warres abroad this hard newes came to Daniel in Persia and therefore he mourneth entreating the Lord that the businesse might goe forward Iun. Polan Oecolampad Pellic. with others Quest. 6. Of the time that Daniel mourned which was three weekes of dayes 1. This is added of dayes by way of distinction because in the former chapter he had spoken of weekes of yeares Polan 2. Some thinke he mourned 3. weeks to signifie the Trinitie gloss interlin but that is too curious 3. Some because the people hauing leaue to returne in the first of Cyrus had deferred their iourney vntill this 3. yeare and therefore Daniel mourneth 3. weeks for euerie yeare a weeke least this negligence should haue beene layd vnto the peoples charge Hugo but this is contrarie to the storie Ezra 2. where it is declared that they beganne to build the Temple in the second yeare therefore they did not put off their returne vnto the third yeare 4. Further Hugo hath an other conceit that as Daniel fasted 21. dayes before the Angel appeared which represented Christ so the Church hath the like vse to fast 21. dayes before the aduent But such superstitious customes are not grounded vpon either precept or example in Scripture superstition was the mother and founder of such inuentions 5. This then was the cause Daniel herein sheweth his constancie not that sorrowe is valued before God by the length of time but Daniel continueth in fasting and prayer expecting still some comfortable answer from God he therefore giueth not ouer vntill he sawe that the Lord graciously inclined vnto his prayer Iun. 6. And in that he fasted 21. dayes in the 1. moneth the 1. day which was the newe moone which they were commanded by the lawe to keepe with reioycing seemeth to be excepted Iun. 7. And whereas within this time they vsed to keepe the Passeouer which was a time also of reioycing it seemeth that in the captiuitie that solemnitie was omitted and so thinketh R. Leui whereupon Theodoret reprooueth the Iewes in his time who vsed to celebrate the Pasch with all the rites and ceremonies thereto belonging wheresoeuer they were whereas by Moses lawe it was onely to be kept in the place which the Lord should chuse Quest. 7. Of Daniels abstinencie v. 3. I ate no pleasant bread In the Hebrewe it is called bread of desries which Theodoret taketh to haue beene common bread because it was desired of all but it rather signifieth some fine pleasant bread such as whitebread or manchet is to browne Vatab. for afterward he speaketh of wine which is a pleasant and principall drinke from the which also Daniel abstained it is not like that for 3. weekes he did eat no bread at all 2. Now in that Daniel the space of 3. weekes refrained the drinking of wine and eating of pleasant bread or meate it seemeth that before he vsed them so that Daniels abstinencie when he did chuse at the first to be fedde onely with bread made of pulse c. 1. seemeth only to haue beene for a time which some thinke was for that he was now in yeares and therefore it was not fit he should vse such a sparing and course diet as he did before or now he was at his owne finding and needed not to be forced to eat any meate that was polluted but might prouide such as he thought best himselfe Lyran. Perer. But this rather was the cause as M. Calvin well noteth that now there was not the like danger as then in eating delicate meates for then they were vsed as baits to corrupt Daniel and winne him from his faith and religion But afterward Daniel elapsus è Diaboli Regis insidijs hauing escaped the snares of Sathan and of the king vseth greater libertie Quest. 8. Of the custome and vse of anointing which Daniel also forbeareth Hierome here writeth that the Persians in stead of bathes vsed to anoint themselues ye◠to besmeare themselues all ouer with ointment as Plinie writeth lib. 13. c. 1. which they did both to defend themselues from the intemperat heat and to keep their bodies in health Lyran. this custome of anointing was verie auncient Plinie in the same place saith it was not in vse in the time of the Troiane warte But that is not so for Diodorus Siculus lib. 2. c. 1. reporteth how a king of Egypt called Miridies allowed vnto his wife for ointment and other ornaments of her bodie
saw a light confusedly but distinctly they saw not him which was both seene and heard of Paul 4. Pintus thinketh that they saw in deede the Angel but perceiued not what he said and therefore they are said not to haue seene the vision so also Lyran. but the text euidently sheweth that they did not see the vision at all but Daniel onely saw it they heard the sound and therewith were astonished and fled away but they saw nothing 5. Calvin thinketh that Daniel was in his chamber at this time and in his spirit onely by the riuer and so falling into a traunce the rest were stricken with a terrour But if Daniel in spirit onely had seene this vision absent it were needelesse to say that the rest saw it not for how could they see a thing absent 6. In that Daniel had companie and witnesses present it so sell out by Gods prouidence that the truth of this vision which Daniel afterward was to communicate to the Church should not be doubted of Polan 16. Quest. The causes of Daniels great feare v. 8. There remained no strength in me It was vsuall with the holy Prophets and seruants of God to be stricken with a great feare when they receiued any vision as Ieremie saith c. 23. 9. Mine heart breaketh within me c. for the presence of the Lord and for his holy words so Habac. 3. 2. O Lord I haue heard thy voice and was afraid likewise Dan. c. 7. 28. My cogitations troubled me and my countenance changed in me c. 8. 27. I Daniel was stricken and sicke certaine daies Thus were the holy Prophets affected in these visions Now these reasons may be alleadged of this their feare 1. The great maiestie and glorie which appeareth vnto them farre exceeding mans capacitie maketh them afraid and abateth their strength as this was a most glorious sight which here was shewed to Daniel If we can not behold the Sunne without dazeling of the eyes how much lesse is man able to behold such excellent brightnes 2. The heauie things which were declared in those visions did also terrifie them as the prediction of the calamities and miseries which should befall the people of God cast Daniel into a sicke fit c. 8. 3. It is the qualitie and condition of spirituall contemplation that the more the minde is intent thereupon the lesse vigour and strength the bodie hath all the powers of nature bending and applying themselues to the disposition of the minde as Gregorie obserueth well cum ad virtutem Dei mens astringitur à propria fortitudine caro lassatur when the minde is bent toward God the strength of the flesh is abated c. and this he resembleth fitly to Iaacobs halting after he had wrestled with the Angel 4. By this meanes man seeth his owne infirmitie and the greater euidence he hath of Gods power and glorie the more he seeth into his owne estate and feeleth his owne wants As Abraham beeing admitted to that familiar conference with God Gen. 18. confessed himselfe to be dust and ashes Moses who thought himselfe some bodie before as beeing brought vp in the learning of the Egyptians yet after he had talked with God he then beganne to see his imperfection that he was flow of speech Exod. 4. 10. and the Prophet Isai after he had that vision c. 6. crieth out that he was a man of polluted lippes to this purpose Gregor homil 8. in Ezechiel 17. Quest. Whose hand it was that touched Daniel 1. Iunius in his commentarie by this hand vnderstandeth the spirit of God by the which we are comforted as Ezekiel saith c. 1. 3. the hand of God was vpon me by the riuer Chebar But this thing was not mystically but histotically done yet this hand was symbolum virtutis spiritus a symbole or signe of the vertue of the spirit Polan 2. Some take this for the hand of the Angel which appeared in that glorious manner vnto Daniel before Hierome Pintus Calvin Genevens But it is shewed before that it was not an Angel which there appeared but Christ himselfe 3. Lyranus hath this conceit that the same Angel touched Daniel as it were with a mans hand but in an other shape then he appeared at the first for the Angels can easily change their shape But there is no reason to suppose that in the same vision the same Angel should assume a diuers shape neither doe I thinke that the like can be shewed in Scripture 4. Some thinke that this was Christ who touched Daniels lippes and this Polanus would confirme by these two reasons 1. because it is God that vsed at other times to touch the Prophets lippes and to strengthen them as Ierem. 1. 9. and Revel 1. 17. 2. he is said to be like the similitude of the sonne of man v. 16. and so Christ is described c. 7. 13. one like the sonne of man Answ. 1. True it is that God onely giueth strength and vtterance but the Angels also may be as ministers of Gods worke though they doe it not by their owne power as Gabriel touched Daniel and strengthened him c. 8. 18. And Polanus himselfe vpon the 18. v. saith that the Angel tanquam administer Dei as Gods minister did strengthen Daniel 2. v. 18. he saith one like the appearance of man touched me there he sheweth what he meant before by the similitude of the sonnes of men for not onely Christ appeared in vision as a man but the Angels also as Gabriel c. 8. 15. appeared in the similitude of a man and c. 9. 21. he is called the man Gabriel 5. Therefore I subscribe to Iunius in his annotations that this was the Angel that touched Daniel because the same that speaketh toucheth as may appeare v. 11. 19. And Hierome saith that the Angel touched him with a mans hand vt sui generis corpus aspiciens that seeing a bodie of his owne kind he should not be afraid but the armes which Christ appeared with were as polished brasse and therefore not of the same kind and Daniel would haue beene more afraid to haue beene touched with such glorious hands So that hereby it is euident that the hand which touched Daniel was an ordinarie mans hand it was not then the hand of that glorious bodie which appeared before v. 4. 18. Quest. Why Daniels prayer beeing heard at the first yet the Angels comming was deferred one and twentie daies v. 12. In that the Angel meeteth with a secret obiection and vouchsafeth therein to satisfie Daniels minde therein the Lords singular mercie appeareth toward his seruant for Daniel might haue thus thought after the Angel had told him that his prayer was heard the very first day that he humbled himselfe why the Angel came not till now which was three weekes after to this therefore the Angel maketh answer shewing the cause of his stay 1. Hierome maketh this the cause data est per moram occasio amplius deprecandi Deum c. by this
be vnderstood 63. qu. Shall Messiah be slaine v. 26. who this Messiah was that should be slaine 64. qu. And he shall haue nothing or rather not for himselfe of the meaning of these words 65. qu. Of the yeare of the natiuitie of our blessed Sauiour 66. qu. Of the computation of yeares from the creation to the natiuitie of our Blessed Sauiour 67. qu. In what yeare of the raigne of Herod our blessed Sauiour was borne 68. qu. In what yeare of his age Christ was baptised 69. qu. How many yeares Christ liued on earth and in what yeare of his life Christ was put to death 70. qu. Of the number of Pasches which Christ solemnized in the dayes of his flesh whereby the time and yeares of his preaching is certainly gathered 71. qu. At what time of the yeare Christ was borne 72. qu. Of the space and distance of time that was between Christs baptisme and his passion 73. qu. Vpon what day of the week Christ suffered and whether vpon a festiuall day 74. qu. Who are meant by the people of the Prince to come 75. qu. how long after the Messiah was slain this destruction happened by Titus 76. qu. Why mention is made of the destruction of Ierusalem here seeing it is without the compasse of the 70. weeks 77. qu. Of the meaning of these words v. 26. the ende thereof shall be with a flood and vnto the ende of the battell it shall be destroyed 78. qu. That the end of the state of the Iewes not of the Romanes is here signified 79. qu. Of the most grieuous calamities that fell vpon the Iewes in the finall destruction of their citie 80. qu. That all this miserie came vpon the Iewes for putting to death the Messiah 81. qu. He shall confirme the couenant with many for one weeke how this one week is to be vnderstood 82. qu. What is vnderstood by the couenant 83. qu. How this couenant was ratified and confirmed 84. qu. When this Testament beganne to be ratified and confirmed by the preaching of Christ. 85. qu. v. 27. In the halfe of the weeke he shall cause the sacrifice to cease when this halfe weeke beganne 86. qu. How and when the sacrifices were caused to cease and were abolished 87. qu. What is meant by the ouerspreading of abhomination v. 27. of the best reading thereof 88. qu. What this abhomination of desolation was 89. qu. v. 27. Whether the desolation of Ierusalem here spoken of should be finall Questions vpon the tenth chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Of the excellencie of this vision reuealed in this chapter and the two next vnto Daniel 2. qu. How the third yeare of Cyrus is here to be vnderstood 3. qu. Of Daniels vnderstanding of this vision 4. qu. v. 1. Why Daniel maketh mention of his name Belteshazar 5. qu. v. 2. Why Daniel was so long in heauinesse 6. qu. Of the time that Daniel mourned which was three weeks of dayes 7. qu. Of Daniels abstinencie 8. qu. Of the custome and vse of annointing which Daniel also forbeareth 9. qu. Of the riuer Hiddekel where Daniel had this vision 10. qu. Whether Daniel were onely in spirit or bodily present by the riuer Tigris 11. qu. Why this vision was shewed vnto Daniel by the riuer Tigris 12. qu. Whether it were an Angel or Christ which appeared here vnto Daniel 13. qu. Of the description of the manner how Christ appeared and first of his apparell 14. qu. Of the glorious parts of this heauenly body which appeared vnto Daniel 15. qu. How Daniel is said to see the vision alone 16. qu. The causes of Daniels great feare 17. qu. Whose hand it was that touched Daniel 18. qu. Why Daniels prayer beeing heard at the first yet the Angels comming was deferred 21. dayes v. 12. 19. qu. What it was that Daniel prayed for and how he was heard 20. qu. Who is vnderstood to be the Prince of Persia. 21. qu. How the Prince of Persia is said to haue withstood the Angel 22. qu. Who this Michael was which helped the Angel 23. qu. How Michael helped the other angel 24. qu. How the angel saith he was left with the kings of Persia. 25. qu. Who it is whom Daniel calleth Lord v. 17. 26. qu. Who it was that had this communication with Daniel in this vision 27. qu. Who is meant by the Prince of Grecia 28. qu. Of the originall of the Grecians here called Iavan v. 21. 29. qu. In what sense the Angel saith that none held with him but Michael their Prince Questions vpon the 11. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Whether this vision in the 11. chapter be diuerse from the former vision in the 10. chapter 2. qu. v. 1. Who it was that here saith I stood vp c. 3. qu. Who it was whom the Angel stood vp to strengthen 4. qu. Why the Persian Monarchie is so briefly touched and the Grecians set forth at large 5. qu. That there were more then three kings of Persia as may be gathered out of the Scripture 6. qu. Who were those fowre kings of Persia here named 7. qu. Of the fourth king of Persia his riches and power 8. qu. why the Angel leaueth at the fourth king of Persia seeing there weâ—e more 9. qu. A briefe description of the rising and fall of Alexanders kingdome 10. qu. Of Alexanders birth and education acts and life end and death abridged 11. qu. Of the 4. successors of Alexander 12. qu. How all Alexanders posteritie was rooted out that none of them succeeded in the kingdome 13. qu. Of the meaning of these words v. 4. It shall be for others beside these 14. qu. Of the petie diuisions of Alexanders kingdome among his seuerall captaines before it grewe into fowre and of their mutuall dissension 15. qu. why the Angel prosequuteth the storie onely of the king of the South and of the North omitting the rest 16. qu. Of the kings of Egypt and Syria of whom Daniel prophesieth in this chapter 17. qu. Of the first Ptolome called here the king of the South 18. qu. v. 5. One of his Princes shall preuaile who is meant hereby 19. qu. That this kingdome of the North is the same which Ezekiel calleth Gog and Magog 20. qu. Of the first variance betweene the king of the South and the king of the North and of their ioyning together againe 21. qu. what king of the South this was whose daughter came to the king of the North. 22. qu. Of the translation of the Septuagint which was procured by this Ptolome Philadelphus 23. qu. who was the bud of her rootes v. 7. and of his exploits 24. qu. Of the third battell betweene the king of the South and the king of the North v. 10. 11. 12. 25. qu. Of the first expedition of Antiochus the great against Epiphanes king of Egypt 26. qu. Of the second expedition of Antiochus the great against Ptolomeus Epiphanes 27. qu. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Megas against Epiphanes v. 17.
translatour readeth 2. Chron. 36. 6. vinctum in catenis duxit in Babylonem and beeing bound in chaines he caried him to Babylon but the true reading is he bound him in chaines to carie him to Babylon Iun. Vatab. Gen. 2. Hugo Card to iustifie the Latine translation thinketh that he was caried to Babylon and brought backe againe to Ierusalem and there killed and his bodie cast without the walls vnburied which was after at the request of the citizens suffered to be buried But this had beene an idle and superfluous course to carie him to Babel and recarie him And beside it is against the text that he was buried at all Ierem. 22. 19. He shall be buried as an asse is buried euen drawne and cast forth without the gates of Ierusalem and c. 36. 30. His dead bodie shall be cast out in the day to the heate and in the night to the frost 3. Lyranus and Caietane thinke that Nabuchadnezzar caused Iehoiakim to be bound hauing a purpose to carrie him to Babylon but afterward he changed his minde and onely imposed a tribute vpon him but no such thing can be gathered in the text that the King altered his minde for that matter or laid any imposition vpon him 4. Iosephus thinketh that Nabuchadnezzar commanded Iehoiakim to be killed at Ierusalem and his bodie to be cast out of the gates but the phrase vsed 2. king 24. 6. Iehoiakim slept with his fathers seemeth to import not a violent but a naturall death And if he were killed at Ierusalem he needed not to haue beene bound in chaines to be carried into captiuitie 5. Wherefore the more probable opinion is that at this expedition Iehoiakim onely became tributarie to the king of Babel 2. king 24. 1. but he died afterward in the way as he was going into captiuitie the second time that Nebuchadnezzar came vp against him which was in his 11. yeare before he was past the borders of Iudea and it may seeme not farre from Ierusalem and so he may be saide to be cast out of the gates that is the borders and confines thereof Iun. Polan Quest. 12. VVhether Daniel at this time went into captiuitie with Iehoiakim 1. Lyranus and Dionys. Carth. doe referre the captiuitie of Daniel to the 11. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne but the text here is contrarie which maketh mention onely of the third yeare of Iehoiakim when Daniel went into captiuitie and other children of the Princes of Iudah 2. Hierome thinketh that Daniel and Ezekiel were caried away captiue together with Ieconias who raigned but 3. moneths after his father Iehoiakim but this text euidently sheweth that Daniel was caried to Babylon the 3. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne which was 8. yeare before the captiuitie of Ieconias 3. But Iosephus is in a greater error who thinketh that Daniel was taken captiue together with king Zedekiah for this was 18. yeares after Daniel went into captiuitie the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim the next yeare was the first of Nabuchadnezzar Ierem. 25. 1. But Zedekiah was caried away in the 18. yeare of Zedekiah Ierem. 52. 29. Peter Quest. 13. VVhy it pleased God that Daniel and others that feared God should be taken captiues Though God sometime thinke good to exempt and deliuer the righteous from temporall calamities as Noah from the flood Lot out of the flames of Sodome the Israelites from the plagues of Egypt yet sometimes it pleaseth him that such temporall chastisements should fall vpon the righteous as this captiuitie vpon Daniel for these causes 1. The generall reasons may be yeelded to be these 1. God getteth himselfe hereby greater glorie in the deliuerance of his seruants as he did when the 3. children were cast into the fire and Daniel into the Lyons denne and yet they escaped the rage of the one and Daniel the crueltie of the other 2. Hereby also the patience of the godly is tried and exercised and others by their godly example are encouraged Pin. 2. The speciall reasons why Daniel went into captiuitie were 1. that he might be as a guide and comfort to the people to keepe them in the feare of God 2. that by this meanes Daniel might become more famous and be aduanced for the good of his Church 3. that by his meanes these idolatrous Kings and people might come to some knowledge of God Pererius Quest. 14. Of the meaning of these words ver 2. Which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god 1. Iunius vnderstandeth this clause of Iehoiakim and the rest which were carried captiue into Babylon into the land of Shinar and the vessels were brought into his gods treasurie so also Polanus But this exposition seemeth not so fit 1. it is not like that the men were carried into the house of their God but rather the vessells Caluin Polanus thinketh that the land of Shinar is called the house of his God But beside that this were an improper speach to call the whole region an house which is otherwhere named the land of Shinar Gen. 11. 2. this house is expounded to be the temple 2. Chron. 36. 7. Nebuchadnezzar carried of the vessells of the house of the Lord to Babel and put them in his temple at Babel 2. Here onely Iehoiakim is mentioned to be giuen into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar but the Hebrew affix is in the plural number and therefore is better referred to the vessels which also is the neerer antecedent 3. Neither was Iehoiakim carried at this time into captiuitie nor brought at all to Babel as is shewed before Quest. 11. 2. Therefore both these clauses are better referred to the vessels that he first brought them into the house of his god and then laid them vp in his gods treasurie not conuerting them vnto any ciuill vse Osian Pintus Some thinke the last clause is added because the treasurie was a speciall place in the temple where such things were laid vp first then he brought them to his owne palace and then to the treasurie of the temple of his God which was also in his house Vatabl. Quest. 15. Of the land of Shinar or Shingar 1. This land of Shinar or Shingar was the lower part of Mesopotamia which contained Chaldea and Babylon lying vnder the mount Sangara whereof there was a towne so called the Hebrewe letter aijn is pronounced often as the Greeke g as in these words Gomorrha Gaza which begin with that letter and are pronounced with a double aspiration as Hhamarrha Hhaza Iun. Polan 2. This was the land wherein the towes of Babel was built Gen. 11. 2. whereof the whole region was called Babylonia whereas then 2. Chron. 36. 7. he is said to haue carried the vessels to Babel there is no contradiction for they were both names of the same countrie Polan Quest. 16. Of the gods and idols of the Chaldes Ver. 2. To the house of his God The Chaldeans had fiue idols 3. gods and two goddesses 1. their first god was
then one should as well haue such dreames as an other for in the time of rest euery mans soule is free from the busines of the day 4. Porphyrius thinketh that the notions which are naturally in the soule which it brought with it into the bodie are the causes of dreames which notions shew more freely in the night then in the day But Christian religion acknowledgeth no such former notions or pre-existence of the soule before it came to the bodie for the Lord formeth the spirit of man within him Zachar. 12. 1. 5. Synesius maketh the phantasticall part of the soule to be the cause of dreames that as the representations of diuers things are raised in the phantasie so the soule thereupon conceiueth dreames and therefore Pythogoras going to bed vsed to fall asleepe with the sound of the harpe and so prepared himselfe to haue quiet and pleasant dreames But yet the cause appeareth not why such imaginations and representations should be raised vp in the phantasie the phantasie affecteth the soule but how commeth the phantasie to be so affected first 6. Hippocrates maketh two causes of dreames the diuine and supernaturall instinct which is infused of God and the naturall disposition of the bodie for as the humours are affected if there be emptines or fulnesse or any distemperature in the bodie the dreames are answerable But as these are the true causes of diuine and naturall dreames so of other dreames other causes must be found out Hippocrates then toucheth the true causes of some but not of all dreames 7. Gregorie maketh sixe causes of dreames 1. the fulnes or emptines of the bodie 2. the diuâ—ne cogitations 3. the illusion of Satan 4. the illusion of Satan and mans thoughts together 5. the diuine reuelation 6. the diuine instinct and humane thoughts concurring together But as Hippocrates alleadged not all the causes so Gregorie maketh more causes then he needeth as now shall be shewed 8. As then there are fowre sort of dreames as hath beene before declared Quest. 42. so there are fowre causes of the same 1. Naturall dreames proceede of naturall causes as cholerike men dreame of fire phlegmatike of water melancholike men of darknes and blacknes and any distempered humour or affected part of the bodie often raiseth a dreame agreeable as Galen reporteth of one that dreamed that one of his legges was made of stone and presently after he was taken with a palsie and nummenesse in that legge And Plinie writeth how P. Cornelius Ruffinus in his sleepe thought that he suddenly became blind and when he awaked he was blind in deede 2. Of humane dreames humane affaires are the cause which leaue a strong impression in the minde whereby such like dreames are engendred in the night as the thoughts were in the day so mariners dreame of the sea and fish husbandmen of the fields shepheards of their sheepe of this kind was Hannibals dreame who hauing now swallowed Italie in his desire as he transported his armies from Spaine thither he had a dreame wherein he saw a most hideous serpent destroying and deuouring all where he went this dreame was answerable to his desire and seemed to issue forth of his former thoughts 3. The third sort of dreames is Diabolicall which Satan casteth into mens mindes to seduce and deceiue them and of these the Deuill is the author who is the third generall cause of dreames for if some dreames were not caused by Satan why should the Lord condemne such dreamers of dreames which should goe about to seduce and deceiue the people Deut. 13. 1. Of this kinde may be thought Alexanders dreame to haue beene who comming to Ptolome the next king of Egypt after beeing sore wounded by a venemous dart and of that wound like to die fell asleepe by him and in his sleepe saw a serpent bringing a roote in his mouth shewing the place where it grew whereby Ptolome was healed These Sathanicall dreames are of two sorts for some of them doe prognosticate of things to come which Sathan can foretell two waies either by naturall causes he can foresee the euents or he doth foretell such things as he knoweth he is permitted of God to doe the other kind of Diabolicall dreames tendeth to the inciting and stirring vp of men to sinne as murder lust or other vngodlines 4. The fourth cause of dreames is God himselfe who by dreames and visions in the night diuersly instructeth men and teuealeth vnto them things to come ex Perer. Quest. 46. How Diabolicall and Diuine dreames may be discerned 1. Diabolicall dreames are discerned 1. by the matter if they be vnchast and vncleane dreames prouoking vnto any vice or impietie 2. by the ende if one shall haue a reuelation in a dreame of things to come whereof there is no profitable ende but onely the feeding of mens curiositie or the maintaining of superstition 3. by mens persons also a coniecture may be made as if vncleane and corrupt dreames be offered vnto godly and righteous men therein they are to suspect the craft of Satan that he goeth about to assault and tempt them 2. Concerning Diuine dreames they are two waies principally discerned by the excellencie of the matter as when things to come are reuealed the knowledge whereof onely belongeth vnto God or the Lord discouereth mans secret thoughts which he onely can descrie the other way is by the illumination of the minde when the Lord doth so euidently reueale himselfe vnto the soule and minde of man that he nothing doubteth of the author of those dreames but knoweth assuredly that the Lord spake vnto him in a dreame such were the dreames which Abraham Ioseph Daniel Paul had for like as naturally the soule hath light to discerne of the first notions and principles so the minde in this case is illuminate to acknowledge the diuine instinct 3. In diuers manners and to diuers purposes doth the Lord speake vnto men in dreames 1. sometime he terrifieth and feareth them as he staied Abimelek and Laban by fearefull dreames that they should doe no hurt the one to Abraham the other to Iaakob 2. sometime the Lord encourageth men by dreames to enterprise some great worke as he did Gedeon Iudg. 7. 9. 3. he admonisheth some by dreames what they should doe as Paul Act. 16. and Ioseph Matth. 1. 4. God instructeth by dreames concerning things to come as he did in Pharaohs and Nabuchadnezzers dreames 4. And as the endes and purposes are diuers why the Lord sendeth dreames so also the kinds are diuers 1. some diuine dreames are plaine and manifest and neede no interpretation such were the dreames of Ioseph of the starres and the sheaues 2. sometime God speaketh with them himselfe in their dreames as with Abimelech Gen. 20. sometime an Angel appeareth as to Ioseph Matth. 1. sometime a man as to Paul Act. 16. 3. sometime God sendeth dreames not expected or desired such were Pharaohs and Nebuchadnezzers dreames sometime they are first craued and
interpretation thereof 8. The king answered and said I know certenly that he would gaine time redeeme or buie time Chald. because ye see the thing is gone from me 9. But if yee will not declare me the dreame there is but one iudgement sentence L. V. I. or law A. for you for yee haue prepared lying and corrupt words to speake before me till the time be changed G. I. the time be passed L. till there be an other state of things V. therefore tell me the dreame that I may knowe if ye can declare the interpretation thereof 10. The Chaldeans answered before the king and said Chal. and saying there is not a man vpon the earth Chal. vpon the drie ground which can declare the kings matter therefore not any king nor prince or ruler mightie Chald. euer asked such a question such a saying C. of any Magician Astrologian or Chaldean 11. And the matter the saying C. which the king requireth is precious I. rare G. of great weight L. A. and there is not any other to be found L. which can declare it before the king except the gods whose dwelling is not with flesh with men L. with mortall men V. 12. For this cause the king was angrie and in a great furie and gaue charge to destroy all the wisemen of Babel 13. So the sentence was giuen and the wisemen were slaine and they sought Daniel and his fellowes to be slaine 14. Then Daniel enquired of the counsell and decree L. Po. returned the counsell and decree C. not answered with counsell G. or interceded V. of Arioch the captaine of the guard I. or cheife marshall or executioner V. the captaine of his armie L. to the king which was gone forth to slay the wise men of Babel 15. Yea he answered and said vnto Arioch the kings captaine why is the sentence so hastie from the king then Arioch made knowne declared G. the thing the word C. to Daniel 16. So Daniel went in and desired of the King that he would giue him time leasure G. and he would declare the interpretation to the king 17. Then Daniel went to his house and made knowne the matter the word C. to Hananiah Chananiah C. Mishael and Hazariah his companions 18. And that they should beseech mercie from the God of heauen in this secret sacrament L. that Daniel with his fellowes might not perish with the rest of the wisemen of Babel 19. Then was the secret reucaled to Daniel in a vision by night therefore Daniel blessed the God of heauen 20. And Daniel answered and said The name of God be blessed for euer and euer for wisedome and strengh are his 21. And he changeth times and seasons moderateth V. he taketh away kings not kingdomes L. and establisheth kings setteth vp G. createth V. he giueth wisedome to the wise and knowledge to men of vnderstanding to them which knowe vnderstanding C. 22. He discouereth the deepe and secret things he knoweth what is in the darkenesse and the light dwelleth with him 23. I thanke thee and praise thee O thou God of my fathers that thou hast giuen me wisedome and strength and hast made knowne vnto me made me to knowe that which we desired of thee for thou hast made knowne vnto vs the kings matter word C. 24. Wherefore Daniel went vnto Arioch whom the king had appointed to destroy the wise men of Babel he went and said thus vnto him Destroy not the wise men of Babel bring me in before the king and I will declare vnto the king the interpretation 25. Then Arioch in hast brought in Daniel before the king and said thus vnto him I haue found a man of the children of ludah taken captiues children of the captiuitie of Iudah C. that will make knowne vnto the king the interpretation 26. Then answered the king and said vnto Daniel whose name was Beltshatzar Balthasar L. Beltsazar V. Belteshazzar G. art thou able to make knowne vnto me the dreame which I haue seene and the interpretation thereof 27. Daniel answered before the king L. A. to the king I. V. in the presence of the king B. G. and said The secret which the king hath demanded can neither the wisemen astrologians magicians L. wisards V. soothsayers B. magicians I. V. enchanters G. wise men B. coniecturers L. soothsayers such as gaue coniecture by the entralls of beasts aruspices I. L. readers of destinies V. B. declare vnto the king 28. But there is a God in heauen the reuealer of secrets who hath made knowne vnto king Nebuchadnezzar what shall be in the dayes following I. V. in the latter dayes L. G. B. A. P. but many of these things fell out not long after Nebuchadnezzars time in the consequence or following of dayes C. Thy dreame and the vision of thine head vpon thy bed is this 29. O king thoughts came ascended C. to thee vpon thy bed what should come to passe hereafter and he which reuealeth secrets telleth thee what shall come 30. As for me not for any wisedome which is in me more then in any liuing is this secret reuealed vnto me but for this that they might not that I might B. or that it might L. that some might V. for their cause which might I. make known vnto the king the interpretation and that thou mightest knowe the thoughts of thine heart 31. O king thou sawest and behold a great image this large image whose glorie and the glorie thereof C. was excellent stood before thee and the forme thereof was terrible 32. This images head was of fine good C. gold the breast thereof and the armes thereof of siluer his bellie and his sides I. thighes caeter of brasse 33. His legges of yron his feete were part some of them C. of yron part of clay 34. Thou beheldest till a stone was cut out which was not with hands that is cut out without hands caeter but then the relatiue which should be omitted which smote the image vpon his feete which were of yron and clay and brake them in peices 35. Then was the yron the clay the brasse the siluer and the gold broken altogether and became like the chaffe of the summer floates where the wheat is threshed and the wind carried them away that not any place was found for them and the stone that smote the Image became a great mountaine and filled the whole earth 36. This is the dreame and we will declare the interpretation thereof before the king 37. O King thou art a King of Kings for the God of heauen hath giuen thee a kingdome power and strength and glorie 38. And in all places where the children of men dwell the beasts of the field and the foules of heauen hath he giuen into thine hand A. P. G. B. not all those places where c. V. L. for here the preposition in is omitted or where the children of men the beasts of the field c. dwell I. these are rather said to be giuen as Ier. 27. 6.
thinke as is touched in the former question that this was the sonne of Nebuchadnezzar the great brother to Euilmerodach but it is before shewed that there were but two kings of this name Nebuchadnezzar called priscus the auncient and Nebuchadnezzar called magnus the great of these two Iosephus maketh mention the first raigned 21. yeares the second 43. yeares after his computation then after him succeeded not an other Nebuchadnezzar which Pintus thinketh but without any ground to haue beene a generall name to all the kings of Chaldea as Caesar was to the Romane Emperours but his sonne Euilmerodach whom Iosephus calleth Abilamarodachus This Nebuchadnezzar then here mentioned was he which was surnamed the great 2. Some thinke that there was a third Nebuchadnezzar held to be the sonne of Cyrus in whose time fell out the historie of Holofernes and Iudith Lyran. but it is euident in Scripture that no kings of the Persians but onely of the Chaldeans were called by that name 3. Concerning the notation of Nebuchadnezzars name Lyranus hath this narration that he ws so called of this euent beeing a child he was cast out and suckled by a shee-goat vnder a tree in the which sate an owle which a certaine leper passing by wondred at to see an owle set there in the day and by that occasion looking about he espied the child which he caused to be nursed and brought vp So of these three is the name compounded of Nabu which in that language signifieth an owle and chodo a goate and nosor a leper But this seemeth to be a fabulous narration for whereas Nebuchadnezzar the great is imagined to haue beene so called vpon this occasion that is not like because his father was called by that name before him Quest. 3. vers 1. Why he is said to haue dreamed dreames 1. Though he dreamed here but once and in respect of the time had but one dreame yet it is called in the plurall cholmoth dreames not somnium a dreame as the Latine translatour interpreteth because many matters were contained in this dreame it was somnium multiplex one dreame yet consisting of many parts Inn. Polan 2. As also because in that one image which he sawe there were diuers mettals which were types and representations of diuers Monarchies one succeeding another Pappus so that this dreame was diuers both in respect of the matter and obiect thereof and the diuers interpretation and signification of the same 4. Quest. What manner of dreame this was which Nebuchadnezzar had 1. Dreames are either naturall which the mind causeth of it selfe but vpon some occasion or beginning either externall or internall or they are somnia immissa dreams which the minde of it selfe procureth not but are sent and wrought vpon it by some other power and they are of two sorts either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sent of God or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sent of euill spirits 2. Divine dreames are such as God offreth to the minde and sometime such dreames are shewed to the faithfull as to Iaacob Ioseph Daniel sometime to those which were not of the people of God as to Abimelech Gen. 20. Laban Gen. 31. Pharaoh Gen. 41. 3. Diuine dreames are all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is containing some diuination of things hid and secret and afterward to come to passe and they are of two sorts nuda 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 naked visions simply and plainely expressing the meaning scope and purpose of the dreame as that was which was shewed to Ioseph concerning Marie how he should dispose of her Matth. 1. or els they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mysticall dreames folded vp in types and figures which cannot be vnderstood without some signification such was Pharaohs dreames of the 7. fat and leane kine and of the 7. full and 7. thinne and lanke cares Gen. 41. 4. This dreame which Nebuchadnezzar had was both a diuine dreame and of this last sort obscure and darke which could not be vnderstood without an interpreter for though Nebuchadnezzars thoughts who was desirous to knowe what should come to passe after him ministred some occasion yet the cause of this dreame they were not but Gods hand was in it as both may appeare by the effect which it wrought his spirit was sore troubled vers 1. As Abimelech also was in a great feare after he had the vision in his sleepe Gen. 20. and Pharaoh was perplexed after his dreame Gen. 41. Polan As also Daniel himselfe telleth the king afterward vers 28. that God himselfe shewed the king what should be in the latter dayes Pap. Quest. 5. Why it pleased God to send this dreame vpon Nebuchadnezzar 1. The Lord did it for Nebuchadnezzars sake that thereby he might be humbled and acknowledge the true God of Israel and thereupon be fauourable to his people whom he held in captiuitie 2. It was done also in respect of Daniel that by this meanes he might be had in reputation and so be exalted for the comfort of the Lords people as Ioseph for the same cause was aduanced in Egypt to be a softer father to his brethren 3. The vse hereof also is generall concerning the whole Church of God that as these fower great Monarchies were dissolued by the power of Christ whose kingdome onely is inuincible so God will destroy the mightie kingdomes and potentates of the earth who shall band themselues against Christ and his Church 4. Gods glorie also herein is set forth to whom belongeth all power and who knoweth all secrets Pap. So also Hugo Cardi. vt Daniele interpretante glorificetur Deus c. that by Daniels interpretation God might receiue glorie and the captiue people comfort 5. Lyranus addeth an other reason specialis Dei prouidentia circa principes magnos c. the speciall prouidence of God is ouer great Princes because the common wealth dependeth of them and therefore the Lord doth often reueale vnto them things to come as vnto Pharaoh the famine which should followe Quest. 6. vers 1. Of the meaning of these words and his sleepe was vpon him 1. The Latine interpreter readeth his dreame fledde from him which reading followe Lyran. Hu. Car. Pere Pin. Pap. Pel. but the word shenah here vsed signifieth sleepe not a dreame and the preposition ghall is not from but vpon or in Lyranus hereupon taketh occasion to shewe the cause of the obliuion and forgetfulnesse of dreames for obliuion commeth of the commotion and stirring of humours which is the cause that children and olde men are so forgetfull terror autem facit magnam humorum commotionem and terror maketh a great commotion and stirring of humors which inuaded Nebuchadenezzar here But this annoâ—ation hath no good ground here because as is before shewed the text spenketh not of the passing away of his dreame but of his sleepe being still vpon him 2. Some reade his sleepe was interrupted or broken off Pagnin or destistuit ipsum his sleepe left him Vatab. Bullinger for so
true light that lighteth euery one that commeth into the world both the light of nature and the light of grace proceede from him and therefore as Basil well obserued prima vox Dei lucem creauit the first voice that God in Scripture is found to haue vttered created the light for like as a most goodly picture if it be laid ina darke caue maketh no shewe at all so the goodly workemanship of God in the creatures had beene obscured if God had not made light to cause the beautie of it to appeare Pint. 2. God also is said to be in light 1. Ioh. 1. 7. because he can endure no falsehood hypocrisie or vntruth 3. The Lord also is said to dwell in light that none can attaine vnto 1. Timoth. 6. 16. because we through the weakenesse of our vnderstanding and blindnesse of our mindes are not able to comprehend any thing of God vnlesse he by the illumination of his grace doe make a way for vs to come vnto him 4. Now whereas it is said Psal 97. 2. that clouds and darkenesse are round about him and 1. king 8. 12. God is said to dwell in the cloud the Scripture by this Metaphor sheweth onely Deum esse inaccessum that God is inaccessible vnto vs not what he is in himselfe and the cloud was a signe of Gods presence as he said to Moses Leuit. 16. 2. I will appeare in the cloud Polan And therefore the Lord when he appeared in Mount Sinai couered all the mountaine with a thicke cloud to shewe that no man is able to comprehend the brightnes of his glorie Quest. 25. vers 24. Whether Daniel did well in staying the execution of the kings sentence vpon the wisemen Vers. 24. He said vnto him Destroy not the wisemen c. Whereas if the sentence of death had beene executed vpon these superstitious Chaldeans the Church of God should haue beene deliuered from pestilent enemies and they beside had iustly deserued to die because of their fraud and impostures it may seeme that Daniel might haue done much better to haue suffered the sentence to proceede against them 1. For answer hereunto Osiander thinketh that there might be some innocent men among them which erred onely of simplicitie and did not malitiously by their wicked arts oppose themselues against the truth and therefore Daniel would haue them spared But it is euident by the text that Daniel would generally haue all the wisemen spared which yet remained for some of them had beene slaine alreadie 2. Caluin thinketh the reason was quia nondum maturuerat ipsorum iniquitas because yet their iniquitie was not come to the full they were reserued to a further punishment 3. Bullinger thinketh they were spared that by Daniels meanes in vera sapientia proficerent they might come to repentance and profit in true wisedome these endes indeede the Lord might propound to himselfe in sparing these hypocrites but the question is what appaâ—ant reason mooued Daniel to entreat for them 4. Bullinger againe thinketh that God stirred vp Daniel to doe it because he would haue his iudgements tempered with clemencie some of them were put to the sword the rest the Lord would haue spared that his mercie and clemencie might appeare in iudgement This beeing admitted to haue beene the secret cause before God of this work yet it is not shewed what stirred vp Daniel to doe it 5. These two reasons then remaine which perswaded Daniel 1. his charitie and loue euen toward his enemies non vult eos perire propter quos erat ipse periturus he would not haue them perish for whose cause he was like to haue perished Hierome Lyran. wherein he imitateth the clemencie of Christ who prayed for his enemies Pellican he might by this meanes winne them or els heape coales vpon their head and make them lesse excuseable 2. Daniel in equitie considered causam non esse iustam that the cause was not iust which mooued Nebuchadnezzar to command them to be killed but he did it in hast and rage and therefore Daniel not so much looking vnto their persons as to their cause desireth that they might be spared Polan Quest. 26. vers 25. Whether Arioch lyed vnto the king in saying I haue found a man c. 1. Some thinke that Arioch which knewe that Daniel and his companions were wiser then the rest of the Chaldeans had indeede sought them out ad solutionem faciendam to giue solution of the kings demaund Hugo but it is euident out of the text ver 13. that they were no otherwayes sought for but to be put to death 2. Most doe thinke that Arioch here played the cunning courtier qui sibi vsurpant aliorum inuenta which doe take vnto themselues that which other men finde out Bullinger for he had not sought for Daniel vltro se obtulerat he had offred himselfe of his owne actord Lyran. Dei gratiam ad suam refert diligentiam the grace and gift of God he ascribeth to his owne diligence Pellican fallebat regem c. he deceiued the king herein as though he had found out Daniel whereas he offred himselfe Pintus But he could not without the kings great offence and indignation haue told such a palpable lie seeing that Daniel had before presented himselfe to the king ver 16. and desired some time to shewe the king his dreame Polan 3. Therefore to meete with this doubt Caluine thinketh that Daniel had not conference before immediately with the king but Arioch fuisse internuntium that Arioch was the messenger betweene them when the king granted him some time But the text is rather to be taken according to the letter vers 16. that Daniel himselfe went and desired the king for Arioch durst not haue mooued any such thing hauing strait charge giuen him to put all the wisemen to death forthwith 4. Vaâ—ablus to helpe the matter readeth in the passiue he said quod repertus est vir that a man was found out c. but the word in the Chalde hashcacath is in the actiue I haue found And yet it had not beene true in the other sense for Daniel was not found but offred and he was not now first knowne or found but he had made himselfe knowne to the king before 5. Polanus maketh this therefore to be his meaning that in this speach he doth gratulari regi c. congratulate with the king and ascribe as vnto his fortune that such a thing had happened But the phrase it selfe I haue found sheweth that he doth attribute somewhat in this matter vnto himselfe 6. Therefore I thinke with Iunius that the meaning of these words I haue found a man is nothing els but incidi in hominem I haue met with the man not that he first found him out but that now he fell vpon him or he came vnto him to bring him to the king so is the word vsed 1. King 22. 20. where Ahab going downe to take possession of Noboths vineyard said to Elias
such like 2. by their impotencie they could neither see heare nor vnderstand 4. he gaue not glorie vnto God which is aggrauated by two benefits the giuing him of his life and breath and in protecting him in whose hand is thy breath and all thy wayes c. 3. Then followeth the interpretation of the dreame v. 25. to 29. Quest. 26. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speach to the king v. 17. Keepe thy rewards to thy selfe The reasons why Daniel vseth no insinuaâ—ion or salutation to the king were these 1. In respect of his age and grauitie such a simple and plaine beginning became him for he was 90. yeare old if we suppose him to be 20. when he first went into captiuitie 2. it best beseemed him in respect of his office beeing a Prophet and now consulted with concerning the will and counsell of God to shewe his contempt of the kings gifts Iun. 3. hoc ipsâ— monstrauit abiectum c. in that he saluteth him not as a king giuing him his titles he therein sheweth that he was now reiected of God no longer to be king Oecolampad 4. voluit asperius loqui cum impiâ— desperatâ— he would speake the more roughly with a wicked and desperate man of whom there was small hope and therefore he doth rippe vp his sinne and searcheth it to the depth Calvin Quest. 27. Why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards 1. That was not onely the reason in respect of his office because he was a Prophet least he might seeme to haue made merchandize of his propheticall gift as Polan and to fulfill that saying in the gospel ye haue freely receiued freely giue Lyran. Pellican for then he should not by this reason haue receiued any gifts of Nebuchadnezzar 2. Neither was this the cause tristia nuntiantem indecens erat dona aeciperâ— it was not fit for one telling hard newes to receiue gifts gloss ordinar for then neither should Daniel haue receiued any reward of king Nebuchadnezzar after he had expounded the dreame of theimage which foreshewed the ende and dissolution of Nebuchadnezzars kingdome 3. And to say that Daniel affected no such honours because he was now old is an insufficient reason for neither had he at any time before any desire to those places but onely for the good of the Lâ—rds people 4. But the speciall reasons are these two noluit ab homine impiâ— c. he would not receiue any gifts of a wicked man Osiand as Abraham refused to take any thing of the king of Sodome and the Prophet Elisha of Naaman who was a stranger As also tempus subiectionis mox finiendum erat the time of subiection vnto this king and of his gouernment was at an ende Caluin and therefore he refused these honours at his hand who was as no king but reiected of God Quest. 28. Why Daniel receiued the like rewards from Nebuchadnezzar and refuseth them from Balthazar 1. The reason of this difference is because Daniel knewe that Nebuchadnezzar was established in the kingdome which the Lord had giueâ— to him and to his sonne and therefore he made no refusall of the honours which were offred vnto him because thereby he might stand the Church of God in great stead But the case was now otherwise for he knewe that Balthazar 's kingdome was at an ende and these honours vnder him he could not long hold and the Monarchie of the Chaldeans beeing at an ende he could not thereby aduantage the people of God Polan 2. Because also their was greater obstinacie and stubbornenesse in Balthazar then there was in Nebuchadnezzar ideo oftendit se minus ei deferre quam avo and therefore he sheweth that he doth not so much respect and honour him as his grandfather Calvin Quest. 29. Why then Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards v. 29. This shewed no inconstancie at all in Daniel to suffer that to be done vnto him which before he in words refused 1. It is like that they were verie vrgent and instant vpon him to accept of the kings offers 2. Chrysostome giueth this reason that if he had beene stiffe in refusing still it would haue beene thought quod ipse de responso suo addubit asset that he himselfe had doubted of the truth of his answer and therefore to take away that suspition he vpon that instance accepteth of the rewards so also Occolampad Bulling 3. An other reason was qui mundi diuitias contempserat ne regem ipsum contemnere videretur least he which had despised the riches of the world should haue seemed to haue set the king himselfe at naught he accepteth of the kings offers Pintus 4. If he had still obstinately refused he might haue beene brought in suspicionem proditionis into suspicion of treason Calvin as though he had conspired with the Medes and Persians against the king if he had refused Balthazar 's rewards and offers 5. signum fuisset timiditatis it had beene also a signe of fearefulnesse that by this meanes he might haue lien hid still and so escaped the danger beeing called to no publike place he therefore in accepting of these honours ostendit se imperterritum sheweth himselfe without feare Caluin Quest. 30. Whether in these words he put to death whom he would v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed 1. Neither is this a description of Nebuchadnezzars tyrannie and cruell gouernement as though he put to death the innocent and spoyled men of their goods without iust cause or equitie for that this is not meant of the abuse of his power the next v. following sheweth But when his heart was puft vp this power then might be in Nebuchadnezzar and his heart not yet lifted vp 2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Bullinger that it is like that Nebuchadnezzar non iniuste suum administrauit regnum did not vniustly administer his kingdome for the contrarie appeareth c. 2. in that he commanded the Chaldeans to be slaine without cause for that they could not tell the king his dreame which he had forgotten and c. 3. he commaunded the three seruants of God to be cast into the fierie fornace for refusing to worship the idol which he had set vp 3. Nor yet can it be prooued by this place that princes haue authoritie to take away their subiects liues and goods at their pleasure for euen kings themselues must remember serationem summo regi reddituros that they also shall giue account vnto the the great king Calvin 4. But the Prophet simply speaketh de regia potestate of the kingly power Calv. neither touching the abuse or right vse thereof But sheweth to what eminent authoritie God had exalted him that he might exalt and cast downe whom he list to shewe that God had giuen him this great honour and power for the which he was feared of all This amplitude and greatnesse of his authoritie is set forth by two effects 1. the one is in his subiects they feared and stood in awe
the Lord to be Daniels God and that he serued him but he did not call him his God neither did Darius abolish the worship of idols out of his kingdome all which are euident arguments that he was not truely conuerted vnto the knowledge of Daniels God Polan Quest. 23. Of Daniels deliuerance from the lyons and the cause thereof Daniel sheweth both the causes efficient the forme and manner and ende of this his deliuerance 1. the principall cause of this his deliuerance was God God hath sent the instrumentall cause was the Angel for though God can immediately deliuer his without the ministrie of others yet it pleaseth him to vse his angels both for the setting forth of his owne glorie and the further consolation of his seruants 2. The forme and manner is expressed the Angel shut the lyons mouthes that they had no power to hurt Daniel And not onely their mouthes were shut but herby is signified also that their talents and clawes were stayed from hurting him and therefore it followeth that they haue not hurt me so that they touched him neither with their teeth clawes tayle or by any other meanes Iun. 3. The end also is expressed that by this meanes the innocencie of Daniel might appeare and the goodnesse of his cause that he had not offended against the king but had shewed himselfe a true worshipper of God Polan Quest. 24. Of Daniels salutation to the king O king liue for euer 1. This was the manner of salutation in the East countrey to wish long life vnto their king Thus the Chaldeans saluted Nebuchadnezzar c. 2. 4. but in hypocrisie wishing in their hearts rather that such a tyrant might perish So c. 3. 4. they which accused Daniels godly companions and brethren doe with such words insinuate themselues to the king as flatterers But Daniel doth wish vnto the king long life ex animo from his heart because it is the dutie of subiects to pray for magistrates yea he wisheth vnto him eternall life gloss he then vttered the same words but with an other heart and minde then the â—est did 2. He might haue expostulated with the king because by his authoritie he was cast into the lyons denne but two reasons might mooue Daniel to forbeare all such reprehension 1. because he more respected Gods glorie then his owne particular cause satis fuit eius liberatione illustratam fuisse Dei gloriam it was enough that Gods glorie was set forth by his deliuerance and therefore he is silent in the rest Calvin 2. According to S. Pauls rule infirmum in fide recipe c. receiue him that is weake in faith c. So Daniel would not deale sharpely with the king and discourage him but by gentle meanes seeke to winne him fâ—rther to the faith Quest. 25. Of Daniels manner of deliuerance from the lyonâ— that it was diuine and extraordinarie 1. There are diuerse meanes whereby men haue resisted the rage and violence of lyons 1. As first by force and strength as Samson killed a lion and Dauid slewe a lyon and a beare that inuaded his flocke but so was not Daniel deliuered here for the lyons might haue teared him before he came at the ground as they did his accusers and though resistance may be made against one lyon yet here were many 2. Some haue conquered lyons by casting some garment vpon their head and so as it were blindfolding them as Plinie writeth how a Getulian shepheard at Rome vnder Claudius did stay the rage and fiercenesse of a lyon leui iniectu operâ—o capite his head beeing couered with some light thing cast vpon it by which meanes Lysimachus whom Alexander caused to be shut in with a lyon might more easily strangle him 3. Some haue tamed lyons by vsing them gently while they were yet young and but whelpes as Plinie in the same place maketh mention of Hanno the Carthaginian who as he saith primus hominum ausus est leonem manu tractare the fiâ—st of any durst handle a lyon with his hand 4. Beside lyons vse to shewe themselues kinde vnto those which haue shewed them any kindnesse as Aulus Gellius reporteth out of Appian of a certaine seruant called Androdus who was condemned to the wild beasts and was spared of a lyon that remembred some former kindnesse he had receiued and this he was an eye witnesse of at Rome 5. Plinie also writeth in the same place that lyons vnlesse they be very hungrie wil spare those which are suppliant vnto them mulceri alloquio and that they are made gentle with speach as he maketh mention of a woman which fell downe in the woods before a lyon alleadging se indignam eius gloria praedam c. that she beeing a silly weake woman was a prey vnworthie so noble a beast But none of these meanes did Daniel here vse 6. neither yet as Daniels enemies obiected did they spare Daniel because they were full before as they say a lyon will not prey vpon a man vnlesse he be verie hungrie Iosephus addeth further that thereupon the king caused flesh to be cast before the lyons to feede them and then cast Daniels accusers into the denne who notwithstanding beeing full did teare them before they came at the ground But this narration of Iosephus though it may seeme probable is not necessarie to be receiued seeing the Scripture hath it not 2. But the lyons here were not bound by any such ordinarie meanes this was Gods extraordinarie worke wherein it pleased him to vse the ministrie of Angels who diuersly as Pererius coniectureth might stoppe the lyons mouthes 1. as by remoouing the lyons into some other place 2. or by blinding their eyes 3. or by slaking their hunger 4. or by changing their inward phantasie which stirreth them vp to rage when they apprehend that as enemie vnto them which they deuoure 5. or there might be a terror and feare striken into them as they say lyons naturally are afraid of the rumbling of wheeles the crowe of a cocke and burning fire 6. But Augustine better sheweth how this was non natura in leonibus mutata the nature of these lyons was not changed sed lenitatem quam catuliâ— ostendunt in Danielem exercebant but they practise toward Daniel that lenitie which they vse to shewe to their whelpes c. So also Lyranus natura non est mutata sed feritas prohibita their nature was not changed but their rage was prohibited and stayed as appeareth afterward in that they returned to their kind in falling vpon the accusers of Daniel and breaking all their bones in peices ere they came at the ground v. 24. As God by his power stayed the sword of Arioch that sought Daniel to slay him cap. 2. 13. and kept the fire that it hurt not his three â—aithfull seruants c. 3. so here he stoppeth the mouthes of these lyons against Daniel Polan Quest. 26. Why the Lord doth not alwayes send his children temporall deliuerance 1. It
is not sufficient for temporall deliuerance to haue a good cause for thorough ambition vaine glorie and vaine confidence men may be carried to maintaine a good cause as Brutus that stood for the libertie of the commonwealth because he had no better successe said in discontent virtutem esse rem friuolam that vertue was a friuolous thing he considered not that through his ambition and trusting to his owne wit he ouerthrewe a good cause so in this place it was not Daniels innocencie onely that deliuered him but the cause was his faith he trusted in God Calvin 2. God doth not alwayes deliuer temporally As he suffered Ignatius to be torne of wild beasts and Polycarpus to be consumed of the fire yea at sometime he sendeth the same man deliuerance and not at an other as Peter was deliuered out of Herods hands at Ierusalem but he suffred vnder Nero at Rome yet are not the children of God forfaken for when they are taken away by death they then are most of all deliuered at once from all the calamities of this world and are receiued into euerlasting glorie Bulling 3. There is then a threefold kind of deliuerance 1. there is a temporall deliuerance from death and danger here as Daniel was now deliuered 2. there is a deliuerance from sinne as in this place Daniel liberatur à morte Rex à peccato Daniel is deliuered from death the king is freed from his sinne Melancthon 3. there is a deliuerance and preseruation to eternall life as the godly conseruantur ad vitam eternam are so preserued so that in death it selfe they perish not Osiand Quest. 27. Of Darius ioy v. 23. Then was the king exceeding glade 1. There were two speciall causes of Darius ioy lâ—tâ—tus est amici nomine he reioyced on the behalfe of his friend who was now deliuered by this great miracle Oecolamp and he found his conscience somewhat quieted which was perplexed and troubled before when he refused his meate and would not heare the instruments of Musicke 2. Yet this was but a carnall ioy it was much differing from the true spirituall ioy which the children of God haue when they are assured of the fauour of God and of the remission of their sinnes whereof the Prophet Dauid speaketh Psal. 4. 6. Lord lift thou vp the light of thy countenance vpon vs thou hast giuen me more ioy of heart then when their wheat and wine did abound 3. Yet this ioy of the king and the sight of this miracle made the king more couragious and bold that whereas before he feared the nobles and against his own conscience condemned Daniel now he deliuereth Daniel and causeth them to be cast into the lyons denne in his stead and whereas the stone was sealed both with his owne ring and the nobles he now â—tayeth not for their consent bâ—t by his regall authoritie Daniel was fetcht out of the den Quest. 28. Whether the king did iustly in causing Daniels accusers with their wiues and children to be cast into the denne v. 24. 1. Some here doe answer non est lex aequior vlla quam neces artifices arte perire sua c. there is no more iust lawe then for the deuiser of mischeife to perish in his owne deuise as Haman was hanged vpon the gallowes which he had made for Mordechai gloss iuterlin Hugo this reason satisfieth why the authors of this mischiefe were punished but not why their wiues also and children should suffer with them 2. Bullinger sheweth the equitie hereof by the like iudgements of God as in the destruction of the olde world and of Sodome and in Sauls expedition against Amalech in all these neither men women or children were spared So it is vsually seene that in warre famine pestilence the calamitie is generall But there is great difference betweene the iudgements of God inflicted either immediately by himselfe or by his commandement which are alwayes most iust though we see not the reason thereof and the iudgements of men God may doe that iustly beeing Lord and Creator of all who may giue and take life at his pleasure which man doth vniustly 3. Calvin graunting that the wiues and children may for the sinnes of their husbands and fathers iustly suffer ciuill punishment as infamie losse of goods corruption of blood and such like saith longe durius est c. it is a harder matter to slay the children with the parents And he seemeth to resolue vpon the crueltie of the Persian gouernement scimus reges Orientales exercuisse immane barbarum imperium c. we know that those Easterne kings did exercise a barbarous and cruell dominion yet simply he would not haue this example condemned But howsoeuer the Persian kings gouerned cruelly this example of iustice is simply to be commended in the king as shall appeare by this which followeth 4. There are then foure things which doe iustifie the kings sentence against Daniels accusers 1. The greatnes of the offence which deserued a great and extraordinarie punishment they sinned against God by hatred of the true religion against the king in abusing his facilitie and deceiuing him and they were false accusers against Daniel they offended also against the whole commonwealth which by Daniels care was peaceably and quietly gouerned Bulling Iun. annotat 2. The law of reâ—alion required that false accusers should induâ—â— the same punishment which by their false testimonie they would haue brought vpon others according to Moses law Deut. 19. 19. So the Lacedemonians did vse to put to death false accusers as the Athenians did flatterers As these then by their false suggestions caused Daniel to be cast into the lyons denne so are they iustly serued themselues And as they would haue depriued the king of his friend so they perish with their friends Oecolampad 3. The custome of nations is to be considered which was for the treason committed against the king or commonwealth either against their honour or life to punish both the offenders themselues and their posteritie As this enterprise was both against the kings honour and against the peace and tranquilitie of the commonwealth Seneca giueth this reason of this custome and law of nations Nam parentes liberique eorum qui interfecti sunt propinqui amici in locum singulorum succedunt for the parents and children of them which were slaine their friends and kiâ—â—ed doe succeede in their places c. that is they are all like to be conspiratours as the other were Arcadius and Honorius after they had extinguished the conspiracie of Talnia doe thus resolue in their rescript in Codic tit ad leg Iul. Paterno deberent perire supplicio in quibus paterni hoc est haereditarij criminis exempla metuuntur they ought to suffer their fathers punishment seeing the like example is feared in them of that hereditarie crime The generall custome and law of nations which was to punish the children with the fathers in treasonable attempts sheweth the equitie
their conscience in religion and they call that heresie which is the truth and pietie And then when they obey not their wicked and impious decrees they accuse them as rebells to the Prince Thus are the seruants of God handled in Italy and Spaine so that there Omnia cum liceant non licet esse pium when all things else are lawfull it is not lawfull to be godly Polan 7. Controv. Of the vniust proceeding of the Romanists in their cruell inquisition condemning the Protestants their cause not beeing heard v. 16. As Daniel was presently brought and cast into the lyons denne it was sufficient to accuse him he hath no libertie giuen him to answer for himselfe Thus both vnder the Pagan Emperours of Rome were the Christians proceeded against beeing not suffred to come to their answer as appeareth in the Apologie of Iustinus and Athenagoras And this course the Spanish Inquisitors take in their cruell inquisitions against the Protestants to this day condemning them in corners and neuer bringing them to publike answer Polan 8. Controv. Of the practizing of Popes against Princes v. 21. O king liue for euer Daniel here prayeth for the life and prosperitie of the king who had vniustly persecuted him and commaunded him to be cast into the lyons denne And S. Paul exhorteth that supplications should be made for Kings who then were heathen and persecutors 1. Tim. 2. 2. So the Christians vsed to pray for the heathen Emperours wishing vnto them vitam prolixam imperium securum domum tutam exercitus fortes Setum fidelem a long life a quiet Empire a safe house strong armies a faithfull Senate a good people c. Tertull. in Apologet. c. 30. Contrarie hereto hath beene and yet is the practise of the Popes of Rome they pray not for Princes but rather seeke to make a prey of them They excommunicate princes such as fauour not their superstition and stirre vp their subiects to rebellion against them Gregor 2. and 3. Leo. 3. did excommunicate the Emperors Gregor 7. waged battell against Henrie the 4. he hired one to haue brained him with a stone in the Church but that the mischeife was preuented the beame beeing broken and the stone falling downe which drewe â—he murtherer to the ground after it Clemens the 5. practised to haue poisoned Henrie of Lucelburg the Emperour in a consecrated hoast Paschalis the 2. set Henrie the 5. against Henrie the 4. his father Adrianus stirred vp the Lombards against Frederike Barbarossa the Emperour and betraied him to the Sultane of Egypt Such were the practises of late also of that bloodie Sea against our late renowned Soueraigne as in the conspiracie of Ballard with his confederates and of Parrie incited by the counsell and gifts of the Cardinall of Coinie to muâ—ther our worthie Queene Elizabeth Polan And now since his maiestie came vnto the crowne first treacherous Watson with his adherents attempted against the kings Royall person and since that miscreant crue Catesbie Percie Digbe with their mates enterprised that monstrous attempt by gunpowder to haue blowen vp the parliament house and so at once to haue made hauocke of King Queene Prince nobles and the chiefe of the commons 9. Controv. Whether one is iust before God by an inherent iustice v. 22. My iustice was found out before him It followeth not hereupon because in this particular act Daniel was innocent before God that therefore by any righteousnesse in vs we are iustified before God the iustice whereby we are iustified with God is the righteousnesse of Christ imputed vnto vs by faith and is not inherent in vs as the Apostle saith that I may be found in him not hauing mine owne righteousnesse which is of the law but that which is through faith in Christ Philip. 3. 10. Beside this iustice which is vnto eternall life which is not inherent but imputed there is iustitia temporaria a temporarie iustice or righteousnesse which is our innocencie and holinesse which is called our Sanctification and this is inherent in vs the first is called iustitia personae the righteousnesse of the person which is iustified by faith in Christ the other is iustitia causae the righteousnesse of our cause See more of this question of inherent iustice Synops. Centur. err 56. 10. Controv. Whether Daniels innocencie were the meritorious cause of his deliuerance According to the reading of the vulgar Latine because my righteousnesse is found out before him hence this collection is made by the Romanists that Daniels innocencie was the cause of his deliuerance Contra. 1. The word is not well translated quia or quoniam because but rather propterea therefore as Iun. and Polan for so the words col kebel di may be translated and then the meaning is that this deliuerance of Daniel was onely a testimonie of his innocencie and to shewe the goodnesse of his cause 2. But if it be translated quia because it is not alwayes taken as a causall but as an illatiue particle a word onely of inference and consequence as cap. 2. 43. whereas thou sawest yron mixed with clay there the verie same words are vsed yet is it not there taken as a causall for the kings vision and dreame was no cause of the things to come which were reuealed vnto him so Psal. 25. 11. Dauid saith be mercifull vnto mine iniquitie for it is great the greatnesse of his sinne was not the cause of forgiuenesse this coniunction therefore alwaies sheweth not the cause 3. There is great difference betweene these two for ones innocencie to be found before God and for the same innocencie to merit for to merit is required that a man should doe some worke dignum compensatione worthie of compensation but innocencie is not mans worke it is Gods worke in man for if the innocencie and godnesse of the cause should deserue a temporal deliuerance then God should haue dealt vniustly with many martyrs which haue not beene temporally deliuered Polan 4. The cause then of Daniels deliuerance was indeede the faith of Daniel as it followeth v. 13. there was no hurt found vpon him because he beleeued in his God And so the Apostle testifieth Heb. 11. that Daniel by faith stopped the mouthes of lyons ex hac vera fide sequitur innocentia vitae and out of this faith proceeded his innocencie as a fruite thereof Osiand for otherwise without his faith though this cause had beene neuer so good it should not haue beene accepted 5. Here also we must distinguish betweene eternall deliuerance and temporall God deliuereth vs from euerlasting death not for any respect of any righteousnesse in vs but freely of his owne grace he respecteth vs in Christ but in particular deliuerances Deus potest respicere vniuscuiusque iustitiam God may respect euerie ones righteousnes not as it is theirs but as it is wrought in the by his spirit Cal. So then as Melancthon saith here are three things to be considered saith whereby we are acceptable vnto
doe and prosper 13 Then I heard one of the Saints speaking for one of the Saints spoke vnto phelmoni S. Br. B. that is to an excellent one V. to one that hath secret things in account or number I. to a certaine one G. L. the Hebrew word is better ioyned because of the ambiguous signification see qu. 22. saying How long shall endure the vision of the daily sacrifice and the iniquitie of desolation to giue both the Sanctuarie and host to be trampled vpon to be a trampling H. 14 And he said vnto me Vnto the euening and morning two thousand and three hundreth that is so many daies then shall the Sanctuarie be restored clensed B. G. L. S. be iustified H. 15 Now so it was B. G. det when I Daniel had seene the vision and sought for the vnderstanding that behold there stood before me as the similitude sight or shew H. of a man 16 And I heard a mans voice betweene Vlai that is betweene the banks of that riuer which called and said Gabriel make this man to vnderstand the vision 17 So he came where I stood and when he came I was afraid and fell vpon my face then he said vnto me Vnderstand O sonne of man for in the limited time not in the end after the captiuitie V. the sense rather then the words nor in the last times G. time of the end H. which is called v. 19. moghed ketz the appointed time of the ende shall be the vision 18 Now as he was speaking vnto me I was as in a slumber better then sleepe G. falling on my face to the ground but he touched me and set me vp in my place 19 And he said Behold I will shew thee what shall be in the last wrath or vnto the last or extreamitie of wrath I. for in the appointed time of the ende H. not the ende of the time appointed G. or the time appointed hath his ende L. it shall be 20 The ramme which thou sawest hauing two hornes are the kings of the Medes and Persians 21 And the hairie B. G. L. det goat is the king of Grecia and the great horne which is betweene his eyes is the first king 22 And that that is broken and foure stood vp for it are foure kingdomes not foure kings L. S. which shall stand vp of his nation but not in his strength 23 And in the latter part of their kingdome S. not after their kingdome L. for Antiochus raigned before the kingdome was dissolued or in the ende of that kingdome V. B. G. which Ab. Ezra restraineth to the ende of their kingdome ouer Iudea which Antiochus Epiphanes had the last dominion of R. Saadiah vnderstandeth the kingdome of the foure successors of Alexander but their kingdome was ended an 100. yeares before Antiochus raigned this fell out then toward the latter part of the kingdome of the Seleucians Iun. readeth in the proceeding of this kingdome when the wicked are come to the full B. V. not when rebellious are consumed G. consummated rather the word is tamam to make perfect to consummate a king of an impudent L. I. V. strong H. fierie B. G. countenance and vnderstanding hard sentences that is craftie V. or warie I. shall stand vp 24 His power shall be mightie but not by his owne strength his strength G. B. that is Alexanders but the meaning is rather that he shall grow strong but not by his owne strength and he shall destroy wonderfully and shall prosper and practise and shall destroy the mightie and the holy people people of holy things H. 25 And through his policie vnderstanding H. not according to his will L. he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand and he shall extoll or magnifie I. himselfe in his heart and by peace not plentie V. L. craft S. shalvah peace prosperitie shall destroy many he also shall stand vp against the Prince of princes but he shall be broken downe as egges S. ad without hand 26 And the vision of the euening and morning which is declared is true therefore shut them vp seale L. S. B. G. but the word signifieth to shut vp the vision for it is for many daies I. S. not after many daies L. B. G. 27 And I Daniel was smitten with sicknes smitten and sicke H. certaine daies but I rose vp and did the Kings busines and I was astonished at the vision but no man vnderstood it not there was none to interpret it L. for the Angel bad interpreted it to Daniel 3. The questions and doubts discussed 1. Quest. The difference betweene this vision and the former 1. In the former there was a description of foure kingdomes here the Chaldean and Babylonian is omitted quia mox abolendum erat because it was now at hand to be abolished Calvin which may be the cause why hitherto from the second chapter Daniel had written in the Chalde tongue because those things concerned the Chaldean state which were reuealed to Daniel now he vseth the Hebrew tongue because these things which follow in this prophesie specially concerned the people of God as of their great affliction vnder Antiochus in this chap. and c. 11. and of the comming of the Messiah c. 9. first then this differeth from the former vision c. 7. vt pars à toto as a part from the whole Calvin 2. In the former vision there is a large description of the kingdome of Christ which is omitted here 3. Here is a more particular explication of such things as should befall the people of God vnder Antiochus as likewise c. 11. which is but briefly touched before Prter 2. Quest. Of the time of this vision In the third yeare of the raigne of Belshazar c. 1. Pererius thinketh that this was 14. yeares before the taking of Babylon by the Persians for he giueth vnto Belshazars raigne 17. yeares so also Ioseph lib. 10. antiqui◠c. 12. 2. Iunius and Polanus following Berosus and Metashenes which make Balthazar to raigne 5. yeares thinke this vision was shewed vnto Daniel three yeares before the destruction of Babylon 3. But the third opinion of the Hebrewes is more probable which Oecolampad and Pellicane follow that this vision was in the third and last yeare of Beshazar for the next time which is noted of Daniel was the first yeare of Darius c. 9. 1. 3. Quest. What manner of vision this was v. 1. A vision appeared vnto me c. Whereas there are two sorts of visions some are shewed vnto men in a traunce when they are waking as that vision of the foure cornered sheete which Peter saw Act. 10. some are reuealed in sleepe as Ioseph was admonished by an Angel in a dreame Matth. 1. 1. Some thinke that Daniel had this vision as the former because he saith after that which appeared vnto me at the first as making no difference betweene this vision and the former which was shewed vnto Daniel by night vpon his bed Perer. following Theodoret. 2. But it
world could not beare two kings Oecolamp 4. He is said also to cast him downe to the ground and stampe vpon him that is Alexander made none account of the Persian glorie and riches who at the instance of his concubine caused the most goodly pallace in the world at Persepolis to be set on fire Calvin Quest. 16. v. 8. Of the breaking of this great horne and of the death of Alexander Three things are worthie of obseruation in Alexanders death 1. the time 2. the causes 3. the manner of his death 1. When Alexander was at the greatest and was returned from the conquest of the Indians as of king Porus and Ambira and purposed to passe ouer into Greece and into the West parts he died in the way at Babylon where embassadours from all nations in the world expected him from Carthage and Africa Spaine France Sicilia Sardinia 2. The causes of this sudden iudgement which befell him may be thought to be the great vices which he fell into in the last three yeares of his raigne hauing in the former 8. yeares shewed himselfe an example of a good prince Theâ—e fowre great sinnes he was touched withall crueltie he killed diuerse of his friends in his drunkennesse which was another vice then he was giuen vnto lust and wantonnes his pride also was such that he would be worshipped as a God and made himselfe Iuppiter Ammons sonne for which cause he commaunded Calisthenes to be killed because he refused to worship him for these his great enormities the diuine iustice ouertooke him and iudged him 3. The manner of his death some thinke was by poison but the most agree that he died of a surfet he feasted at a Physitians house a Thessalian one of his friends and continued all the next day quaffing and drinking vnto midnight and thorough this distemperature he fell into a burning feuer and after fewe dayes died at Babylon and had no time to returne into his owne countrey thus write of him Iustinus Arrianus Curtius Plutarke Quest. 17. Of the fowre hornes which came vp in the stead of this great horne 1. These fowre hornes were fowre kingdomes into the which the Monarchie of Alexander was diuided in the East Seleucus Nicanor obtayned the kingdome of Babylon and Syria in the West Cassander and Antipater the kingdome of Macedonia in the North Antigonus held Asia minor in the South Ptolome obtained Egypt 2. the Rabbines doe not agree among themselues what these fowre hornes should be Some of them as R. Saadiah maketh these the fowre hornes one Romanus at Rome the second Alexander in Alexandria the third Arideus in Achaia the fourth Antiochus in Antiochia Ab. Ezra thinketh they be the fowre kingdomes of Rome Egypt the land of Israel Persia But both these opinions are euidently conuinced by the text for the Angel afterward interpreteth these fowre hornes to be fowre kingdomes which should stand vp of the nation of the Grecians v. 22. 3. Pererius also is deceiued who appointeth but three successors to Alexander Ptolome in Egypt Seleucus in Syria and Antigonus in Macedonia whereas he succeeded in Asia and Cassander after Antipater in Macedonia Quest. 18. When these fowre kingdomes did arise after the great horne was broken 1. The author of the historie of the Macchabees affirmeth that Alexander beeing sicke parted his kingdome among his seruants while he was yet aliue 1. Macchab. 1. 7. But this is contrarie to all other historiographers Iustinus Diodorus Curtius Arrianus Orosius Iosephus who all affirme that this was the cause of the long warre among Alexanders captaines after his death because he had appointed none to succeede him 2. Pererius to iustifie the Apochryphall storie of the Macchabees thus helpeth the matter that Alexander being at the point of death when he could not speake did resigne his ring vnto Perdiccas to whom the rest of the captaines at the perswasion of Aristonus did yeeld the chiefe dominion and so in that by his authoritie the fowre kingdomes were diuided to the rest it was in effect done by Alexander who had resigned the kingdome vnto Perdiccas while he liued But this agreeth not with the true historie for after Alexanders death not Perdiccas but Arideus the brother of Alexander succeeded and Perdiccas was but viceroy neither was there any peaceable diuision of the kingdom but after much contention and bloody warres wherein 15. of Alexanders captaines were slaine Polan 3. Some thinke that presently after Alexanders death the captaines made this distribution among themselues and diuided the kingdome into fowre parts gloss ordinar but that is not so for after Alexanders death Philippus Arideus succeeded and Perdiccas was protector or viceroy vntill Roxane Alexanders wife had brought forth Alexander his sonne and then Philistio was protector of the kingdome But Arideus was killed by Olympias Alexanders mother and Alexander his sonne with Roxane his mother and Hercules an other son of Alexanders with Barsanâ— his mother were killed by Cassander so immediately after Alexanders death this diuision could not be made 4. Wherefore the truth is that a long time after Alexanders death there was contention among Alexanders captaines for the kingdom Orosius saith 14. years And then these fowre captaines preuayling diuided the kingdome among them as is shewed in the former question And as Eusebius writeth the kingdome of Syria begunne the 11. yeare after the death of Alexander Quest. 19. Who was this little horne v. 9. 1. This little horne was Antiochus Epiphanes that is noble or famous Antiochus or rather as Polybius calleth him Epimanes the furious or madde Antiochus he came out of one of the fowre hornes namely of Seleucus Nicanor beeing the eight of that race which are thus reckoned Seleucus Nicanor Antiochus Soter Antiochus Theos Seleucus Callinicus Seleucus Ceraunus Antiochus Magnus Seleucus Philopator and then succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes brother to the said Seleucus and younger sonne to Antiochus the great 2. Hierome then is here deceiued who maketh this Antiochus the sonne of Seleucus Philopator beeing indeede his brother 3. He is called a little horne not in respect of other kingdoms then whom he was mightier but in these respectâ— 1. because he had no title to the kingdome at the first beeing the younger brother and Seleucus his elder brother had also an issue male Demetrius Polan 2. he was a long time an hostage at Rome and liued as a priuate man Perer. 3. he was of a seruile and flattering nature and had no princely qualitie and condition in him Quest. 20. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this little horne Three effects are described 1. his attempts against other nations 2. his violence against the people of God 3. his blasphemie and profanenesse against God himselfe 1. He attempted much against the South namely against Egypt vpon this occasion Ptolomeus Epiphanes married Cleopatra daughter vnto Antiochus the great sister vnto this Antiochus Epiphanes by whom he had Ptolome Philometor who being a child Antiochus tooke vpon
the manner thereof it should be made desolate for euer v. 26 27. 2. The text with the diuerse readings v. 1. In the first one H. yeare of Darius Dariavesh H. the sonne of Ahashuerosh Achasverosh H. of the seede of the Medes wherein which V. L. B. Gahefirst rather it is better referred to the yeare wherein he was 〈◊〉 king then to the person that was made he was made king ruled L. S. but the word is in the passiue ouer the Realme of the Chaldeans 2 In the first yeare of his raigne I Daniel vnderstood by bookes the number of the yeares whereof the word of the Lord came was H. vnto Ieremiah the Prophet to accomplish the desolation of Ierusalem seuentie yeares 3 I turned my face gaue my face H. vnto the Lord Iehouah H. and so throughout for the most part where Lord is translated God to seeke him by praier in seeking praier S. and supplication with fasting sackeloath and 〈…〉 4 And I praied vnto the Lord my God and made my confession confessed H. saying Oh B. G. or I pray thee A. I. V. Lord God great and fearefull which keepeth mercie toward them which loue him I. A. B. which loue thee L. S. V. G. 〈◊〉 the pronoune affix is here of the third person and toward them which keepe his commandements 5 We haue sinned and committed iniquitie and haue done wickedly yea we haue rebelled and haue departed from thy preceptâ— and from thy iudgements 6 For we would not 〈…〉 vnto obey L. V. S. thy seruants the Prophets which spake in thy name to our Princes and our fathers and to all the people of the land 7 To thee O Lord belongeth righteousnes and to vs confusion of face open shame B. G. as it is this day as is come to passe B. or appeareth this day G. to euery man of Iudah and to the inhabitants of Ierusalem yea vnto all Israel neere or farre off throughout all the countries whither thou hast driuen them because of their trespasses which they haue trespassed agaiâ—st thee 8 O Lord vnto vs appertaineth shame or confusion of face to our Kings to our Princes and to our fathers because we haue sinned not they haue sinned L. the verbe is put in the first person against thee 9 Vnto the Lord our God pertaineth compassion and forgiuenes because albeit G. V. although B. but the word is chi because we haue rebelled against him and therefore they looked onely for mercie from the Lord hauing no power in themselues 10 For we haue not hearkned vnto the voice of the Lord our God to walke in his lawes law L. which he set before vs gaue before our face H. by the hand that is the ministerie G. of his seruants the Prophets 11 Yea all Israel haue transgressed thy law in turning backe and not hearkning to thy voice therefore the curse is powred vpon vs and the oath that is written in the law of Moses the seruant of God because we haue sinned against him 12 And he hath confirmed his words euery one of his words I. which he spake against vs and our Iudges that iudged vs by bringing vpon vs a great plague euill H. for vnder the whole heauen was not done the like as is now come to passe done H. in Ierusalem 13 As it is written in the law of Moses all this euill is come vpon vs yet made we not our prayers before entreated the face of H. the Lord our God that we might turne vs from our iniquities and vnderstand thy in or toward thy truth 14 Therfore the Lord hath made readie the plague watched ouer the euill H. brought it vpon vs for righteous is the Lord our God in all the works which he doth for we would not hearken to his voice 15 And now O Lord our God which hast brought thy people out of the land of Egypt with a mightie hand and hast gotten thee renowne G. a name H. as appeareth this day which remaineth this day V. B. we haue sinned we haue done wickedly 16 O Lord according to all not in all L. S. the word is cecol not becol thy righteousnes I beseech thee let thine anger and thy wrath be turned away from thy citie Ierusalem thy holy mountaine the mountaine of thy holines H. for because of our sinnes and the iniquities of our fathers Ierusalem and thy people are a reproach to all that are round about vs to all our circuits H. 17 Now therefore O Lord our God heare hearken vnto H. the praier of thy seruant and his supplications and cause thy face to shine vpon thy Sanctuarie that lieth wast for the Lords sake not for thy sake L. S. for the word adonai is expressed 18 O my God encline thine eare and heare and behold our desolations and the citie G. or of the citie V. I. whereupon thy name is called whereon thy name is called vpon it H. for not for our righteousnes doe we prostrate our praiers L. present our prayers B. G. pray falling downe I. powre out our prayers V. cause our praiers to fall H. before thee but for thy great tender mercies 19 O Lord heare O Lord forgiue O Lord attend and doe it deserre not for thine owne sake for thy selfe H. O my God for thy name is called vpon thy citie and vpon thy people that is they are called by thy name V. I. 20 And while I was speaking and praying and confessing my sinne and the sinne of my people Israel and did prostrate cause to fall H. as before v. 18. my supplications before the Lord my God for the holy Mountaine mountaine of the holines H. of my God 21 Yea while I was speaking in my praier the man Gabriel whome I had seene in the vision at the first in the morning H. came flying beeing bid or made to flie H. for the word is in hophal earnestly with wearines H. or swiftly V. and touched me about the time of the euening oblation 22 And he informed me and talked with me and said O Daniel I am now come forth to giue thee vnderstanding and knowledge to make thee perceiue vnderstanding H. 23 At the beginning of thy supplications the commandement the word H. came forth and I am come to shew it thee L. B. G. ad for thou art much desired that is accepted of God I. greatly beloued B. G. a man of desires L. S. chamudoth desires H. D. Kimhi readeth hamiddoth a man of vertues and he is called a man of desires not actiuely because he much desired the deliuerance of the people but passiuely because he was a man according to Gods desire that is beloued and accepted of him so Vatab. a man desirous of things to be wished for vnderstanding it also actiuely of Daniels desire therefore vnderstand the matter and consider the vision 24 Seuentie weekes are cut out it is cut out H. impersonally are determined V. B. G. are abbreuiated or shortened L. but chatac signifieth to cut out vpon or
but the destruction by Adrianus was well nigh an 100. yeares after Christ spake those words 60. yeares after the first ruine of the citie by Titus it was therefore without the compasse of that generation Quest. 75. How long after the Messiah was slaine this destruction happened by Titus 1. Barbinel that ignorant and rayling Rabbine as M. Calvin reporteth his opinion saith there passed 200. yeares betweene the death of Christ and the destruction of Ierusalem by the Romanes But herein he sheweth his blind folly for vnto the second destruction by Adrian there were not from Christs death aboue an 104. yeares which happened in the 18. yeare of the raigne of the Emperour Adrian the first destruction was according to the saying of our Sauiour within the memorie of that generation then liuing 2. Lyranus and Paulus Burgens thinke that the citie was taken by the Romanes about 42. yeares after the death of Christ but it cannot be so much as shall afterward be shewed by the computation of the yeares of the Emperours Pintus also concurreth with Lyranus counting 38. yeares and an halfe from the ende of the halfe of the 70. weeke that is 3. yeares and an halfe which he reckoneth after Christs passion to the destruction of Ierusalem 3. But Iunius commeth more yeares too short then these doe ouershoote he maketh it but 36. yeares from the passion of Christ to the destruction of the citie annotat in 9. Dan. 4. Iosephus Scaliger holding that Christ suffered in the 35. yeare of his age whereas he commonly is held to haue suffered in the 33. yeare bringeth Christs passion nearer by two yeares to the destruction of the citie then the ordinarie account is and so he must make the time 38. yeares or thereabout from the death of Christ to the ruine of the citie 5. M. Lydyat bringeth Christs passion within 34. yeares of the finall ouerthrow and destruction of the citie by the Romanes for he setteth Christs passion in the yeare of the world 4040. or in the 22. yeare of Tiberius and the destruction of the citie in the 4074. yeare the reason of which alteration is for that he maketh the passion of Christ to haue beene 4. yeares later then vsuall namely in the 22. yeare of Tiberius whereas our blessed Sauiour is commonly held to haue suffered in the 18. yeare of Tiberius see this opinion examined before qu. 69. 6. But the iust time was 40. yeares as may be shewed by a threefold computation 1. by the distance of the Olympiads 2. by the yeares of the Emperours 3. by the yeares of the kings of Iudea the Herodians 1. Christ is held to haue suffered in the 4. yeare of the 202. Olympiad and the destruction of the citie fell into the 4. yeare of the 212. Olympiad which distance maketh iust 40. yeares Perer. Bulling 2. The yeares of the Emperours are thus counted Tiberius raigned in all 23. Christ then suffering in his 18. yeare there remained 5. yeares more then Caligula raigned 4. Claudius 14. Nero 14. Galba Otho Vitellius 1. Vespasian 2. these summes make 40. years Bulling But the precise and exact reckoning is this as Eusebius in his Chronicle setteth them downe All these yeares with the moneths and daies beeing summed together 18. years beeing diducted of Tiberius raigne will make 40. yeares and summe odde daies  yeares moneths daies Tiberius raigned 22 11 14 Caligula 3 10 18 Claudius 13 8 20 Nero 14   Galba  7 2 Otho  3 2 Vitellius  8 5 Vespasian 2   3. The third reckoning is by the yeares of the Herodians whose whole time from the beginning of the raigne of Herod the great to the ende of their gouernment at the destruction of Ierusalem was 103. yeares which is summed thus Herod the great raigned 37. yeares Archelaus 9. Herod the Tetrarch 24. Herod Agrippa 7. Agrippa the sonne of Agrippa 26. Oecolampad Now of this account 63. yeares must be cut off for the raigne of Herod in whose 30. complete and 31. begunne Christ was borne as is shewed before qu. 67. and for the yeares of our blessed Sauiours life who died in his 33. yeare and the remainder is 40. 7. Iulius Africanus exceedeth the rest in counting 43. yeares from the death of Christ which he placeth in the 15. yeare of Tiberius to the ruine of the citie but herein was his error he held that Christ died in his 30. or 31. yeare 76. Quest. Why mention is made of the destruction of Ierusalem here seeing it is without the compasse of the 70. weekes 1. One reason hereof is because Daniel was desirous to vnderstand what should befall his citie in time to come the Angel doth satisfie his full desire and as he had told him of the reedifying of the Temple and citie so he also foretelleth of the finall ende and dissolution of both 2. An other cause is that after the Angel had shewed him that the Messiah should be slaine then further that it might appeare what an hainous sinne this was the destruction of the citie is sore shewed to follow as a iust punishment for so great a wickednes Perer. so also Lyranus quia hoc factum fuit in poenam mortis Christi because this was done for a punishment because of the death of Christ it is immediatly mentioned though it fell not out within the 70. weekes Here then are two reasons shewed of the destruction of the citie the slaying of the Messiah and the vtter reiecting of him Polan 3. A third reason why mention is here made of this desolation is to make the Iewes inexcusable that seeing they haue found all this to be true by their wofull experience here foreshewed by the Angel that their citie is destroied vnto this day because of their treacherie against the Messiah their obstinate blindnes therein might appeare that yet continue enemies vnto the blessed Messiah and his holy Gospel Perer. 77. Quest. Of the meaning of those words v. 26. the ende thereof shall be with a flood and vnto the ende of the battell it shall be destroied c. 1. By this similitude of inundation three things are signified that it shall be casus repentinus ineluctabilis vniuersalis a sudden casualtie ineuitable and generall Iun. in comment like as a flood sweepeth all away before it and spareth nothing so none should be spared in this destruction 2. Thereby also is signified the perfect desolâ—tion that should be brought vpon the citie like as the ouerflowing of waters pulleth vp trees by the rootes and ouerthroweth the very foundations of houses so in this desolation the citie should be made euen with the ground and one stone should not be left vpon an other as our Sauiour foretold them Luk. 19. 44. Bullinger 3. Further like as in inundations and ouerflowings the waters still encrease and swell more and more so hereby is signified that calamitates magis magis increscebant their calamities should more and more encrease for
highly in Gods fauour yet he was lead into captiuitie and there continued 70. yeares let not men therefore be dismaied though they continue long in affliction yea the Lord consecrated the Prince of our saluation through affliction Hebr. 2. 10. yea his whole life was nothing els but a tragicall storie of crosses and tribulations the members must not thinke much to take part with the head neither is the disciple better then the master CHAP. X. 1. The Argument and Method IN these three last chapters the 10 11 12. the fourth and last vision which Daniel had is set forth whereof there are three parts 1. the preparation to the vision contained in the 10. chapter 2. the propheticall vision it selfe in the 11. chapter 3. the consolation ministred vnto Daniel after the prediction of such heauie things In the preparation or preamble to the vision in the 11. chap. there are these fowre parts 1. the summe of the vision in generall to v. 5. 2. a description of the glorious person that appeared to v. 7. 3. the effect that followed Daniel and his companions feare v. 7. to the 10. 4. the erection and animating of Daniel by the Angel v. 10. to the 21. 1. In the generall summe 1. the time is expressed 2. the person to whome the vision was reuealed to Daniel 3. the manner of the vision for the certentie it was true for the continuance long for the clearenes he vnderstood it 4. then the disposition of Daniel is shewed how he was affected when this vision came he was in heauines the effects whereof were he eate no pleasant bread v. 3. 2. In this description 1. the circumstances are set forth the time and place v. 4. 2. the glorious person described by his forme he was as a man by his rayment v. 5. by his parts and voice v. 6. 3. The feare of Daniel and his companions is diuersly set forth they fled away and hid themselues v. 7. Daniel staied by it though his strength was much abated v. 8. and the cause of this great feare is shewed the hearing of the voice like thunder v. 9. 4. The erecting and animating of Daniel is set forth in fowre degrees 1. the first degree is in setting Daniel vpon his knees and the palmes of his hands which was caused partly by an hand that touched him v. 10. partly by words v. 11. 2. In the second degree he standeth but trembling the comfort is ministred by the speaking of the Angel where he sheweth 1. when he was first sent forth v. 12. 2. what was the cause of his stay v. 13. 3. to what ende he came v. 14. 3. In the third degree is shewed 1. the Prophets infirmitie he set his face toward the ground but held his tongue v. 15. 2. the consolation an hand touched his lippes 3. the effects he speaketh shewing his feare v. 16. and the cause thereof v. 17. 4. In the fourth and last degree 1. the Prophets infirmitie is expressed his great feare v. 17. 2. the erection of him partly by gesture an hand toucheth him v. 18. partly by speach 3. the effects Daniel speaketh boldly to the Angel 4. the Angel declareth three things 1. of his fighting with the Prince of Persia. 2. of the comming of the Prince of Grecia 3. of the assistance and helpe of Michael the Prince of Gods people 2. The text with the diuers readings v. 1. In the third yeare of the raigne L. ad Cyrus Choresh H. which in the Persian language signifieth Lord and therefore they call the sonne choresh his name before was Spaco as Herodotus which in the Medes language signifieth a dogge king of Persia a thing a word H. was reuealed vnto Daniel who was called by his name Belteshatzar and the word was true proper Br. truth in the word H. but the time appointed was long great H. the strength or force was great L. V. S. tzaba signifieth both but the first rather here and he vnderstood the words word H. and had vnderstanding in the vision he vnderstood both the words of the vision because they were plaine and the matter of the vision 2 At the same time in those daies H. I Daniel was in heauines for three weeks of daies 3 I ate no pleasant bread or meate I. bread of desires H. neither came flesh nor wine in my mouth neither did I anoint my selfe at all in anointing anointed me H. till three weeks of daies were fulfilled 4 And in the foure and twentieth day of the first moneth I was by the banke side B. G. hand H. of the great riuer euen Hiddekel that is Tigris L. V. in Dekel S. cor 5 And I lift vp mine eyes and looked and behold a man clothed in linen end his loynes were girded about with gold of Vphaz not fine gold L. V. it is the name of the place from whence they had fine gold Ier. 10. 9. 6 His bodie was like Tharsis H. S. the chrysolite L. G. the turkeis B. the hiacinth V. berill I. see more qu. 14. and his face as the sight of lightning and his eyes as lamps of fire and his armes and feete were like the colour shining V. shew L. eye H. of polished brasse and the voice of his words as the voice of a multitude 7 And I Daniel alone saw the vision and the men that were with me saw not the vision but a great feare fell vpon them so that they fledde away to be hidde and hidde themselues B. G. 8 Therefore I was left alone and saw this great vision and there remained no strength in me and my comelines my forme L. glorie S. colour B. strength G. was turned into corruption was corrupted and deformed V. and I reteined no power 9 Yet I heard the voice sound I. of his words and when I heard the voice of his words I slumbred fell a sleepe G. was astonished B. but the word signifieth to slumber on my face and my face was turned toward the ground 10 And behold an hand touched me which set me vp mooued or strengthened me H. vpon my knees and vpon the palmes of my hands 11 And he said vnto me O Daniel a man much desired a man of desires H. see c. 9. 23. vnderstand the words that I speake vnto thee and stand in thy place station H. for vnto thee am I now sent and when he had said this word vnto me I stood trembling 12 Then he saide vnto me Feare not Daniel for from the first day that thou didst set giue H. thine heart to vnderstand and to afflict chasten B. humble G. thy selfe before thy God thy words were heard and I am come for thy words 13 But the Prince of the kingdom of Persia withstood me stood before I. rather against me one and twentie daies but lo Michael the first one V. L. cum caeter but achad signifieth the first Gen. 1. 5. as well as one of the chiefe Princes came to helpe me and I remained there by the
the South to v. 18. or against other nations v. 18. The kings of the South against whom Antiochus dealeth with his brother Ceraunus was first Ptolome Philopator who ouercommeth Antiochus Megas v. 10. 11. 12. see quest 24. Then Ptolome Epiphanes against whom Antiochus maketh three seuerall expeditions the first v. 13. 14. see quest 25. the second v. 15. see quest 26. the third v. 16. 17. which endeth with an intendement of mariage but with euill successe Then Antiochus goeth against other forren nations but is discomfited by the Romanes returneth with shame and dieth v. 18. 19. see quest 28. 29. The rest of the chapter is spent in setâ—ing forth the exploits of Antiochus Megas his sonnes first of Seleucus Philopator v. 20. see qu. 30. then of Antiochus Epiphanes whose historie is set forth at large In Antiochus Epiphanes historie 1. his manner of entring into the kingdome is described see the particulars qu. 32. 2. his exploits to v. 44. 3. his end v. 44 45. His acts and exploits are 1. against Egypt where three expeditions and voyages of his are set forth The first v. 22 23 24. see qu. 33. the second v. 25. to v. 28. see qu. 34. the third with his repulse v. 30. qu. 35. 2. Against the people of God where it is shewed 1. what meanes he shall vse against them v. 32 33. see qu. 40. 2. what they shall suffer v. 33. and how they shall be comforted v. 34 35. see qu. 41 42. 3. What Antiochus himselfe shall doe where 1. his acts concerning religion are described in abrogating of all religion both true v. 34. and false v. 37. qu. 43 44. and bringing in a new god v. 38. qu. 46. 2. his ciuill and politike acts v. 39. qu. 47. 3. His exploits are against Egypt Iudea and other countries v. 40 to 44. see the particulars qu. 48. Lastly the death and destruction of Antiochus is set forth with the signes precedent and manner thereof see qu. 50. 2. The text with the diuers readings v. 1 And I in the first yeare from the first yeare V. of Darius the Mede euen I stood stand V. to encourage and strengthen him 2 And now I will shew thee the truth there shall stand vp yet three Kings in Persia and the fourth shall be farre richer enriched with riches H. then they all and when he is growne mightie in wealth hath strengthened him in his riches H. he shall stirre vp all against the kingdome of Grecia Iavan H. 3 But a mightie king shall stand vp and shall rule with great dominion and doe according to his pleasure 4 And when he shall stand vp his kingdome shall be broken and shall be diuided toward the foure winds of heauen and not to his posteritie nor according to his dominion which he ruled for his kingdome shall be plucked vp and be for other beside those 5 And the king of the South shall be mightie and one of his Princes and shall preuaile against him and beare rule his dominion shall be a great dominion 6. And in the ende of the yeares they shall be ioyned together for the kings daughter of the South shall come vnto the king of the North to make an indifferent peace to make an agreement B. C. friendship L. league S. to make equitie H. that is peace with equall conditions but she not he B. shall not reteine the power of the arme shall effect nothing V. neither shall be continue nor his arme not his seede L. S. zeroagh signifieth an arme but she shall be deliuered vp and they that brought her and he that is borne of her her young man L. S. not he that begate her V.B.G. for this agreeth not with the storie see qu. 21. following the word ioledah signifieth a birth or generation 7 But out of a sprigge budde G.B. of her rootes shall one stand in his stead shall succeed in the kingdome V. the sense not the words his plant L. his base A. or foote Polan rather in his stead B.G.I. which shall come with an armie to the armie A. and shall enter into the fottresse province L. of the king of the North and shall doe with them as he list B.G. doe so that I. abuse them L. doe great matters V. and shall preuaile 8 And he shall also carrie into captiuitie captiues L.B.G. into Egypt their gods with their Princes A.V.I. not with their molten images L.B.G.S. the word is nasich with iod a Prince but nesech is a molten image and with their pretious vessels of siluer and of gold and he shall continue more yeares then the king of the North. shall preuaile against L. but here the word shanim yeares is not translated 9 So the king of the South shall come into his kingdome not into the kingdome of the king of the South V. S. and shall returne into his owne land 10 Then shall his sonnes be stirred vp mooue battell I. Br. Pol. but then an other word is ioyned with garah as lamilcamah to battell v. 25. and shall assemble a mightie great armie a companie of many armies H. and one shall come and ouerflow and passe through then shal he returne mooue battell be stirred L.V. euen vnto the fortres at the fortres B.G. 11 Then the king of the South shall be angrie and shall come forth and fight with against L. I. but ghim signifieth more properly with him euen with the king of the North for he shall set forth cause to stand vp H. a great multitude and the multitude shall be giuen into his hand 12 Then the multitude shall be lifted vp not he shall take the multitude L. or the multitude shall be taken away I. the word nissa may be either in niphal or piel and so may be translated actiuely or passiuely but the first rather because it followeth and he shall lift vp his heart for he shall cast downe thousands but he shall not still preuaile 13 For the king of the North shall returne and shall set forth a greater multitude then the former and shall come forth after certaine yeares in the ende of the time of those yeares H. with a mightie armie and much riches 14 And at the same time shall many stand vp against the king of the South and the seditious children the violent V. pestilent S. offenders L. rebellious G. the word is pharatze breakers violaters that is of the peace such as the factious and seditious are shall exalt themselues be lifted vp H. better then be taken away I. Pol. as before v. 12. to establish the vision but they shall fall 15 So the king of the North shall come and cast vp a mount cast forth with slings Pol. the first rather for the word shaphach to poure out or sâ—ed forth is more fiâ—ly vsed of the casting vp of earth then of casting out of a sling and the other word sallelah is taken for a mount rather then a sling as Iunius there readeth 2. king 19. 32. and take
least we should be discouraged altogether it is added but the wise shall vnderstand 4. Places of doctrine 1. The doctrine of Gods prouidence notably is set forth in this booke that he then most of all taketh care for his Church when he seemeth most to neglect it that nothing falleth out by chance but that the confusion and alteration of states and kingdomes are by the prouidence and disposing of God for a sparrow cannot fall vpon the ground without Gods will much more is the fall and ruine of kingdomes disposed of by the Lord Caluin 2. In this booke many profitable doctrines are laid forth as of the Trinitie c. 7. of the redemption and remission of sinnes by Christ c. 10. of the resurrection chap. 12. Pere 3. In this booke is set forth the continuance and perpetuitie of Christs kingdome when all terrene and earthly dominions shall cease regna mundi caduca esse ostendit he sheweth that the kingdomes of the world are vaine and the kingdome of Christ onely shall continue as the stone which was cutte without hands broke the image in pieces as the Prophet saith the increase of his kingdome c. shall haue no ende Bullinger 5. Places of controuersie 1. Controv. The vulgar Latine translation not the best 1. Pintus in his Prooeme vpon Daniel saith that the vulgar Latine translation is omnibus alijs illustrior prestantior is a more excellent and worthy translation then any other and so he preferreth it before the originall Hebrew and Chalde text therefore that the blind presumption and boldnesse of these Romanists may herein appeare it shall not be amisse to note some speciall places wherein the Latin translation hath greatly erred 1. c. 6. v. 15. The Latine translator readeth Viri intelligentes regem dixerunt c. the men vnderstanding the king said c. whereas in the originall the word is hargishu they came together A. I. 2. c. 7. v. 18. The Saints shall take the kingdome L. where it is truely translated thus they shall take the kingdome of the Saints A. P. I. 3. c. 8. 2. I was by the gate of Vlai L. but in the originall I was by the riuer Vlay A. P. I. V. the word is vbal a riuer 4. c. 8. v. 9. and against strength L. against or toward the pleasant or delectable land V. A. P. I. G. hatzebi beautie or delight it selfe 5. c. 8. v. 13. and he said to him L. he said to me A. P. V. I. c. the word is eelai to me 6. c. 11. 6. to make friendship L. to make an equall peace A. P. I. V. mesharim rectitudines equalitie rightnes 7. C. 11. v. 8. he shall carrie captiue their gods and their grauen images L. their gods and their Princes A. P. V. G. I. nesichehem their princes nesich a prince 8. C. 11. v. 22. the armes of the fighter shall be subdued L. the armes of the ouerflowing shall be ouerthrowne A. P. V. I. shataph to ouerflow 9. C. 11. 45. he shall plant the tabernacle of Apadno L. the tabernacle of his pallace A. P. V. I. G. 10. C. 12. 2. some to shame vt videant semper that they may alwaies see L. some to shame and perpetuall contempt A. P. V. G. I. the word is diron contempt By these few places giuen in instance a coniecture may be made of the rest of the translation that beeing so erroneous it can not be compared for grauitie or authoritie to the originall The other places of moment wherein this translation often slippeth shall be noted in the diuers readings vpon euery Chapter 2. Controv. The historie of Susanna the Song of the three children and of Bell and the Dragon are no parts of Daniel nor of the Canonicall Scripture The Romanists would thus perswade that these histories which are annexed to Daniel and make in the vulgar Latine translation the 13. and 14. chap. to be Canonicall 1. Because the Councell of Trent hath so defined them to be held for Canonicall Scripture 2. They are vsed and recited in the Romane leiturgie and Masse as Canonicall Scripture 3. They are cited and alleadged by diuers of the Fathers 4. Diuerse of the Fathers of the Greeke Church as Origen Athanasius Chrysostome Cyril doe hold these parcells to be Canonicall Thus Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei c. 9. Pintus in prooem Perer. lib. 16. in Daniel in praefat Contra. 1. The Tridentine Councell or Chapter rather was no true generall Councell but a partiall conuenticle of the Romanists wherein there were not so many Bishops congregate or assembled together as haue beene in many prouinciall Synods 2. And though it had beene a lawfull Synod yet it had no lawfull authoritie to make the canon of the Scripture which belongeth onely vnto God the Church onely is to declare not to constitute the sacred Canon 3. Neither can they produce any generall Councell wherein the Pontificiall canon of Scripture hath beene confirmed 2. Pererius himselfe giueth instance of many things which are rehearsed in the Popish Masse which are not canonicall as the legend of S. Catharine how her bodie was placed by the Angels in mount Sinai the Masse of the immaculate conception of the virgin Marie and somewhat is taken out of the 4. booke of Esdras all these he himselfe confesseth not to be of Canonicall authoritie though publikely recited and sung in their Masse the argument therefore followeth not 3. Neither is all taken to be Canonicall which is cited by the Fathers for they many times doe alleadge the testimonies of Poets and heathen writers and the later writers doe produce the authorities of the Elder fathers Iustine Tertullian Ireneus Cyprian Origen are their works therefore to be held canonicall 4. Though some of the Greeke Fathers therein following the Greeke translation which was of great authoritie doe make these histories Canonicall yet their testimonie is not sufficient to make that part of Scripture which is not And against their iudgement we may oppose the sentence of other Fathers as of Hierome who doubteth not to call the historicall narrations of Bel and the Dragon fables likewise he alleadgeth how Eusebius and Apollinarius would not answer Porphirie his cauillous exceptions against these supposed parcels of Daniel because they were not found in the originall neither were held to be of diuine authoritie Pererius here answereth Nobis cuae non sit quid isti senserint quidve scriptis prodiderint mihi pluris est divus Ignatius Martyr Athanasius Chrysostomus c. We neede not care what these thought or what they set forth in writing I make more account of holy Ignatius Martyr Athanasius Chrysostome c. In which indifferent answer he teacheth vs what to say If he care not what Eusebius Apollinarius Hierome thinke or write on this matter why should it mooue vs what Ignatius Athanasius with the rest testifie in this cause neither doe I see why the one should be more accounted
of or held of greater authoritie then the other Our contrarie Arguments against the Canonicall authoritie of these additions are these which follow 1. They are not extant in the Hebrew and Chalde originall 2. They containe some things contradictorie to the Canonicall histories as the Apocryphal storie saith that Daniel was of the tribe of Levi whereas he is said in the true storie to be of the tribe of Iudah c. 1. v. 6. 3. Iosephus making mention of all the other histories recorded in this booke yet omitteth these two as Apocryphal relations 4. Hierome toucheth certaine obiections propounded by a Iew against these Apocryphall additions 1. That it is not like that the three children had so much leisure as to goe through all the elements and creatures in their hymne or song 2. It was no such miraculous thing but a naturall worke to kill the Dragon with gobbets and balls of pitch 3. And it is without example that any Prophet was so transported in bodie as Abacuk was taken vp by the haire of the head to goe and minister vnto Daniel Answ. Here the Romanists doe giue vs this slender satisfaction 1. That this booke might be translated by Theodotian out of the Hebrew or Chalde which is now extant or it might be written in the Greeke tongue originally by some stirred by the spirit of God as the author of Ecclesiasticus was Perer. 2. There might be two Daniels one of Iudah an other of Levi. Bellarm. 3. Iosephus omitteth many things in his historie of the Iewes antiquities Perer. 4. 1. So Ionas prayed in the Whales bellie beeing in great danger as the other were in the fire 2. Salomon though mooued by the spirit of God yet by humane wisdome decided the controuersie betweene the two harlots 3. Henoch and Helias were translated in their bodies Hug. Card. in proleg Hieron in Daniel Contra. 1. It is euident that this booke was not translated either out of Chalde or Hebrew by the Greeke allusion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if one should say alluding to a cutting or pricking tree he will cut thee and in the Greeke tongue originally were none of the Canonicall books of the old Testament written for vnto the Iewes were committed the oracles of God Rom. 3. 2. but the bookes set forth in the Greeke could not be committed to the Hebrewes 2. If there were two Daniels why are those additions annexed to the prophesie of Daniâ—l as parts thereof he beeing not the author 3. Iosephus omitteth many matters of circumstance but complete histories and the same memorable he seldome omitteth but this argument is vrged not as necessarie but onely probable 4. 1. It is one thing to pray in distresse as Ionas did an other to giue thanks at large vnto God before riddance from the daunger for that had beene in some sort to tempt God to stay longer in the daunger then there was cause 2. That experiment of Salomons wisdome is set forth as an act of a prudent and wise man directed by the spirit of God but the other is set downe as a propheticall act therefore the instance is not alike 3. Henoch and Helias were translated out of the world but not from place to place as this Abacuk is supposed to haue beene and it cannot be gathered that they reteined their bodies still when they were taken vp but rather that by the power of God they were dissolued which we are to thinke for the honour of Christ who was the first that in his whole humanitie entred the heauens 6. Morall observations 1. In that in this prophesie of Daniel there is a manifest prophesie pointing out the very time of the comming of Christ c. 9. quam clarum firmum est hoc testimonium c. what a cleare and sure testimonie is this which we may oppose against Sathan and all Atheists and other gainsayers that Christ is the true Redeemer that was to come into the world Calvin 2. In that the Lord did such wonderfull things for his people in captiuitie in so much that the glorie of God was propagated more disperso afflicto populo Dei quam regnante agentâ— in pace c. the people of God beeing dispersed and afflicted then while they raigned and liued in peace it sheweth the profit that commeth by the crosse Bulling both in generall to the whole Church and in particular to euery member thereof as the Prophet Dauid saith It is good for me that I haue beene afflicted Psal. 119. 71. 3. Further illustria gloriae divinae documenta sunt iudicia in reges the iudgement of God vpon Kings and vpon their kingdomes are notable demonstrations of Gods glorie Polan as the Prophet Isai saith Topheth is prepared of old it is prepared for the king Isa. 30. 33. 4. In that Daniel after the prophesie of the comming of Christ yet foretelleth many afflictions c. 10. 11 12. which should befall the Church of God in this world vntill the blessed day of the resurrection which is spoken of c. 12. when all teares shall be wiped from our eyes thereby is declared that the Church of God and the faithfull members thereof must looke for no firme and sure state in this world to continue but make account through many afflictions to enter into the kingdome of heauen sic Genev. in the argument of the booke for as the Apostle saith Here we looke for no continuing citie but seeke one that is to come Heb. 13. 14. But now by the grace of God I will proceede to the booke it selfe hauing staied long enough in these generall obseruations CHAP. I. 1. The Argument and method THis Chapter hath three parts 1. The first sheweth how that after the King of Babel had besieged and taken Ierusalem he caried diuers into captiuitie 1. c. 1 2. 2. In the next part the education of Daniel and of his other companions is described from v. 3. to v. 18. where these three things are contained 1. The Kings charge vnto the chiefe of the Eunuches for their education to v. 7. 2. Daniels abstinence and refusall to eate of the Kings meate whereunto was made a way by that fauour which God gaue vnto Daniel in the sight of the chiefe of the Eunuches to v. 14. 3. The successe thereof they were encreased with gifts both of minde and bodie v. 15 16 17. 3. Then the euent followeth their ministerie before the King and their aduancement especially of Daniel v. 18. to v. 21. 2. The diuers readings 1. v. In the third yeare in the yeares of three C. for so shalash signifieth three not the third but when it is ioyned with an other word of a cardinall number it becommeth an ordinal that is a number of order of the raigne of Iehoiakim not Ioachim L. for he was the sonne of Iehoiakim 2. King 24. 6. whom Matthew calleth Ieconias c. 1. and the one is written with kaph the other with caph Iehoiakim signifieth the
sonne of Seleucus Nicanor as Iustine writeth lib. 41. By others then here are meant none els but those fowre generall captaines who diuided Alexanders kingdome among them yet it shall not be amisse here somewhat to touch the petie diuisions of the kingdome before it grew into fowre parts and of Alexanders seuerall captaines with their endes 14. Quest. Of the petie diuisions of Alexanders kingdome among his seuerall captaines before it grew into fowre and of their mutuall dissension Three things here shall be briefly touched concerning Alexanders captaines 1. of their feuerall diuisions 2. of their ciuill warres which they made one with an other 3. of their bloodie endes 1. After that Alexanders captaines had by a generall consent chosen officers for the whole kingdome Arideus was appointed Viceroy during the nonage of Alexanders children Perdiccas protectour whome Antipater afterward succeeded in that place Seleucus generall for the armie Craterus Treasurer then they sorted the seuerall Prouinces among them Ptolomeus had Egypt Laomedon Syria Philotas Cilicia Antigonus Lycia Pamphylia and Prygia the greater Cassander Caria Menander Lydia Leonatus Phrygia the lesse Eumenes Cappadoeia and Paphlagonia Phiton Media ex Curtio Lysimachus Thracia Antipater Maâ—edonia H. Br. And Iustinus maketh mention beside of others to Nicanor called Seleucus were committed the Parthians to Amyntas the Bactrians to Neoptolemus the Persians to Peucestes the Babylonians to Philippus the Hircanians And the other Prouinces remained vnder their gouernment which held them Alexander yet liuing Thus Alexanders Empire beeing distributed among so many petie gouerners 15. or 16. in all could not long so continue vnder so many masters but they presently fel at variance among themselues And in this respect Demades wittily compared Alexanders armie when he was dead to Cyclops the huge gyant when he had lost his eye for as that huge bodie wanting light to direct it hit here and there and could not guide it selfe so this vnruly companie wanting a guide dashed one vpon an other as a shippe without a pilote runneth vpon the rocks and sands 2. We are in the next place then briefly to see the ciuill dissention and warres which were mooued among these captaines 1. The first warre was begunne thorough the ambition of Perdiccas who beeing in greater authoritie then the rest intended to marrie Cleopatra Alexanders sister and so to take vpon him the gouernement which his purpose that he might the better atchieue he first enterpriseth to remooue the lettes and impediments and sendeth Eumenes against Antipater and Antigonus and he himselfe goeth against Ptolome into Egypt but he was slaine of his owne souldiers and not long after Alcetas his brother and his sister were slaine also and this was his ende who was the first beginner of sedition 2. After this a second stirre beganne betweene Eumenes and Antigonus in which battell Neoptolemus and Craterus were slaine and Eumenes was betraied by his souldiers vnto Antigonus whome he killed 3. Then Cassander after he had most treacherously extinguished Alexanders familie quarrelleth with Antigonus from whome he would haue taken certaine cities in Asia and ioyneth with Ptolome and Seleucus who feared Antigonus greatnes but Antigonus vanquisheth Cassander and maketh him to restore the cities in Asia 4. After this Antigonus setteth vpon Seleucus and Ptolome but first he was ouercome by Ptolome at Tyrus who tooke Demetrius Antigonus sonnes pauilion with all the princely furniture but restored it againe afterward Demetrius surprized Cilles one of Ptolomes captaines and 8000. men but returned them safe to Ptolome to requite his former humanitie and kindnes 5. Then followed a soare battell betweene all of the chiefe captaines remaining not farre from Ephesus on the one side were Seleucus and his sonne Antiochus Lysimachus and Ptolomes forces on the other Antigonus the night before the battel Antigonus had a vision wherein Alexander appeared saying vnto him that now he would goe vnto his enemies whereby Antigonus vnderstood that hauing beene hitherto victorious he should be ouercome now And so it fell out for as he pursued Antiochus in battell he was slaine by Seleucus horsemen beeing almost 80. yeare old his sonne fledde to Athens and renewed the warre but he was taken by Seleucus and long suruiued not his father then the rest diuided the kingdome of Antigonus among them 6. The last battell betweene Alexanders captaines was betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus This Lysimachus was a man of valour for beeing familiar with Callisthenes whome Alexander killed he was commanded to be cast vnto the lyons but he killed the lyon and so escaped for which his valour he was afterward much made of by Alexander But this Lysimachus among his vertues had enormous vices he married two sisters and had children by them both but the one killed the others child the mother for succour fledde vnto the other kings allied vnto her hereupon beganne the quarrell betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus but Lysimachus beeing ouercome was slaine Melancth ex Pausan. 3. In the last place let vs take a view of their bloodie endes Perdiccas first killed Meleager Ptolome killeth Cleomenes Perdiccas friend and Perdiccas himselfe is slaine of his owne souldiers going against Ptolome Craterus and Neoptolemus are slaine in battell Philotas killeth Phiton and he with Eumenes are slaine by Antigonus Antigonus fighting against Seleucus is killed Lysimachus by Seleucus Seleucus is slaine by Ptolome Ceraunus brother to Ptolome Philadelphus then raigning in Egypt and the same Ceraunus not long after was slaine by Brennus Demetrius Antigonus sonne rooteth out the house of Cassander and so he and his posteritie held the kingdome of Macedonia vntill the Romans possessed it And this was the ende of Alexanders captaines 15. Quest. Why the Angel prosequuteth the storie onely of the king of the South and of the North omitting the the rest Two reasons may be yeelded hereof 1. The other kingdomes the one of Asia the lesse in the North to Egypt which fell vnto Antigonus after he was slaine and vanquished by Seleucus was diuided among the other captaines and so it was extinguished and the other kingdome of Macedonia in the West was translated from Cassander and his posteritie vnto Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus neither was it in power answerable vnto the other two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt and therefore these onely are mentioned for vers 5. the Angel speaketh onely of two mightie kingdomes which should preuaile aboue the rest 2. An other reason is Iudea stood in the middes betweene these two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt by which occasion these kings waging battell one against an other Iudea beeing in the middes went to wracke betweene them Melancthon And sometime the Iewes fauoured one and sometime an other and then the aduersarie part still afflicted them and thus betweene these two kings were the Iewes molested the space of three hundred yeares Lyranus And a third cause there was of trouble vnto the Iewes sometime the Ptolomies of Egypt challenged the gouernment and soueraigntie of Iudea
sometime the kings of Syria but in the last sociall warre against Antigonus it was agreed that the most part of Iudea should belong vnto the Seleucians as Antiochus the great alleadgeth in an embassage sent vnto Ptolome Philopator king of Egypt Polyb. lib. 5. Therefore mention is made onely of these two kings because they onely had to doe with the people of God and as Hierome saith scripturae propositum est non externam absque Iudais historiam texere it is the intent and purpose of the Scripture not to follow a forren historie without respect vnto the Iewes And Iosephus hereof thus writeth Antiocho magno in Asia regnante c. While Antiochus the great raigned in Asia Iudea was continually troubled and Coelesyria for while he had warre with Ptolomeus Philopator and his sonne Epiphanes whether he did ouercome or were ouercome they went to wracke euen like vnto a shippe driuen to and fro of the windes inter prosperam adversam Antiochi fortunam iactat a est Iudea was tossed vp and downe betweene the prosperous and aduerse fortune of Antiochus Ioseph lib. 12. antiquit c. 3. 16. Quest. Of the Kings of Egypt and Syria of whome Daniel prophesieth in this Chapter The kings of Egypt which succeeded one another after the diuision of Alexanders kingdome into foure parts were these 1. Ptolomeus the sonne of Lagus called Ptolomeus Soter which signifieth a sauiour because he rescued diuers kings that fledde vnto him for succour as Seleucus and Pirrhus king of Epyrus but he contrarie to his name made hauocke of Syria and Iudea 2. Ptolomeus Philadelphus so called either because he married his owne sister or by the contrarie because he killed two of his brothers Iun. in commentar 3. Ptolome Euergetes a benefactour he was a great fauourer and patron of learning as his father was the Egyptians called him a benefactour because he brought home the images from Babylon which Cambyses had carried away 4. Ptolomeus Philopator so called by the contrarie for he killed his father mother and brother 5. Ptolomeus surnamed Epiphanes that is the famous or renowned 6. Ptolomeus Philometor which signifieth a louer of his mother or beloued of his mother by the contrarie for his mother hated him 7. Ptolomeus Physcon so called of his great bellie 8. Ptolome Lathurus so named because beeing exiled by his mother he secretly practised to returne againe 9. Ptolome Auletes so surnamed the piper because he would publikely in his princely habit contend with fidlers and pipers to exceede them in fidling and piping 10. He left behind him his sonne Ptolome Dyonisius and Cleopatra this Dyonisius caused Pompey to be killed that fledde thither for succour beeing ouercome of Cesar who because he afterward practised against Iulius Cesar was by him commanded to be slaine and the kingdome was giuen to Cleopatra his sister who afterward married to Antonius ex Melancth Bulling And these were the Egyptian kings vntill the Romanes reduced it into a Prouince after the death of Antonius and Cleopatra These also were the kings of Syria called the kings of the North. 1. The founder and beginner of this kingdome was Seleucus surnamed Nicanor 2. Next vnto him was Antiochus surnamed Soter a sauiour 3. Then Antiochus called Theos which signifieth God because he required diuine hoâ—â—â—â— to be giuen vnto him Bulling or as Pausanias he was saluted by that title of the Mileâ—ians for expelling their tyrants 4. Seleucus Callinicus which signifieth an excellent warriet the sonne of Antiochus Theos by Laodice his brother Antiochus Hierax so tearmed for his rapacitie raigned together with him in an other part of the kingdome 5. Seleucus Ceraunus that is a flashing or lightning was the next but he raigned not long therefore by some he is omitted as Hugo Card. Melancth 6. Antiochus surnamed Megas the great succeeded his brother Ceraunus 7. Then Seleucus Philopator so called because his father loued him raigned but not long 8. Antiochus Epiphanes the famous by the contrarie for he was of a base nature and despised v. 2. or rather as some call him Epimanes the madde or furious Antiochus succeeded Philopator Thus farre the prophecie of Daniel is extended to the 8. king of Syria which was Epiphanes and to the 6. of Egypt Ptolome Philometor At these the prophesie staieth because the principall intendement of this prophesie is to foreshew the troubles which the people of God should endure vnder Antiochus Epiphanes and this prophesie there ending signifieth that the comming of the Messiah was not farre off and beside after this time when such â—auocke was made of the people of God by Antiochus the kings of Syria as a iust recompence for their crueltie against Gods people did one cut an others throat and so the kingdome by ciuill dissention was rent a sunder vntill it came vnto the Romanes These then were the kings that succeeded Epiphanes 9. Antiochus Eupator Epiphanes sonne whome Demetrius his vncles sonne killeth 10. Demetrius succeedeth whome one Alexander faining to be Epiphanes sonne killeth and vsurpeth the kingdome by Ptolome Philometors meanes 11. Demetrius Nicanor sonne of the other Demetrius killeth Alexander 12. Antiochus Sedetes expelleth Demetrius his brother 13. Tryphon killeth Sedetes and is king 14. Antiochus the brother of Demetrius called Eusebes for his pietie because hauing besieged Ierusalem in the feast of the Tabernacles for reuerence of their feast he did forbeare them and sent them sacrifices to offer he killeth Tryphon and he himselfe is slaine in a batâ—ell by Arsaces king of the Parthians 15. Demetrius Nicanor is restored againe to his kingdom 16. One Alexander vsurpeth the kingdome who is ouercome by Antiochus Gryphus 17. Antiochus called Gryphus of his Eagles or hooked nose was the sonne of Demetrius betweene him and Antiochus Cyzicenus so named of the place where he was brought vp the sonne of Sedetes was great warre 18. Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus prosecuteth his fathers quarrell he killeth Cyzicenus Thus the familie of the Seleucians by mutuall discord was at the length extinquished and then Tygranes king of Armenia taking aduantage of this ciuill dissention vsurped the kingdome and held it certaine yeares vntill he was subdued by Pompey Melancth Bulling 17. Quest. Of the first Ptolome called here the king of the South 1. This Ptolome was held to be the sonne of Lagus but in truth he was the sonne of Philippus king of Macedon who married his mother beeing great with child vnto Lagus 2. Alexander for his singular valour exalted him Iustin. for when Alexander was in daunger at Oxydrace he onely of all his friends rescued him 3. He was the chiefe author of diuiding the Empire and tooke vpon him the gouernment of Egypt slaying Cleomenes the gouernour thereof and he ouercame Perdiccas that came against him with an armie 4. After the death of Perdiccas he recouered Phoenicia Syria and Cyprus to his kingdome and by his sonne Megas obtained Cyrene Pausan. in Attic. 5. He restored Pirrhus king of Epyrus to