appellations it was opposed by Cyprian for two reasons first because delinquents should be judged where the crime is committed where witnesses may be had against them Secondly because the authority of the Bishops in Africa was no less who had already judged them then the authority of the Bishop of Rome to whom they had their recourse Bellarmine answers to both these reasons to the first he gives a twofold answer first that the meaning of Cyprian is to be understood de prima instantia that is persons should be judged where the crime is committed the first time only but if they appeal they should be judged in that place to which they appeal But he Sophisticates for Cyprian is opposing a second judgement at Rome after they had been condemned in Carthage as is notorious by the History Bellarmine answers Secondly that Cyprian is against a second â—udgement or appellation when the crime is manifest and not when it is dubious But it is replyed that manifest or unmanifest crime doth not take away appellation if the appellation be otherwayes legal or it the Judge to whom they appeal have jurisdiction over him from whom they have appealed Neither doth Cyprian distinguish between manifest and not manifest crimes at all Secondly Bellarmine contradicts himself in affirming that the meaning of Cyprian is that they may appeal to Rome when the cause is dubious but not when it is manifest which distinction Bellarmine admits viz. that there should be no appellation when the crime is manifest and yet in this case of Fortunatus and Felix the crimes were manifest and Bellarmine instances their appellations as legal which is a flat contradiction and this much of Bellarmines answer to Cyprians first reason viz. That Crimes should be judged where they are committed He yet instances that if that reason of Cyprians were valid it would cut off all appellations for there can be no appeal if crimes be judged where they are committed But it is replyed that Cyprian adds when the authority of those who have already judged them is no less then the authority of those to whom they appeal for immediatly after those words crimes should be judged where they are committed he restricts his meaning by the comparison of authority except saith he the authority of the Bishops of Africa be thought not sufficient by those profligate fellows who were judged by them Bellarmine instances those words of Cyprian are not comparing the authority of the Bishops of Africa with the authority of the Bishop of Rome but only with the cause of Fortunatus and Felix that is the authority of the Bishop in Africa is sufficient to judge that case but it is answered although that were the meaning of Cyprian it cutts off all appellations to Rome for if the authority of the Bishops of Africa be sufficient in that case of Fortunatus and Felix they cannot be rejudged at Rome in a second judgement Secondly albeit â—yprian for modesties sake doth not name the authority of the Church of Rome in the comparison for he was a great respecter of Cornelius Bishop of Rome yet that this is his meaning appears more evidently by those speeches of his uttered against Stephanus Bishop of Rome afterward in an other Council of Carthage which we mentioned in the former Chapter where he expresly affirms that all Bishops are of a like jurisdiction And this much of Bellarmine Pamelius answers this passage of Cyprian otherwayes with a world of Sophistry And first he affirms that Cyprian in those words is not disputing against a second judgement at Rome but against a judgement at Rome in the case of Fortunatus and Felix in prima instantia and therefore he uses these words the crime should be judged where it is committed alluding to an Epistle Decretal of Fabianus Bishop of Rome in which it is expresly ordained that no Bishop should be judged at Rome per Saltum that is until he be first judged where he is accused to have transgressed So if ye object to Pamelius that Fortunatus and Felix were already judged in Africa and went to Rome to demand a second hearing he answers they did not demand a recognoscing of these things for which they had been already judged but desired of Cornelius Bishop of Rome that he would be judge in things afterward laid to their charge by the Bishops of Africa which were not yet judged by them But it is replyed it is false that Pamelius affirms for it appears expresly â—y Cyprians Letter that he disputes against a second judgment at Rome and not a judgement in Prima instantia whereas Pamelius affirms that new crimes were intended which had not been yet judged it is his bare assertion neither brings he any proof of it for if any such thing had been a judgement in prima instantia could not have been with any shadow of justice countenanced at Rome neither could Felicissimus be so ignorant as to expect any redress that way the Scope of Felicissimus complaint was that he and Fortunatus might be restored because the judgement of the African Bishops passed against them was unjust Pamelius instances secondly that it was a first judgement or in prima instantia which Felicissimus demanded at Rome or else it was an appellation seing there can be no mids but there is no mention made of appellation at all by Cyprian Ergo it was a judgement in prima instantia which they demanded at Rome and for which Cyprian so much expostulats with Cornelius and inveighs against them It is answered first how this passage of Cyprian puzles them appears by their contradictions in their glosses Bellarmine instances this particular of Felicissimus as an appellation to prove the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome over the Bishops in Africa Pamelius flatly denys that Felicissimus appealed at all which is a flat contradiction of Bellarmine he takes this course perceiving that if this particular of Felicissimus were an appellation Cyprian must of necessity be against the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome since he expresly disputs that Felicissimus cannot be judged at Rome and consequently Pamelius confesseth that Bellarmines evasions are nothing to the purpose It is answered secondly whereas Pamelius disputes Felicissimus did not appeal Ergo he demanded a judgement in prima instantia it doth not follow because there is a mids Felicissimus did make no appeal when he came out of Africa neither desired he a second judgment at Rome as it had been a formal appeal out only desired the assistance of Cornelius that by his moyen he might have some redress that this is no evasion appears by two unanswerable reasons the first is this Cyprian in his 55. Epistle affirms that they had solicited the Bishops in Africa before ever they had solicited the Bishop of Rome making the same complaints but none will affirm that they appealed to those Bishops of Africa after they had been condemned by the Council of Carthage over which the Bishops of Africa had no
authority in which doing they followed the example of Privatus who after he was condemned both in the Council of Africa and at Rome by Cornelius himself yet he desired a second judgement in another Council in Africa whereby it is evident that a second â—udgement in those dayes did not infer of necessity a formal appellation since there could be no appellation from a Synod to its self neither will Bellarmine affirm that Privatus appealed from Cornelius to a Council in Africa The second reason proving a mids between an Appeal and a judgement in prima instantia is this we have proved that Felicissimus did not demand a judgement in prima instantia from Cornelius Bishop of Rome but neither did he appeal unto him for an Appealer is held Pro non judicato or not guilty till the appeal be discussed but so was not Felicissimus for all held him guilty in Africa and refused communion with him neither did Cornelius admitt him to his communion at Rome after he was condemned by the Council of Carthage neither did Cornelius judge in his cause at all but only wrote unto Cyprian to deal favourably with him Since then Cyprian disputed so vehemently that Cornelius should not medle in that case of Felicissimus after the determination of the Council of Carthage much more he would have opposed the authority of Cornelius if there had been any formal appellation and all what Bellarmine and Pamelius alledge to the contrary is proved sophistry the one contradicting the other and this much of Fortunatus and Fellicissimus The third example of Appellations in this interval before the Council of Neice instanced by Bellarmine is this Cornelius Bishop of Rome dying Lucius succeeds but he not living long Stephanus succeeds in whose time the Bishops of Spain excommunicat Basilides a Bishop and likewayes one Martialis for falling in Idolatry or sacrificing to Idols in the time of persecution for fear of torture or death Basilides becomes penitent demands absolution which they grant him but withal they refuse to restore him to his Bishoprick in which they put another called Sabinus Basilides and Martialis have their recourse to Stephanus Bishop of Rome he takes not so much notice of Martialis but he writes to the Bishops of Spain to restore Basilides to his place they consult the Bishops of Africa who meeting in a Council about the business the Bishops of Africa send their opinion in an Epistle which in the edition of Turnebius is Epist 35. in that of Pamelius 68. of Cyprian in which Epistle Cyprian inveighs against Basilides as an Impostor taxeth Stephanus of credulity in giving ear to Basilides and concludes that the cesire of Stephanus should not be obeyed since Sabinus was legally put in the place of Basilides and therefore they ought to maintain him in that Bishoprick Here Bellarmine is demanded what he sees in this History making for the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome over the Bishops of Spain or for proving that Basilides appealed formally It would seem that Basilides appealed not since he was held pro judicato excommunicated deposed and another put in his Bishoprick which could not have been done if Appeals to Rome had been believed obligatory in those dayes Secondly Cyprian and the Council of Africa advise the Bishops of Spain not to obey the desire of Stephanus in rescinding the ordination of Sabinus affirmed by them to be legal Jure ordinata but if Basilides had appealed the ordination of Sabinus had not been lawful whereby it is evident that no appeals to Rome were approved in those dayes albeit Basilides had appealed Bellarmine answers that Basilides did appeal because he had his recourse to Stephanus and complained But it is replyed first that was no appeal because he made no intimation of it to the Bishops of Spain before he went to Rome Secondly because his going to Rome did not hinder or suspend the execution of the sentence passed against him as appears by the placing of Sabinus in his Bishoprick in the interim Thirdly when he came to Rome he brought no probations with him but only as Cyprian affirms Stephanum longe positum rei gestae ignarum fefellit that is he deceived Stephanus Bishop of Rome altogether ignorant of the business Lastly if Basilides had appealed the Bishops of Spain had been cited to plead the cause at Rome which they were not whereby it is evident there was no appeal Secondly to prove the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome Bellarmine alledgeth that Stephanus commanded the Bishops of Spain to repone Basilides and rescind that ordination they had made in favour of Sabinus But it is answered to omit we shewed it was no formal sentence of Stephanus but only an advice Bellarmine â—orgets the other half of the tale quite destroying the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome as first that the Bishops of Spain before they gave an answer to Stephanus consulted with the Bishops of Africa whereby it is evident they acknowledged not the jurisdiction of the Bishops of Rome Secondly the Bishops of Africa meeting in a Council advises them not to obey the desire of Stephanus in rescinding their ordination of Sabinus because it was Rite peracta or legal and consequently Stephanus had no authority to command them Thirdly because the Bishops of Spain did not obey the desire of Stephanus at least it is not found in any monument of Antiquity that ever Basilides was restored Bellarmine instances that Stephanus would never have taken it upon him to cognosce in the cause of Basilides if it had not belonged to him But it is answered first he did not cognosce formally in it at all as we shewed Secondly albeit he had it was only an usurpation which is no title of the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome We do not affirm that Stephanus had not so much arrogancy since he declared he had as appears by his proceeding with the Churches of Africa mentioned in the former Chapter we only affirm that he did not cognosce formally in this case of Basilides but only delt by way of perswasion and although he had done so it is no Argument for the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome as an Article of Faith in those dayes since it was every-where opposed as we proved by that passage of Victor with the oriental Bishops and of Stephanus with Cyprian and this of Stephanus with the Bishops of Spain by which passages it appears that the decrees of the Bishop of Rome were opposed in all the East in France in Africa in Spain that is almost by the whole Church And this much of appellations to Rome before the dayes of Cyprian CHAP. XI The testimonies of Ignatius Irenaeus and Tertullian objected to prove the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome before the times of Cyprian examined IN the two former Chapters we answered all what the Learned Romanists could pretend to prove the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome before the midle of the third Century
added to the Creed by the Council at Trent viz. That Communion with the Church of Rome in all her Tenets is absolutely necessary to salvation Let them study this one Controversie of the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome and it will resolve the question for if it be founded upon Scripture and Antiquity without all question Communion with the Church of Rome is necessar unto salvation and the Religion of Protestants is a new sprung up heresie since the Bishop of Rome in Cathedra and consequently in their opinion infallible pronounceth so On the contrary if the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome be a thing unknown to Scripture and Antiquity it is as certain that the Faith of the Modern Roman Church is a new devised cheat and idolatry That this followeth of necessity appears by the confession of Bellarmine himself in two expressions in the preface of those Books of his de pontifice Romano The first we now mentioned in which he calls that Controversie of the Popes supremacy a Debâ—te de summa rei Christianae That is whether the Christian Religion can subsist or not By Christian Religion no question he means the Faith of the modern Church of Rome and consequently he grants that they who call in question the Popes supremacy they question also the whole body of the Popish Religion And consequently still he must of necessity grant that if the Popes supremacy be destitute of Scripture and Antiquity the faith of the Modern Church of Rome falls with it and proves a new devised fiction His second expression is in those similitudes he useth to illustrat his assertion viz. He compares Religion without the Popes supremacy which in his opinion is that of the Modern Church of Rome to a House without a Foundation a Body without a Head Moon-shine without the Sun And since it is notorious that a house without a Foundation cannot stand that a Body without a Head cannot live that the Moon without light of the Sun must be obscured He must of necessity grant that the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome being refuted by Scripture and Antiquity the Faith and Religion of the Modern Church of Rome is warrantable by neither and consequently proves a new devised idolatrous cheat Thirdly it s a most pleasant contest what can be more pleasing then to consider the causes of any prodigious Monster how iâ— subsists and how it is destroyed how any illustrious cheat is contrived how it is maintained and how it is discovered But such a Monster such a Cheat as the Bishop of Rome none free of prejudice can behold without admiration The whole world sees a person now ignorant then flagitious not seldome both put by two or three Italians of the same mettal in the Chair of Rome which Preferment he obtains sometimes by blood sometimes by simonie sometimes by unlawful stipulations as to protect Heresie and to oppress the Catholick Faith not seldome by a paction with the Devil all which wayes of obtaining the Chair of Rome are confessed by Popish Writers such as Platina and Baronius as shall be proved in the following Dispute Which Homuncio is no sooner installed then he is metamorphosed to be direct Monarch of the whole World both in Spirituals and Temporals And first for Temporals it shall be proved in the following Dispute that he assumes to himself in his Bulls power of transferring Kingdoms at his pleasure of stirring up Subjects to Armes against their natural Princes under the pain of Excommunication It shall be proved that he makes Emperours and Kings lye prostrate till he trade upon their neck makes them stand bare-footed with their Wives and Children in frost and snow dancing attendants at his Gates and yet not not admitted entrance It shall be proved that he makes Laws in that Book entituled Sacred Ceremonies that Emperors and Kings should hold his Stirrup hold water to his Hands serve dishes at his Table carry him on their shoulders Yea it shall be proved that it is the Doctrine of the Church of Rome That all Kings are not only the Popes Vassals but which is more he is not oblieged by any mutual ontract to suffer them to possess their Kingdoms but during his pleasure that is he may lawfully depose them although they miscarry not in the least In which he doth tâ—em no wrong because they hold their Kingdoms â—f him not as Vassals but as depositars as when any gives to another his Cloak to keep when he re-demands it he doth him no wrong As for his power which he assumes to himself in Spirituals it cannot be repeated without horrour It shall be proved in the following Dispute that it is the Doctrine of the Church of Rome partly in the Canon Law partly in the Bulls of Popes themselves partly in Books printed by the Popes Authority and affirmed by his Vâ—sitors to contain nothing contrary to the Catholick Faith That the Pope has power to coyn Articles of Faith at his pleasure oblieging the whole Church under the pain of damnation although he command vice and forbid vertue Secondly although he should lead all the world to hell with him yet none should presume to disobey him Thirdly that he gives pardon for sin for money and not only of sins by-past but also of those to come that is for a little money he will give you pardon for a little time but for a round sum he will give you pardon so long as you please Fourthly it shall be proved that for money he permits men to sin that is permits Clergy-men to keep Whoores And if any keep not a Whoor he makes them pay for it in some places of Italy nevertheless because they have liberty to keep a Whoor if they please Cornelius Agrippa affirms he heard such expressions as these following in the Popes Court Habeat aut non habeat Meretricem Aureum solvat quia habet si velit That is Whether a Priest keep a Whoor or not let him pay the Tribute since he may keep one if he please for such a peece of money Fifthly he makes his decretal Epistles of equal authority with the Scripture Lastly as he intended a gigantomachy he is called in the Canon Law revised and authorised by Gregory 13. Our Lord God the Pope It is affirmed in the said Law that he has power to make injustice justice and contra that he has power to command the Angels to carry souls to Heaven at his pleasure that he has power to give liberty to men to place the departed Souls of their friends in paradise for money that by vertue of his succession to Peter he is assumed to the society of the individual Trinity he not only hears patiently but also rewards flatterers when their blasphemous Pamphlets prefer him to Christ as appears in Innocent 10. which passage shall be realated part 1. lib. 1. cap. 11 of this following Treatise My Lords and Gentlemen any would think these horrible passages incredible but have patience till
but much depraved by the Popish Authors such as Barronius and others but if your Lordships will believe those Historians who livâ—d in the time of Carolus Magnus or the times next following who questionless are better to be believed then Barronius or any other late Popish Writer known to be abominable depravers of Antiquity by unanswerable Arguments as shall be proved in the following Treatise The story is this and two-fold In the first is related what little respect Carolus Magnus had to the spiritual authority of the Bishop of Rome and is this The quarrel of the Bishop of Rome against the Grecian Emperor of Constantinople was for Images or Image-worship Two Emperours of Constantinople Leo Isaurus and Copronymus his son had procured Image-worship to be declared Idolatry in the seventh general Council of Constantinople anno 760 consisting of 338 Bishops Stephanus Bishop of Rome procures of Irene Daughter-in-law to Copronymus Widow of Leo 4. his Son and Queen-regent of the Eastern Empire during the minority of her Son Constantinus 7th the second Council of Neice which Council declared the 7th general Council of Constantinople heretical and established Image-worship which Decree of the second Council of Neice was confirmed and renewed by several Provincial Councils in Italy under several Bishops of Rome Carolus Magnus calls a Council at Franckford anno 794. in which were present most of the Bishops of the West in number 300. at which Council were also present the Legats of Hadrianus primus Bishop of Rome to solicite the Council to establish Image-worship to condemn the 7th general Council of Constantinople as heretical to confirm the 2d Council of Neice as Orthodox and likewayes those Provincial Councils of Italy which had established Image-worship The Council of Franckford in which Carolus Magnus presided was so far from obeying the commands of Hadrianus Bishop of Rome that on the contrary it confirmed the 7th general Council of Constantinople as Orthodox condemned the 2d Council of Neice three or four Provincial Councils in Italy and three or four Bishops of Rome and amongst them Hadrianus primus himself as impious heretical Idolaters because they established Image-worship And after the Council was dissolved a Book was written at the command of Carolus Magnus which Book is yet preserved in several Bibliothecks in which at length was declared by what sophistry perverting of Scripture Image-worship was established by the said 2d Council of Nice and those other Provincial Councils of Italy Here your Lordships may observe what regard Carolus Magnus had to the spiritual Authority of the Bishop of Rome who exauctorated the Emperors of Constantinople for procuring Image-worship to be declared Idolatry and renting from them the Empire of the West conferred it upon the said Carolus Magnus and yet the said Carolus Magnus in a Council at Franckford procures the said Emperor in the East to be declared Orthodox in abolishing Image worship and condemns those very Bishops of Rome as hereticks who had deposed the Emperours of Constantinople for that reason and who for that reason had given unto himself the Empyre of the West whereby it appears that although he seemed plyable to the Bishop of Romes jurisdiction to obtain his own ends yet having obtained them he cared not much for him If Carolus Magnus acknowledged not the infallibility of the Bishop of Rome in spirituals he regarded his temporal jurisdiction far less We told before that the reason wherefore the Bishop of Rome called in the French against the Lombards was bâ—bâ—cause they demanded Tribute of him for the Territories about Rome their Title was conquest they had conquered these Lands from the Grecian Emperors And since the Bishop of Rome was ever accustomed to pay Tribute for those Lands unto the Grecian Emperor it was reasonable that themselves having conquered the Lands should also have the Tribute Whereupon the Bishop of Rome calls in the French to Italy to assist him against the Lombards And first Carolus Martellus leads an Army into Italy in favour of the Bishop of Rome next his Son Pipin whom the Bishop of Rome made King of France Lastly Carolus Magnus the Son of Pipin and Emperour of the West utterly eradicats the Kingdom of the Lombards and when he had done in a Council at Rome it is decreed first That no Bishop not the Bishop of Rome himself should be installed without investiture from the Emperor by Staff and Ring and likewayes homage more majorum which as Salvianus interprets was kissing of the Emperors foot 2. That the Emperor and his Successors should have the presentation of the Bishop of Rome and his Successors that is should have the nomination and election of the Bishops of Rome 3. The Bishop of Rome as we said called in the French against the Lombards because the said Lombards required Tribute of him for the Roman Territories Carolus Magnus having destroyed the Lombards makes the Bishop of Rome pay the same Tribute pretending the same reasons which the Lombards did viz. becausâ— the Bishops of Rome were accustomed to pay that Tribute to the Grecian Emperors to whom he had succeeded in the Dominion of the West And thus it appears what little regard Carolus Magnus had to the authority of the Bishop of Rome either spiritual or temporal The first appears the Bishop of Rome had exauctorated the Grecian Emperors for being enemies to Image-worship and for that reason gave to Carolus Magnus the Empyre of the West at least as much as in him lay Carolus Magnus takes the Empire but in the mean time in the Council of Franckford he procures those very Bishops of Rome who had bestowed upon himself the Empire to be declared Idolaters and Hereticks for establishing Image-worship and consequently for deposing the Grecian Emperors because they were against Images and for giving to himself their Empire in the West for that reason The second appears thus the Bishop of Rome calls in the French against the Lombards because they demanded Tribute of him for the Territories about Rome Carolus Magnus destroyes the Lombards and when he had done makes the Bishop of Rome pay the same Tribute to himself and hiâ— Successors and not so content ordains they should do him homage more majorum That is according to Salvianus by kissing of of his foot Tenthly your Lordships will find this Monster still so bridled untill the decay of the posterity of Carolus Magnus and then the Empire was translated to the Germans the Kingdom of France to the Family of Hugh Capet Otho primus Emperour son of Henricus Auceps the first German Emperour renewed that power of the Emperour his nomination and election of the Bishop of Rome which the former Bishops of Rome had taken from the Emperours during the decay and slouth of the posterity of Carolus Magnus but a little after that the mystery of Iniquity working foretold by Paul 2 Thess 2. the Bishops of Rome by the counsel of one Hildebrand afterwards Pope Gregory seventh ordained the
First that the said second General Council of Constantinople ordained the Jurisdiction of the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople to be equal although they gave the Bishop of Rome the first place in dignity The second thing is That the Bishop of Rome had the first place in dignity not by reason of his succession to Peter but for a civil respect viz. because Rome was the old Imperial City Paschasinus and his fellows replyed or at least Bellarmin and Baronius would have so replyed if they had been pleaders before the Council That the third Canon of the Council of Constantinople was not to be regarded because the Bishop of Rome had never approved it and therefore they urged the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice by which say they the Bishop of Alexandria had authority confirmed to him in Egypt because the Bishop of Rome had the like custom From which they argued thus That the authority of the Bishop of Rome was the cause of the authority of the Bishop of Alexandria or the authority of the Bishop of Alexandria flowed from the authority of the Bishop of Rome And since the Bishop of Alexandria was before him of Constantinople of old the said second General Council of Constantinople wronged the Bishop of Alexandria in preferring the Bishop of Constantinople to him In a word the sum of their pleading was this That by the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice the Bishop of Rome had authority over him of Alexandria And since the Bishop of Alexandria was before the Bishop of Constantinople in former times that third Act of the second General Council of Constantinople ought to be cassed and antiquitated because it contradicted the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice in preferring the Bishop of Constantinople to him of Alexandria and equalizing him to the Bishop of Rome Aetius and the Deputies of the Bishop of Constantinople duplyed First That the said Canon of the second General Council of Constantinople ought not to be recalled or at least Protestants would have so duplyed if they had been in their place First Because it was a lawful General Council And although the Bishop of Rome had not confirmed it because he had no authority above a General Council It was very unreasonable that any particular Bishop should cut and carve for his own advantage against the decree of the whole Church Secondly The said General Council of Constantinople was received and confirmed by a Synod at Rome two years after the Bishop of Rome Dammasus presiding in the said Council And therefore it was false that the Bishop of Rome never confirmed the said Council of Constantinople Thirdly the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice gave no authority to the Bishop of Rome over the Bishop of Alexandria the meaning of the Canon being only this viz. The occasion of the Canon was one Miletius troubled all Egypt by ordaining Bishops at his own hand Alexander Bishop of Alexandria complains to the Council of Nice which upon his complaint made the foresaid sixth Canon The true Gloss of which being that the Bishop of Alexandria should have the power of ordaining Bishops in Egypt Lybia and Pentapolis as he was wont Since the Bishop of Rome had the like power by custom in the places adjacent to Rome or as Ruffinus a writer who lived near these times interprets in Ecclesijs Suburbicarijs that is in Churches within a hundred miles to the walls of Rome So then the authority of the Bishop of Rome was not the cause of the authority of the Bishop of Alexandria or the Original from whence it flowed but only a pattern according to which it was framed as one common-wealth may be framed in government according to the pattern of another common-wealth without any subordination in authority They duplyed fourthly That the said General Council of Constantinople did no wrong to the Bishop of Alexandria in giving to the Bishop of Constantinople the second place in dignity which before that time belonged to the Bishop of Alexandria since the cause ceasing the effect also ceased The cause why the Bishop of Alexandria was second to the Bishop of Rome was this viz. The government of Egypt was the second government in dignity to the government of the City of Rome It was so ordained by Augustus and therefore was called Praefectura Augustalis Since it was not so now because the government of those Provinces depending on the City of Constantinople was made the second Government and preferred to that of Alexandria and made equal to the Government of those places depending upon the city of Rome therefore the said council of Constantinople did no wrong in equalizing the Bishop of Constantinople to the Bishop Rome since the civil Government was a Type of the Ecclesiastick as is confessed by Baronius himself ad Annum 39. Num. 10. That the Government and Priviledges of the City of Constantinople being made equal to those of Rome was the cause why the council of Constantinople made the Bishop of Constantinople equal in Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction to the Bishop of Rome is reported both by Socrates hist lib. 5. chap. 8. and Sozomenus lib. 7. chap. 9. Who both give the reason of the said third Canon in the Greek Edition but 5. or 7. in the Latine to be Because that Constantinople had not only the name of Rome with like Senat and other Magistrats but bare also the same Arms and other rights and honors which belonged to old Rome The Council of Chalcedon having considered the reasons of both parties allowed the interpretation put upon the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice by the Orators of the Bishop of Constantinople rejected that Gloss of those of the Bishop of Rome confirmed the third Canon of the second General Council of Constantinople with some advantage and addition as by the 28 Canon whose words are these Definimus communi calculo sancimus quod attinct ad praerogativas honoris sanctissimae Ecclesiae hujus Constantinopoleos novae Romae Etenim Patres Sedi Antiquioris is Romae ob eam caussam quia Imperium obtineret Urbs illa merito Primatum honoris detulere Sed eadem ratione moti centum quinquaginia religiosissimi Episcopi aequalem primatum honoris assignarunt sanctissimae sedi novae Romae Recte judicantes eam Urbem quae imperio Senatu honestatur iâ—sdem privilegis fruentem cum antiqua Roma Regia etiam in Ecclesiasticis negotijs aequa cuâ— illa extollendam Sic tamen ut post eam secundum locum obtineat By which Canon two things appears First that the Bishop of Constantinople is expresly made equal in Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction with the Bishop of Rome Secondly that the Bishop of Rome hath the first place in dignity not by reason of succession to Peter but only for civil respects viz. because Rome was the old imperial City It appears also by the said Canon that the former General Councils of Nice and Constantinople gave the
primacy to the Bishop of Rome for the same reason only viz. because it was the old imperial City And therefore it is intollerable impudence in our adversaries to object the authority of the Council of Chalcedoâ— to prove the Supremacy of Peter By which it appears the impudence of Bellarmin and Baronius who abuse their Reader with strange Sophistry and most shameless The Council of Chalcedon say they interpreted the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice to the advantage of the Bishop of Rome For immediatly after the reading of the said Canon the beginning of which was Ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum the Church of Rome evermore had the primacy The Canon being thus read all the Council cryed out Perpendimus omnem primatum honorem praecipuum secundum Canones antiquae Romae Deo amantissimo Archiepiscopo conservari But it is answered first Those words of the Canon viz. the Church of Rome ever had the primacy are forged being found in no other copie but in that of Dionysius Exiguus but his authority is not sufficient to out balance all other copies of the Canons of the Council both Greek and Latin yea that copie corrected by Gregory 13 himself which wants those first words pretended by Bellarmin and Baronius in which copie and all other copies the first words of the said Canon are Antiquus mos perduret c. Let the old custom remain in Egypt Libya and Pentapolis c. Secondly although the Canon had begun so it makes not much to the purpose since it appears by the decree of the Council that the Primacy of the Church of Rome was only a Primacy of dignity for civil respects and not a Primacy of Jurisdiction by reason of the Bishop of Romes succession to Peter as appears expresly by the words of the Canon And also that the Bishop of Constantinople was ordained by the said Council equal in Jurisdiction to the Bishop of Rome If Bellarmin and Baronius affirm that the words of the twenty-eight Canon are mis-interpreted their mouths are stopped not only by the carriage of Lucentius and other two Legats of the Bishop of Rome but also by the carriage of Leo Bishop of Rome himself The carriage of Lucentius was this When the Fathers of the Council had subscribed the said twenty eight Canon Lucentius stood up crying foul play Some of those subscribers were compelled so to do by one indirect way or other The whole Fathers of the Council answered they had deliberatly and voluntarily subscribed Whereupon Lucentius protested against the Council as having preferred the judgement of a hundred and fifty Fathers of the Council of Constantinople before the judgement of three hundred and eighteen Fathers in the first general Council of Nice which was as much to say as he understood the meaning of the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice better then those six hundred and thirty Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon representing the whole Church This carraige of Lucentius is recorded in the Council of Chalcedon Act. 16. pag. 936. 937. 938. Next that the said Council decerned against the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome appears by four Epistles of Leo Bishop of Rome himself in which he thunders against the Council of Chalcedon for making the foresaid 28. Canon still ingeminating Tu es Petrus or that they had wronged the supremacy of Peter by which complaints of his it is most evident that those 630. Fathers representing the whole Church in a general Council meant nothing lesse then the supremacy of Peter in these words Tu es Petrus These four Epistles of Leo are his 52. Epistle to Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople His 54. to Martianus the Emperour his 55. to Pulcheria the Empress his 62. to Maximus Bishop of Antioch in which Epistles he complains heavily that the Bishop of Constantinople was preferred to him of Alexandria Because Constantinople was the seat of the Emperor he fore-saw being a man of great Spirit and foresight that in the end for the same reason the Bishop of Constantinople would be preferred to the Bishop of Rome which accordingly fell out as shal be proved lib 4. And thus it appeareth with how little integrity our adversaries object the Council of Chalcedon to prove that Peter was the Rock meaned by our Savior in these words Tu es Petrus c. By which proceedings of the Council of Chalcedon appears also what was the opinion of the general councils of Nice and Constantinople As for the sixth general Council commonly called Trullanum celebrated under Pogonatus the Emperor Anno 680. in its 36. Canon it confirms the 28. Canon of the Council of Chalcedon totidem verbis By which it appears what was the opinion of the Church concerning Tu es Petrus in the end of the 7. age And so we have the opinion of the first second fourth and sixth general Councils that Peter is not the Rock upon which the Church is built As for the third general council of Ephesus and the fifth of Constantinople although in express words they make not all the Patriarchs of alike Jurisdiction Yet they made Canons expresly contradicting the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome and consequently contradicting also Peter to be the Rock upon which the Church is built The council of Ephesus calls Celestine Bishop Rome Fellow-Minister It were a bold thing now in any Bishop to salute the Pope so Secondly they deposed John Patriarch of Antioch before ever they acquainted Celestine Bishop of Rome as appears by the Synodical Epistle Binius Tom. 1. page 806. Thirdly they ordained that neither the Patriarch of Antioch nor any other Bishop ergo not the Bishop of Rome should take upon him to ordain Bishops in the Isle of Cyprus Binius Tom. 26. pag. 768. As for the fifth general council of Constantinople it rejudged the cause of Anthimius after he had first been judged by Aggapetus Bishop of Rome Binius in his notes upon that council Tom 2. pag 416. Secondly it condemned Vigilius Bishop of Rome and yet in the end the said Vigilius approved the said council Baronius Anno 553. Binius in the place fore-mentioned And thus ye have the opinion of the six first general councils concerning the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome by reason of his succession to Peter in the Monarchy of the Church By which passages it appears that the sixth first general councils meaned nothing lesse then that Peter was the Rock upon which the Church was built or that Peter was ordained Monarch of the Church in those words Tu es Petrus It shal likewise be proved lib. 5. That the seventh general council Anno 790. and the 8. Anno 870. had as little regard to the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome The first of which condemned Pope Honorius as an Heretick and the last approved of it And thus we have the opinion of the whole Church concerning Tu en Petrus the first 900. year after Christ all which time it was no
since he wrote to the Jews And whereas they affirm that he was at Rome when he wrote to the Jews it is frivolous first because we shewed before that his being at Rome at that time depended upon the authority of Papias the author of many fabulous traditions as was proved by the testimony of Eusebius Secondly albeit he had been at Rome when he wrote those Epistles to the Jews he had much more reason to write to the Romans his own â—harge in so long an absence and since he did not it is evident he was never Bishop of Rome The third reason is they give Peter three Bishopricks all at one time at least some of them who affirm Peter was Bishop of Rome They all grant that Peter was first Bishop of Antioch before he was Bishop of Rome except only Onuphrius who affirms that he was first Bishop of Rome and next of Antioch so he had two Bishopricks Nicephorus lib. 14. cap. 39. affirms that Anterius Bishop of Rome wrote that Peter transferred his seat from Rome to Alexandria by which contradictions it appears they have no ground at all that Peter was Bishop of Rome if it had been true what needed them have their recourse to such contradictions The fourth reason is Bellarmine affirms lib. de pont Rom. that all the right of the succession of the Bishop of Rome to Peter is founded upon the command of Christ by which Peter went to Rome and fixed his seat there But all those almost who testifie Peter was at Rome affirm that the occasion of his going thither was to defeat Simon Magus neither do they mention any command of Christ at all as the cause of Peters going thither The fifth reason is that Peter and Paul made a paction that Peter should be Apostle of the Jews Paul of the Gentiles but if Peter had been Bishop of Rome that paction had been violated Bellarmine answers Peters principal charge was the Jews and Pauls the Gentiles But it is replyed if Peter had been Bishop of Rome his chief Charge had been the Gentiles or else he fixed his Chair where his chief Charge was not both which are alike absurd The sixth reason is that Linus and Cletus were Bishops of Rome when Peter was alive whereby it is demonstrated that Peter was not Bishop of Rome That those were Bishops when Peter was alive was proved in the former Chapter and likewayes the evasion of Bellarmine to this objection in the same place was refuted Finally as we shewed in the former Chapter they who affirm Peter was Bishop of Rome affirm also Paul was conjunct with him whereby it evidently appears that they take the word Bishop in a large sense since they make Paul his conjunct and doth not reckon him in the Catalogue of the Bishops of Rome as we shewed in the former Chapter Aud thus we have compendiously examined those two famous questions first Whether Peter by divine institution was Monarch of the Church Second Whether by the command of Christ he was Bishop of Rome It was proved in the Preface that the whole Doctrine of the Church of Rome was founded upon the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome that the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome consisted in this that he succeeded to Peter by divine institution in the Monarchy of the Church which succession again depended upon two assertions first That Peter was Monarch of the Church by divine institution 2. That he was Bishop of Rome any of which being proven false the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome is a cheat and consequently also the Doctrine of the Modern Church of Rome depending upon it as Moon-shine upon the Sun as is professed by Bellarmine in the Preface of his Books de pont Rom. FINIS Libri primi THE GRAND IMPOSTOR DISCOVERED OR AN HISTORICAL DISPUT Of the Papacy and Popish Religion PART I. BOOK II. Of Bishops CHAP. I. Of the succession of the Bishop of Rome to Peter IN the former Book were disputed the first two Questions of the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome viz. Whether Peter was by divine right Monarch of the Church 2. Whether he was by divine Institution Bishop of Rome Now followeth the third Question Whether the Bishop of Rome by divine right succeeded to Peter in the Monarchy of the Church Bellarmine and others brag with great confidence to prove that he did but their performance is very little not so much as one of them when it comes to the push brings any passage of Scripture to prove it except only Bozius lib. 18. cap. 3. where he makes use of two places the first is Phil. 4. 3. the words are And I beseech thee faithful yoke-fellow help those women which laboured with me in the Gospel with Clement also and with other my fellow-labourers whose names are in the book of life Any reasonable man would admire by what Chymistry he can distill the succession of the Bishop of Rome to Peter out of these words He will tell you Clement there mentioned was Bishop of Rome Secondly That the care of those women of Philippi belonged to him Ergo he was oecumenick Bishop otherwayes how could he have any medling at Philippi which was so far distant from Rome Let us examine this Logick it will recreat the Reader First how knows he that Clement was Bishop of Rome He will tell you that there was one Clement that succeeded to Peter Bishop of Rome But we ask him though that were granted what then how knoweth he that it is the same Clement whom the Apostle mentions here He will tell you this Clement mentioned by the Apostle is called by Paul his fellow-labourer Ergo he was a Bishop and consequently designed at least Bishop of Rome But it is replyed first It doth not follow that Clement was a Bishop because he is called by Paul his fellow-labourer for that same Argument would conclude Priscilla and Aquila a man and his wife to be both Bishop Rom. 16. Paul calls them his fellow-labourers Secondly Salmero the Jesuite pressed by the Madeburgenses that Clement was not oecumenick Bishop because Paul calls him fellow-labourer Phil. 4. 3. answers That at that time Clement was not designed Bishop of Rome and therefore it doth not follow where observe how he contradicts Bozius Bozius concludes he was oecumenick Bishop designed because Paul calls him fellow-labourer Salmero grants that it follows he was not designed oecumenick Bishop because Paul calls him fellow-labourer Bozius reasons he is called fellow-labourer Ergo he was designed oecumenick Bishop Salmero reasons Paul calls him his fellow-labourer Ergo he was not designed oecumenick Bishop at that time having no other shift to elude the Argument of the Madeburgenses Again although it were granted that Paul meant Clement Bishop of Rome how proves he that Clement succeeded to Peter in the Monarchy of the Church which is the Question He answers you because Paul desires his yoke-fellow to assist him in the care of those women at Philippi
affirms None of us makes himself Bishop of Bishops or takes upon him to compell his Colleagues by tyrannical terrors to necessity of obedience which words as Binius observes were directed against Stephanus Bishop of Rome because he had threatned the Bishops of Africa with Excommunication if they did not alter their Judgement Sanderus answers thirdly that albeit Cyprian did assert the equality of Bishops in those words yet it was only an equality according to their Order of Priesthood not according to their Jurisdiction albeit the Bishop of Rome be equal to other Bishops as he is Bishop yet he is above them in jurisdiction he gives this answer lib. 7. cap. But it is replyed this distinction is frivolous and quite contrary to the meaning of Cyprian whose intention in those words is expresly to assert the equality of Jurisdiction and since he aims at the Bishop of Rome it is evident in his opinion that any Bishop is of equal jurisdiction to the Bishop of Rome How can any be so impudent to deny that Cyprian asserts equality of Jurisdiction since he expresly affirms No Bishop can judge another Bishop nor be judged by him Christ is the only judge of Bishops which in right down terms is that all Eishops are equal in Jurisdiction which none but a Sophister will deny It is needless to mention the answers of other Romanists as of Alanus Copus lib. 1. cap. 19. and Dormanus in his English Treatise against Bishop Jewel cap. 10. since they are not worth the refuting The most ingenuous answer of them all is that of Stapleton lib. 11. cap. 7. de princip fid doctrin where he affirms that Cyprian in those words to patronize his error Utitur verbis errantium and that he seems wonderfully to protect Hereticks he means Protestants against the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome he calls those expressions O Cyprian pernicious if they be not defended by a commodious Exposition But it is answered the authority of St. Augustine is of more moment then the authority of Stapleton who not only commends those expressions of Cyprian but also recommends them to the whole Church to be taken notice of as so many Oracles and that in moe places then one as lib. 2. cap. 2. lib. 3. cap. 3. lib. 6. cap. 7. against the Donatists Further that Stephanus Bishop of Rome himself understood those words of Cyprian as the Protestants do against the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome appears by his excommunicating Cyprian as Cassander relates consult art 7. neither read we ever of his reconciliation as is confessed by Bellarmine lib. 2. de con cap. 5. Neither is it of any moment what they object that in that question of re-baptizing those who were baptized by Hereticks the affirmative maintained by Cyprian was wrong and the negative maintained by Stephanus was right for the state of the question with the Church of Rome in this particular is Whether Cyprian was for or against the Supremacy of the Bishops of Rome or whether he did right in opposing the usurpation of Stephanus It seems he did for two reasons first because those expressions of his were recommended by St. Augustine to the whole Church next because notwithstanding of his dying excommunicate by Stephanus he was held ever since those times to be a Saint and a Martyr by the Church of Rome it self as he is at this day whereby it appears that the ancient Church of Rome immediatly after the times of Cyprian had not much regard to the authority of Stephanus his excommunicating Cyprian The truth is Cyprian in that conflict with Stephanus was a good Patron of an evil cause and Stephanus was a bad Patron of an good Cause Cyprian was wrong in maintaining re-baptization of those who were baptized by Hereticks but he defended it rightly Stephanus who maintained the contrary opinion was right but maintained it badly that is by usurpation arrogancy and presumption CHAP. IX Of the contest between Victor Bishop of Rome and the Bishops of the East WE have in the former Chapters proved by the testimonies of the Ancients that the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome was not believed as an Article of Faith in the dayes of Cyprian nor any time before unto the dayes of the Apostles We have also shewed with what perplexed sophistry our Adversaries endeavour to elude the force of those testimonies In the following Chapters we will examine what is objected by our Adversaries to prove the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome in that interval If it had been an Article of Faith in the Church that the Bishop of Rome was ordained by Peter to succeed to himself in that Function of oecumenick Bishop or that the Bishop of Rome did succeed to Peter in that Function the evidence of that succession had been greater in these primitive times then it was afterwards but contrarily we find the nearer we come to the Apostles times the less evidence we find for the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome whereby it appears that the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome by reason of his succession to Peter is but a fiction neither was it ever urged as to jurisdiction till after the Council of Chalcedon as shall appear in the following Books and the more the times were remote that opinion of the succession to Peter increased the more That there was no great evidence before the Council of Neice of the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome is acknowledged by Aeneas Silvius Pope himself in his 288. Epistle and yet he was the greatest Antiquary of his time the truth of his assertion will appear by our Answers to that which they object which are so many testimonies against themselves To prove the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome in that interval they object nothing beside what we shall prove forged by testimony of their own Doctors before the latter end of the second Age or beginning of the third and then their objections are of two sorts first actions of Popes secondly tectimonies of Popes and Fathers What regaird should be had to the actions and testimonies of Popes appears by the Commentaries which Pope Aeneas Silvius or Pius second wrote upon the Councel of Basile his words are these Neâ— considerant miseri quia quae praedicant tantopere verba aut ipsorum sumorum pontificum sunt simbrias suas extendentium aut illorum quiâ—eis adulabantur that is neither do those miserable men consider these testimonies they magnifie so much are either of Popes themselves inlarging their own interests or of their Fathers We will first treat of the actions of Popes and next examine their testimonies Before the time of Victor Bishop of Rome there is no Monument of antiquity for the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome besides some forgeries acknowledged by the most eminent Doctors of that Church and proved to be forgeries by unanswerable reasons as shall appear afterwards in the last Chapters of this Book The said Victor about anno 195. had a
import a jurisdiction above another Constantine in an Epistle mentioned by Theodoretus lib. 1. cap. 10. writing of the same business enumerating a number of Churches with which these Churches of the East were resolved in time coming to observe Easter placeth Spain before France but it doth not follow that the Church of Spain had any authority over the Church of France Secondly Bellarmine and Sanderus following the version of Christhofersone translates Theodoretus falsly his words in the Original are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is So that all the Brethren of the East who dissented from the Romans and you and all those who observed Easter from the beginning are resolved hereafter to observe it with you The sophistry of Sanderus and Bellarmine appears in this in stead of these words are resolved hereafter to observe Easter with you which is the Original they translate they are resolved hereafter to follow the Roman the Council and you putting in follow for with you Secondly in putting in the Romans and the Council which is not in the Original which words us or the Council they insert to prove the authority of the Church of Rome above the Council Romans being placed by them before the Council And this much of that contest of Victor with the Bishops of Asia which they produce to prove the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome whereas in effect it hath disproved it Such an other business as this is that contest of Stephanus Bishop of Rome with Cyprian and the Churches of Africa about the rebaptising of those who were baptised by Hereticks which they instance also to prove the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome before the Council of Neice But since we shewed that the excommunication of Stephanus was not regairded that Saint Augustine praised the opposition of Cyprian to it and recommended these expressions of Cyprian against the usurpation of Stephanus to the whole Church since 87 Bishops in that Council of Carthage condemned the proceedings of Stephanus since Cyprian dying excommunicated was reputed nevertheless a Saint by Augustine and other Fathers and by the ancient Church of Rome and also so reputed by the Modern Church of Rome that Excommunication of Cyprian by Stephanus is so far from proving that the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome was an Article of Faith in those dayes that it demonstrates invincibly the contrary CHAP. X. Of Appellations pretended to prove the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome in that interval from the Apostles to the death of Cyprian TO these actions of Popes usurping Authority in that interval are referred several pretended Appellations to the Bishop of Rome by which they endeavour to prove his Supremacy in those times they mention divers Bellarmine makes use of three the first is of the Grand Heretick Marcion who being excommunicated for his prodigious opinion by his own Father a Bishop in Pontus had his recourse to Hyginus Bishop of Rome anno 142 as Epiphanius affirms Heres 42. The second is Fortunatus and Felix being deposed by Cyprian in Africa about anno 252. fled to Cornelius Bishop of Rome as is related by Cyprians Epistle 55. The third is a little after the same time Basilides and Martialis being deposed by the Bishops of Spain as is reported by Cyprians epistle 68. fled to Stepahnus Bishop of Rome of which in order and first of Marcion This Marcion was a notorious and dangerous Heretick against whom Tertullian and Epiphanius most bitterly enveigh he denied the verity of Christs humane nature and the verity of his sufferings he denyed also the resurrection of the body he maintained that men might be thrice baptised His Father was a Bishop or Preacher in Pontus by whom he was excommunicated he fled to Rome desiring to be admitted to the communion of that Church but he was rejected by the Clergy of Rome he asked them a reason they answered they could not admitt him without a testimonial from his Father the Bishop who had excommunicated him as is reported by Epiphanius It is very strange that Bellarmine should call this an appellation since the Clergy of Rome refused to hear him neither did he appeal at all as appears both by the reason wherefore he left his own Countrey and also by his demands at Rome The first is related by Epiphanius who tells he fled from his own Countrey not enduring the scoffs of tâ—e common people his demands at Rome are likewayes related by Epiphanius viz. not to take knowledge in his cause in a second judgement which is the demand of Appellants but only to be admitted to the communion of that Church which are also refused him as is affirmed by Epiphanius When he was rejected at Rome he associated himself with one Cerdon those two hatched an opinion of three gods the first they called the good God which created nothing at all that is in this world the second they called a visible god Creator of all things the third god was the devil whom they made as a mid-thing between the visible and the invisible god Cerdon before he was acquainted with Marcion asserted only two gods the one author of all good things the other of all evill things but after his aquaintance with Marcion they both taught these three gods this damnable heresie wounderfully increased in many places as Italy Egypt Palestine Arabia Syria Cyprus Persia and other places which caused Tertullian and Epiphanius inveigh so bitterly against it in their Books Bellarmine his second instance of Appellations is of Fortunatus and Felicissimus the story is this Felicissimus and Novatian were condemned at a Council of Carthage Felicissimus for averring that those who had lapsed to Idolatry in time of persecution should be admitted to office of the Church after pen ance Novation for maintaining that they might not be admitted to communion at all no not after pennance the Church of Carthage takes a midway decerning that after pennance they might be admitted to communion but not to their charge in the Church Felicissimus who had fallen in Idolatry himself and for that reason was debarred from his charge conspires with one Privatus who was excommunicated as well as himself they make a faction and sets up one Fortunatus Bishop of Carthage in oposition to Cyprian and immediately goes to Rome desiring of Cornelius Bishop of Rome to be admitted to communion with that Church desiring him to countenance their new Bishop Fortunatus Cornelius refuses at first to hear them but afterwards they use Menaces whereupon he writes to Cyprian his intimate friend in their favour It is demanded of Bellarmine how he finds any Appellation here The cause is almost the same with that of Marcion which we now mentioned yea Pamelius himself in his Annotations upon that place of Cyprian denyes expresly there was any appellations but that these went to Rome to complain or to be judged not in those things in which they had been already judged by Cyprian but in other things Secondly albeit there had been any
not now found in the Editions of Rhenanus printed since in those places where the Pope hath jurisdiction They had reason to purge out those words from Rhenanus because the testimony of his was as a Poyniard sticking in the very bowels of that article of the Catechise of the Council of Trent viz. that there is no salvation without communion with the Church of Rome CHAP. XII Several passages objected out of Cyprian to prove the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome in that interval vindicated from Sophistry THe last Father they make use of to prove the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome in that interval between the times of the Apostles and the death of Cyprian is Cyprian himself There is not a Father of them all more urged to prove the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome then Cyprian and yet it is most certain that it never had a greater enemy then he what Cyprians opinion was anent that contest appeared in the former Chapters both by his testimonies and his actions Our adversaries dispute two wayes for the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome out of Cyprian first by sophistry next by forgery we will refute the first in this Chapter and prove the second in the Chapters following and that by the testimonies of the greatest Antiquaries that ever the Church of Rome produced The first testimony of Cyprian they bring is from his 42. Epistle where writing to Cornelius Bishop of Rome he hath these words Some while ago we sent some of our Colleagues to compose some differences or to reduce some schismaticks to the unity of the Chatholick Church c. and a little after But those Schismaticks set up to themselves an adulterous head against the Church from which place Bellarmine reasons thus as those Novatians set up one to be heaa of their Church or of the whole Church of the Novatians so Cornelius was head of the Catholick Church But it is answered this reasoning is very unbeseeming such a learned man as Bellarmine for the meaning of Cyprian is no other then that the Novatians set up to themselves a Bishop at Rome in opposition to Cornelius so he calls the Novatian Bishop an adulterous head contrary to Cornelius who was the true head of the particular Church at Rome because he was the true Bishop thereof and so Cyprian doth not mean any head of the whole Church but only by Head he means Bishop of the particular Church of Rome Bellarmine instances that Cyprian affirms his intention was to reconcile those Shismaticks to the Catholick Church by which he means the Church of Rome and since the Church of Rome is the Catholick Church and the Bishop of Rome head of the Church of Rome Ergo he is head of the Catholick Church But it is answered when Cyprian calls the Church of Rome the Catholick Church his meaning is a particular Church professing the Doctrine of the Catholick Church and therefore they who were reconciled to the Church of Rome were reconciled to the Catholick Church also so any reconciled to a particular Church professing the Doctrine of the Catholick Church is reconciled also to the Catholick Church and yet that particular Church is not the Catholick Church That this is the meaning of Cyprian appears by the preceeding Epistle or epist 41. where speaking of some Schismaticks in the Church of Carthage he affirms they opposed themselves to the Catholick Church he means they opposed themselves to the Church of Cathage inwhich doing they opposed themselves to the Catholick Church because the Church of Cathage professed the same Doctrine with the Catholick Church in opposing or renting the Church of Carthage they rent and opposed the Catholick Church Pamelius urgeth that Cyprian affirms that those Schismaticks refused the bosome of the root and mother Church where observe saith he that Cyprian calls the Church of Rome the root and the mother of all Churches or of the Catholick Church which Epithet is given by Cyprian to the Church of Rome not only in this epistle but also in his 45. epist to Cornelius in which he gives injunctions to those he was sending to Rome to be informed concerning that schism of the Novatians that they should acknowledge and adhere to the Root and Mother of the Catholick Church But it is answered that Cyprian by Root and Mother of the Catholick Church means no other thing but the Catholick-Church it self as appears by the said 45. Epistle in which he affirms to Cornelius that hearing that there was a schism in the Church of Rome he sent Caldonius and Fornatus to be informed of the truth of the business and to adhere to neither party till they were informed which of the factions was in the right and which in the wrong and for that reason he did not direct his Letters either to Cornelius or to that Novatian Bishop but only to the Presbyters and Deacons of Rome that being informed by them they might adhere to those who held and acknowledged the Root and Mother of the Catholick Church whereby it is evident that Cyprian did not believe that Cornelius Bishop of Rome or those who adhered to him were the root and mother of the Catholick Church since he gave his messengers injunction to suspend their Judgments till they were informed who adhered to the root and mother of the Catholick Church that is who maintained the true Faith or who were members of the Catholick Church for if Cyprian had believed that Cornelius and his faction had been the root and mother of the Catholick Church he would not have injoyned his messengers to suspend their judgment till they were informed by the Presbyters and Deacons so it is evident that Cyprian by Root and Mother of the Catholick Church means the Catholick Church it self both in his 45. and 42. Epistle and in the same sense epist 43. and 44. he exhorts them to return to their mother that is to the unity of the Catholick Church The second passage of Cyprian is found in his 55. Epistle where he hath these words That the occasion of Heresies and Schismes in the Church is only this that the Priest of God is not obeyed and that it is not believed that one Priest as Judge in place of Christ for a time is in the Church This place is much urged by Pamelius in his Annotations upon the said Epistle to prove an oecumenick Bishop But it is answered Cyprian in this Letter or Epistle is inveighing against those who had set up one Fortunatus as we shewed before Bishop of Carthage in opposition to himself and his meaning is not that there should be one Bishop in the Catholick Church but only one Bishop in a particular Church or the Church of Carthage because two Bishops in one place occasions Schismes and Heresies saith Cyprian so its evident that Cyprian is pleading his own cause disputing against those who had set up a Schismatick Bishop in the Church of Carthage in opposition to himself and
then went to Rome and calumniated him to Cornelius it had been impertinent in Cyprian in this question to bring in mention of an oecumenick Bishop the whole dispute of Cyprian consists in these two Sylogismes the first is who rise up in opposition to their lawful Bishop will assuredly be punished by God But those men Fortunatus and Felicissimus rise up against their lawful Bishop Ergo God will assuredly punish them The second Sylogisme is this who are the occaâ—ion of Heresies and Schismes will be punished But who rise against their lawful Bishop are the occasion of Heresies and Schismes Ergo c. By which disputations of Cyprians it is evident that by one Bishop he doth not mean an oecumenick Bishop but any Bishop of a particular charge because if by one Bishop he had meaned an oecumenick Bishop the minor of his first Sylogisme is notoriously false â—or Fortunatus and Felicissimus did not rise up against an oecumenick Bishop but only against Cyprian Bishop of Carthage But Pamelius instances first that Cyprian cites several testimonies of Scripture in this dispute which did quadrate only to the high Priest of the Jewes And therefore those words of Cyprian are more fitly to be understood of an oecumenick Bishop But it is answered Pamelius playes the Sophister three wayes First it is false that these passages cited by Cyprian are only applyable to the high Priest of the Jewes first he cites those words of Moses Deutr. 17. what ever man who out of Pride shall not hearken to the Priest and Judge who shall be in those dayes that man shall die But that Moses is not speaking here of the High Priest but of any Priest a very child may perceive who reads that Chapter of Deuteronomie or the 8 9 10 11 12. verses of it Secondly Pamelius Sophisticates in omitting those passages cited by Cyprian which cannot be applyed to the High Priest onely as that of Matth. 8. 4. Go shew thy self unto the Priests and that of Luke 10. 16. he that heareth you heareth me c. Thirdly Pamelius Sophisticates egregiously in concluding Cyprian to mean in those words an oecumenick Bishop by reason of his citation of those testimonies of Scripture for Cyprian in his Epistle to Rogatianus and in another Epistle to Florentius cites all those very places which he cites in this 55. Epistle to Cornelius to prove that none should oppose their Bishop But Pamelius himself in his Annotations upon both those Epistles confesseth that neither in the one nor the other Cyprian speaks of an oecumenick Bishop in the one he speaks of Rogatianus in the other he speaks of himself as he doth in this 55. Epistle Pamelius objects Secondly that Cyprian here speaks of a Bishop who is Judge in place of Christ But it is answered Cyprian in those words means not an oecumenick Bishop but any Bishop whatsoever as is evident by these following reasons First he gives Colleagues to that Bishop whom he affirmeth to be Judge in place of Christ and that in the same Epistle his words are no man after divine judgement suffrages of the people consent of his fellow Bishops would make himself Judge not now of his Bishop but of God Secondly because epist 69. to Florentius Cyprian calls himself a judge constitute by God for a time Thirdly it is no marvel that Cyprian calls any Bishop judge in place of Christ since Ignatius in his Epistle to the Trallians gives the same Eipthet to Deacons he exhorts the said Trallians to reverence their Deacons as Christ whose place they hold Pamelius objects thirdly that Cyprian affirms that the cause of schisme and heresies is that one Bishop is not constitute in the Church and affirms that Cyprian by one Bishop ever means oecumenick Bishop as appears by his epist 48. to Cornelius and by his Book de unitate ecclesiae But it is answered that it is false which Pamelius affirms for in those places mentioned by him there is no such thing to be found in Cyprian that by one Bishop he means an oecumenick Bishop Secondly it is false which he affirms that Cyprian in every place by one Bishop means an oecumenick Bishop for in his Epistle to Pupianus he hath these very words which he hath in this 55. Epistle viz. that the cause of Heresies and Schisms is that one Bishop presiding in the Church is contemned by the proud presumption of some and yet Pamelius himself in his Annotations upon the place confesseth that Cyprian by one Bishop means any Bishop whatsoever and not an oecumenick Bishop Pamelius objects fourthly that Cyprian in his 55. Epistle cannot mean himself alone because he affirms if that one Bishop were acknowledged no man would move any thing against the Colledge of Priests because it doth not follow that they who move any thing against Cyprian oppose all other Bishops But it is answered Cyprian meaning is that in opposing himself they opposed the Colledge of Bishops which had ordained him Bishop of Carthage as is evident likewayes by the next following words which we cited before viz. no man can make himself judge of his Bishop after the suffrages of the people and the consent of his fellow Bishops whereby it is evident that the meaning of Cyprian is that who opposed him opposed the Colledge of Bishops who had ordained him Fifthly Pamelius objects that Cyprian after those words of one Bishop makes mention de servo praeposito or a servant preferred or set over the rest and immediately after he makes mention of Peter But it is answered none can understand wherein the force of this objection consists for Cyprian after he had affirmed that it was no marvel they had deserted that one servant who was preferred to the rest since the Disciples left Christ himself and then our Saviour asked the Apostles if they would also leave him then Peter upon whom the Church was built by our Lord answered for them all Lord whether or to whom shall we go Whereas Pamelius urgeth that by servus praepositus is meaned Peter it can be no wayes gathered out of the words of Cypria his scope in those words is only to shew that it was no marvel that those Schismaticks abandoned him their Bishop who was that servant set over them since Christs disciples abandoned him That Peter was only that servus praepositus cannot be gathered out of the words of Cyprian for that the Church was built upon Peter and that Peter answered in the name of the Church it makes nothing for the supremacy of Peter as we proved before by the testimony of Cyprian himself who in his books de unitate ecclesiae affirms whatever Peter was the other Apostles were the same equal to him in dignity and power However that building of the Cchurch upon Peter hath nothing ado with that servus praepositus mentioned by Cyprian for as we said Cyprian means only any Bishop and in particular himself by that Servant Horantius loc chathol lib. 6. cap. 10. and