before him for feare least he were yet to come of the house of Dauid which should enioy the kingdome In the tyme of this persecutor Symeon Bishop of Hierusalem after other torments was crucified to death whom Iustus afterward succeeded in that Bishopprike In this persecution Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist was exiled by the sayd Domitianus into Pathmos Of whō diuers and sundry memorable actes be reported in sundry Chronicles As first how he was put in a vessell of boiling Oile by the Proconsul of Ephesus The Legend and Perionius say it was done at Rome Isidorus also writing of him and comprehending many things in few wordes declareth that he turned certaine peeces of wood into gold and stones by the seaside into Margarites to satisfie the desire of two whom he had before perswaded to renounce their riches And afterward they repenting that for worldly treasure they had lost heauen for their sakes agayne he changed the same into their former substance Also how he raised vp a widow and a certaine yong man from death to life How he dronke poison and it hurt him not raising also to life two which had dronke the same before These and such other miracles although they may be true are foūd in Isidorus other writers mo yet because they are no articles of our Christian belief I let them passe and only content my selfe with that which I read in Eusebius declaring of him in this wise That in the 14. yeare after Nero in the second persecution in the dayes of Domitian Iohn was banished into Pathmos for the testimonie of the word an 97. And after the death of the foresaid Domitian being slaine his actes repealed by the Senate Iohn was againe released vnder Pertinax the Emperor came to Ephesus an 100. Where he continued vntill the tyme of Traianus there gouerned the Churches in Asia where also he wrote his Gospell and so liued till the yeare after the Passion of our Lord 68. which was the yeare of his age 99. Moreouer in the foresayd Ecclesiasticall story of Eusebius we read that Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist whō the Lord did loue was in Asia where he being returned out of Pathmos after the death of Domitian gouerned the Churches and congregations Irenaeus in his second booke thus writeth And of him all the Elders do witnes which were with Iohn the Disciple of the Lord in Asia that he spake and wrote these thinges c. for there he continued with them vnto the tyme of Traianus c. Also the said Irenaeus Lib. 3. Hypothes in like wordes declareth saying The Church of the Ephesians being first founded by Paul afterward beyng confirmed of Iohn who continued in the same Citie vnto the tyme of Traianus the Emperour is a true witnesse of this Apostolicall tradition c. Clemens Alexandrinus moreouer noteth both the tyme of this holy Apostle and also addeth to the same a certain history of him not vnworthy to bee remembred of such which delite in things honest and profitable Of the which historie Sozomenus also in his Commentaries maketh mention The wordes of the author setting forth this historie be these Heare a fable and not a fable but a true report which is told vs of Iohn the Apostle deliuered and commended to our remembrance After the death of the tyrant whē Iohn was returned to Ephesus from the I le of Pathmos he was desired to resort to the places bordering neare vnto him partly to constitute bishops partly to dispose the causes and matters of the church partly to ordaine and set such of the Clergy in office whom the holy ghost should elect Wherupon when he was come to a certaine citie not farre of the name of which also many do yet remember and had among other thinges comforted the brethren he looking more earnestly vpon him which was the chiefe bishop among them beheld a yong man mighty in body and of a beautiful countenance and of a feruent mind I commend this man saith he to thee with great diligence in the witnesse here of Christ and of the Church When the Bishop had receiued of him this charge and had promised his faithfull diligence therein Agayne the second tyme Iohn spake vnto him and desired him in like maner and contestatiō as before This done Iohn returneth againe to Ephesus The Bishop receiuing the yong man commēded commicteth to his charge brought him home kept him and nourished him and at length also did illuminate that is he baptised him And in short tyme through his diligence brought him into such order and towardnes that he cōmitted vnto him the ouersight of a certaine cure in the Lordes behalfe The yong man thus hauing more his libertie it chanced that certaine of his companions old familiars being idle dissolute accustomed of old time to wickednes did ioyne in company with him Who first brought him to sumptuous riotous bankets Then entised him forth with them in the night to rob and steale After that he was allured by thē vnto greater mischiefe and wickednesse Wherin by custome of tyme by litle and litle he being more practised and being of a good wit and a stout courage like vnto a wild or an vnbrokē horse leauing the right way running at large without bridle was caried headlong to the profunditie of all misorder and outrage And thus being past all hope of grace vtterly forgetting and reiecting the wholesome doctrine of saluatiō which he had learned before began to set his mynde vpon no small matters And forasmuch as he was entred so farre in the way of perdition he cared not how further he proceded in the same And so associating vnto him the company of his companions and fellow thieues tooke vpon him to be as head and captaine among them in committing all kynd of murther and felony In the meane time it chaunced that of necessitie Iohn was sent for to those quarters againe and came The causes being decided and his busines ended for the which he came by the way meeting with the Bishop afore specified requireth of him the pledge which in the witnes of Christ and of the congregation then present he left in his handes to keepe The bishop something amased at the woordes of Iohn supposing he had meant of some money committed to his custody which he had not receiued and yet durst not mistrust Iohn nor contrary his woordes could not tell what to aunswer Then Iohn perceauing his doubtyng and vtteryng his mynde more plainely The yong man saith he and the soule of our brother committed to your custody I do require Then the bishop with a loude voice sorrowing and weeping said he is dead to whom Iohn said how And by what death The other said he is dead to God for he is become an euill man and pernicious to be briefe a thiefe now he doth frequent this mountaine with a company of villains
not the death of a sinner but is mercifull to the penitent came of their own accorde to the iudgement seate againe that they might bee examined of the Iudge And for that the Emperour had written backe againe to him that all the confessors should be punished and the other let go and that the Sessions or Sises were now begun which for the multitude that had repayre thether out of euery quarter was marueilous great he caused all the holy martirs to be brought thether that the multitude might beholde them once againe examined them and as many of them as he thought had the Romane fredome he beheaded the residue he gaue to the beastes to be deuoured And truely Christ was much glorified by those which a little before had denied him which againe contrary to the expectation of the Infidels confessed him euen to the death For they were examined a part froÌ„ the rest because of their deliuery which being found Confessours were ioined to the company of the martirs had with them their part But there were then abroade which had no saith at all neither yet so much as the feeling of the wedding garment nor any cogitation at all of the feare of God but blasphemed his waies by the lewd conuersatioÌ„ of their life euen such as were the children of damnation Al the residue ioined theÌ„selues to the congregation which wheÌ„ they were examined one Alexander a phrigian borne and a Phisition which had dwelt long in Fraunce and knowen almost of euery man for the loue he had to God boldnes of speaking neither was he voide of the Apostolicall loue this Alexander standing somewhat neare to the barre by signes and beckes perswaded such as were examined to confesse Christ so that by his countenaunce somtime reioising and some other while sorrowing he was descryed of the standers by The people not taking in good part to see those which now recanted by and by againe to sticke to their first confession they cried out against Alexander as one that was the cause of all this matter And when he was inforced by the Iudge and coÌ„maunded what Religion he was of he aunswered I am a Christian. He had no sooner spoken the worde but he was iudged to the beastes of them to be deuoured The next day following Attalus of whome I made mention a litle before and Alexander were brought foorth together for the gouernour graunting Attalus vnto the people was baited againe of the beasts When these men were brought to the scaffold and had taken a tast of all the instruments that there were prepared for their execution and had suffered the greatest agonie they could put theÌ„ to were also at the length slaine Of whome Alexander neuer gaue so much as a sigh nor held his peace but froÌ„ the bottome of his hart praised and praied to the Lorde But Attalus when he was set in the yron chaire and began to frye and the frying sauour of his burning body began to smell he spake to the multitude in the Romane language Behold sayth hee this is to eate mans flesh which you doe for we neither eate men nor yet coÌ„mit any other wickednes And being demaunded what was the name of their God our God saith he hath no such name as men haue Then said they now let vs see whether your God can helpe you and take you out of our handes or not After this being the last day of the spectacle Blandine againe one PoÌ„ticus a child of xv yeare old was brought forth and this was euery day to the intent they seing the punishment of their fellowes might be compelled thereby to sweare by their Idoles But because they constantly abode in their purpose defied their idols the whole multitude was in a rage with them neither sparing the age of the child nor fauoring the sexe of the woman but put them to all the punishment and paine they could deuise often times inforced them to sweare yet were not able to coÌ„pel them therevnto For Ponticus so being animated of his sister as the Heathâ—ikes standing by did see after he had suffered all torments and paynes gaue vp the ghost This blessed Blandina therefore being the last that suffered after she had like a worthy mother giuen exhortations vnto her children and had sent them before as conquerours to their heauenly kâ—ng and had called to her remembrance al their batels conflicts so much reioiced of her childrens death so hastened her owne as though she had bene bidden to a bridall not in case to be throwne to the wilde beastes After this her pittifull whipping her deliuery to the beasts her tormentes vpon the gridiron at the length she was put in a net and throwne to the wild Bull and when she had bene sufficiently gored wounded with the hornes of the same beast felt nothing of all that chaunced to her for the great hope and consolation she had in Christ heauenâ—y thinges was thus slaine insomuch that the verye Heathen men themselues confessed that there was neuer woman put to death of them that suffered so much as this woman did Neither yet was their furious crueltie thus asswaged against the Christians For the cruel barbarous people like wilde beastes when they be moued knew not when the time was to make an ende but inuented new sundry torments euery day against our bodies Neyther yet did it content theÌ„ when they had put the Christians to death for that they wanted the sense of men for which cause both the magistrate people were vexed at the very harts that the scripture might be fulfilled which saith he that is wicked let him be wicked stil and he that is iust let him be more iust For those which in their prisons they strangled they threw after to the dogs setting keepers both day and night to watch them that they shoulde not be buryed and bringing forth the remnaunt of their bones bodies some halfe burnt some left of the wilde beasts some al â—o be mangled also bringing forth heads of other which were cut of and like maner committed by them to the charge of the keepers to see them remaine vnburied The Gentiles grinded gnashed at the Christians with their teeth seeking which way they might amplifie their punishment some other flouted and mocked them extolling their idoles attributing vnto them the cause of thys crueltie and vengeaunce shewed to vs. Such which were of the meeker sort and seemed to be moued with some pyty did hit vs in the teeth saying where is your God that you so much boast of what helpeth this your religion for which you giue your liues These were the sundrye passions and affects of the Gentiles but the Christians in the meane while were in great heauines that they might not burye the bodies and reliques of the holy Martirs Neither could the dark night serue them to that purpose nor any
the house together men of one accord c. And so by the occasion hereof he writeth vnto them in the foresayd Epistle and moueth them to prayer and mutuall agreement For sayth he if it be promised in the Gospell to be graunted whatsoeuer any two consenting together shall aske what shall then the whole Churche do agreeing together or what if this vnanimitie were among the whole fraternitie which vnanimitie sayeth Cyprian if it had bene then among the brethren non venissent fraetribus haec mala si in vnum fraternitas fuisset animata that is these euiles had not happened to the brethren if the brethren had ioyned together in brotherly vnanimitie c. After the causes thus declared of this or other persecutions the sayd S. Cyprian moreouer in the forenamed Epistle worthy to be read of al men describeth likewise a certayne vision wherin was shewed vnto them by the Lord before the persecutiō came what should happen The vision was this There was a certayne aged father sitting at whose right hand set a young man very sad and pensiue as one with an indignation sorrowfull holding hys hand vpon hys brest hys countenaunce heauy and vnchearefull On the left hand sate an other person hauing in hys hand a net whiche he threatned to lay to catch the people that stode about And as he was marueiling that saw the sight thereof it was sayd vnto him The young man whō thou seest sit on the tight hand is sad and sory that hys preceptes be not obserued But he on the left hand daunceth and is merry for that occasion is geuen him to haue power of the aged Father geuen him to afflict men And this vision was seene long before this tempest of persecution happened Wherein is declared the same that before is sayd the sinnes of the people to be the cause why Sathan in this persecution and all other hath had and hath still such power with hys net of destruction to rage agaynst the bloud of Christen men and all because sayth Cyprian we forslacke our praying or be not so vigilant therein as wee shoulde wherefore the Lord because he loueth vs correcteth vs correcteth vs to amend vs amendeth vs to saue vs. c. Cyprian Furthermore the same Cyprian and in the same Epistle wrtting of his own reuelation or message sent to him thus sayth And to hys least seruaunt both sinfull and vnworthy meaning by himselfe God of his tender goodnes hath vouched safe to direct this word Tell him sayth he that hee be quiet and of good comfort for peace will come Albeit a litle stay there is for a while for that some remain yet to be proued and tryed c. And sheweth also in the same place of an other reuelation of his wherein he was admonished to be spare in hys feeding and sober in hys drinke least hys minde geuen to heauenly meditation might be caryed away with worldly allurements or oppressed with to much surfet of meates and drinkes should be lesse apt or able to prayer and spirituall exercise Finally in the latter end of the foresayd Epistle mention also followeth of other reuelations or shewinges wherein the Lord sayth Cyprian doth vouchsafe in many of hys seruantes to foreshew to come the restauring of hys Church the stable quiet of our health and safegard after rayne fayre weather after darcknes light after stormy tempest peaceable calme the fatherly helpe of his loue the wont old glory of hys diuine maiesty whereby both the blasphemy of the persecutors shall be repressed and the repentance of such as haue fallen be reformed and the strong and stable confidence of them that stand shall reioyce and glory Thus much hath S. Cyprian writing of these thinges to the Clergy Lib. 4. Epist. 4. As touching now the crymes and accusations in this persecution layd to the charge of the Christians thys was the principall first because they refused to doe worship to their Idols and to the Emperours then for that they professed the name of Christ. Besides all the calamities and euils that happened in the world as warres famine and pestilence were onely imputed to the Christians Agaynst all which quarreling accusations Cyprian doth eloquently defend the Christians in his booke Contra Demetrianum Like as Tertulian had done before writing Contra Scapulam page 55. And first touching the obiection for not worshipping Idoles he cleareth the Christians both in his booke Contra Demeir also De vanitate idol prouing those Idols to be no true Gods but Images of certayne dead kinges which neyther could saue themselues from death nor such as worship them The true God to be but one and that by the testimony of Sosthenes Plato and Trismegistus the which God the Christians doe truely worship And as concerning that the Christians were thought to be causes of publique calamities because they worshipped not the Gentiles Idoles he purgeth the Christians thereof prouing that if there be any defect in increase of thinges it is not to be ascribed to them but rather to the decrease of nature languishing now toward her age and latter end Agayne for that it hath bene so foresayd and prophecied that toward the end of the worlde should come warres famine and pestilence Moreouer if there be anye cause therof more proper then other it is most like to be imputed to their vaine Idolatry and to the contempt of the true God Also that such euils be increased by the wickednes of the people so that to speake in his owne words famem maiorem facia◠rapacites quam siccitas i. famine cometh more by auarice of men then by drought of the aire but especially the cause therof to procede of the cruell shedding of the innocent bloud of the Christians c. Thus with many other mo probations doth Cyprian defend the Christians against the barbarous exclamatiōs of the heathē Gentiles Of which Cyprian forsomuch as he suffered in the time of his persecution I mynde Christ wylling to recapitulate here in ample discourse the ful summe first of his life and bringing vp then of his death Martyrdome as the worthines of that man deserueth to be remembred Of this Cyprian therfore otherwise named Statius thus writeth Nicephorus Nazianzenns Iacobus de Voragine Henricus de Erfordia Volateranus Hieronymus and other that he being an Aphrican and borne in Carthage first was an Idolater and Gentill altogether giuen to the study and practise of the Magicall Artes of whose parentage and education in letters from his youth no mention is made but that he was a worthy Rethorician in Aphrica Of whose conuersion and baptisme he himselfe in his first booke second Epistle writeth a florishing and eloquent Hystory Which his conuersion vnto the christian fayth as Hieronimus affirmeth in his commentary vpon Ionas was through the grace of God and the meanes of Cecilius a Priest whose name after he bare and through the occasion of
as both the Bishops are slacke in their charge doyng and also the prerogatiue of their order exempteth thē frō the secular iurisdictiō c. And thus much out of Nuburgensis To this matter also pertayne the words of Cesarius the monke in hys 8. booke of Dialogues cap. 69 about the 48. yeare after the death of Thomas Becket which was the yeare of the Lord. 1220. whose wordes in summe come to this effect Quaestio Parisijs inter magistros ventilata fuit vtrum damnatus an saluatus effet ille Thomas Dixerat Rhogerius tunc Normānus fuiffe illum morte ac damnatione dignum quòd contumax esset in dei ministrum regem Protulit econtra Petrus Cantor Parisiensis quòd signa saluationis magne sāctitatis essent eius miracula quòd martirium probasler Ecclesiae causa pro qua mortem subierat c. In English There was a question moued among the maisters of Paris whether Tho. Becket were saued or damned To this question answereth Roger a Norman that he was worthy death and damnation for that he was so obstinate agaynst Gods minister hys K. Contrary Peter Cantor a Persian disputed saying affirming that his miracles were great signes and tokens of saluatiō and also of great holines in that man affirming moreouer that the cause of the Church did allow and confirme hys martyrdome for the which Church he dyed And thus haue ye the iudgement and censure of the schole of Paris touching this question for the saincting of Thomas Becket In which iudgement for so much as the greatest argumēt resteth in the miracles wrought by him after hys death let vs therefore pause a little vpon y◠same to try and examine these his miracles In the tryall wherof we shall finde one of these two to be true that eyther if they were true they were wrought not by God but by a cōtrary spirit of whō Christ our Lord geueth vs warning in his gospell saying whose comming shal be with lying signes and wonders to deceiue if it were possible the elect Math 24. for els we shall finde that no suche were euer wrought at all but fayned and forged of idle Monkes and religious bellies for the exaltatiō of their churches profit of their powches whiche thing in deede seemeth rather to be true And no lesse may appeare by the miracles thēselues set forth by one of his own Monks of his owne time who in fine solemne books hath comprehended all the reuelation vertues and miracles of this archb the which bookes as yet remayning in the hands of William Stephenson Citizen of London I haue seen and perused wherein is contayned the whole summe of all his miracles to the number of 270 being so far of from all trueth reason some ridiculous some monstrous vayne absurd some also blasphemous some so impudēt that not onely they deserue no credit altogether sauoring of mere forgery but also for very shame will abash an honest penne to write vpō thē First if miracles serue for necessity for infidels what cause or necessity was there in a Christian realme hauing the word of God for God to worke such miracles after his death who neuer wrought any in all his life Thē to consider the end of these miracles whether do they tend but onely to bring men to Canterbury with their vowes and offeringes to enrich the couent Beside the nūber of the miracles which he sayd so many that they lose theyr owne credit what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof some miracle hath not bene wrought by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as feuers fistula the gout toothache palsey consumption falling sicknesse leprosie headache broken armes maymed legs swelling throates the raysing vp of the dead which haue bene two dayes departed with infinite other And as all these haue healed for the most part by one kinde of salue as a certayne panacea which was with the water onely of Caunterbury like as a cunning Smith which should open with one key all maner of lockes so agayne in reading of the story of these miracles ye shall finde the matter so conueyed that the power of this dead Saynt was neuer twise shewed vpon any one disease but euery diuers disease to haue a diuers miracle To recite in order all these prodigious reuelatiōs and phātasticall miracles falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop were nothing els but to write a legend of lies to occupy the people with tristes Which because it pertaineth rather so the idle professiō of such dreaming monks and cloysterers that haue nothing els to maintain that religion withal I will not take their profession out of theyr hands Wherfore to omit all suche vayne lying apparitions and miracles as how this angry sainct 3. dayes after his death appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus commaunding the quere not to sing but to say this office of his masse Exurge quare obdormis Domine c. Which vision the author himselfe of the book doth say he did see To omit also the blasphemous lye how in other vision the sayd Archbishop should say that hys bloud did cry out of the earth to God more then the bloud of iust Abell Itē in an other visiō it was shewed to a monk of Lewes how S. Thomas had hys place in heauen appoynted with the Apostles aboue Stephen Laurence Uincent and al the other Martyrs whereof of this cause is rendered for that ◠Stephen Laurence and such other suffered only for their own cause But this Th. suffered for the vniuersal church Item how it was shewed to a certayne young man Ormus by name xij yeares before the death of this Becket that among the Apostles martyrs in heauen there was a vacaunt place left for a certayne priest as he sayd of England which was credibly supposed to be this Tho. Becket Item how a certain knightes sonne being two dayes dead was reuiued agayne so soone as he had the water of Caunterbury put in his mouth had by his parentes 4. peeces of siluer bended to be offered in Caūterbury in the childes behalfe All these I say with such other like to omit the number wherof commeth to an infinite varietie onely this one story or an other that followeth shall suffice to expresse the vanitie and impudent forgery of all the rest In the fourth book of this fabulous author and in the 3. chap. a miracle is there contayned of a certayn countryman of Bedfordshire in kinges Weston whose name was Gilwardus which Gilwardus in his dronkēnes brusting into an other mans house which was his debter took out of his house a great whetstone a paire of hedging gloues The other party seyng this value not sufficient for hys cōdemnation by the councell of the towneclerk entred an action of felony agaynst him for other thinges besides as for stealing
suffered this patiently Glossa The euils which these false Prophetes ioyned together by seculare power doe bryng in Are not the doinges of true Apostles but false Prophets The 34. signe is that true Apostles go not to preach to those which are coÌ„uerted already by other men but rather doe conuert those which are not yet conuerted least that they should build vpon an other mans foundation as S. Paule Rom. 15 sayth I haue laboured so that from Ierusalem to Iliricus I haue replenished the Gospell in euery place Glose That is I haue preached the same abouÌ„dantly in whom the great vertue of the holy ghost appeareth because so many nations that is the Gentiles haue receiued the Gospell by my preaching But I haue preached the Gospell there where Christ was not preached before least I should build vpon an other mans foundatioÌ„ Glose I should not preach to those that were conuerted by an other man Also 2. Corinth 10. we are not such as boast and glory in other mens labours Glose where an other man layd the foundation for that should be to boast inordinately Also in the same place not thinking to boast wher an other man hath gouernmeÌ„t but in those things which are put in experience Glose Of other preachers Because the Apostle did preach vnto those to whoÌ„ the Gospell was neuer preached that he might get prayse by his owne proper labour Therefore those Preachers which goe not to that people which haue neede to be conuerted but to those which are conuerted already which haue apostles of their own that is to say Bishops and Priests and yet do boast ouer an other mans flocke are not true Apostles but false Prophets The 35. signe is because true Apostles when they are sent go to their own dioces not to an other maÌ„s dioces euen as Paule being sent went to the Gentiles when he purposed to preach Actes 13. Seperate Paule and Barnabas for the businesse whiche I haue chosen them vnto Glose According to the appoyntmeÌ„t and decree of Iames Cephas and Iohn went he forth to be a teacher vnto the Gentiles But those preachers that stand vpon theyr feet That is to saye those Preachers whiche haue but small worldly substaunce for which cause they are more readier to goe which way so euer it shall please the Lord to send them I say the Lord hath sent them to preache not to those which be sufficiently learned but to those that are infidels as we read in Ezech. 2. After that the spirit of the Lord set Ezechiel vpon his feet in qua spem situs vnus tangitur and he sayd vnto him O sonne of man beholde I send thee to the nations which haue â—art â—acke from their profession which haue gone from me that is to the Iewish heretickes and to those nations which sometime haue bene Christians as the Egyptians the Babilonians and all those that obserue the law of Mahomet Therefore if such go to those that are already instructed hauing both Apostles bishops and priests of their owne they goe not into their own dioces but into an other mans dioces and are not true Apostles but false preachers And it is greatly to be feared least the Church be in hazard and daunger by such vnlesse they be thrust oâ—t of the same betime EueÌ„ as Ionas which wheÌ„ he was sent to â—iâ—iuy of the Lord which is interpreted large or wide and leadeth to the hill that is to the Infidels we speake of before They go not to those Infidelles according to the commaundement of the Lord but they turne an other way take their iourny into â—harsis which is interpreted â—oâ—king after ioy and pleasure That is they goe vnto thosâ— which receiue theÌ„ with ioy and gladnes do well prouide for them that is to say to godly and deuout Christians And therefore it is to be feared least the ship in which they be that is the Church be in great perill vnlesse they be thrown forth And therefore the Apostle spake of such false Prophets not without good cause 2. Timo. 2. And shonne thou those Glose That is such men as those be The 36. signe is because true Apostles doe not boast neither do they attribute vnto theÌ„selues any other thing but in that God hath wrought the same by them Paule Romaines 15. sayth I dare not say any thing but that which Christ hath wrought and accomplished by me Glo. That is I speake onely those thinges which by me that is by my ministery Christ hath wrought They therefore that boast of many things do attribute much vnto theÌ„selues which they neuer did are not true Apostles but false Prophets The 37. signe is that true Apostles do not apply them selues or leane to Logicall or Philosophicall reasons Therfore those preachers which do indeuour themselues to such kinde of reasons are not true Apostles but false Prophets The 38. signe is that true Apostles doe not loue carnally or after the flesh but hate what thing soeuer doth resist them in the seruice of God as Luke 14. He that doth not hate his father and mother his sonne and sister and also himselfe he cannot be my disciple Glose That is he that doth not hate whatsoeuer doth resist or let him in the seruice of God is not worthy to be a Disciple neither can he abide in that office Therefore for as much as true preachers are the true Disciples of the Lord it must needes follow that those Preachers which do promote their nephewes and kinsfolks how vnworthy soeuer they be to Ecclesiasticall promotions and liuinges contrary to the will of God or do any other thing that letteth or hindreth them in the seruice of God are not true Apostles but false Prophets The 39. signe is that true Apostles do not hunt for the frendship of this world for he that is the frend of this world is the enemy of God Therefore those preachers which purchase the frendship of this world are not true apostles but false prophetes Therefore for as much as the Scripture is infallible as in the 24. chapter of Mathew saying Heauen and earth shall perish but my words shal endure for euer And the holy ghost which spake in the Apostle cannot lie for prophecy for the most part is not spoken by the will of man but the holy men of God spake by the inspiration of the holy Ghost as it is red in the first epistle of Peter the 5. chapter It remayneth that all men which are bound to defend the Church may rise vp in the defence of the same according to that in the 24. chapter of the Prouerbs Deliuer those that are led to death and cease thou not to rescue those which are drawne to destruction Neither may he alleadge vayne accusations because it is sayd in the same place If he say he is not able or strong enough he that beholdeth the thoughtes of mens hartes shall know it c. what so euer
the Church with such ample possessions 39. It is not necessary to saluation to beleue the church of Rome to be supreme head ouer all Churches 40. It is but folly to beleue the Popes pardons 41. All othes which be made for any coÌ„tract or ciuill bargayne betwixt man and man be vnlawfull 43. Benedict Fraunces Dominicke Bern with all such as haue bene patrons of priuate religion except they haue repented with such also as haue entred into the same be in a damnable state and so from the Pope to the lowest Noues they be all together heretickes Besides these Articles to the number of 45. condemned as is sayd by the Counsell of Constance Other articles also I finde diuersly collected or rather wrasted out of the bookes and writinges of Wickliffe some by William Wodford some by Walden by Frier Tyssington other whom they in theyr bookes haue impugned rather theÌ„ coÌ„futed In the number of whom William Wodford especially findeth out these Articles and writeth agaynst the same to the number of 18. as here vnder follow 1. The bread remayneth in his owne substaunce after the consecration therof vpon the aultar and ceaseth not to be bread still 2. As Iohn was figuratiuely Helias and not personally so the bread figuratiuely is the body of Christ and not naturally And that without all doubt this is a figuratiue speach to say this is my body as to say This Iohn is â—elias 3. In the Decree Ergo Berengarius the Courte of Rome hath determined that the Sacrament of the holy Eucharist is naturaly true bread 4. They which do affirme that the infantes of the faythful departing without the Sacrament of baptisme are not to be saued be presumptuous and fooles in so affirming 5. The administration of the Sacrament of confirmatioÌ„ is not onely reserued to the Bishops 6. In the time of S. Paule onely two orders of Clerkes did suffice in the Church Priests and Deacons Neither was there in the time of the Apostles any destinction of Popes Patriarches and Archbishops and Bishops but these the Emperors pride did finde it out 7. Such as in times past either for couetousnes of temporall lucre or of hope of mutuall succour by kindred or for cause to excuse their lust although they dispayred of issue were maryed were coupled together not by true Matrimony 8. The causes of diuorcement either for spirituall consanguinity or for affinity be not fouÌ„ded in Scripture but are onely ordinaunces of men 9 These words I will take thee to wife are rather to be taken in conâ—ract of matrimony then these wordes I doe take thee to wife And the contract with any party by the words of the future tence ought not to be frustrate for the contract with any party afterward made by the words of the present time 10. There be 12. disciples of Antechrist Popes Cardinals Patriarches Archbishops Bishops Archdeacons Officials Deanes Monkes Chanons Friers and Pardoners 11. In the booke of Numbers the 18. chapter in Ezechiell 44. chapter it is commaunded simply that neither the Priestes of Aaron nor the Leuites should haue any part of inheritance with other tribes but should liue meerly of tithes and oblations 12. There is no greater hereticke or Antechrist then that Clerke which teacheth that it is lawfull for Priestes and Leuites of the law of grace to be indued with temporall possessions And if there be any heretickes Apostates or blasphemers these Clerkes be such 13. It is not onely lawfull for the Lords temporal to take away goods of fortune from the Churchmen sinning vsually but also are bounde so to doe vnder payne of eternall damnation 14. He that is the more humble and more seruiceable to the Church and more enamoured with the loue of Christ he is in the church militant the greater and the more nearest Vicar of Christ. 15. If corporall vnction or aneling were a Sacrament as now it is fayned to be Christ and his Apostles would not haue left the ordinaunce thereof vntouched 16. Vnto the true dominion secular is required vertuous life of him that ruleth 17. All thinges that happen doe come absolutely of necessity 18. Whatsoeuer the Pope or his Cardinalles can deduce clearely out of the Scripture that only is to be beleued or to be done at their monitioÌ„ whatsoeuer otherwise they do commaund is to be condemned as hereticall Besides this W. Woodford afore mentioued diuers other there were which wrote agaynst these articles of Wicliffe aforesay maynteyning the Popes part as seemeth for flatterye rather then following any iust cause so to doe or shewing forth any reason or learning in disprouing the same Notwithstanding on the contrary part some there were againe both learned and godly which taking the part of Wickliffe without all flattery defended the most of the sayd articles openly in scholes and other places as appereth by the works of Iohn Hus who in his publicke determinations in the vniuersity of Prage stoode in defence of the same agaynst all his aduersaryes As partly is here to be seene in these tractations vnder folowing ¶ THE PVBLICK DEFENCE of certayne Articles of Iohn Wickliffe in the first Act before the whole Vniuersity of Prage in Charles Colledge ¶ The determination of I. Hus vpon the xiiij Article of Wickliffe as touching the preaching and hearing of the word of God made in the yeare of our Lord. 1412. FOr so much as to condemne the trueth wittingly or without reasonable examination doth tende to greate daunger of saluation as the Lord sayth Luke the sixt doe ye not condemne and ye shall not be condemned Therefore to auoyd this great dauÌ„ger the Vniuersity of Prage and the whole communalty there of the Rector Masters Doctors Bachelers and Studentes in theyr generall assembly not agreeing to the condemnation pronounced by the Doctors in theyr councell house requireth of the sayde Doctors a reasonable proofe of theyr condemnation and that they should by scripture authority or infallible reasoÌ„ proue the falsehead of euery those fiue and forty Articles The which being once done the sayd Vniuersity will agree to the sayd condemnation as iust For the Vniuersity doth well know that as Augustine sayth in the end of his second booke of Christian doctrine That what so euer a man doth learne besides the holy scriptures if it be hurtfull there it is condemned If it be profitable there it is founde And when a man hath founde all thinges therein which he hath profitably learned els where he shall much more aboundantly finde those thinges which are found in no place els but are learned in the maruelous deapth and maruellous profoundnesse of those most sacred Scriptures onely Thus writeth Augustine And Gregory in his three twenty booke of Moralles sayth thus God in the holye scripture hath comprehended whatsoeuer thing may happen vnto any man and in the same hath by the examples of those which are gone afore taught them which are to come how to
Christenmasse what condites were made what Maiors and shirifes were in London what battails were fought what triumphs and great feasts were holdē when kings began their raigne and when they ended c. In such vulgare and popular affairs the narration of the Chronicler serueth to good purpose may haue his credite wherein the matter forceth not much whether it be true or false or whether any listeth to beleue them But where as a thyng is denied and in cases of iudgement and in controuersies doubtfull which are to be decided and boulted out by euidence of iust demonstration I take them neither for Iudges of the bench not for arbiters of the cause nor as witnesses of themselues sufficient necessarily to be sticked vnto Albeit I deny not but hystories are takē many times and so termed for witnesses of times and glasses of antiquitie c. yet not such witnesses as whose testimony beareth alwaies a necessary truth and bindeth beliefe The two witnesses whych came against Susanna being seniours both of auncient yeares bare a great countenance of a most euidēt testimony wherby they almost both deceiued the people oppressed the innocent had not yōg Daniel by the holy spirite of God haue take thē aside and seuerally examining them one from the other found them to be falsliers both leauing to vs therby a lesson of wholsome circumspection not rashly to beleeue euery one that commeth and also teaching vs how to try thē out Wherfore M. Cope following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye inferre against these men we wil in like maner examine them seuerally one frō an other and see how their testimonie agreeth first beginning wyth your Robert Fabian Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age nor at the deede doing can of himselfe geue no credite herein without due proofe and euidence conuenient Now thē doth Rob. Fabian proue this matter of treason true what probation doeth he bring what authoritie doth he alleage And doth Rob. Fabian thinke if he were not disposed to conceiue of the L. Cobham and those men a better opinion but to be traitors that men are bounde to beleue him only at his word without any ground or cause declared why they shuld so do but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write And if yee thinke M. Cope the word only of this witnes sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham and prouing nothing which followed so many yeres after him why may not I as well and much rather take the worde and testimonie of Richard Belward a Northfolke man and of the towne of Crisam who liuing both in his time possible knowing the party punished also for the like trueth is not reported but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich to geue this testimonie among other his articles for the foresaid L. Cobham that is that sir Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholike man and falsely condemned and put to death wythout a reasonable cause c. Ex Regist. Noruic Agaynst this man if you take exception say that one hereticke will hold with an other why may not I with the like exception reply to you agayne say as well one Papist hold with an other and both cōiure together to make and say the worst agaynst a true Protestant Further yet to examine this foresayd Fabian witnes agaynst Sir Iohn Oldcastle as Daniell examined that witnesses agaynst Susanna I will not here aske vnder what tree these adherentes of sir I. Oldcastle conspired agaynst the king subuersion of that land but in what time in what yeare and moneth this conspiracie was wrought Fabian witnesseth that it was in the moneth of Ianuary Cōtrary Edward Hall other our Abridgementers followyng him doe affirme that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xij of December and that their executiō vpon the same was in Ianuary followyng so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the moneth of Decēber or els before so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum vt cū Daniele dicam or if it were in the moneth of Ianuary as Fabian sayth then is Hall and his followers deceiued testifying the fact to be done in the moneth of December And yet to obiect moreouer against the sayd Fabiā for so much as he is such a rash witnes agaynst these burned persons whom he calleth traytors it would be demaūded further of him or in his absence of Maister Cope in what yeare this treason was conspired If it were in the same yeare as he cōfesseth himselfe in which yeare Iohn Cleidon the Skinner Richard Turmine Baker were burned then was it neither in the moneth of Ianuary nor in the first yeare of kyng Henry the fift For in the register of Cāterbury it appeareth playne that Iohn Claydon was condemned neither in the tyme of Thom. Arundell Archbyshop nor yet in the first nor second yeare of kyng Henry the v. but was cōdemned in the second yeare of the translation of Henry Chichesly Archbyshop of Canterbury the. 17. day of August which was the yeare of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracie was in the same yeare after the witnesse of Fabiā in which yeare I. Cleydon was burned then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses nor with him selfe nor yet with truth And thus much concerning the witnes of Rob. Fabian Let vs next proceede to Polidore Uirgill whose partiall and vntrue handling of our history in other places of of his bookes doth offer vnto vs sufficient exception not to admit his credite in this And yet because we will rather examine him then exclude him let vs heare a little what he sayth how he fayleth in how many pointes numbring the same vpon my fiue fingers First ending with the life of king Henry 4. hee sayeth that hee raigned 14. 14. yeares and 6. moneths and 2. dayes Angl. hist. lib. 21. whyche is an vntruth worthy to be punyshed wyth a whole yeares banishment to speake after the maner of Apulenis when as truth is he raigned by the testimony of the story of S. Albones of Fabian of Hall of our old English Chronicle and of Scala mundi but 13. 6. moneths lacking as some say 5. dayes Hal saieth he raigned but 12. yeares The second vntruth of Polydore is this where as hee speaking of this sedition of sir Iohn Oldcastle and his adherents affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of Iohn Hus and of Hierome of Prage whych was sayeth he An. 1415. in which yere sayth he Thomas Arundell died Hys wordes be these In eodem concilio damnata est Ioh. Wicliffi haeresis ac Ioan. Hus Hieronymus Pragensis in ea vrbe combusti sunt Quod vbi reliquis consocijs qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant patefit tanquam furijs agitati primùm
first written in Greeke by Gregory the 3. and afterward translated out of Greeke into Latine by pope Zachary vide supra pag. 130. Likewise that worthy and Imperiall sermon iâ—â—tuâ—ed Eusebij pamphili Sermo ad Conuentum Sanctorum hath to thys day wrongfully borne the name of Eusebius Where as in very truth it was made by the good Emperour Constantinus himselfe in his owne heroicall stile in latine and afterward translated out of Latine into Greeke by Eusebius as he himselfe confesseth in hys worke De vita Constant. lib. 4. But as touching this sermon although the name be chaunged so godly and fruitful it is that it â—attereth not much vnder whose name it be read yet worthy to be read vnder the name of none so much as of the Emperor CoÌ„stantine himselfe who was the true author and owner therof Briefly except it be the bookes onely of the new Testament and of the olde what is almost in the popes church but either it is mingled or depraued or altered or corrupted either by some additions interlased or by some diminutioÌ„ mangled and gelded or by some glose adulterate or with manifest lies contaminate So that in theyr doctrine standeth little truth in theyr Legendes Portues masse-bookes lesse trueth in their miracles and Reliques least truth of all Neyther yet doe theyr sacramentes remayne cleare and voyd of manifest lyes and corruption And specially here commeth in the mayster bee whiche bringeth in much sweet hony into Popes hiues the maister lye I mean of all lyes where the P. leauing not one cromme of bread nor drop of wine in the reuerent communion vntruly and idolatrously taketh away all substaunce of bread from it turning the whole substaunce of bread into the substaunce of Christes owne body which substaunce of bread if the Pope take from the sacrament then muste he also take the breaking from it for breaking and the body of Christ can in no wise stand litterally together by the scripture Thus then as this is proued by the word of God to be a manifest lye so thinke not much good Reader hereat as though I passed the bondes of modestie in calling it the Archlye or maister lie of all lies Because vppon this one an infinite number of other lyes and erroures in the popes churche as handmaydes doe wayte and depend But forsomuch as I stand here not to charge other meÌ„ so muche as to defende my selfe ceasing therefore or rather differing for a time to stir this stinking pudle of these wilfull and intended lyes and vntruthes whiche in the Popes Religion and in papistes bookes be innumerable I will now returne to those vntruthes and impudent lies which M. Cope hath hunted out in my history of Actes Monuments first beginning with those vntruthes which he carpeth in the storye of the foresayde syr Iohn Oldcastle and syr Roger Acton Browne and the rest And first where he layeth to my charge that I cal them Martyrs whiche were traytors and seditious rebels agaynst the king and theyr Country to this I haue aunswered before sufficiently Now here then must the reader needes stay a little at M. Copes request to see my vanitie and impudencye yet more fully and amply repressed in refuting a certain place in my Latine story concerning the kinges statute made at Leiceister whiche place and wordes by him alledged be these pag. 1â—7 Quocirca Rex indicto Lecestriae concilio quòd fortâ—ssis Londini ob Cabhami fautores non erat tutum proposito edicto immanem denunciat poenam his quicunque deinceps hoc doctrinae genus sectarentur vsqueâ—deo in eos seuerus vt non modo haereticos sed perduelliones etiam haberi aâ— pâ—o inde gemino eos supplicio suspendio simul inceÌ„dio afficiendos statueriâ— c. Eâ— mox Adeo ille vires rationesque intendebat omnes aduersus Wicklenianos Wicleuiani ad temporis decebantur quicunque Scripturas Dei sua lingua lectirarent Vpon these wordes out of my foresayd Latine booke alledged maister Cope perswadeth himselfe to haue great aduauntage agaynst me to proue me a notorious lyer in three sondry pointes First in that whereas I say that the king did hold his parliament at Leicester adding thys by the way of Parenthesis quod fortassis Londini ob Cobhami fautores non erat tutum c. here he concludeth thereby simpliciter and precisely that the Lord Cobham and syr Roger Acton with his fellowes were traytors c. Whereby a man may soone shape a cauiller by the shadowe of mayster Cope For where as my Dialysis out of the texte speaketh doubtfully and vncertaynely by this word fortassis meaning in deede the king to be in feare of the Gospellers that he durst not hold his Parliament at London but went to Leiceister he argueth precisely therfore that the Lord Cobham sir Roger Acton and his fellowes went about to kil the king Secondly where I affirme that the king in that Parliament made a grieuous law agaynst al such did hold the doctrine of Wickliffe that they should be taken hereafter not for heretiques but also for fellons or rebels or traytors and therefore should sustayne a double punishement both to be hanged and also to be burned c. Here coÌ„meth in maister Momus with his Cope on his backe and prouing me to be a lyer denyeth playnly that the king made any suche statute vid. pag. 835. line 6. where hys wordes be these Atqui quod haeretici pro perduellionibus deinceps geminatas poenas suspeÌ„dij incendij luerent vt nugatur Foxus nullo modo illic traditur c. First here woulde bee asked of maister Cope what hee calleth patriae hostes et proditores if he call these traytours then let vs see whether they that followed the sect of wycliffe were made traytours heretiques by the kings law or not And first let vs heare what sayth Polydore Virgil his owne witnes in this behalfe whose words in his xxii booke pag. 441. be these Quare publice edixit vt si vspiam deinceps reperirentur qui eam sequerentur sectam patriae hostes haberentur quò sine omni lenitate seuerius ac ocyus de illis supplicium sumeretur c. That is wherefore it was by publique statute decreed that whosoeuer were founde hereafter to follow the sect of Wyckliffe should be accounted for traytors whereby without all lenitie they shoulde be punished more seuerely and quickly c. Thus haue you maister Cope the playne testimonie of Polydore with mee And because ye shall further see your selfe more impudent in carping then I am in deprauing of histories you shall vnderstand moreouer and heare what Thomas Walden one of your owne catholique brotherhode who was also himselfe aliue a doer in the same Parliament being the prouincial of the Carmelites saith in this matter writing to Pope Martin whose very wordes in Latine here follow written in
gaue vnto that Archbishop desiring him that if he found any error or heresie in them that he would note and mark theÌ„ and I myselfe would publish them openly But the archbishop albeit that he shewed me no errour nor heresie in them burned my bookes together with those that were brought vnto him notwtstanding that he had no such commaundement from Pope Alexander the fifth of that name But notwithstanding by a certaine pollicie he obtayned a Bull from the sayd Pope by meanes of Iaroslaus Bishop of Sarepte of the order of Franciscanes that all Wickleffâ—s books for the manifold errours contayned in them wherof there was none named should be taken out of all mens handes The archb vsing the authoritie of this Bull thought he should bring to passe that the king of Boheme and the Nobles shold consent to the condemnation of Wickliffes bookes but therein he was deceiued Yet neuerthelesse he calling together certayn deuines gaue them in coÌ„missioÌ„ to sit vpon Wickliffes bookes and to proceede agaynst them by a diffinitiue sentence in the Canon law These men by a generall sentence iudged all those books worthy to be burned The which when the Doctors Maysters and Shollers of the vniuersitie heard report of they altogether with one consent accord none excepted but onely they which before were chosen by the Archbishop to sit in iudgement determined to make supplication vnto the king to stay the matter The king graunting their request sent by and by certain vnto the Archbishop to examine the matter There he denyed that he woulde decree anye thing as touchinge Wickleffes bookes contrary vnto the kinges will pleasure Wherupon albeit that he had determined to burn theÌ„ the next day after yet for feare of the king the matter was passed ouer In the meane tyme Pope Alexander the fifth beyng dead the Archbishop fearing least the Bull whiche he had receiued of the pope would be no longer of any force or effect priuily calling vnto him hys adherentes and shutting the gates of hys Court round about him being garded with a number of armed souldiors he consumed and burned all Wickliffes bookes Beside this great iniurie the Archbyshop by meanes of his Bull aforesayd committed an other lesse tollerable For he gaue out commaundement that no man after that time vnder payne of excoÌ„munication shold teach any more in Chappels Wherunto I did appeale vnto the Pope who being dead and the cause of my matter remayning vndetermined I appealed likewise vnto his successor Iohn 23. Before whom when as by the space of 2. yeres I could not be admitted by my aduocates to defend my cause I appealed vnto the high Iudge Christ. When I. Hus had spoken these wordes it was demaunded of hym whether he had receiued absolution of the pope or no he aunswered no. Then agayne whether it were lawfull for him to appeale vnto Christ or no. Whereunto Iohn Hus answered Uerely I doe affirme here afore you all that there is no more iust or effectuall appeale then that appeale which is made vnto Christ for asmuch as the law doth determine that to appeale is no other thinge then in a cause of griefe or wrong done by an inferior iudge to implore and require ayde and remedy at a higher Iudges hand Who is then an higher Iudge then Christ Who I say caÌ„ know or iudge the matter more iustly or with more equitie when as in him there is found no deceit neyther can he be deceiued or who can better helpe the miserable oppressed theÌ„ he While Iohn Hus with a deuout and sober countenaunce was speaking and pronouncing those words he was derided and mocked of all the whole councell Then was there rehearsed an other Article of his accusation in this maner that Iohn Hus for to confirme the heresie which he had taught the common and simple people out of Wickleffes bookes sayd openly these wordes that at what time a great number of Monkes and Friers and other learned men were gathered together in EnglaÌ„d in a certayne Church to dispute agaynst Iohn Wickliffe could by no meanes vanquishe him or geue him the foyle sodenly the church doore was broken open with lightning so that with much a doe Wickleffes enemies hardly scaped without hurt He added moreouer that he wished his soule to be in the same place where Iohn Wickleffes soule was Whereunto Iohn Hus answered that a douscine yeares before that any bookes of Diuinitie of Iohn Wickleffes were in Boheme he did see certayne workes of Philosophie of hys the which he sayd did merueilous delite and please hym And when he vnderstoode the good and godly life of the sayd Wickleffe he spake these wordes I trust sayde he that Wickleffe is saued and albeit that I doubt whether he be damned or no yet with a good hope I wish that my soule were in the same place where Iohn Wickleffes is Then agayne did all the company iest and laugh at hym It is also in hys accusation that Iohn Hus did counsaile the people according to the example of Moyses to resist with the sword agaynst all such as did gaynsay his doctrine And the next day after he had preached the same there were found openly in diuers places certaine intimations that euery man being armed with hys sword about him should stoutly proceede and that brother shoulde not spare brother neyther one neighbor an other Iohn Husse aunswered that all these thinges were falsly layd vnto hys charge by his aduersaries for he at all times when he preached did dilligently admonishe and warne the people that they should all arme themselues to defend the truth of the Gospell according to the saying of the Apostle with the helmet and sworde of saluation and that he neuer spake of any material sword but of that which is the word of God And as touching intimations or Moyses sword he neuer had nothing to doe withall It is moreouer affirmed in hys accusation and witnes that many offences are sprong vp by the doctrine of Hus. For first of all he sowed discord betweene the Ecclesiastical and the politick state whereupon folowed the persecution spoiling and robbery of the Clergie Bishops And more ouer that he through his dissention dissolued the vniuersitie of Prage Hereunto Iohn Hus briefly aunswered that these thinges had not happened by hys meanes or default For the first dissention that was betweene the Ecclesiasticall and politicke state sprang and grew vpon this cause that pope Gregory the 12. of that name promised at his election that at all times at the wil and pleasure of the Cardinals he would depart from and geue ouer hys seate agayne for vnder that condition he was electe and chosen This man contrary and against Winceslaus king of Boheme who was then also king of the Romaynes made Lewes Duke of Bauaria Emperour A few yeares after it happened that when as P. Gregory would not refuse and geue ouer
destroyed This most holy and godly labour O most noble Prince was reserued only for thee vpon thee it doth only lye vnto whome the whole rule and ministration of iustice is giuen Wherfore thou hast established thy praise renowne euen by the mouthes of infants sucking babes for thy praises shall be celebrate for euermore that thou hast destroied ouerthrowne such and so great enimies of the faith The which that thou maist prosperously happely perfourme bring to passe our Lord Iesu Christ may vouchsafe to grant thee his grace help who is blessed for euer euer Amen When this Sermon was thus ended the Procurer of the Councell rising vp named Henricus de Piro required that the processe of the cause against Iohn Hus might be continued and proceed vnto the difinitiue sentence Then a certaine Byshop whych was appointed one of the Iudges declared the processe of the cause which was pleaded long since in the Court of Rome and elsewhere betweene Iohn Hus and the Prelates of Prage At the last he repeated those articles which we haue before remembred amongst the which he rehearsed also one article that I. Hus shoulde teach the two natures of the Godhead and manhead to be one Christ. Iohn Hus went about briefly with a word or two to aunswer vnto euerie one of them but as often as he was about to speake the Cardinall of Cambray coÌ„manded him to hold his peace saieng heereafter you shall answere to all together if you will Then said Iohn Hus how can I at once aunswere vnto all those things which are alledged against me wheÌ„ as I cannot remember them all Then sayde the Cardinall of Florence we haue heard thee sufficiently But wheÌ„ as I. Hus for all that would not hold his peace they sent the officers which should force him therunto Then began he to intreate pray and beseech therâ—â—hat they woulde heare him that such as were present â—ight not credite or beleeue those things to be true which were reported of him But when all this would nothing preuaile he kneeling downe vpon his knees committed the whole matter vnto God and the Lord Iesus Christ for at their handes he beleeued easely to obtaine that which he desired When the articles abouesaid were ended last of all there was added a notable blasphemy which they all imputed vnto Iohn Hus. That is that he saide there shoulde be a fourth person in diuinitie and that a certaine Doctour did heare him speake of the same When Iohn Hus desired that the Doctour might be named the Bishop which had alledged the article said that it was not needefull to name him Then said Iohn Hus O miserable and wretched man that I am which am forced and compelled to beare such blasphemy and slaunder Afterward the Article was repeated how he appealed vnto Christ and that by name was called hereticall whereunto Iohn Hus answered O Lord Iesu Christ whose word is openly condemned heere in this Councell vnto thee againe I do appeale which when thou wast euill intreated of thine enimies diddest appeale vnto God thy father committing thy cause vnto a most iust Iudge that by thy example we also being oppressed with manifest wrongs and iniuries should flee vnto thee Last of all the Article was rehearsed as touching the contempt of the excommunication by Iohn Hus. Whereunto he answered as before that he was excused by his aduocates in the court of Rome wherefore he did not appeare when he was cited and also that it may be proued by the actes that the excommunication was not ratified and finally to the intent he might cleare himselfe of obstinacie he was for that cause come vnto Constance vnder the Emperours safeconduct When he had spoken these words one of them which was appointed Iudge reade the definitiue sentence against him which followeth thus word for word The sentence or iudgement of the Councell of Constance geuen against Iohn Husse THe most holy and sacred generall Councell of Constance being congregate and gathered together representing the Catholike Church for a perpetuall memory of the thing as the veritie truth doth witnes an euill tree bringeth forth euill seuite hereupon it commeth that the man of most damnable memory Iohn Wickleffe through his pestiferous doctrine not through Iesu Christ by the Gospell as the holy Fathers in times past haue gotteÌ„ faithfull children but coÌ„trary vnto the holesome faith of Iesus Christ as a most venemous roote hath begotten many pestilent wicked children whome he hath left behind him successours and folowers of his peruerse and wicked doctrine against whome this sacred Synode of Constance is forced to rise vp as against bastards and vnlawfull children and with diligent care with the sharpe knife of the Ecclesiasticall authoritie to cut vp their errours out of the Lords field as most hurtfull brambles and briers least they should growe to the hurt and detriment of others For somuch then as in the holy generall Councell lately celebrated and holden at Rome it was decreed that the docrine of I. Wickleffe of most damnable memory should be condemned that his bookes which coÌ„teined the same doctrine should be burned as hereticall this decree was approued confirmed by the sacred authoritie of that whole CouÌ„cell neuertheles one Iohn Hus here personally present in this sacred Councell not the Disciple of Christ but of Iohn Wickliffe an Archheretike after and contrary or against the coÌ„demnation and decree hath taught preached affirmed the Articles of Wickleffe which were condemned by the Church of God and in times past by certaine most reuerend fathers in Christ Lords Archbishops and Byshops of diuers kingdomes Realmes Maisters of diuinitie of diuers Uniuersities especially resisting in his open Sermons and also with his adherents and complices in the scholes the condemnation of the said Articles of Wickleffes oftentimes published in the said Uniuersitie of Prage and hath declared him the said Wickleffe for the fauour and commendation of his doctrine before the whole multitude of the Cleargy and people to be a Catholicke man and a true Euangelical Doctour He hath also published and affirmed certaine many of his Articles worthely condemned to be Catholicke the which are notoriously conteined in the bookes of the said Iohn Hus. Wherfore after diligent deliberation full information first had vpon the premisses by the reuerend fathers and Lords in Christ of the holy Church of Rome Cardinals Patriarkes Archbishops Bishops and other Prelates Doctours of â—â—â—nitie and of both lawes in great number assembled and gathered together this most sacred holie Councell of Constance declareth determineth the articles aboue said the which after due conference had are found in his bookes written with his owne hand the which also the said Iohn Hus in opeÌ„ audience before this holy Councell hath confessed to be in his bookes not to be Catholicke neither worthy to be taught but that many of
read ouer hee shall finde the Byshoppe of Rome to be comprehended amongst the other Bishops It was also prohibited by the councels of Africa that the Bishops of Rome shoulde not receiue or heare the appeales of any which did appeale froÌ„ the Councell whych altogether declare the superioritie of the CouÌ„cell And this appeareth more plainly in the Actes of the Apostles where as Peter is rebuked by the congregation of the Apostles because he went in to Cornelius a Heathen man as if it had not bene lawfull for him to attempt any great matter weout the knowledge of the congregation and yet it was said vnto him as wel as others Ite Baptizate c. Go baptise But this seemeth to make more vnto the purpose which S. Paule wryteth vnto the Galathians whereas he sayth he reststed Peter euen vnto his face because he did not walke according to the verity of the Gospell Which words if they be wel vnderstand signifie none other thing by the veritie of the Gospel then the Canon of the Councel decreed amongest the Apostles for the Disciples being gathered together had so determined it Whereupon S. Paule doth shew that Peter ought to haue obeyed the generall Councell But nowe to finish thys disputation we will here adioyne the determination of the Councell of Constance the which Councell aforesayd willing to cut off al ambiguitie and doubts and to prouide a certain order of liuing declared by a solemne decree that all men of what estate or condition so euer they were yea although that they were Popes themselues be bound vnder the obedience and ordinances of the sacred generall Councels And although there be a certaine restraint where as it is sayde in suche thinges as pertaine vnto the faith the extirpation of schisme and the reformation of the Churche as well in the heade as in the members notwithstanding thys amplificatiue clause whych is adioyned is to be noted Et in pertinentibus ad ea that is to say withall the appertenauntes The which addition is so large that it containeth all thinges in it whych may be imagined or thought For the Lord said thus vnto hys Apostles goe ye forth and teach all people He did not say in three poynts onely but teach them to obserue and keepe al thinges what soeuer I haue commaunded you And in an other place he sayeth not thys or that but whatsoeuer yee shal binde c. which altogether are alledged for the authority of the Church and generall Councels For the preserment wherof these things also come in place He that heareth you heareth me And againe It is geuen vnto you to knowe the mysteries of God Also where 2. or 3. bee gathered in my name c. Againe whatsoeuer yee shall aske c. O holy father saue them whom thou hast geuen me c. And I wil be with them euen vnto the ende of the worlde Also out of S. Paul these places are gathered We are helpers of God c. Which hath made vs apt ministers of the new Testament c. And he appoynted some Apostles and some Prophetes c. Iu all which places both Christ and the Apostles spake of the authority of many which altogether are alledged for the authority of that vniuersall Church But for somuche as that Churche being dispersed and scattered abroad can not decree or ordaine any thing therfore of necessity it is to be said that the chiefe and principall authority of the church doth consist in the generall Councels where as they assemble together And therfore it was obserued in the primatiue Church that hard and waightie matters were not intreated vpon but onely in the general councels congregations The same is also founde to be obserued afterward For when as the churches were deuided general councels were holden And in the Councel of Nice we do finde the heresie of Arrius condemned In the Councel of Constantinople the heresy of Macedonius In the Councell of Ephesus the heresye of Hestorius In the Councell of Chalcedon the heresies of Eutichius were also condemned for somuch as they thought the iudgement of the bishop of Rome not to suffice to so great waighty matter and also they thought the sentence of the Councell to be of greater force then the sentence of the Pope for somuch as he might erre as a man but the Councell wherein so many meÌ„ were gathered together being guided with the holy ghost could not erre Also it is a very excelleÌ„t saying of Martianus the Emperour which serueth for that purpose whose words are these Truely he is to be couÌ„ted a wicked and sacrilegious person which after the sentence of so many good and holy men wil sticke to withdraw any part of his opinion For it is a poynt of meere madnesse at the noone time faire day light to seeke for a fained lighte for he which hauing found the truth seketh to discusse anything further seeketh but after vanities and lies Now I thinke it is euident inough vnto all men that the bishop of Rome is vnder the Councell Notwithstanding some do yet still doubt whether he may also be deposed by the Councel or not For albeit it be proued that he is vnder the Councell yet for all that will they not graunt that hee may be also deposed by the Councell Wherefore it shall be no digressing at all from our purpose somewhat to say vpoÌ„ that matter and first of all to speake of these railers which are yet so earnest for the defence of the Byshop of Rome which being vanquished in one battaile still renew an other and coÌ„tend rather of obstinacie then of ignoraunce They would haue here recited againe that whych we haue before spoken as touching the preeminence of the Bishop of Rome or the Patriarcke And as there are many of theÌ„ more ful of words then eloquent they stay much of this poynt where as Christ sayd vnto Peter Tibi dâ—bo claues regni coelorum I wil geue thee the keies of the kingdom of heauen what soeuer thou shalt binde vpon earth shal be bounde in heauen as though by those wordes hee should be made head ouer the other And againe they do amplify it by this Pasce oues meas Feede my sheepe whyche they do not finde to be spoken to any other of the apostles And because it is sayde that Peter was the chiefe and the mouth of the Apostles therefore they iudge it well spoken that no man shall iudge the chiefe and principall sea being all of thys opinion with Boniface which sayde the the Pope ought to be iudged for no cause except he bee perceyued or knowen to swarne from the farth although he do cary innumerable people with him headlong into hel there to be perpetually tormented as though hee coulde not open the kingdome of heauen to others if any other could shut it against him neither that he could feede other if hee
no further but to Fabian and Hall lacketh no good wil in him but only a little matter to make a perfect sycophant And admit the sayde name of Onley could not be founde in those wryters yet it were not vnpossible for a man to haue two names especially if he were a religious man to beare the name of the towne where he was born beside his own proper surname But nowe what if I M. Cope can auouch and bring foorth to you the name of Roger Onley out of sufficient recorde which you seeme not to haue yet read Haue yee not then done well and properly thinke you so bitterly to flee in my face and to barke so egerly all this while at moneshine in the water hauing no more cause almoste against me theÌ„ against the man in the Moone And now least you shoulde thinke me so much vnprouided of iust authority for my defence as I see you vnprouided of modestie and patience wryte you to your prompter or suborner where so euer he lurketh here in England to sende you ouer vnto Louane the booke of Iohn Harding a Chronicler more auncient then either Fabian or Hall printed in the house of Richard Grafton Anno 1543. where turne to the fol. 223. fac b. lin 19. and there shall you finde and reade these wordes Againe the Church and the king cursedly By helpe of one maister Roger Onley c. By the whyche woordes yee must necessarily confesse Roger Onley to be the name of the man either els must ye needes deny the author For otherwise that master Roger Bolingbroke was the onely helper to the Duchesse in that fact by no wise it can stande with the story of these authors which say that 4. other besides hym were coÌ„demned for the same erune c. And moreouer thought the sayd Sir R. Onley was no knight as I haue saide in my former edition yet this yee cannot deny by the testimonie of them that haue sene his workes but that he was a Priest which you wil graunt to be a knights fellow And thus much for the name and condition of M. Roger Onley Fourthly as concerning Margaret Iourdeman whoÌ„ ye call the witch of Eye ye offer me herein great wrong to say that I make her a martyr which was a wytche when as I here professe confesse and ascertaine both you and all English men both present al posterity hereafter to come that this Margaret Iourdeman I neuer spake of neuer thought of neuer dreamed of nor did euer heare of before you named her in your booke your selfe So farre is it of that I eyther with my will or against my will made any martyr of her Furthermore I professe and denounce in like manner the neither haue you any iust or congrue occasion in my boke so to iudge much lesse to raile of me For where in expresse words I do speake of the moÌ„ther of the Lady Yong what occasion haue you therby to slander me and my boke with Margarete Iourdeman which Margarete whether shee was a witche or not I leaue her to the Lorde As for me neither did I knowe of her then nor did I meane of her nowe But because I couple her in the same story you say To this I say because shee was the mother of a Ladie I thought to ioyne her w e an other Lady in the same story as in one pue together although in one cause I will not say And yet notwtstanding I doe so couple the saide mother w e the Duchesse in such distinet difference of yeares that you M. Cope might casily haue vnderstande or beside you no man els would haue thought the contrary but that Margaret Iouedeman was neither heere in my booke nor yet many memento For the wooordes of my storie are playne whereas the condemnation of the Lady Eleanor of the mother of Lady Young being referred to the yeare of our Lord 1441. I doe also in the same story through the occasion of that Ladie inforte mention of the mother of the Ladie Yong declaring in expresse woordes that shee folowed certayne yeares after in the end of that chapter do name also the yeare of her burning to be 1490. whiche was 50. yeares after the death of Onely and Margaret Iourdeman by the computatioÌ„ of which yeares it is playne that no other woman could be noted in that place but only the Lady Younges mother But M Cope continuing still in his wrangling mood obiecteth agayne for that in my Callendar the sayd Ladye Younges mother hath the next day in the Catalogue next after the death of Roger Onley whiche day pertayneth properly to Margaret Iourdeman which was burned the same day in Smithfield not to the Ladyes mother c. What order was taken in placing the names dayes what is that to me If he whiche had the disposing of the Catalogue did place them so in monthes as he sawe them ioyned in chapiters not perusing peraduenture nor abuising the chapters that doth nothing preiudice the truth of my story which sufficiently doth clare it selfe in distincting theÌ„ rightly in names also in yeares as is afore declared Fiftly and lastly hauing thus sufficiently aunswered to your circumstanunces of persons names and times M. Cope I will nowe enter to encounter with you concerning the fact and crime obiected to the Lady Duches and to the rest with this protestation before premised vnto the reader that if the fact be true and so done is reported in the histories of Fabian Halle and harding I desire the reader then so to take me as though I do not here deale withall nor speake of the matter but vtterly to haue pretermitted and dispuncted the same But for somuch as the deed and offence layd and geuen forth agaynst these parties may be a matter made of euil wil compacted rather then true in deede therefore I doe but onely moue a question by way of history not as defending nor commending nor commemorating the thing if it be true but onely mouing the question whether it is to be iudged true or suspected rather to be false and forged and so hauing briefly propounded certayne coniectural suspicious or supposals concerning that matter to passe it ouer neither medling on the one side nor on the other The first coÌ„iecture why it may be possible that this act of treason layd to the charge of the Duches Roger Oneley agaynst the king may be vntrue is this that the sayde Oneley otherwise named Bolingbroke tooke it vppon hys death that they neuer intended any such thing as they were condemned for The second coniecture for that the Lady Eleanor and Onely seemed then to fauour and fauour of that religion set forth by wicklesse and therefore like enough that they were haâ—d of the clergy Furthermore what hatred practise of Papistes can do it is not vnknowne The third coniecture for that the sayd mayster Roger Onely falsly
vsurpe them so falsely and obtrud them vpon vs so straitly Moreouer if the sayd our aduersaries being conuicted by plaine euidence of hystorye and example of time will yeld vnto vs as they must needes in part and not in the whole let vs come then to the particulars and see what part of this regalitie they wil defend and deriue from the auncient custome of the Primitiue Church that is from the first fyue hundred yeares I meane after Christ. First in the Coōcell of Nyce which was the yeare of our Lord. 340. and in the .vj. Canon of the sayd Councell we finde it so decreed that in euery prouince or precinct of some one Church and Byshop of the same was appointed and set vp to haue the inspection and regiment of other churches about him Secundum morem antiquum that is after the ancient custome as the wordes of the Councell do purport so that the Byshop of Alexandria shoulde haue power of Lybia Pentapolis in Egypt for as much as the Byshop of the Cytie of Rome hath the like or same maner And in like sort also in Antioch in other countreyes let euery Church haue his due honor consequently that the Bishop of Ierusalem haue also his due honor to him reserued so that such order be kept that the Metropolitane Cities be not defrauded of their dignitie which to them is due and proper c. In this Councell and in the same Canon vj. and vij where the Byshops of Alexandria of Rome and of Antioch are ioyned together in on like maner of dignity fyrst there appeareth no difference of honor to be ment therin Secondlye for somuch as in the sayde two Canons after mention made of them immediately followeth that no Byshops should be made without consent of their Metropolitanes yea and that the City also of Hierusalem should be vnder hys Metropolitane and that the Metropolitane should haue the ful power to confirme euery Byshop made in his prouince Therfore it may be well suspected that the third Epistle decretall of Pope Anacletus and of Pope Stephanus with other mo are forged wherin these Byshops and especially the Byshop of Rome is exempted and desceuered from the name of a Metropolitane or an Archbyshop to the name of a Patriarch or Primate as appeareth in the decrees dist 22. cap. Sacro sancta wherefore as wee must needes graunt the Byshop of Rome to be called a Metropolitane or an Archbyshop by the Councell of Nice so we will not greatly sticke in this also to haue him numbred with Patriarches or primates which title seemeth in the old tyme to be common to mo Cities then to Rome both by the Epistle of Anacletus of Pope Stephanus of Pope Iulius and Leo c. After this followed a generall Councell in Aphricke called the vj. Councell of Carthage an 420. where were congregated 217. Byshops among whom was also Augustinus Prosper Orosius with diuers other famous persons This Councell continued the space of v. yeares wherein was great contention about the supremacie and iurisdiction of Rome The Byshop wherof then was Zosimus This Zosimus the Romane Bishop had receaued the same time into the communion of the church without any examination one that came to complaine to him out of Aprike named Apiarius a Priest whom Aurelius the Metropolitane with the Councell of Aphrike had worthelye excommunicated for his detestable conditions before Uppon this Zosimus after that hee hadde receaued and shewed such fauor to Apiarius for that he did appele to him sendeth to the Councell his messengers to wit Fastinus Byshop of Potentine and two Priestes of the Churche of Rome named Philippus and Asellus with these foure requestes first that Apiarius whom he had absolued might be receaued of them againe and that it might be lawful for Byshops or Priestes to appeale from the sentence of their Metropolites also of the Counsell to the sea of Rome Secondly that Byshops should not saile ouer importunely ad comitatum Thirdly that if any Priest or Deacon were wrongfully excommunicate by the Byshops of their owne prouince it should be lawfull for thē to remooue the hearing and iudgeing of their cause to their neighbour bishops Forthly that Vrbanus there Byshop either should be excommunicated or els sent vp to Rome vnlesse he would correct those things that were to be corrected c. For the approbation whereof the sayde Zosimus alledged for him the words as he pretended taken out of Nicene Councell The Councell of Carthage hearyng this and remembring no such thing in the Councell of Nice to bee decred yet not suspecting the Byshop of Rome to dare wrongfully to falsefie the wordes of that Councell writeth againe to Zosimus declaring that they neuer reade to their remembraunce in their common Latine exemplare of Nicene Councell any such Canon yet notwithstanding for quietnes sake they woulde obserue the same tyll time they might procure the originall copies of that councell to be sent to them from Constantinople Alexandria and from Antioch In like effect afterward they wrote to Pope Boniface which then succeded Zosimus And thirdly also to Celestinus which shortly after succeeded Boniface In the meane time this foresayd Councell sent their Legates Marcellus and Innocentius to Atticus Patriarche of Constantinople and to Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria for the autentique copies in Greeke of Nicene Councell which being sent vnto them they finding in the true originals no such Canon as the Bishoppe of Rome had falsely forged they wrote a sharpe an handsome letter to Celestinus Byshop of Rome calling him in the said letter by the way Domine frater declaring to him how they had perused all the copies of the Councell of Nice coulde finde no such Canon as he and his predecessours had falsely alledged and therewithall reciting the vj. Canon afore mentioned declared how the decrees of Nicene Councell had committed all and singular persons Ecclesiasticall as well Byshops as other vnto the charge of their Metropolitanes Moreouer expounding the same decree they shewed the reasons thereof 1. For that sayd they the fathers of that councell did well foresee to be most iust and conuenient that all controuersies there be ended in ijsdem locis where they begin 2. For that it is not to be supposed contrary but that the grace of God wil be as prest and ready in one prouince as in other to instruct his ministers both prudētly to vnderstand iudgement and constantly to mayntayne the same 3. For that there is no need to seeke further to any outlandish helpe because especially that the party whosoeuer is not contented with the determination of his iudges or commissioners may lawfully appeale either to the prouincial or to any generall counsell 4. That way to be better then to runne to any forranine Iudge it must needes be graunted because it is not like that our God will inspire his iustice and truth of
no doubt is preferred aboue the Apostles and aboue Cephas also Moreouer as the dignitie of the wife is aboue the seruant so must needes the honour and worthines of the Churche being the spouse of Christ surmount the state of Peter or other Apostles which be but seruants to Christ and to the Churche yea and though they were Princes of the Church yet after the minde of Baldus Magis attenditur persona intellectualis quà m organica Otherwise if by this word charge he ment only the office and diligence of teaching to that I aunswere The same Lord that sayde to Peter feede my sheepe said also to the other go preach this Gospell to al nations And he that said to Peter what soeuer thou loosest said also to the other whatsoeuer ye remit in the earth Moreouer if the matter goe by preaching Paul the Apostle laboured more therin then euer did Peter by his owne confession Plus laboraui also suffered more for the same Plus sustinui neither was his doctrine lesse sound Yea and in one point he went before Peter was teacher and schoolmaister vnto Peter whereas Peter was by him iustly corrected Gal. 2. Furthermore teaching is not always nor in all things a point of maistership but sometime a point of seruice As if a Frenchman should be put to an Englishman to teach him French although he excelleth him in that kind of facultie yet it followeth not therefore that he hath fulnes of power vpō him to appoint his diet to rule his houshold to prescribe his lawes to stinte his lands and such other Wherfore seing in trauail in teaching in paines of preaching in gifts of tongs in largenes of commission in operation of miracles in grace of vocation in receauing the holy Ghost in vehemencie of tormentes and death for Christes name the other Apostles were nothing inferiour to Peter Why Peter then should claime any special prerogatiue aboue the rest I vnderstād no cause As in deed he neuer claimed any but the patrons of the Apostolicall sea do claime it for him which he neuer claimed himself neither if he were here would no lesse abhorre it with soule and conscience then we do now yet our abhorring now is not for any malice of person or any vantage to our selues but only the vehemencie of truth zeale to Christ and to his congregation Moreouer if these men would needes haue Peter to be the Curate and ouersear of the whole vniuersall Church which was too much for one man to take charge vpon and to be Prince of al other Apostles then would I faine learne of them what meaneth Dextrae societatis the right hand of societie betwene Peter Paul Barnabie mentioned Gal. 2. What taking of hands is there betwene subiects their Prince in way of fellowship Or where fellowship is what maistership is there Or againe what state of maistership is it like that Christ would geue to Peter who beyng in deede maister of all tooke such little maistership vpon himselfe and that not only in inward affection but also in outward fact Although I am not ignorant that Peter in places of the Gospell hath his commendation neither doe I denie Peter to bee worthy of the same But yet these wordes of commendation geue to him no state of superioritie or iurisdiction vpon all other to haue all vnder his subiection As if a Schoolemaister should haue more special charge to some one of his scholers for his riper towardnes yet this geueth him no fulnes of authoritie or power coactiue vpō the rest vnlesse by special admission he be deputed therunto Whereof nothing can be gathered of Peter for if it bee true that S. Augustine saith that such things as were spokē to Peter haue no lightsome vnderstanding except they be referred to the church wherof Peter did beare a figure thē hath the person of Peter nothing to claime by these woordes but all redoūdeth to the church which being ment by Peter hath power by this reason both ouer the person of Peter and all other persons in the Lord. But here stumbleth in an argument of our aduersarie againe which he in the margent of his book calleth an inuincible argument drawen out of the bowels of S. Iohn Chrisostome Lib. 2. De Sacerd. Wherby he supposeth to haue giuen a shrewd blow to the Protestants and to haue gotten Hectors victory vpon a certaine English prisoner taken in plain field and of all such as take his part The text onely of Chrysostome he reciteth but maketh no argument albeit he maketh mention of an inuincible argumēt in the margent But because he either wist not or list not to shew his cunning therein I wil forme that in argumēt for him which he would haue done but did not and so will forme it the Lord willing as he himselfe must of necessitie bee driuen to do if the matter euer come to the triall of act and not to the trifling of wordes First he taketh his text out of Chrysostome as followeth for what cause I pray you did Christ shed his bloud Truely to redeeme those sheep whose charge he committeth to Peter and to Peters successours Upon this place of Chrysostome this Clarke taketh his medium Christes suffring His conclusion is that all which Christ died for were committed to Peter Wherfore the forme of the argument must needes stand thus in the third figure Christ suffred for all men Christ suffered for them whome hee committed to Peter Ergo All that Christ dyed for were committed to Peter If this be the forme of his insoluble argument as it seemeth to be by the order of his reasoning also must needs be taking that medium and making that conclusion as he doth for els in the first figure and first moode the text of Chrisostome will not serue him then must the forme and violence of this inexpugnable argumēt be denied for that it breaketh the rules of Logike making his conclusiō vniuersall which in that figure must needes be perticular either affirmatiue or negatiue And so this argument inuincible falleth into one of these two straites either cōcluding thus the forme wil not serue him or cōcluding in another figure the wordes of Chrysostome will not aunswer to his purpose to proue that all the world was committed to Peter Which proposition as it is strange in scripture so neither is it the proposition of Chrysostome And though it were yet both without inconuenience might be graunted of vs and being graunted serueth his purpose nothing so long as the proposition is not exceptiue excluding other Apostles For the words of Chrysostom do not so sound that the whole world was committed to Peter onely and to none other Likewise then as it may be well affirmed of vs that the world was committed to Peter so can it not be denied of them that the world was also committed to Iohn Iames Bartholomew Paul Barnabe and other all and
the same For in matters of the church which are spirituall all preeminence standeth vpon spirituall inward gifts spiritualia enim spiritualibus comparantur as fayth pietie learning and godly knowledge zeale and feruencie in the holy ghost vnitie of doctrine c. which giftes many tymes may excel in a church where the minister or bishop is inferiour to bishops or ministers of other churches As the most famous schoole in a realme hath not alway the most famous schoolemaister neither doth make him therby most excellent in learning aboue of all other So if our aduersaries do meane by this preemineÌ„ce of the church of Rome such inward gifts of doctrine faith vnitie and peace of religion then say I the excellencie hereof doth not inferre or argue the excellencie of the Bishop And thus concerning the principallitie of the Church of Rome commended at that time of the Doctors it may be true so well expounded one way And thus do I graunt the antecedent of this argument and deny the consequent But here will our aduersaries peraduenture reply againe and say that the principallitie of the church of Rome which is commended by the Doctours is not ment here so much by inward gifts and induments belonging to a christian church as by outwarde authoritie and domination ouer other churches whereto is to be aunswered First what necessitie is there or where did our Papists learne to bring into the spiritual church of Christ this outward forme of ciuile regimeÌ„t and pollicie that as the Romaine Emperours in tyme past gouerned ouer all the world so the Romaine bishop must haue his monarchie vpon the vniuersall Clergy to make all other churches to stoupe vnder his subiection And where then be the wordes of our Sauiour Vos autem non sic If they hold their affirmatiue quòd sic where then is Christes negatiue non sic if they say there must needes be distinction of degrees in the church and in this distinction of degrees superioritie must necessarily be graunted for the outward discipline of the church for directing matters for quieting of schismes for setting orders for commensing of Conuocations and Councels as neede shall require c. Against this superioritie we stand not therefore we yeld to our superior power kings and princes our due obedience and to our lawfull gouernours vnder God of both regiments Ecclesiasticall and Temporall Also in the Ecclesiasticall state we take not away the distinction of ordinarie degrees such as by the Scripture be appointed or by the primatiue church allowed As Patriarchs or Archbishops Bishops Ministers and Deacons for of these foure we especially read as chiefe In which foure degrees as we graunt diuersitie of office so we admitte in the same also diuersitie of dignitie neither denying that which is due to ech degree neither yet maintaining the ambition of any singuler person For as we geue to the minister place aboue the Deacon to the bishop aboue the minister to the Archbishop aboue the Bishop so we see no cause of inequalitie why one minister should be aboue an other minister One bishop in his degree aboue an other bishop to deale in his Diocesse or one Archbishop aboue another Archbishop And this is to keepe an order duely truly in the church according to the true nature and definitioÌ„ of order by the authoritie of August lib. De ciuit Dei Where he thus defineth that which we call order Ordo est parium dispariumque rerum sua cuique loca tribuens dispositio Order saith he is a discretion or diâ—position giuen to all things according as they are matches or not matches proportionally to euery one his owne right and proper place This definition of S. Augustine standing with the things before premised now here ioyneth the questioÌ„ betwene vs and the Papistes whether the Metropolitane Church of Rome with the Archbishop of the same ought to be preferred before other Metropolitane churches Archbishyps through vniuersall Christendome or not To the answer wherof if the voyce of order might here be heard it would say geue to things that be matches like like honour to things vnlike vnlike honour c. Wherefore seyng the sea of Rome is a Patriarchall sea appointed by the Primitiue Church and the Bishop thereof an Archbishop limited within his owne bordering churches which the Councel of Nice calleth suburbicas Ecclesias as other Archbishops be he ought therfore orderly to haue the honor of an Archbishop ordering himselfe thereafter such outward preeminence as to other Archbishops is due More if he do require he breaketh the rule of right order he falleth into presumption and doth wrong vnto his fellows and they also do wrong vnto themselues whosoeuer they be which feeding his humour of ambition geue more vnto him theÌ„ the foresaid rule of order doth require For so much as they yeld to him more theÌ„ is his right so much they take froÌ„ theÌ„selues which is due to theÌ„ And the same is the cause why both Gregory and Pelagius his predecessour reprehendeth them which gaue to the Archbishop of Constantinople that which now the bishop of Rome clauneth to himselfe charging them with the breach of order in these words Nedum priuatim aliquod daretur vni honore debito sacerdotes priuarentur vniuersi that is least that while any singular thing is giuen to due person all other Priestes be depriued of their due honour And for the like case Pelagius exhorteth that no Priest do giue to any one Archbishop the name of vniuersall bishop ne sibi debitum subtrahat cum alteri honorem offert indebitum That is least saith he in so doing he take from himselfe his due honour while he yeldeth that which is not due to another And also in the same Epistle Quia si summus Patriarcha vniuersalis dicitur Patriarcharum nomen caeteris derogatur For saith he if he be called the chiefe vniuersal Patriarch then is the name of Patriarchs derogated from other c. Wherefore as is said seing the bishop of Rome is an Archbishop as other be Order giueth that he should haue the dignitie which to Archbishops is due whatsoeuer is added more is derogation to the rest And thus much concerning distinction of degrees and order in giuing to euery degree his place and honour The second reason or answer to the obiectioÌ„ before moued pag. 16. is this that beyng graunted to the Papists that the Doctours aforesaid speaking of the principallitie of the church of Rome doe meane not onely of the inward vertues of that church but also of the outward authoritie and iurisdiction of the same aboue other churches yet the cause wherfore they did attribute so much to the church is to be expeÌ„ded which was this as before was alledged out of the Councel of Calcedon cap. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is for the title and Imperie which that citie of Rome had then aboue other
cite vp both parties and to haue the hearing and deciding of the cause as did Macarius and Hesychius send to Iulius then bishop of Rome c. Item in that certaine of the Arrians returning from their Arrianisme offered vp and exhibited vnto the bishops of Rome their libels of repentance and were of them receiued againe as Vrsatius and Valens did to Iulius Socra lib. 2. cap 24. The x. cause was also for that Gratianus the Emperour made a law that all men should retaine that religiō which Damasus bishop of Rome and Peter bishop of Alexandria did hold Sozom lib. 7. cap. 4. And also if it happened the bishop of Rome to disalow the ordering of any minister or ministers the Popes perceiuing how diligent and redy they were to seeke their fauour and to send vp their messengers to Rome for their purgation tooke therby no little maner of exaltation Theodoret lib. 5. cap. 23. Besides these aforesaid the bishops of Rome had also an other artificiall practise that in sending out their letters abroad as they did to many in all their Epistles if the Epistles be theirs and not forged euer they were harping of the greatnes of their name and of their Apostolike sea and of the primacie of S. Peter their predecessor and prince of all the Apostles c. And this they vsed in euerie letter when so euer they wrote to any as appeareth in all their letters decretall namely in the letters of Miltiades Marcellus and Marcus c. Againe if any of the East church directed any writing to them wherein any signification was conteined of neuer so little reuerence giuen vnto them as learned men commonly vse for modesties sake that was taken by by and construed for plaine subiection and due obediēce as declareth the letter of Damasus written to the bishops of the East Church beginning thus Quod debita reuerentia c. in English thus but that your charitie yeldeth due reuerēce to the Apostolicall sea you in so doing deare children do much for your selues c. Theodoret. Lib. 5. cap. 9. where as the Bishops of the East Church notwithstanding had shewed little or no reuerence in their Epistle to Pope Damasus before Thus haue ye the first and originall groundes by the meanes wherof the Archbishops of the Romish Sea haue atchieued to this their great kingdome and celsitude ouer Christes church first beginning the mysterie of their iniquitie by that which was modestly and voluntarily giuē them Afterward by vse and custome claiming it ambitiously vnto them of dutie seruice lastly holding fast as we see that which once they had gotten into their possessiō so that now in no case they can abide the birdes to cal home their fethers againe which they so long haue vsurped And thus much concerning the life iurisdiction title of the Romain bishops In all which as is declared they and not we haue fallen from the church of Rome To these I might also ioyne the maner of gouernment wherin the said Romish Bishops haue no lesse altered both from the rule of Scripture and from the steps of the true church of Rome which gouernment as it hath bene and ought to be only spirituall so hath the bishop of Rome vsed it of late yeres no otherwise thē hath an earthly king or prince gouerned his realme dominiōs with riches glory power terror outward strēgth force prisō death executiō lawes policies promooting his friends to dignities reuenging his affections punishing and correcting faults against his person more then other offences against God committed vsing and abusing in all these things the word of God for his pretext cloke to worke his worldly purpose withall whereas indeede the word of God ministreth no such power to spirituall persons but such as is spirituall according to the saying of the Apostle Arma militiae nostrae non sunt carnalia sed spiritualia c. The armour and artillery sayth S. Paule of our warfaire is not carnall but spirituall such as serue not against flesh and bloud nor against the weake person of man but against Sathan agaynst the gates of hell and the profundities of the wicked power c. Which armour as it is al spiritual so ought they which haue the dealing therof to be likewise spirituall well furnished with all such giftes and graces of the holye Ghost meere for the gouernance of his spiritual Church as with wisedome and knowledge in the Scripture to instructe the ignorant with inward intelligence foresight of the craftye cogitations and operations of Sathan with power of the spirit to resist the same with practise and experience of tentations to comfort such as be afflicted and oppressed of Sathan with heauenly discretion to discerne spirits and truth from vntruth with iudgment and knoledge of tounges and learning to conuict errour wyth zeale of Gods glory with feruencye of prayer with patience in persecution with a minde contented with all cases and states incident with teares and compassion on other mens greeues with stoutnes and courage against proud and stout oppressours with humilitie towarde the poore and miserable with the counsaile of the Lorde Iesus by his word and spirite to direct him in all things to be done with strength against sinne with hatred of this worlde with gift of fayth power of the keyes in spirituall causes as to minister the word the Sacraments and excommunication when the worde biddeth that the spirite may be saued and to reconcile againe as case requireth c. These and such like are the matters wherin consisteth the sinews and strength of the church and the true gouernance of the same But cōtrary to these aforesaid both the Bishop clergie of this latter Church of Rome proceeding in their administration and gouernaunce as who vnder the name and pretence of Christ and his word haue exercised of long time nothing els but a worldly dominion seeking indede their owne glory not the glory of Christ riches of the world not the lucre of soules not feeding the flocke but fillyng the purse reuenging their owne wronges but neglecting gods glory stryuing against man onely and killing him but not killing the vice nor confuting the errour of man strong against flesh and bloude but weake against the Deuill stout against the simple but meeke against the mightie briefly doing almost all thinges preposterously more like to secular Princes then spirituall Pastours of Christes flocke with outward forcement and feare of punishment wyth prysoning famishyng hanging racking drowning headyng slaying murdering and burning and warring also on the other side with his riches and treasures wyth his garde and gardiance with strength of men with Court and Cardinals with pomp and pride about them with their triple crowne with the naked sworde with theyr ordinary succession with their lawes and executions their promotions and prefermēts their biddings and commandings threatninges and reuenginges c. In fine to compare therfore the Images of a
not synners because they should sinne so neither doth infirmitie of falling diminish the grace of Christ but rather doth illustrate the same as it is written My strength is made perfect in infirmitie 2. Cor. 12. and againe Where sinne aboundeth there superaboundeth also grace In remission of synnes therefore these foure thinges must concurre together the cause that worketh which is the sacrifice of Christes body 2. the promise that offereth 3. fayth that apprehendeth 4. the repenting sinner that receaueth And although sinnes daily do grow which daily prouoke vs to craue remission yet as touching the cause that worketh remission of our daily sinnes the meanes which apprehendeth and applieth the sayd cause vnto vs they remayne alwaies one perpetuall besides which no other cause nor meanes is to be sought of man So that to them that be repenting sinners be in Christ Iesu there is no law to condemne them though they haue deserued condemnation but they are vnder a perpetual kingdome and a heauen full of grace and remission to couer their sins and not to impute their iniquities through the promise of God in Christ Iesu our Lord. And therefore wicked and impious is the doctrine of them fyrst which seeke any other cause of remission then onely the bloud of our Sauiour Secondly which assigne any other meanes to apply the bloudsheding of Christ vnto vs besides onely faith Thirdly and especially which so limite and restraine the eternall priuiledge of Christs passion as though it serued but only for sinnes done without and before faith and that the rest after Baptisme committed must be done away by confession pardons and satisfactory deedes And al this riseth because the true nature of the law of the Gospell is not knowen nor the difference rightly considered betwene the times of the one and of the other Neither againe doe they make any distinction betweene the malediction of the law and vse of the law And therfore whensoeuer they heare vs speake of the law meanyng the malediction of the law to be abolished therevpon they maliciously slaunder vs as though we speak against the good exercises of the lawe and giue liberty of fleshe to carnall men to liue as they list Whereof more shal be sayd by the Lordes grace as place and time shall hereafter require Of free will COncerning free will as it may peraduenture in some case be admitted that men without the grace may doe some outward functions of the law and keepe some outward obseruaunces or traditions so as touching thinges spirituall apperteining to saluation the strength of man being not regenerate by grace is so infirme and impotent that he can performe nothing neither in dooing well nor willing well Who after he be regenerated by grace may worke and doe wel but yet in such sort that still remaineth notwithstanding a great imperfection of flesh a perpetuall repugnaunce betwene the flesh and spirit And thus was the originall Church of the auncient Romanes first instructed From whome see now howe farre this latter Church of Rome hath degenerated which holdeth and affirmeth that men without grace may performe the obedience of the law prepare themselues to receaue grace by working so that those works may be meritorious and of congruitie obteine grace Which grace once obteined then men may say they perfectly performe the full obedience of the law and accomplish those spirituall actions and workes which God requireth and so those workes of cōdignitie deserue euerlasting life As for the infirmity which still remaineth in nature that they nothing regarde nor once speake of Of Inuocation and Adoration OUer and besides these vncatholike and almost vnchristian absurdities and defections from the Apostolicall faith aboue specified let vs consider the maner of theyr Inuocation not to God alone as they should but to dead men saying that saintes are to be called vpon tanquam mediatores intercessionis as Mediatours of intercession Christum vero tanquam mediatorem Salutis and Christ as the Mediator of Saluation And affirme moreouer that Christ was a Medyatour onely in time of his Passion Which is repugnaunt to the wordes of S. Paule writing to the old Romanes chap. 8. where he speaking of the intercession of Christ Which is saith he on the right hand of God who also maketh intercession for vs c. And if Christ be a Mediatour of saluation what needeth then any other intercession of the Saintes for other sutes for saluation being once had what can we require more or what lacketh he more to be obtained of the Saintes which is sure to be saued only by Christ And yet in their Catholicke deuotions why doe they teach vs thus to pray to the blessed virgine Salua omnes qui te glorificant i. Saue all them that glorifie thee c. if saluation onely belong to Christ vnles they study of purpose to seeme contrary to themselues Hetherto also perteineth the worshipping of reliques and the false adoration of Sacramentes that is the outward signes of the things signified cōtrary to the 7. principle before page 24. Adde to this also the prophanation of the Lordes Supper contrary to the vse for which it was ordeined in reseruing it after the Communion ministred in setting it to sale for money and falsely perswading both them selues and other that the Priest doth merite both to him selfe that saith and to him that heareth Ex opere operato sine bono motu vtentis c. That is Onely by the meere doing of the worke though the partie that vseth the same hath no good motion in him c. * Of Sacramentes Baptisme and the Lordes Supper AS touching Sacramentes their doctrine likewise is corrupt and erroneus 1. First they erre falsely in the number For where the institution of Christ ordeineth but two they contrary to the fourth principle aboue prefixed haue added to the prescription of the Lords worde fine other Sacraments 2. Secondly in the cause finall they erre For where the word hath ordeined those Sacraments to excite our faith and to giue vs admonitions of spiritual things they contrariwise doe teach that the Sacramentes doe not onely stirre vp faith but also that they auayle and are effectuall without faith Ex opere operato sine bono motu vtentis c. as is to be founde in Thom. Aquine Scotus Catharinus and other moe 3. Thirdly in the operation effect of the Sacramentes they faile where the contrary to the minde of the Scriptures doe say that they giue grace not onely do signifie but also conteine and exhibite that which they signifie to wytte grace and saluation 4. Fourthly they erre also in Application applying their Sacramentes both to the quicke and the dead to thē also that be absent to remission of sinnes and releasing of payne c. In the Sacrament of Baptisme they are to be reprooued not onely for adding to the simple wordes of Christs
his mynd molested his vnderstanding did not fayle him as it is the maner of men to do but out of the aboundance of his hart his mouth did speake And feruent charitie did appeare in his words as kindled sparcles He said O crosse most welcome and long looked for with a willing mynde ioyfully and desirously I come to thee beyng the Scholer of him which did hang on thee Because I haue bene alwayes thy louer and haue coueted to embrace thee So beyng crucified he yelded vp the Ghost and fell on sleepe the day before the Calendes of December Mathew otherwise named Leui first of a Publicane made an Apostle wrote his gospell to the Iewes in the Hebrue tongue as recordeth Eusebius lib. 3.24.39 lib 5. cap. 8. cap. 10. Also Iraeneus lib 3. cap. 1. Item Hieronymus in Catalogo script Ecclesiast concerning the doings and decreementes of this blessed Apostle and Euangelist diuers things bee recorded by Iulius Africanus vnder the pretensed name of Abdias Also of Vincentius Perionius and others but in such sort as by the contents may greatly be suspected the matter not to lacke some craftie forgerie for the more establishment of latter decretals and Romish doctrine as touching merites consecration of Nunnes the superstitious prescription of Lent fast not onely in abstainyng from all fleshmeates but also from all matrimoniall copulatiō betwene man and wife during the said tyme of holy Lent Item the straight prohibition not to taste any bodily sustenance before the receiuing of the Lordes supper In ordaining of Masse and that no Nunne must marry after the vowe of her profession with such other like Ioan de Monte Regali testifieth of Mathias that after he had preached to the Iewes at length he was stoned beheaded Some other record that he died in Ethiopia Philippus the holy Apostle after he had much laboured among the barbarous nations in preaching the worde of saluation to them at length he suffered as the other Apostles did in Hierapolis a citie of Phrygia being there crucified and stoned to death where also he was buried his daughters also with him Isido * Of Iames the brother of the Lord thus we read in the story of Clement and Egesippus AFter that Festus had sent the Apostle Paul vnto Rome after his appellatiō made at Caesaria that the Iewes by the meanes thereof had lost their hope of performing their malicious vow against him conceiued they fel vpon Iames the brother of our Lord who was bishop at Ierusalem against whom they being bent with like malice brought him forth before them and required him to denye before all the people the faith of Christ. But he otherwise then they all looked for freely and with a greater constancie before all the multitude confessed Iesus to be the sonne of God our Sauiour and our Lord. Wherupon they not being able to abide the testimonie of this man any longer because he was thought to be the iustest among all for the highnes of deuine wisedome and godlinesse which in liuing he declared they killed him finding the more opportunitie to accomplish their mischiefe because the kingdom the same tyme was vacant For Festus being dead in Iewrie the administration of that prouince was destitute of a ruler and a deputie But after what maner Iames was killed the words of Clement do declare which writeth that he was cast doune from the pinacle of the temple and being smitten with the instrument of a Fuller was slain but Egesippus which liued in the tyme next after the Apostles describeth this cause diligently in his fift Commentarie after this maner as followeth Iames the brother of our Lord tooke in hand to gouern the Church after the Apostles beyng counted of all men from the tyme of our Lord to be a iust and perfect man Many and diuers other Iameses there were beside him but this was borne holy from his mothers wombe he dronke no wine nor any strong drinke neither did he cate any liuing creature the rasor neuer came vpon his head he was not annointed with oyle neither did he vse bathe to him onely was it lawfull to enter into the holy place neyther was he clothed with woollen cloth but with silke and he onely entred into the temple falling vpon his knees asking remission for the people so that his knees by ofte kneling lost the sence of feeling being benumined hardened like the knees of a Camell He was for worshipping God and crauing forgiuenes for the people called iust for the exceliencie of his iust life named Oblias which if you do interprete it is the sauegard and iustice of the people as the Prophets declare of him therefore when as many of the heretikes which were among the people asked him what maner of dore Iesus should be he aunswered that he was the Sauiour Wherof some do beleue him to be Iesus Christ but the aforesaid heretikes neither beleue the resurrection neither that any shall come which shal render vnto euery man according to his workes but as many as beleue they beleued for Iames cause When as many therefore of the Princes did beleue there was a tumult made of the Scribes Iewes and Phariseis saying it is daungerous least that all the people do looke for this Iesus as for Christ therfore they gathered themselues togither sayd vnto Iames We beseech thee restrain the people for they beleue in Iesus as though he were Christ. We pray thee perswade them all which come vnto the feast of the Passeouer of Iesus for we are all obedient vnto thee and all the people do testifie of thee that thou art iust neither that thou doest accept the person of any man therefore perswade the people that they be not deceiued in Iesus and all the people and we will obey thee therfore stand vpon the piller of the temple that thou mayest be seene from aboue and that thy wordes may be perceiued of all the people for to this passeouer all the tribes do come with all the countrey And thus the forenamed Scribes and Phariseis did set Iames vpon the battlements of the Church and they cried vnto him and sayd thou iust man whom all we ought to obey because this people is led after Iesus which is crucified tell what is the dore of Iesus crucified and he aunswered with a great voyce what do you aske me of Iesus the sonne of man seeyng that he sitteth on the right hand of God in heauen and shall come in the cloudes of the skie But whō many were persuaded of this they glorified God vpon the witnes of Iames and sayd Osanna in the highest to the sonne of Dauid Then the Scribes and the Phariseis sayd among themselues we haue done euill that we haue caused such a testimony of Iesus But let vs go vp and let vs take him that they being compelled with feare may deny that faith And they cried out saying O O this iust man also is seduced and
they fulfilled that Scripture which is spoken of in Esay Let vs take away the iust man because he is not profitable for vs Wherfore let them eat the fruits of their workes Therfore they went vp to throwe doune the iust man and said among themselues let vs stone this iust man Iames they toke him to smite him with stones for he was not yet dead wheÌ„ he was cast doune but he turning fell doune vpon his knees saying O Lord God Father I beseech thee to forgeue them for they know not what they do But wheÌ„ they had smitten him with stones one of the priests of the children of Rechas the sonne of Charobim spake to them the testimonie which is in Ieremie the Prophet leaue off what do ye The iust man praieth for you And one of those which were present tooke a Fullers instrument wherwith they did vse to beat and purge cloth and smote the iust man on his head and so he finished his Martyrdome and they buried him in the same place his piller abideth yet by the temple He was a true testimonie to the Iewes and the Gentiles And shortly after Vespasianus the Emperour destroying the land of Iewrie brought them into captiuitie These thinges being thus written at large of Egesippus do well agree to those which Clement did write of him This Iames was so notable a man that for his iustice he was had in honour of all men in so much that the wise men of the Iewes shortly after his Martyrdome did impute the cause of the besieging of Ierusalem and other calamities which happened vnto theÌ„ to no other cause but vnto the violence and iniurie done to this man Also Iosephus hath not left this out of his historie where he speaketh of him after this maner These things so chanced vnto the Iewes for a vengeance because of that iust man Iames which was the brother of Iesu whoÌ„ they called Christ for the Iewes killed him although he was a righteous man The same Iosephus declareth his death in the same booke and chapter saying Caesar hearing of the death of Festus sent Albinus the Lieuetenant into Iewrie but Ananus the yonger being bishop and of the sect of the Saduces trusting that he had obtained a conuenient tyme seing that Festus was dead and Albinus entred on his iourney he called a Councell and calling many vnto him among whom was Iames by name the brother of Iesu which is called Christ he stoned them accusing them as breakers of the law Whereby it appeareth that many other besides Iames also the same tyme were Martyred and put to death amoÌ„g the Iewes for the faith of Christ. A description of the X. first persecutions in the Primitiue Church THese thinges being thus declared for the Martyrdome of the Apostles and the persecutioÌ„ of the Iewes Now let vs by the grace of Christ our Lord comprehend with like breuitie the persecutions raised by the Romaines against the Christians in the Primitiue age of the Church during the space of 300. yeares till the comming of godly Constantine which persecutions are reckoned of Eusebius and by the most part of writers to the number of x. most speciall Wherin meruailous it is to see and read the numbers incredible of Christian innocents that were slaine and tormented some one way some an other As Rabanus saith saith truly Alij ferro perempti Alij flammis exusti Alij flagris verberati Alij vectibus perforati Alij cruciati patibulo Alij demersi pelagi periculo Alij viui decoriati Alij vinculis mancipati Alij linguis priuati Alij lapidibus obruti Alij frigore afflicti Alij fame cruciati Alij truncatis manibus aliÃsue caesis membris spectaculum contumeliae nudi propter nomen Domini portantes c. That is Some slaine with sword Some burnt with fire Some with whips scourged Some stabbed in with forkes of iron Some fastned to the crosse or gibbet Some drowned in the sea Some their skinnes pluckt of Some their tongues cut off Some stoned to death Some killed with cold Some starued with hunger Some their hands cut off or otherwise dismembred haue bene so left naked to the open shame of the world c. Whereof Augustine also in his booke De Ciuit. 22. cap. 6. thus saith Ligabantur includebantur caedebantur torquebantur vrebantur laniabantur trucidabantur multiplicabantur non pugnantes pro salute sed salutem contemnentes pro seruatore Whose kindes of punishments although they were diuers yet the maner of constancie in all these Martyrs was one And yet notwithstaÌ„ding the sharpenes of these so many and sundry tormeÌ„ts and like cruelnes of the tormentors yet such was the nuÌ„ber of these constant Saintes that suffered or rather such was the power of the Lord in his Saints that as Hierome in his Epistle to Chromatius and Heliodorus saith Nullus esset dies qui non vltra quinque millium numerum Martyrum reperiri posset ascriptus excepto die Kalendarum Ianuarij That is There is no day in the whole yeare vnto which the nuÌ„ber of fine thousand Martyrs cannot be ascribed except onely the first day of Ianuary * The first Persecution THe first of these x. persecutions was stirred vp by Nero Domitius the vj. Emperour before mentioned about the yeare of our Lord 67. The tyrannous rage of which Emperour was so fierce against the Christians as Eusebius recordeth Vsque adeò vt videres repletas humanis corporibus ciuitates iacentes mortuos simul cum paruulis senes foemi narúmque absque vlla sexus reuerentia nudata in publico reiectáque starent cadauera That is In so much that a man might then see cities lye full of mens bodies the old there lying together with the yong and the dead bodies of women cast out naked without all reuerence of that sexe in the opeÌ„ streets c. Likewise Orosius writing of the said Nero saith that he was the first which in Rome did raise vp persecution against the Christians and not onely in Rome but also through all the prouinces therof thinking to abolish and to destroy the whole name of Christians in all places c. Whereunto accordeth moreouer the testimonie of Hierome vpon Daniel saying thà t many there were of the Christians in those dayes which seyng the filthy abominations and intollerable crueltie of Nero thought that he should be Antichrist c. In this persecution among many other Saintes the blessed Apostle Peter was condemned to death and crucified as some doe write at Rome albeit othersome and not without cause doe doubt thereof concerning whose lyfe and hystory because it is sufficiently described in the text of the Gospell and in the Actes of S. Luke chap. 4.5 12. I neede not heere to make any great repetytion therof As touching the cause and maner of hys death diuers ther be which make relation as Hierome Egesippus Eusebius
with like grieuous torments At the sight wherof one Calocerius seeing their so great pacience in so great torments cried out with these wordes Verè Magnus Deus Christianorum That is verily great is the God of the Christians Which woordes being heard forthwith he was apprehended and being brought to the place of their executioÌ„ was made partaker of their Martyrdome Ex Ant. Equilin The history of Nicephorus maketh mention of Anthia a godly woman who committed her sonne Eleutherius to Anicetus bishop of Rome to be brought vp in the doctrine of Christian faith who afterward beyng Bishop in Apulia was there beheaded with his foresayd mother Anthia Onomast Iustus also and Pastor two brethen with like Martyrdome ended their liues in a citie of Spaine called Gomplutum vnder the said Hadrian the Emperour Likewise Symphorissa the wife of Geâ—ulus the Martyr with her vij children is said about the same time to suffer who first was much and oft beaten scourged afterward was hanged vp by the haire of her head At last hauing an huge stone fastened vnto her was throwne headlong into the riuer after that her seuen childreÌ„ in like maner with sundry diuers kindes of punishment diuersly were martyred by the tirants The story of M. Hermannus and Antoninus and other report of Sophia with her three children also also of Serapia and Sabina to suffer vnder the said Emperour about the yeare of our Lord 130. As concerning Alexander bishop of Rome with his ij Deacons also with Hermes Quirinus Saphyra and Sabina Some writers as Bede and Marianus Scotus recorde that they suffred vnder Traianus Others againe as Otto Frisingensis with like mo report that they suffred in the iiij yeare of this Emperour Hadrian but of these Martyrs sufficiently hath bene sayd before While Hadrian the Emperour was at Athens he purposed to visite the countrey of Eleusina and so did where he sacrifising to the Gentiles Gods after the maner of the Grecians had geuen free leaue libertie whosoeuer would to persecute the Christians Whereupon Quadratus a man of no lesse zeale excellent as of famous learning being theÌ„ Bishop of Athens and Disciple of the Apostles or at least succeding incontinent the age of the Apostles and following after Publius who a litle before was martyred for the testimony of Christ did offer vp and exhibite vnto Hadrian the Emperour a learned and excellent Apologie in the defence of the Christian Religion Wherein he declared the Christians without all iust cause or desert to be so cruelly entreated and persecuted c. The like also did Aristides an other no lesse excelleÌ„t Philosopher in Athens who for his singular learning and eloquence being notified to the emperor and comming to his presence there made before him an eloquent Oration Moreouer did exhibite vnto the said Emperour a memorable Apologie for the christians so ful of learning and eloquence that as Hierome sayth it was a spectacle and admiration to men in his tyme that loued to see wit and learning Ouer and besides these there was also an other named Serenus Granius a man of great nobility who likewise did write very pithy graue letters to Hadrian the Emperour shewing and declaring therein to be consonant with no right nor reason for the bloud of innocents so to be geuen to the rage and fury of the people and so to be condemned for no fault onely for the name and sect that they followed Thus the goodnes of God being mooued with the prayers and constant labour of these so excellent men so turned the hart of the Emperour that he beyng better informed concerning the order profession of the christians became more fauorable vnto them And immediatly vpoÌ„ the same directed his letters to Minutius Fundanus as is partly before mencioned Proconsul of Asia willing him froÌ„ henceforth to exercise no more such extremitie against the Christians as to condemne any of them hauing no other crime obiected against them but onely their name The copy of which his letter because that Iustine in his Apologie doth alleage it I thought therefore to expresse the same in his owne wordes as followeth The letter of Hadrian the Emperour to Minutius Fundanus I Haue receiued an Epistle writen vnto me from Serennius Granianus our right worthy and welbeloued whose office you do now execute Therefore I thinke it not good to leaue this matter without further aduisement and circumspection to passe least our subiects be molested and malicious sycophants boldned and supported in their euill Wherefore if the subiects of our prouinces doe bring forth any accusation before the iudge agaynst the Christians and can prooue the thing they obiect against them let them doe the same and no more and otherwise for the name onely not to impeach them nor to cry out against them For so more conuenient it is that if any man will be an accuser you to take the accusation quietly and iudge vpon the same Therfore if any shall accuse the Christians and complaine of them as malefactors doing contrary to the law then geue you iudgement according to the qualitie of the crime But notwithstanding who so euer vpoÌ„ spite and maliciousnes shal commence or cauil against them see you correct and punish that man for his vnordinate and malicious dealing Thus by the mercifull prouidence of God some more quiet and rest was geuen to the Church although Hermannus thinketh these Alcione dayes did not very long continue but that the Emperour changing his Edict began to renue agayne persecution against gods people albeit this soundeth not to be so by the wordes of Melito in his Apologic to Antoninus hereafter ensuing In the meane tyme this is certain that in the dayes of this Hadrian the Iewes rebelled agayne spoyled the country of Palestina Against whom the Emperour sent Iulius Seuerus who ouerthrew in Iurie 50. castels and burnt and destroyed 980. villages and Tounes and slue of the Iewes 50. thousand so that with famine sickenes sword and fire Iuda was almost desolate But at length Hadrian the Emperour which otherwise was named Aelius repaired and enlarged the Citie agayn of Hierusalem which was called after his name Aeliopolis or Aelia Capitolina the inhabitaunce whereof he graunted only to the Gentiles and to the Christians forbidding the Iewes vtterly not to enter into the Citie After the death of Hadrian who died by bleeding at the nose succeded Antoninus Pius about the yeare of our Lord 140. and raigned 23. yeres Who for his clemency and modest behauiour had the name of Pius and is for the same in histories commended His saying was that he had rather saue one Citizen then destroy a thousand of his aduersaries At the beginning of his raigne such was the state of the Church as Hadrian his predecessour had left it as in which although there was no Edict set forth to persecute the Christians yet the tumultuous rage of the Heathen
loue his Religion become a christian for that is not written yet thus much he obtained that Antoninus writing to his Officers in Asia in the behalfe of the Christians required and coÌ„maunded them that those Christians which onely were founde giltie of any trespasse should suffer and such as were not conuicted should not therfore onely for the name be punished because they were called Christians By these it is apparant with what zeale and faith this Iustinus did striue against the persecutors which as he said could kill onely but could not hurt This Iustinus by the meanes and malice of Crescens the Philosopher as is before declared suffered Martyrdome vnder Marcus Antoninus Verus a little after that Polycarpus was martired in Asia as witnesseth Eusebius Lib. 4. Here is to be gathered how Epiphanius was deceiued in the time of his death saying that he suffered vnder Rusticus the president and Adrian the Emperour being of xxx yeares of age which indeede agreeth not neither with Eusebius nor Ierome nor Swide nor other moe which manifestly declare and testifie how he exhibited his Apology vnto Antoninus Pius which came after Adrian Thus hast thou good Reader the liâ—e of this learned blessed martir although partly touched before yet now more fully amply discoursed for the better commendatioÌ„ of his excellent notable vertues of whose small ende thus writeth Photius saying that he suffering for Christ died cheerefully with honor Thus haue ye heard the whole discourse of Iustinus and of the blessed Saints of Fraunce Vetius Zacharias Sanctus Maturus Attalus Blandina Alexander Alcibiades with other recorded and set foorth by the writing of certaine Christian brethren of the same Church place of Fraunce In the which foresaid writing of theirs moreouer appeareth the great meekenes and modest constancie of the said martirs described in these words such folowers were they of christ who when he was in the forme of God thought it no robbery to be equal with god being in the same glory with him that they not once nor twise but oft times suffered martyrdome taken againe from the beastes bearing wounds tearinges and skarres in their bodies yet neither woulde counte them selues Martirs neyther woulde they suffer vs so to cal theÌ„ but if any of vs either by word or letter woulde call them Martirs they did vehementlye rebuke them saying that the name of martirdome was to be gyuen to Christ the faithfull and true martir the first borne of the dead the captaine of life testifiyng moreouer that martirdome belongeth to such who by their martirdome were already passed out of this life and whom as christ by their worthy confession hath receiued vnto him selfe and hath sealed vp their Martirdome by their ende finished As for theÌ„ which were not yet consuÌ„mated they said they were not worthy the names of martirs but only were humble and worthy confessours desiring also their brethren with teares to praye without ceasing for their confirmation Thus they performing in deede that whiche belonged to true Martirs in resisting the heathen with much lybertie and great patience without all feare of man being replenished with the feare of God refused to be named of their brethren for martirs And after in the said writing it followeth more they humbled themselues vnder the mightye hand of God by which they were greatly exalted Then they rendred to all men a reason of their faith they accused no man they loosed all they bounde none And for them which so euill did intreate them they praied following the example of Stephen the perfect Martir which sayde O Lord impute not their sinne to them And after againe Neither did they proudly disdaine against them which fell but of such as they had they imparted to them that lacked bearing toward them a motherly affection shedding their plentifull teares for them to God the Father and prayed for their life and saluation and as God gaue it them they also did communicate to their neighbours And thus they as conquerers of all thynges departed to God They loued peace and leauing the same to vs they went to God neither leauyng any molestation to their mother nor sedition or trouble to their brethren but ioye peace concorde and loue to all Out of the same writyng moreouer concernyng these Martyrs of Fraunce afore mentioned is recorded also an other history not vnworthy to be noted taken out of the same booke of Eusebius cap. 3. Which history is this There was among these constaunt and blessed Martirs one Alcibiades as is aboue specified which Alcibiades euer vsed a very straight died receiuing for his foode and sustenaunce nothing els but only bread and water when this Alcibiades now â—eing cast into prison went about to accustome the same straightnes of diet after his vsual maner before it was reueiled by God to Attalus afore mentioned one of the said company being also the same time imprisoned after his first conflict vpon the scaffolde that Alcibiades did not well in that hee refused to vse and take the creatures of God also thereby ministred to other a pernicious occasion of offensiue example Whereupon Alcibiades being aduertised reformed began to take al thinges boldly and with giuing thankes whereby may appeare to all scrupulous consciences not only a wholesome instrucion of the holy Ghost but also here is to be noted how in those dayes they were not destytute of the grace of God but had the holy spirite of God to be their instructor Haec Euseb. The foresaide martirs of Fraunce also the same tyme commended Irenaeus newly then made minister with their letters vnto Eleutherus Bishop of Rome as witnesseth Euseb. in the x. thap of the same booke which Irenaeus fyrst was the hearer of Polycarpus then made minister as is sayde vnder these Martyrs And after their death made Byshop afterward of Lyons in Fraunce and succeded after Photinus Besides this Iustinus there was also the same time in Asia Claudius Apolinaris or Apolinarius Byshop of Hierapolis And also Melito Bishop of Sardis an eloquent learned man much commended of Tertullian who succeeding after the time of the apostles in the reigne of this Antoninus Verus exhibited vnto him learned and eloquent Apologies in defence of Christes Religion like as Quadratus and Aristides aboue mentioned did vnto the Emperour Hadrian whereby they mooued him somewhat to stay the rage of his persecution In like maner did this Apolinaris and Melito stirred vp by God aduenture to defende in writing the cause of the christians vnto this Antoninus Of this Melito Eusebius in his fourth booke making mention excerpeth certaine places of his Apologie in these wordes as followeth Nowe saith he which was neuer seene before the godly suffereth persecution by occasion of certaine Proclamations Edictes proclaimed throughout Asia for vilanous Sichophantes robbers spoylers of other mens goods grounding them selmes vpon those Proclamations and taking occasion of them robbe
as did Melito Quadratus and Aristides before mentioned About the same time also wrote Heraclitus who first began to write annotations enarrations vpon the newe Testament and Epistles of the Apostles Also Theophilus Byshop of Caesaria Dionysius Byshoppe of Corinthe a man famously learned which wrote diuers Epistles to diuers Churches among other writeth exhorting Penitus a certaine Byshop Ne graue seruandae castitatis onus necessario fratribus imponat sed multorum sese imbecilitati attemperet that is that he would lay no yoke of chastitie of any necessity vpon his brethren but that he would consider the infirmitie of other and beare with it Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 23. Moreouer the sayd Dionisius in his Epistles writing of Dionisius Agiopagites declareth of him how that he was first coÌ„uerted to the Christian faith by S. Paule according as in the actes is recorded and afterwarde was made the first Byshop of Athens but maketh there no mention of his booke de Hierarchia Whereby it maye easely appeare what is to be iudged of that booke Furthermore by the Epistles of the saide Dionisius Corint this wee haue to vnderstande to be the vse at that time in Churches to reade the letters and Epistles such as were sent by learned Bishops and teachers vnto the Congregations as may appeare by these words of Dionisius who writing to the church of the Romanes and to Soter saith This day we celebrate the holy Dominical day In which we haue read your Epistle which alwaies we wil read for our exhortation like as we doe reade also the Epistle of Clement sent to vs before c. Euseb. ibid. where also mention is made of keepyng the Sonday holy Whereof wee finde no mention made in auntient authors before his time except onely in Iustinus Martyr who in his description declareth two tymes most especially vsed for Christen men to congregate together first when any conuert was to be Baptised The second was vpon the Sonday which was wont for ij causes then to be halowed First because saith he vpon that day God made the worde Secondlye because that Christ vpon that day first shewed himselfe after his resurrection to his Disciples c. Ouer and beside these aboue named about the daies of Commodus wrote also Clemens Alexandrinus a man of notable and singular learning whose bookes although for a great part be lost yet certaine of them yet remaine wherin is declared among other thinges the order and number of the bookes and Gospels of the new testament c. The same time moreouer liued Pantenus which was the first in Alexandria that professed in open schoole to reade of whom is thought first to proceede the order and maner among the Christians to read and professe in Uniuersities This Pantenus for his excellency of learning was sent by Demetrius Bishop of Alexandria to preach to the Indeans where he founde the Gospell of S. Mathewe written in Hebrew left there by S. Bartelinewe which booke afterward he brought with him from thence to the Library of Alexandria Duryng all the raigne of Commodus God graunted rest tranquility although not without some bloudshed of certaine holy Martyrs as is aboue declared vnto his Church In the which time of tranquillitie the Christians hauing now some laisure from the foraine enemy begaÌ„ to haue a little contention among themselues about the ceremonie of Easter which contention albeit of long time before had bene stirring in the church as is before mentioned of Polycarpus and Anicetus yet the variance and difference of that ceremonie brought no breach of Christian concorde and societie among them Neither as yet did the matter exceede so farre but that the band of loue and communion of brotherly life continued although they differed in the ceremonie of the day For they of the West Church pretending the tradition of Paule and Peter but in deede beyng the traditioÌ„ of Hermes and of Pius kept one day which was vpon the Sonday after the 14. day of the first moneth The Church of Asia following the ordinance of Iohn the Apostle obserued an other as more shal be declared the Lord willing when we come to the tyme of Victor Bishop of Rome In the meane tyme as concerning the fourth persecution let this hetherto suffise The fift Persecution AFter the death of Commodus raigned Pertinax but few monthes after whom succeeded Seuerus Under whom was raised the fift persecution against the christian saints who raigning the terme of 18. yeares the first x. yeares of the same was very fauourable and curteous to the Christians Afterward through sinister suggestions and malicioâ—s accusations of the malignaÌ„t was so incensed against them that by Proclamations he commaunded no Christians any more to be suffered Thus the rage of the Emperour beyng inflamed agaynst them great persecution was stirred vpon euery side wherby an infinite nuÌ„ber of Martyrs were slayne as Eusebius in his sixt booke recordeth which was about the yeare of our Lord 205. The crimes and false accusations obiected against the Christians are partly touched before pag. 37. as sedition and rebellion against the Emperour sacriledge murthering of Infants incestuous polution eating rawe flesh libidinous coÌ„mixture whereof certaine in deede called then Gnostici were infamed Item it was obiected against them for worshipping the head of an Asse which whereof it should rise I finde no certain cause except it were perhaps by the Iewes Also they were charged for worshipping the sunne for that peraduenture before the sunne rise they conuented together singing their morning Hymnes vnto the Lord or els because they prayed toward the East but especially for that they would not with them worship their idolatrous gods and were counted as enemies to all men c. The Capitaines and Presidentes of this persecution vnder the Emperour were Hilarianus Vigellius Claudius Hermianus Ruler of Cappadocia Cecilius Capella Vespronius also Demetrius mentioned of Cyprian And Aquila Iudge of Alexandria of whom Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. maketh relation The places where the force of this persecution most raged were Affrica Alexandria Cappadocia and Carthage The number of them that suffered in this persecution by the report of the Ecclesiasticall story was innumerable Of whoÌ„ the first was Leonides the father of Origene who was beheaded with whoÌ„ also Origene his sonne beyng of the age theÌ„ of xvij yeares should haue suffered such a seruent desire hee had to be Martired for Christ had not hys mother priuily in the night season conueied away his clothes his shirt WherupoÌ„ more for shame to be seen then for feare to die he was coÌ„strained to remaine at home and when he could do nothing els yet he writing to his father a letter with these words Caue tibi ne quid propter nos aliud quam martyrij constanter faciendi propostum cogites that is Take heede to your selfe that you tourne not your thought and purpose for our sake
whereof the occasion beyng taken onely of the Iewes the slaunder therof therfore he prooueth to be falsly and wroÌ„gfully laid to the charge of the Christians And likewise against all other lies and slaunders obiected of the Heathen against the Christians the sayd Tertullian purgeth the Christians declaring them falsly to be belied wrongfully persecuted not for any defect of theirs but only for the hatred of their name And yet notwithstaÌ„ding by the same persecutions he prooueth in the same Apologie the religion of the christians nothing to be empaired but rather encreased The more saith he we are mowen doune of you the moe rise vp The bloud of Christians is seede For what man sayth he in beholding the painfull torments and the perfect patience of them will not search and inquire what is in the cause And when he hath found it out who will not agree vnto it And when he agreeth to it who will not desire to suffer for it Thus faith he this sect will neuer die which the more it is cutdoune the more it groweth For euery man seing and wondring at the sufferance of the Saints is mooued the more therby to search the cause in searching he findeth it and in finding he followeth it Tertul in eodem Apolog. Thus Tertullian in this daungerous tyme of persecution being stirred vp of God defended the innoceÌ„cie of the Christians against the blasphemy of the aduersaries and moreouer for the instruction of the church compiled many fruitfull workes whereof some are extant some are not to be found Notwithstanding the great learning famous vertues of this worthy maÌ„ certaine errors and blemishes are noted in his doctrine as were before both of Origine Irenaeus and likewise of them were they neuer so excellent that followed them Which errors all here in order to note and comprehend were too long a matter for this story to prosecute This by the way shall be sufficient to admonish the Reader neuer to looke for any such perfection of any man in this world how singular so euer he be Christ onely excepted but some blemishe or other ioyneth himselfe withall whereof more perchaunce shall be sayd when we come to Cyprian And now to returne agayne to the order of bishops of Rome intermitted after Eleutherius afore mentioned next in the bishoprike of Rome succeded Victor who as Platina sayth died quietly in the dayes of Seuerus But Damasus Supplementum Lib. 8. and such as folow the common Chronicles affirme that he died a Martyr after he had sitten x. or as some say xij yeares This Victor was a great styrreâ— as partly before is signified in the controuersie and contention of Easterday For the which he would haue proceded in excommunication against the churches of Asia had not Irenaeus then bishop of Lions with the counsaile of other his brethren there asseÌ„bled repressed his intended violence As touching that coÌ„trouersie of Easter in those dais of the primitiue Church the originall thereof was this as Eusebius Socrates Platina and other record First certain it is that the Apostles onely being intentiue and attendaunt to the doctrine of saluation gaue no heed nor regard to the obseruation of dayes times neither bound the Church to any ceremoniâ—s and rites except those things necessary mentioned in the Actes of the Apostles as strangled and bloud which was ordayned then of the holy Ghost notwithout a most vrgent and necessary cause touched partly in the history before For when the murdering and bloud of Infants was commonly obiected by the Heathen perseâ—utors agaynst the Christians they had no other argumeÌ„t to help theÌ„selues nor to refell the aduersarie but only their own law by the which they were commauÌ„ded to abstaine not onely from all mens bloud but also from the bloud of all coÌ„mon beastes And therefore that law seemeth by the holy Ghost to be geuen also to the same end continued in the Church so long as the cause that is the persecutions of the Heathen Gentiles continued Beside these we read of no other ceremonies or rites which the Apostles greatly regarded but left such things free to the libertie of Christians euery man to vse therein his own discretion for the vsing or not vsing thereof Whereupon as concerning all the ceremoniall obseruations of dayes tymes places meates drinks vestures and such other of all these things neither was the diuersitie among men greatly noted nor any vniformitie greatly required In so much that Irenaeus writing to Victor of the tradition of dayes and of fastings and of the diuersitie of these things then vsed among the primitiue fathers saith Nihilo tamen minus omnes Illi pacem inter se retinuerunt retinemus etiamnuÌ„ leiunij dissonantia fidei concordiam commendat c. That is Notwithstanding all this varietie all they kept peace among themselues yet we keepe it still and this difference of fasting among vs commendeth more the concord of faith And so long did the doctrine of Christian libertie remaine whole sounde in the Church till the tyme of Victor which was about the yeare of our Lord 200. Although the diuersitie of these vsages began something before also in the dayes of Pius and Anicetus about the yere of our Lord 163. to be misliked yet restraint hereof was not so much vrged before as in the tune of Victor And yet neither did the violeÌ„ce of Victor take such place but that the doctrine of Christian libertie was defended and maintained by meanes of Irenaeus and other and so continued in the Church till after the Councell of Nice And thus much concerning the doctrine of Christian libertie of the differences of rites and ceremonies Now to returne to Victor agayne to shew what diuersitie there was in obseruing the day of Easter and how it came thus is the story First in the tyme of Pius and Anicetus an 163. the questioÌ„ of Easter day began first to be moued at what tyme Pius by the reuelation of Hermes decreed the obseruatioÌ„ of that day to be chaunged from the wonted maner of the 14. day of the moone in the first moneth vnto the next Sonday after After him came Anicetus Soter and Eleutherius Bishops of Rome which also determined the same Agaynst these stode Melito Bishop of Sardis Polycarpus and as some thinke Egesippus with other learned men of Asia which Polycarpus being sent by the brethren of Asia came to Rome as is aforesayd to coÌ„ferre with Anicetus in that matter wherin when they could not agree after long debating yet notwithstanding they did both coÌ„municate together with reuereÌ„ce departed in peace And so the celebration of Easterday remained Adiaphoron as a thing indifferent in the Church till the time of Victor Who folowing after Anicetus and hys fellowes and chiefly stirring in this matter endeuoured by all meanes and might to draw or rather subdue the Churches of Asia vnto hys opinion thinking moreouer to
after they suffred tormēts yet after reuolted But other being as strong as blessed valiant pillers of the Lord fortified with constancie agreing to their fayth were made faithfull Martyrs of the kingdome of God Of whom the first was Iulianus a man diseased with the gout and not able to go being caried of two men of whō the one quickly denied the other Cronion surnamed Eunus with the foresayd Iulianus the old man confessing the Lord with a perfect fayth were layd vpon Camels and there scourged at length cast into the fire with great constancie were so consumed As these aforesaid were going to their Martyrdome there was a certaine souldiour who in their defence tooke part agaynst them that rayled vpon them For the which cause the people crying out agaynst hym he also was apprehended and beyng constant in his professiō was forthwith beheaded Likewise one Macar a man borne in Lybia beyng admonished and exhorted of the Iudge to deny his fayth and not agreyng to his persuasions was burned alyue After these suffred Epimachus and one Alexander who beyng long deteined in prison and in bandes after innumerable paynes torments with razers scourges were also cast into the burning fire with foure other women with them which all there ended their Martyrdome Also Ammonarion an holy virgine whō the cruel iudge had long and bitterly tormented for that she promising the Iudge before that for no punishment she would yelde to his request and constantly performyng the same suffred likewise Martyrdome with two other women of whom there was an aged Matrone named Mercuria the other was called Dionysia beyng a mother of many fayre childrē whom yet notwithstanding she loued not aboue the Lord. These after they could nothe ouercome by no tormēts of the cruell iudge but he rather ashamed and confounded to be ouercome of sely women at length they beyng past feeling of all torments were slayne with the sword first Ammonarion like a valiant Captaine suffryng before them Heron Ater and Isidorus Egyptians and with them Dioscorus also a child of xv yeres were crowned with the same crowne of Martyrdom And first the iudge began with the child thinking him more easie to be wonne with wordes to entise him then with torments to constrain him but he persisted immouable geuing neither place to persuasions nor punishments The rest after he had greuously tormēted being constant in their profession he committed to the fire At Dioscorus the iudge greatly meruailing for his wise answers graue constancie dismissed him sparing as he said his age to a longer respite which Dioscorus is yet also with vs at this present wayting for a longer triall Nemesion beyng also an Egyptian first was accused for a companion of thieues but beyng purged thereof before the Centurion was then accused of Christianitie and for that cause being in bands was brought to the President who most vnrighteously tormenting and scourging hym double to al other thieues and felons at length among the thieues burned him to death making him a blessed martir There were standing before the tribunall seate certaine of the warriors or knights whose names were Ammon Zenon Ptolomeus Ingenuus and with them a certayne aged man called Theophilus who standing by at what tyme a certaine christian man was before the iudge examined and there seyng him for feare redy to incline and fall away did burst almost for sorow within themselues making signes to him with their hands and all iestures of their body to be constant This beyng noted of all the standers by they were redy to lay hold vpon them but they preuenting the matter preased vp of their owne accord before to the bench of the iudge professing themselues to be Christians In so much that both the President with the benchers were all astonied the christians which were iudged more emboldned to suffer and the Iudges therby terrified This done they departed away from the place glad and reioycing for the testimony that they had geuen of their fayth Many other besides were in other cities and tounes rent and torne asunder by the Heathen among whom one I wil speake off for cause worthy of memory Ischirion one that was in seruice with a certaine noble man was commaunded of his maister to make sacrifice who for not obeying was therefore rebuked After persisting in the same was greuously threatned with sharp and manacing wordes At last his maister when he coulde not preuaile against him taking a stake or pike in his handes ran him through into the body and slue him What should I speake of the multitude of them which wandering in desertes and mountaines were consumed with hunger thirst cold sicknes thieues or wilde beasts of whose blessed victorie they which be aliue are yet witnesses In the number of whom one I will speake off among diuers other named Cheremon Bishop of the Citie called Nilus an aged man he with his wife flying to the mountain of Arabia neuer returned again nor euer could be seene after And though they were sought for diligently by their brethren yet neither they nor their bodies were found Many other there were which flying to these moūtains of Arabia were taken of the barbarous Arabians of whom some with much mony could scarse be ransomed some were neuer heard off yet to this present day Thus much out of the Epistle of Dionysius alledged in Euseb. Lib. 6 cap. 41 42. c. Moreouer the foresaid Dionysius in an other place writyng to Germanus of his owne daungers and of other sustained in this persecution before this persecution of Decius thus inferreth as followeth I sayth he behold before the sight of God I lye not and he knoweth I lie not how that I hauing no regard of myne owne life and notwithout the motion of God did flye and auoyde the daunger of this persecution Yea and also before that this persecution of Decius did rage against vs Sabinus the same houre sent a Farmer to seeke me at what tyme I remaining at home waited iij. dayes for his comming But he searching narowly for me by all wayes fields flouds corners where he thought I might best haue hid my self or to haue passed by was stroken with such a blindnesse that he could not find myne house thinking with himself nothing lesse then that I would abide at home in such so dangerous persecution Thus these iij. days beyng past vpon the fourth day the Lord God so willing and commanding me to flie and also maruelously opening to me the way I with my children and many other brethren went out together And this not to come of my selfe but to be the worke of Gods prouidence the sequel of those things declared wherein afterward I was not vnprofitable peraduenture to some c. Againe in another place shortly after the foresayd Dionysius proceedyng in the narration of himselfe thus inferreth Then I comming to Hierusalem with them which were with me was
Cyprian writing in his Epistles so much of one Byshop and of the vnity to be kept in Ecclesiasticall regimeÌ„t as appeareth Lib. 4. Epist. 2. De simplicit praelat item Lib. 3. Epist. 11. c. And in like sort writeth also Cornelius himselfe of one Byshop saying Itaque Vindex ille Euangelij ignorauit vnum esse debere EpiscopuÌ„ in Catholica Ecclesia c. That is He knew not that there ought to be one Byshoppe in a Catholicke Church c. This by the way not out of the way I trust I haue touched briefly to detect or refute the cauiling wrastling of the Papistes which falsely apply these places of Cyprian and Cornelius to mainetayne the Popes supreme maistershippe alone ouer the whole vniuersall Church of Christ in all places WheÌ„ their meaning is otherwise how that euery one Catholicke Church or dioces ought to haue one Byshop ouer it not that the whole world ought to be subiect to the dominion of him onely that is Byshop of Rome Now to the story againe Nouatus beyng thus Bishop tooke not a little vpon him goyng about by all meanes to defeat Cornelius and to allure the people from him Insomuch that as in the foresayd book of Eusebius appeareth wheÌ„ Nouatus came to the distributing of the offrings and should geue euery man his part he coÌ„pelled the simple persoÌ„s euery man to sweare before they should receiue of the benediction of the collectes or oblations holding both their handes in his holding them so long speaking these wordes vnto them Sweare to me by the body and bloud of our Lord Iesu Christ that thou wilt not leaue me and goe to Cornelius till that they swearing vnto him instead of AmeÌ„ to be sayd at the receauing of the bread should aunswere I will not returne to Cornelius c. Where note by the way that the Latine booke of Christofersons tanâ—lation in this place craftely leaueth out the name of bread This story being written in Eusebius also contained in Nicephorus although not in the same order of wordes yet in effeâ—t drawne out of him doth declare in playne wordes in both the Authors who so will marke the same that the sacrament of the bodye of Christ is termed with the playne name of bread after the consecration It followeth more in the story that Maximus Vrbanus Sydonius and Celerinus before mentioned perceiuing at length the crafty dissimulation and arrogancy of Nouatus left him and with great repentance returned agayne to the Church were reconciled to Cornelius as they theÌ„selues writing to Cyprian and Cyprian likewise writing to them an Epistle gratulatory doth declare Lib. 3. Epist. 3. Cornelius also in his Epistle to Fabê° witnesseth the same In thiâ— Epistle the sayd Cornelius moreouer writeth of one Moses a worthy Martyr which once being a follower also of Nouatus after perceiuing his wickednesse forsooke him and did excommunicate him Of him Cyprian also maketh mention calleth him a blessed confessour Lib. 2. Epi. 4. Damasus in his pontificall sayth that he was apprehended with Maximus and Nicostratus aboue mentioned was put with them in prison where he ended his life And thus much of Nouatus agaynst whom as Eusebius testifieth a Synode was holdeÌ„ at Rome of lx sondry Byshops in the tyme of Cornelius and vnder the reigne of Decius an 255. whereby it may be supposed that the heat of the persecutioÌ„ at that tyme was somewhat calmed After Fabianus or as Zonaras calleth him Flauianus next succeeded into the bishoprick of Rome Cornelius whoÌ„ Cyprian noteth to be a worthy Byshop and for his great vertue maydenlye continency much commeÌ„dable chosen to that roome not so much of his owne consent as of the full greement both of the Clergy men and also of the people Hierome addeth also that he was a man of great eloqueÌ„ce wherby it may appeare those two Epistles decretal which go in his name not to be his both for the rudenes of the barbarous and grose stile and also for the matter therin conteined nothing tasting of that tyme nor of that age nor doings then of the Church Wherof in the first he writeth to all ministers brethren of the Church concerning the lifting vp of the bodyes bones of Peter Paule De cathecumbis and transposed to Vaticanum at the instance of a certayne deuoute woman named Lucina hauing no great argumeÌ„t or cause to write therof vnto the churches but onely that he in that letter doth desire theÌ„ to pray vnto the Lord that through the intercession of those Apostolicall Sayntes their sinnes might be forgeuen them c. In the second Epistle writing to Ruffus a Byshop of the East Church he decreeth and ordaineth that no oth ought to be required or exacted of any head or chiefe Byshop for any cause or by any power Also that no cause of Priestes or Ministers ought to be handled in any straunge or forreine Court without his precinct except onely in the Court of Rome by appellation wherby who seeth not the trayn of our latter Byshops going about craftely to aduaunce the dignity of the Court of Rome vnder and by the prtenced title of Cornelius and of such auncient Byshops If Cornelius did write any Epistles to any in deede in those so turbulent times of persecution no doubt but some signification thereof he would haue touched in the sayd his letters either in ministring consolation to his brethreÌ„ or in requiring consolation and prayers of others Neither is there any doubt but he would haue geueÌ„ some touch also of the matter of Nouatus with whom he had so much to do as in deed he did for so we finde it recorded both in Eusebius and in Hierome that he wrote vnto Fabius Byshop of Antioche of the decreementes of the counsell of Rome and an other letter of the maner of the Counsell the third also of the cause of Nouatus and agayne of the repentaunce of such as fell wherof there is no word touched at all in these foresayd Epistles decretall What trouble this Cornelius had with Nouatus sufficiently is before signified In this persecution of Decius he demeaned himselfe very constantly and faythfully whiche sustayned great conflictes with the aduersaries as S. Cyprian geueth winesse Lib. 1. Epist. 1. Hierome testifieth that he remayned Byshop after the death of Decius to the tyme of Gallus and so appeareth also by S. Cyprian which hath these wordes Et tyrannum armis bello postmodum victum prior sacerdotio suo vicit But Damasus and Sabellicus his folowers affirm that he was both exiled also martired vnder the tyrannous reigne of Decius Of whom Sabellicus writeth this story taken out as it seemeth of Damasus and sayth that Cornelius by the commauÌ„dement of Decius was banished a towne called Centumcellas bordering in Hetruria from whence he sent letters to Cyprian Byshop of Carthage and Cyprian agayne to him This comming to
publike Churches Neither doe I see howe the Heathen in those daies would haue suffered these ornaments to be vnconsumed which would not suffer the Bishops themselues to liue amongst them Notwithstanding Isidorus and Polydorus iudge the contrary Betweene this Stephen and Cyprian Byshop of Carthage was a great contention about rebaptising of heretickes whereof more hereafter Christ willing shall be saide Besides these Byshops aboue specified diuers other there were also sent into banishmēt vnder the forenamed Emperours Gallus Volusianus as appeareth by Dionysius writing to Hermammon on this wise that Gallus not seeyng the euill of Decius nor foreseeing the occasion of his seductiō and ruine stumbled himselfe also at the same stone lying open before his eyes For at the first beginning when his Empire went prosperously foreward and all thinges went luckely with him afterward he draue out holy men which praied for his peace and safegarde and so with them reiected also the praiers which they made for him c. Eusebius Lib. 7. cap. 1. Otherwise of any bloudshed or any Martirs that in the time of this Emperour were put to death we doe not read After the raigne of which Emperour Gallus and of his sonne Volusianus being expired who reigned but ij yeares Emelianus which slewe them both by ciuill sedition succeeded in their place who reigned but three monethes was also slayne Next to whom Valerianus his sonne Gallienus were aduaunced to the Empire About the chaunging of these Emperours the persecution which first began at Decius afterwarde slacked in the time of Gallus was now extinguished for a time partly for the great plague raigning in all places partly by the change of the Emperors although it was not very long For Valerianus in the first entraunce of the Empire for the space of iij. or foure yeres was right courteous and gentle to the people of God well accepted to the Senate Neither was there any of all the Emperors before him no not of the which openly professed Christ that shewed himselfe so louing and familiar toward the Christians as he did in so much that as Dionysius writing to Herman doth testifie all hys whole courte was replenished with holy Saintes seruantes of Christ and godly persons so that his house might seeme to be made a Church of God But by the malice of Sathan through wicked counsell these quiet dayes endured not very long For in processe of tyme this Valerianus beyng charmed or incensed by a certayne Egiptian a chiefe ruler of the Heathen Synagoge of the Egiptians a mayster of the Charmers or inchaunters who in deede was troubled for that he could not do his Magicall feates for the Christians was so farre infatuated and bewitched that through the detestable prouocations of that deuilishe Egyptian he was wholly turned vnto abhominable Idols and to execrable impietie in sacrificing young infāts and quartering bodies and deuiding the entrals of childrē new borne and so proceeding in his fury moued the eight persecution agaynst the Christians whom the wicked Egyptian coulde not abide as being the hinderers and destroyars of hys Magicall enchauntinges about the yeare of our Lord. 259. The eight Persecution IN the which persecution the chiefe administers and executours were Emilianus President of Egipt Paternus and Galerius Maximus Proconsuls in Aphrica Bergomensis also maketh mention of Paternus Uicegerent of Rome and of Perennius Vincentius speaketh also of Nicerius and Claudius Presidentes c. What was the chiefe originall cause of this persecution partly is signified before where mention was made of the wicked Egiptian But as this was the outward and politicall cause so S Cyprian sheweth other causes more speciall and Ecclesiasticall in his iiii booke Epist. 4. whose wordes be these but we sayth he must vnderstand and confesse that thys turbulent oppression calamitie which hath wasted for the most part all our whole company and doth dayly consume riseth chiefly of our owne wickednes sinnes while we walke not in the way of the Lord nor obserue his preceptes left vnto vs for our institution The Lord obserued the will of his father in all poynts but we obserue not the will of the Lord hauing all our minde and study set vpon lucre possessions geuen to pryde full of emulation and dissention voyde of simplicitie and faythfull dealing renouncing thys world in word onely but nothing in deede euery man pleasing himselfe and displeasing all other And therefore are we thus scourged and worthely For what stripes and scourges doe wee not deserue when the confessors themselues such as haue byd the tryall of their confession and such as ought to be an example to the rest of well doyng doe keepe no discipline And therfore because some such there be proudly puft vp with this swelling and vnmannerly bragging of their confession these tormentes come such as doe not easely send vs to the crowne except by the mercy of God some being takē away by quicknes of death do preuēt the tediousnes of punishimēt These things do we suffer for our sinnes and desertes as by the Lordes censure we haue bene forewarned saying If they shall forsake my lawe and will not walke in my iudgementes If they shall prophane my institutions and will not obserue my preceptes I will visite their iniquities with the rod and their transgressions with scourges These rods and scourges sayth he we feele which neyther please God in our good deedes nor repent in our euill deedes Wherefore the sayd Cyprian adding this exhortation withall exhorted them to pray and intreate from the bottome of their hart and whole minde the mercy of God which promiseth saying but yet my mercy I will not scatter from them c. Let vs aske and wee shall obtayne and though sayth Cyprian it be with tariance yet for so much as we haue greeuously offended let vs continue knocking for to him that knocketh it shal be opened if our prayers sighinges and weepinges knocke still at the dore with continuance and if our prayers be ioyned together with brotherly agreement c. Moreouer what vices were then principally raygning among the Christians hee further specifieth in the sayd Epistle which chiefly were deuision and dissention among the brethren For when it was spoken to them in a vision by these wordes Petite impetrabitis that is Pray and ye shall obtayne afterward it was required of the congregation there present to direct their prayers for certayne persons assigned to them by name but they could not agree and cōdescend altogether of the names and persons of them which they should pray for but were dissonant in their consent and petition whiche thing sayth Cyprian did greatly displease hym that spake vnto them Pray and ye shal obtayne for that there was no vniforme equalitie of voyce and hart nor one simple and ioynt concorde among the brethren whereof it is written the Psalme 67. God which maketh to dwell in
x. yeare of Constantinus It was not yet one yeare from the day in which Dioclesian Maximianus ioyning themselues together began their persecution when that they sawe the number of the Christians rather to encrease then to diminish notwithstanding all the cruelty that euer they coulde shew and now were out of all hope for the vtter rootyng out of them which thing was the cause of their first enterprise and had now euen their fill of bloud and lothed as it were the shedding thereof they ceased at the last of theyr owne accord to put any mo christians to death But yet of a great multitude they did thrust out their right eyes and maymed their left legs at the hamme with a searing iron condemning them to the mines of mettals not so much for the vse of their labour as for the desire of afflicting them And this was the clemencie and release of the crueltie of those Princes which sayd that it was not meete that the cities should be defiled with the bloud of citizens and to make the Emperours highnesse to bee destained with the name of cruelty but to shew his princely beneficence and liberalitie to all men Eusebius Lib. 8. cap 10. When Dioclesianus and Maximianus had raigned together Emperours twenty yeares and one Nicephorus saith xxij yeares at length Dioclesian put himselfe from his imperiall dignitie at Nicomedia and liued at Salona Maximinianus at Mediolanum and led both of theÌ„ a priuate life in the 309. yeare after Christ. This strange and meruailous alteration gaue occasion and so came to passe that within short space after there were in the Romaine commoÌ„ welth many Emperours at one tyme. In the beginning of this persecution you heard how Dioclesian beyng made Emperour tooke to him Maximinian Also how these two gouerning as Emperours together chose other two Caesars vnder them to wit Galerius Maximinus Constantius the father of Constantine the 〈◊〉 Thus then Dioclesian raigning with Maximinian in the 19. yeare of his raigne began his furious persecution against the christians whose raigne after the same continued not long For so it pleased God to put such a snaffle in the tyrants mouth that within two yeares after he caused both him and Maximinian for what cause he knoweth to geue ouer his Imperial function and so to remayne not as emperours any more but as priuate persones So that tâ—ey beyng now displaced and dispossessed the Imperial dominion remayned with Constantius Galerius Maximinus which two deuided the whole Monarchie betwene them so that Maximinus should gouerne the East countreys Constantius the west partes But Constantius as a modest Prince onely contented with the Imperial title refused Italy and Aphrike contenting himselfe only with Fraunce Spaine and Britaine Wherefore Galerius Maximinus chose to hym his two sonnes Maximinus and Seuerus Likewise Constantius tooke Constantinus his sonne Caesar vnder him In the meane tyme while Maximinus with his two Caesars were in Asia the Romaine souldiours set vp for their emperour Maxentius the sonne of Maximinian who had before deposed himselfe Against whom Maximinus the Emperour of the East sent his sonne Seuerus which Seuerus was slayne in the same voyage of Maxentius In whose place then Maximinus tooke Licinius And these were the Emperours and Caesars which succeeding after Dioclesian and Maximinian prosecuted the rest of that persecution which Dioclesian and Maximinian before begun duryng neare the space of seuen or viij yeares which was to the yeare of our Lorde 318. Saue onely that Constantius with his sonne Constantinus was no great doer therin but rather a maintainer and a supporter of the Christians Which Constantius surnamed Chlorus for his palenesse was the sonne of Eutropius a maÌ„ of great nobilitie of the Romaine union as Loetus affirmeth He came of the lyne of Aeneas and Claudia the daughter of Claudius Augustus This man had not the desire of great and mightie dominion and therefore parted he the Empire with Galerius and would rule but in France Britaine and Spayne refusing the other kingdomes for the troublesome and difficult gouernment of the same Otherwise he was a Prince as Eutropius maketh description of him very excellent ciuill meeke gentle liberall and desirous to do good vnto those that had any priuate authoritie vnder him And as Cyrus once sayd that he gaâ—e treasure inough when he made his friendes rich euen so it is sayd that Constantius would often tymes say that it were better that his subiects had treasure theÌ„ he to haue it in his treasure house Also he was by nature suffised with a little In so much that he vsed to eate and drinke in earthen vessels which thing was counted in Agathotles the Sicilian a great commendation and if at any tyme cause required to garnish his table he would send for plate and other furniture to his frendes To these vertues he added yet a more worthy ornament that is deuotion loue and affection towards the word of God as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13. affirmeth after which vertues ensued great peace and tranquillitie in all his Prouinces By which worde he being guided neither leuied any warres contrary to pietie and christian religion neither he aided anye other that did the same neither destroyed he the churches but commaunded that the christians should be preserued and defended and kept them safe from all contumelions iniuries And when that in the other iurisdictions of the Empire the congregatioÌ„s were molested with persecution as Sozomenus declareth Lib. 1. cap. 6. he only gaue licence vnto the Christians to liue after their accustomed maner This wonderfull acte of his followyng besides other doth shew that he was a sincere worshipper of the christian religion Those which bare the chiefe offices among the Ethnikes draue out of the emperors count all the godly Christians wherupon this ensued that the Emperors themselues at the last were destitute of helpe when suche were driuen away which dwelling in their courtes and liuyng a godly lyfe poureâ— out their prayers vnto God for the prosperous estate and health both of the Empire Emperor Constantius therefore thinkyng at a certayne tyme to try what sincere and good Christians he had yet in hys courte called together all hys officers and seruaunts in the same fayning himselfe to chitse out such as would do sacrifice to deuils and that those only should dwell there keep their offices and that those which would refuse to doe the same should be thrust out banished the court At this appointment all the 〈◊〉 deuided theÌ„selues into 〈◊〉 The Emperor marked which were the constantest godliest from the rest And when 〈◊〉 sayd that they would willingly do sacrifiâ—e other serue openly and boldly denied to do the same Then the Emperor 〈◊〉 rebuked those which were so redy to doe 〈◊〉 iudged them as false traitors vnto God accountyng their vnworthy to bee in his court which were such traitors to
that no Prelate or bishop ought to come to his answere or ad litem cōtestatam as the words of their writing do terme it before they be orderly fully restored again to their possessiōs Who moreouer in the said their epistles stil harpe vpon this key of the scripture Tu es Petrus super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam Declaring more ouer that this priuiledge of iudging al mē and to be iudge of no man but onely to be left to the iudgement of the Lord was gyuen to this foresayd holy sea of Rome from tyme of the Apostles chiefly lefte with Peter the holye key keeper so that although the election of the Apostles was equall yet this was chieflye graunted to Saint Peter to haue preheminenes aboue the rest Concluding in the ende hereby Quod semper maiores causae sicut sunt episcoporum potiorum curae negotiorum ad vnam beati principis Apostolorum Petri sedem confluerent That is that alwaies all greater causes as be the matters of Byshoppes and such other cares of weighty importaunce should be brought to the sea of S. Peter the blessed prince of the Apostles c. These be the wordes of Miltiades and Eusebius whereby it may partly be smelled of him that hath any nose what was the meaning of thē which forged these writings and letters vpon these auntient holy martirs This I cannot but maruell at in the thirde Epistle of Eusebius the bishop of Rome that where as Marcellius his late predecessor before in his owne time and remembrance did fall so horribly and was condemned for the same iustly to be expulsed the Citie by the counsell of 300. Byshops yet notwithstanding the foresaid Eusebius in his third epistle alledging the place of Tu es Petrus bringeth in for a profe of the same and saith Quia in sede Apostolica extra maculam semper est Catholica seruata religio c. That is for in the Apostolicall sea alwaies the Catholike Religion hath bene preserued without any spot or blemish But howsoeuer the forgers of these decretal Epistles haue forgottē themselues most certeine it is that these holy bishops vpon whom they were and are ascribed liued perfect good men and died blessed martirs Of whom this Miltiades was the last among all the Bishoppes of Rome here in the west Church of Europe that euer was in daūger of persecution to be Martired yet to this present day And thus haue ye heard the stories and names of such blessed Saintes which suffered in the time of persecution from the xix yeare of Dioclesian to the vij and last yeare of Maxentius with the deathes also plagues described vpon these tormentors and cruel tiraunts which were the captaines of the same persecutiō And here commeth in blessed be Christ the ende of these persecutions here in these West Churches of Europe so far as the dominion of blessed Constantinus did chiefly extend Yet notwithstanding in Asia al persecution as yet ceased not for the space of foure yeres as aboue is mentioned by the meanes of wicked Licinius Under whome diuers there were holy and constant martirs that suffered greeuous torments as Hermylus a Deacon and Stratonicus a keeper of the prison which both after their punishments sustained were strangled in the floud Ister Metasth Also Theodorus the Captaine who being sent for of Licinius because he would not come and because he brake his Gods in peeces and gaue them to the pore therfore was fastned to the crosse and after being pearsed with sharpe pricks or bodkins in the secret parts of his body was at last beheaded Adde to this also Milles who first being a Souldiour afterward was made bishop of a certaine Citie in Persia where he seing himselfe could do no good to conuert them after many tribulations and great afflictions among thē cursed the Citie and departed Which citie shortly after by Sapores king of Persia was destroied In the same countrey of Persia about this time suffered vnder Sapores the king as recordeth Symeon Metasthenes diuers valiant constant martirs as Acindymus Pegasius Anempodistus Epidephorus also Symeon Archbishop of Seleucia with Ctesiphon an other bishop in Persia with other ministers religious men of that region to the number of 128. Of this Symeon and Ctesiphon thus writeth Zozomenus lib. 2. That the idolatrous Magitians in Persia taking counsaile togither against the Christians accused Symeon Ctesiphō to Sapores the king for that they were gratefull accepted vnto the Romane Emperor bewraied to him such things as were done in the land of Persia. Whereupon Sapores being moued toke great displeasure against the christians oppressing them with taxes tributes vnto their vtter impouerishing killing also their Priestes with the sword After that calleth for Symeon the Archbyshop who there before the king declared himselfe a worthy a valiant captaine of Christs church For when Sapores had cōmaūded him to be led to suffer torments he neither shronk for any feare nor shewed any great humble sute of submission for any pardon wherat the king partly marueiling partly offended asked why he did not knele downe as he was wont before to do Symeon to this aūswered for that saith he before this time I was not brought vnto you in bondes to betray the true God as I am nowe so long I refused not to accomplishe that which the order custome of the Realme of me required but now it is not lawful for me so to do for now I come to stand in defence of our Religion and true doctrine When Symeon thus had aunswered the king persisting in his purpose offereth vnto him the choise either to worship with him after his maner promising to him many great gifts if he would so doe or if he would not threatneth to him and to al the other christians within his land destruction But Symeon neither allured with his promises nor terrified with his threatnings cōtinued constaunt in his doctrine professed so that neyther he could be induced to Idolatrous worship nor yet to betray the truth of his religion For the which cause he was committed into hands and there commaunded to be kept to the kings pleasure further knowne It befel in the way as he was going to the prison there was sitting at the kings gate a certaine Eunuche an olde Tutor or scholemaister of the kings named Vsthazares who had bene once a christian and afterward falling from hys profession fell with the Heathen multitude to their Idolatrie This Vsthazares sitting at the doore of the kinges pallace and seing Symeon passing by led to the prison rose vp and reuerenced the Bishop Symeon againe with sharpe wordes as the time would suffer rebuked him in great anger cried out against him which being once a christian woulde so cowardly reuolt from his profession returne againe to the Heathenish Idolatry At the hearing of these
words the Eunuch forthwith brasting out in teares laying away his courtly apparell which was sumptuous costly putting vpon him a blacke and mourning weede sitteth before the court gates weping and bewailing thus saying with himselfe wo is me wyth what hope wyth what face shall I looke hereafter for my God which haue denied my god wheÌ„ as this Symeon my familiar acquantance thus passing by me so much disdaineth me that he refuseth with one gentle word to salute me These things being brought to the â—ares of the King as such tale cariers neuer lacke in Princes courtes procured against him no litle indignation wherupon Sapores the king sending for him first with gentle words courtly promises began to speake him faire asking him what cause he had so to mourne whether there was any thing in his house which was denied him or which he had not at his owne will and asking Whereunto Vsthazares aunswering againe saide That there was nothing in that earthly house which was to him lacking or wheruÌ„to his desire stod Yea would god said he O king any other grief or calamitie in al the world whatsoeuer it were had happened vnto me rather theÌ„ this for the which I do most iustly mourne and sorrow For this sorroweth me that I am this day aliue who should rather haue died long since that I see this sonne which against my hart and mynde for your pleasure disseÌ„blingly I appeared to worship for which cause doublewise I am worthy of death First for that I haue denied Christ. Secondly because I did dissemble with you And incontinent vpon these wordes swearing by him that made both heauen earth affirmed most certainly that although he had plaied the foole before he would neuer be so mad againe as in steede of the creator and maker of all thinges to worship the creatures which he had made and created Sapores the king being astonied at the so sodaine alteration of this man and doubting with hym selfe whether to be angry with those inchaunters or with him whether to intreat him wyth gentlenes or wyth rygour at length in this moode commaunded the sayde Vsthazares his old auncient seruaunt and first Tutor brynger vp of his youth to be had away and to be beheaded as he was going to the place of execution he desired of the executioners a lyttle to staye whyle he myght sende a message vnto the king which was this sent in by certayne of the kings most trusty Eunuches desiring him that for all the old and faythfull seruyce he had done to his Father to him he would now requite him with thys one office agayne to cause to bee cryed openlye by a publike cryer in these wordes followyng that Vsthazares was beheaded not for any trechery or cryme committed against the king or the Realme but onelye for that hee was a Christyan and woulde not at the Kinges pleasure denye hys God And so accordyng to hys requeste it was performed and graunted For thys cause dyd Vsthazares so much desire the cause of hys death to be publyshed because that as his shrynking backe from Christ was a great occasion to manye Christians to doe the lyke so nowe the same hearing that Vsthazares dyed for no other cause but only for the religion of Christ shoulde learne lykewyse by hys example to bee feruente and constaunt in that which they professe And thus thys blessed Eunuch dyd consummate hys Martyrdome Of the which hys Martyrdome Symeon hearing being in pryson was very ioyfull and gaue god thanks Who in the nexte daye followyng being brought foorth before the Kyng and constantly refusyng to condescende to the Kynges request to worshyp visible creatures was lykewyse by the commaundement of the Kyng beheaded wyth a great number mo whithe the same daye also did suffer to the number as is sayd of an hundreth and more All whiche were put to death before Symeon he standing by and exhortyng them wyth comfortable wordes admonishing them to stande fyrme and stedfast in the Lord Preachyng and teachyng them concernyng death resurrection and true pietye and prooued by the Scryptures that to be true which he had sayde Declaryng moreouer that to be true lyfe in deede so to dye and that to be death in deede to deny or to betray God for feare of punishment And added further that there was no man alyue but needes once must dye For so much as to all men is appoynted necessarelye here to haue an ende But those thyngs which after this lyfe followe hereafter to bee eternall which neyther shall come to all men after one sorte But as the condition and trade of lyfe in dyuers men doth dyffer and is not in all men like so the tyme shall come when all men in a moment shall render and receaue accordyng to theyr dooynges in thys present lyfe immortall rewardes such as haue here done well of lyfe and glory such as haue done contrary of perpetual punishment As touching therefore our well doyng here is no doubte but of all other our holy actions and vertuous deedes there is no hyer or greater deede then if a man here loose his lyfe for hys Lord God Wyth these wordes of comfortable exhortation the holye Martyrs beyng prepared willyngly yeelded vp their liues to death After whom at last followed Symeon with two other Priestes or Mynisters of his Church Abedecalaas and Ananias which also wyth him were pertakers of the same Martyrdome At the sufferyng of those aboue mentioned it happened that Pusices one of the Kynges offycers and ouerseer of hys Artificers was there present who seeyng Ananias beyng an aged olde Father somwhat to shake and tremble at the syght of them that suffered O Father sayde he a lyttle moment shut thyne eies and be strong and shortly thou shalt see the sight of God Upon these words thus spoken Pusices immediately was apprehended brought to the King Who there confessing himselfe constantly to be a Chrystian and for that he was very bould and hardy before the king in the cause of Christs faith was extremely and most cruelly handled in the execution of his Martyrdome For in the vpper part of hys necke they made a hole to thrust in theyr hande and pluckt out hys tongue out of hys mouth and so he was put to death At the which time also the daughter of Pusices a godly virgine by the malicious accusation of the wicked was apprehended put to death The next yeare followyng vpon the same day when the Christians did celebrate the remembraunce of the Lords passion which wee call good Frydaye before Easter as wytnesseth the sayde Zozomenus Sapores the king directed out a cruell and sharpe Edict throughout al his land condemning to death all them whosoeuer confessed themselues to be Christians By reason whereof an innumeble multitude of Christians through the wicked procuring of the malignant Magitians suffered the same tyme
had a Britaine to their mother After the death of Aurelius who as the storie sayeth was poysoned by the crafty meanes of Pascentius sonne of Vortigernus suborning one vnder the weede of a Monke to play the Phisicion and so to poyson him next succeeded hys brother Vter surnamed Pendragon about the yeare of our Lord. 497. who fighting against Octa and Cosa tooke them and brought them to London there to be kept But they breaking out of pryson returned into Germanie for more aid In this meane time daily recourse was of Saxons with great companies coÌ„ming out of Saxonie with whom the Britains had diuers sundry conflictes sometimes winning sometimes loosing Not long after Octa Cosa renuing their power in Germany in all most speedy hast did returne againe and ioyne with the other Saxons against the Britaines Heere began the state of miserable Britaine daily more and more to decay while the idolatrous Saxons preuailed in number and strength against the Christian Britaines oppressing the people throwing downe Churches and Monasteries murdering the Prelates sparing neither age nor person but wasting christianity almost through the whole realme To these miseries it fell moreouer that Vter their king was sicke could not come out Notwtstanding being greeued with the lamentable destructioÌ„ of his people caused his bed to be brought into the campe where God gaue him victorie Octa Cosa there being slaine After this victorie in short space Vter died of poyson as is sayde put into a fountaine of water whereof the king was wont to drinke about the yeare of our Lorde 516. Hor. Hist. About which time and yeare came in Stuph and Wigarius two nephewes of Certhice king of Westsaxons wyth their companies so violently vpon the Britains that they of the West part of the realme were not able to resist them Then the merciful prouidence of almighty God raised vp for them King Arthure the sonne of Vter who was then crowned after him and victoriously raigned To thys Arthure the old Britaine historyes do ascribe xij great victories against the Heathen Saxons whose notorious famous conquests meÌ„tioned in the Britain stories I leaue them as I finde them referring them to the credite of their authors in whom they are found Notwithstanding as I do not thinke contrary but God by the foresayde Arthure gaue to the Britaine 's some stay and quietnes during his life and certaine of his successours so touching certaine of great victories conquests not onely ouer thys land but also ouer all Europe I iudge them more fabulous then that any credit should be geuen vnto them more worthy to be ioyned with the Iliades of Homere then to haue place in any Ecclesiasticall hystorie After Arthure next King of the Britaines was Constantinus the third After him Aurelâ—us Conanus Then Vortiporius after whome followed Malgo noted in storyes to be a Sodomite And after hym the last King of the Britaines was Carecius all geuen to Ciuill warre execrable to God man Who being chased out by the Britains theÌ„selues the land fell to the possession of the Saxons about the yere of our Lord. 568. by whom all the Clergy and the ChristiaÌ„ ministers of the Britaines were then vtterly driuen out In so much that Theonus Archbishop of London Thadeoseus Archbishop of Yorke seeing theyr Churches all wasted and Parishes dispersed wyth their cariages and monumeÌ„ts left theyr seas in Britaine and fled into Cambria which we nowe call Wales Touching which matter and touching also the cause of this desolation ruine of the Britaines kingdom the first fountaine origin therof partly before is declared where was shewed in the time of CoÌ„stantinus Magnus and Maximinian pag. 108. howe these noble Princes with other moe achieuing their venturous affaires in other countreis tooke with them great multitudes armies out of Britaine through the occasion whereof the land was greatly empaired and depriued of his most chiefe and principall nobles being caried away to serue in forreine warres Whyche was no small cause why the realme of Britaine being so wasted was the lesse able to helpe it selfe against theyr enemyes Although this was not the chief occasion but other causes there were greater wherfore God by his iust iudgement suffered this plague and ouerthrow to fall vpon that people as here out of an olde author and partly out of Gildas as I haue found it so I thought to annexe it in hys owne woordes first in Latine then afterwarde Englishing the same for the more credite of that which shal be alleaged in tenour as foloweth Nobiliores totius regni praedictos duces sequâ—ti fuerunt ignobiles remanebaÌ„t qui cum vicem nobilium obtinere coepissent extulerunt se vltra quod dignitas expetebat Et ob affluenciaÌ„ diuitiarum superbi coeperunt tali tantae fornicationi indulgere qualis nec inter gentes audita est Et vt Gildas historicus testatur non solùm hoc vitium sed omnia quae humanae naturae accidere solent praecipue quod totius boni euertit statuÌ„ odium veritatis amor mendacij susceptio mali pro bono veneratio nequitiae pro benignitate exceptatio Sathanae pro angelo lucis vngebantur reges non propter dominium sed qui caeteris crudeliores essent Si quis verò eorum mitior veritati aliquatenus propior videretur in hunc quasi Britanniae subuersorem omnia odia telaque torquebantur Omnia quae Deo placebant displicebant aequali lance inter eos pendebantur Et non solùm hoc seculares viri sed ipse grex domini eiusque pastores sine discretione faciebant Non igitur admirandum est degeneres tales patriam illam amittere quam praedicto modo maculabant In English thus The nobles of this realme folowing the Princes and Captaines aboue named by the reason thereof the vulgare and rascall sorte remained behinde at home Who when they had gotten the roumes and places of the nobles they aduanced them selues aboue that their dignitie required And through their aboundaÌ„ce of riches they surprised wyth pride began to fal into such so great fornication as was neuer heard of euen among the Gentiles And as Gildas the Hystoriographer witnesseth not into vice only but also into al maner of wickednes wherto mans nature is inclined and especially into that which is the ouerthrow of al good estates the hatred of the truth loue of lies imbracing of euil in stead of goodnesse regardyng of mischiefe in stead of vertue receauing of the deuill in stead of an Angell of light They annoynted kings not such as could wel rule a common wealth but those which exceeded all other in cruelty And if any might be perceaued to be somewhat more humble or meeke or to be more inclined to fauour the trueth then the residue him did euery one hate and backbite as the ouerthrower and destroyer of Brittayne All
vs with their praiers preachings they persecute vs. Whervpon after that Brocmayl being ouercome did flee awaye the king commaunded his men to turne their wepons against the sely vnarmed Monkes of whome he slewe the same time or rather Martired .1100 onely fiftie persons of that number did flee and escape awaye with Brocmayl the rest were all slaine The authors that write of this lamentable murder declare saye howe the forespeaking of Austen was here verefied vpon the Britanes which because they would not ioine peace with their frends he said should be destroied of their enimis Of both these parties the reader may iudge what he pleaseth I can not see but both together were to be blamed And as I cannot but accuse the one so I cannot defend the other First Austen in this matter can in no wise be excused who being a monke before therfore a scholer professor of humilitie shewed so litle humilitie in this assembly to seuen Byshops an Archbishop coÌ„ming at his coÌ„maundement to the Councell that he thought scorne once to stirre at their comming in Much lesse would his Pharisaicall solemnity haue girded himselfe washed his brethrens feete after their trauaile as Christ our great maister did to his Disciples seyng his Lordship was so hie or rather so heauy or rather so proude that coulde not finde in his hart to giue them a little moouing of his body to declare a brotherly humble hart Againe the Britaynes were much or more to blame who so much neglected their spirituall duety in reuenging their temporal iniury that they denyed to ioyne vnto their helping labour to turne the Idolatrous Saxons to the way of lyfe and saluatioÌ„ In which respect all priuate cases ought to geue place and to be forgotten For the whiche cause although lamentable to vs yet no great meruaile in them if the stroke of gods punishment did light upon theÌ„ according to the wordes of Austen as is before declared But especially the cruell king in this fact was most of all to blame so furiously to flee vpon them which had neither weapoÌ„ to resist him nor yet any will to harme him And so likewise the same or like happened to himselfe afterward For so was he also slayne in the field by Christian Edwine who succeeded him as he had slayne the Christians before whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 610. But to returne to Austen agayne who by report of authors was departed before this cruelty was done after he had baptised and christened x. thousand Saxons or Angles in the West riuer that is called Swale beside Yorke on a ChristeÌ„masse day perceauing hys end to draw neare he ordayned a successor named Laurentius to rule after him the Archbishops sea of Dorobernia Where note by the way Christian Reader that wheras Austen baptised then in riuers it followeth there was then no vse of fontes Agayne if it be true that Fabian sayth he baptised x. thousaÌ„d in one day the rite theÌ„ of Baptising at Rome was not so ceremoniall neither had so manye trinkets at that tyme as it hath had since or els it could not be that he coulde baptise so many in one daye In the meane season about this time departed Gregory Byshop of Rome of whom it is sayd that of the number of al the first Bishops before him in the primitiue time he was the basest of all them that came after him hee was the best About whiche tyme also dyed in Wales Dauid Archbishop first of Kayrleion who then translated the sea from thence to Meneuia and therefore is called Dauid of Wales Not long after this also deceased the foresayd Austen in England after he had set there xv or xvi yeares by the which count we may note it not to be true that Henry Huntington and other doe witnesse that Austen was dead before that battaile of Ethelfride agaynst the MoÌ„kes of BaÌ„gor For if it be true that Polycronicon testifieth of this murder to be done about the yeare of our Lorde 609. and the comming of Austen first into the Realme to be an 596. then Austen enduring xvi yeares could not be dead at thys battell Moreouer Galfridus Monumetensis declareth concerning the same battell that Ethelbert the king of Kent beyng as is sayd conuerted by Austen to Christes fayth after he saw the Britaynes to disdayne and deny their subiection vnto Austen neyther would assist him with preaching to the English nation therefore stirred vp he the foresayd Ethelfride to warre agaynst the Britaynes But that seemeth rather suspicious then true that he being a Christen king eyther could so much preuayle with a Pagan Idolater or els would attempt so farre to commit such a cruell deede But of vncertayne things I haue nothing certainly to say lesse to iudge About this present tyme aboue prefixed which is 610. I read in the story of Ranulphus Cestrensis the writer of Polychronicon of Iohn the Patriarche of Alexandria who for his rare example of hospitality and bountifulnes to the poore I thought no lesse worthy to haue place amongest good men then I see the same now to be followed of few This Iohn beyng before belike a hard and sparing man as he was at hys prayer vpon a tyme it is sayd there appeared to him a comely virgine hauing on her head a garland of Oliue leaues which named her selfe mercy saying to him and promising that if he would take her to wiâ—e he should prosper well This whether it were true or not or els inuented for a moralitie I would wish this florishing damsell so to be maryed to moe then to this Iohn that shee should not liue so long a virgine now as she doth because no man will marry her But to returne to his Patriarch who after that day as the story recordeth was so merciful and so beneficiall especially to the poore and needy that he counted them as hys maysters and himself as a seruaunt and steward vnto them This Patriarch was wont commonly twise a weeke to sit at hys doore all the day long to take vp matters and to set vnitie where was any variaunce One day it happened as he was sitting all the day before hys gate and saw no man come lamented that all that day hee had done no good To whome his Deacon standing by aunswered agayne that hee had more cause to reioyse seeing he had brought the Cittie in that order and in such peace that there needed no reconcilement amongest them An other time as the sayd Iohn the Patriarche was at the Seruice and reading the Gospell in the church the people as their vsed maner is went out of the church to talke and iangle he perceauing that went out likewise and sat amongst them wherat they marueyling to see him do so My children said he where the flocke is there ought the shepherd to be wherefore either come you in that I may also
I will giue thee the keyes of the Kingdome of heauen Wilfride hauing thus ended his argument the kyng said to Colman Is it true that the Lord spake these things to S. Peter And Colman aunswered yea Then sayde the King Can you declare any thing that the Lorde gaue to Colum. Colman aunswered no. Then quoth the king doe both of you agree and consent in this matter without any controuersie and that these wordes were principally spoken to Peter and that the Lord gaue him the keyes of the kingdome of heauen And they both aunswered yea Then concluded the king on this wise for asmuch as S. Peter is the doore keper of heauen I will not gainesay him but in that I am able I will obeye his orders in euery point least when I come to the gates of heauen he shut them against me Upon this simple rude reason of the king the multitude eftsoones consented and with them also Cedda was contented to giue ouer Onely Colmanus the Sto◠beyng thē Archbishop of Yorke in displeasure left the Realme departed into Scotlande carying with him the bones of Aidanus Bed Lib. 3. cap. 25. And thus much concerning this matter of Easter After the decease of Oswy Egfride his sonne was King after him in Northumberland xv yeares By this Egfride Cutbert was promoted to the Bishopricke of the I le of Farne And Wilfride which before had bene Archbishop of Yorke was displaced through the meanes of Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury and Cedda possessed that sea Wilfride when he was put out went to Rome complained of him to Agathon the Bishop and was well allowed in some things But the king and Theodorus had there such Proctors and frindes that hee returned without speeding of hys cause Wherfore he returned into the Southsaxons and builded an Abbey in Silesey and preached vnto the Southsaxons xv yeares The king of the Southsaxons at that time Ethelwold to whom he declared a little before that Wolferus king of the Mercians gaue the I le of wight vpon condition that he would be Christened and so was baptised by Berinus the sayd Wolfer being his Godfather and sonne in law both in on day Wherfore Wolferus now being licensed by Ethelwod the king preached vnto his nobles people of Southsexe and conuerted thē to Christ. In the tune of whose baptising the raine which before they lacked three yeares together was giuen them plentifully whereby their great famine slaked and the countrey was made frutefull which before was dried vp with barēnes In so much that as in some storyes is said the people penured with famine would go xl together vpon the rocks by the seaside and taking handes together would throw themselues downe to the sea Moreouer where they lacked before the arte of fishing the foresaide Wilfride taught them how with nets to fish And thus by processe haue we discoursed from tyme to tyme how and by what meanes the Idolatrous people were induced to the true fayth of Christ of whome these Southsaxons with the I le of wight was the last After Egfride who was slaine in the strayghtes of Scotland next succeeded Alfride his brother and bastarde sonne to Oswy raigned xviij or xix yeres in Northumberland This Alfride restored againe the foresaid Wilfride to the sea of Yorke whom his brother had before expelled put in Cedda Notwithstanding the same king within v. yeares after expulsed the saide Wilfride againe and so went he to Rome But at length by Osrike his successour was placed againe the Archbishop of Yorke and Cedda was ordayned by Theodorus Byshop of Mercia The which prouince of Mercia the said Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury by the authoritie of the Synode holdē at Hatfield did after diuide into fiue bishoprickes that is one to Chester the second to worceter the third to Lichfield the fourth to Cederna in Lindesey the fift to Dorchester which was after translated to Lincolne Neare about this time in the yeare of our Lord 666. the detestable sect of Mahumet begā to take strēgth place Although Polychronicon differing a little in yeares accoūteth the beginning of this sect somwhat before but the most diligent searchers of thē which write nowe refer it to this yeare which wel agreeth with the number of the beast signed in the Apocalips 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is 666. Of this Mahumet came the kingdome of Agarenes whome hee after named Saracenes to whom he gaue sondry lawes patched of many sectes religions togither he taught thē to pray euer to the South And as we keepe the Sonday so they keepe the friday which they call the day of Venus He permitted them to haue as many wiues as they were able to maintaine to haue as many concubines as they list to abstaine from vse of wyne except vppon certaine solemne daies in the yeres to haue worship onely one God omnipotent saying that Moses the Prophetes were great men but Christ was greater and greatest of all the Prophets as being borne of the virgine Marye by the power of God without mans seede and at last was taken vp to heauen but was not slaine but an other in his likenes for him with many other wicked blasphemies in his law cōtained At length this kingdome of the Saracenes beganne to be conquered of the Turkes in processe of time wholy subdued to them But now to returne again to the time of our English Saxons In this meane season Theodorus was sent from Italy into England by Vitellianus the Pope to bee Archbyshop of Caunterbury with him diuers other monks of Italy to set vp here in Englād Latine seruice Masses ceremonies letanies with such other Romishe ware c. This Theodorus being made Archbishop and Metropolitane of Canterbury began to play the rex placing dysplacing the byshops at his pleasure As for Cedda Wilfride Archbishops of Yorke he thrust them both out vnder the pretence that they were not lawfully consecrated notwithstanding they were sufficientlye authorised by theyr kinges and were placed against their willes Wherfore Wilfride as is before touched went vp to Rome but could haue no redres of his cause yet to shew what modesty this Wilfride vsed against his enimie being so violently molested as he was because the wordes of his complainte are expressed in W. Malmesbery I thought here to expresse the same both for the commendation of the partie and also for the good example of other in case any such be whome good examples will mooue to well doing This Wilfride therefore hauing such iniury and violence offered vnto him by the handes of Theodore although he had iust cause to doe his vttermost yet in prosecuting his complaint how hee tempered himselfe what wordes of modestie he vsed rather to defende his innocencie then to impugne his aduersary by this his suggestion offered vp to the Byshop of Rome may appeare whose words
in effect were these Quid autem acciderit vt Theodorus sanctiss Archiepiscopus me superstite in sede quam licet indignus dispensabam absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate mea humilitate non acquiescente ordinauit tres Episcopos omittere magis quam vrgere pro eiusdem viri reuerentia * coÌ„decet Quem quide pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est accusare non audeo c. In English Howe it chaunceth that Theodorus the most holy reuerend Archbishop my selfe being aliue in the sea which I though vnworthy did rule and dispose hath of his own authority without the coÌ„sent of any bishop neither hauing my simple voice agreing to the same ordained iij. Bishops I had rather passe ouer in silence then to stir any farther therin because of the reuerence of that man and no lesse thought I it my duetie so to doe The which man for that he hath beene dyrected by the authoritie of this sea Apostolicall I wyll not nor dare not here accuse c. Thus the cause of the sayd Wilfride albeit it was sufficiently knowne in the Court of Rome to be well allowed for iust and innocent yet it was not then redressed In such estimation was this Theodorus then among the Romaines Upon this controuersie of these two Bishops I may wel here inter the words of W. Malmelbury not vnworthy in my minde to be noted whiche be these in his Latine story Vbi videri doleri potest humana miseria quod videlicet quantum libet quis sanctitate polleat non ad plenum peruicaces mores exuat c. That is In the whiche Theodore saith hee the weake and miserable infirmitie of man may be sene and also lamented considering that although a maÌ„ be neuer so holy yet in the same man is some thing whereby it may be perceaued that hee hath not vtterly put of all his stubburne conditions c. In the time of this Theodorus and by the meanes of hym a prouincial Synode was holden at Thetford mentioned in the storye of Bede the principall contents wherof were these First that Easter day shoulde bee vniformely kept and obserued through the whole Realme vpon one certayne daye videlicet prima 14. Luna mensis primi Secondly that no Byshop should entermedle within the Dioces of an other Thirdly that monasteries consecrated vnto GOD should be exempt and free from the iurisdiction of the byshops Fourthly that the Monkes should not stray from one place that is from one Monastery to another without the license of his Abbot also to kepe the same obedience which they promised at their first entryng Fiftly that no Clergyman shoulde forsake his owne Byshop and to be receaued in any other place wyth out letters commendatory of his owne Byshop Sixtly that forraine Byshops Clergimen coÌ„ming into the Realme should be content onely with the benefite of such hospitality as should be offered theÌ„ neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop without his speciall permission Seuenthly that Synodes prouinciall should be kept within the Realme at least once a yeare Eightly that no Bishop shoulde preferre himselfe before an other but must obserue the time and order of hys consecration Ninthly that the number of Byshops should be augmented as the number of the people encreaseth Tenthly that no mariage should be admitted but that which was lawfull No incest to be suffered neyther any man to put away his wyse for any cause except onelye for fornication after the rule of the Gospell And these bee the principall chapters of that Synode c. In the next yere following was the sixt general councell kept at Constaunce whereat this Theodore was also present vnder Pope Agatho where Mariage was permitted to Greeke priests and forbidden to the Latin In this Councell the Latine Masse was first openly saide by Iohn Portuensis the Popes Legate before the Patriarche and Princes at Constantinople in the temple of S. Sophy After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande from whom he was digressed succeeded his sonne Osredus raigning xj yeares After whome raigned Kenredus 2. yeares And next Osricus after him .xj. yeares In the time and raigne of these 4. kings of Northumberland king Iua reigned in westsaxe who succeding after Cadwalder the last king of the Britaines began his reigne about the yeare of the Lorde 689. and raigned with great valiauntnes ouer the westsaxons the tearme of xxxvij yeares Concerning whose actes and wars mayntayned against the Kentish saxons and other kinges because I haue not to entermedie withal I referre the reader to other Chroniclers About the sixt yeare of the raigne of this Iua or Iue Polychronicon other make mentioÌ„n of one Cuthlacus whoÌ„ they call S. Cuthlake a confessour who about the 24. of hys age renouncing the pompe of the world professed himself a Monke in the abby of Repindon and the third yeare after went to Crowlande where he led the life of an Anker In the which Ile and place of his buriyng was builded a faire Abbey called afterward for the great resort and gentle entertainment of straungers Crowlande the courteous but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his doinges I see no great cause as neither doe I thinke the fabulous miracles reported of him to be true as where the vulgare people are made to beleeue that he enclosed the deuill in a boyling pot and caused wicked spirits to erecte vp houses with such other fables and lying miracles c. Among which lying miracles also maye be reckened that which the stories mention in the xi yeare of the raigne of Iua to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus who â—eing dead a long season was restored to lyfe againe told many wonders of straunge things that he had seene causing thereby great almes deedes of charitie to bee done of the people And so the disposing of his goods giuen in iij. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos where he continued the rest of his life Moreouer about the xvj yeare of the saide Iua Etheldred king of Mercia after he had their raigned 30. yeares was made a Monke and after an Abbot of Bacducy And about the xviij yeare of the raigne of Iue died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus first Abbot of Malmesbery afterward bishop of Schirborn of whoÌ„ William Malmesbery writeth plenteously with great commendation and that not vnworthelye as I suppose especially for the notable praise of learning and vertue in him aboue the rest of that time nexte after Bede as the great number of bookes and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth will declare Although concerning the miracles which the sayd author ascribeth to him as first in causing an infant of ix daies old to speak at Rome to cleare pope Sergius which was then suspected the father of the said child Also in hanging his cauiule vpoÌ„ the
much more despissing this vniust decreement through the onerous and importable transgression of their Pastor should shew themselues disobedient With heauines I was troubled and with compassion for that I doubted how the members of the body should doe their head being so greatly out of frame For what can be more greuous or more to be lameÌ„ted touching the state of the church then for you being the Bishop of the principall seat to whom appertaineth the regiment of the whole church to swarue neuer so little out of the right way Certes in this you haue not a little erred in that you haue gone about to constraine your Clergy to singlenes of life through your imperious tiranny whom rather ye ought to stirre vp to the continency of mariage For is not this to be counted a violence and tiranny to the iudgement of all wise men when a man is compelled by your decrees to doe that which is against the institution of the Gospell and the proceeding of the holy Ghost Seyng then there be so many holy examples both of the olde and new Testament teachyng vs as you know due information I desire your patience not to thinke it greuous for me to bryng a few here out of many First in the olde law the Lord permitteth mariage vnto the Priestes which afterward in the new law we doe not read to bee restrayned but in the Gospel thus he sayth There bee some Eunuches which haue gelded themselues for the kingdome of heauen but all men do not take this word he that can take it let him take it Wherfore the Apostle sayth concerning virgins I haue no commaundement of the Lord but onely I geue counsell Which counsaile also all men do not take as in the commaundement of the Lord before but many there be false dissemblers and flatterers goyng about to please men and not God whome we see vnder a false pretence of continencie to fall into horrible wickednesse Some to lye with their fathers wiues some to bee Sodomites and not to abhorre to play the beastes with bruite beastes And therfore least through the infection of this wicked pestileÌ„ce the state of the Church should too much go to ruine therfore he sayd because of fornication let euery man haue his owne wyfe Touching which saying our false hypocrites falsly do lye faine as though onely it pertayned to the laitie and not to them And yet they themselues seming to be set in the most holy order are not afrayd to abuse other mens wiues and as we see with weeping eyes all they do outrage in the foresayd wickednes These men haue not rightly vnderstanded the Scripture whose brestes while they sucke so hard in stead of milke they suck out bloud For the saying of the Apostle let euery man haue his own wife doth except none in very deede but him onely which hath the gifte of continency prefixing with himselfe to keepe and to continue hys virgine in the Lord. Wherfore O reuerend father it shal be your part to cause ouersee that whosoeuer either with hand or mouth hath made a vowe of continencie and afterward would forsake either should be compelled to keepe his vowe or els by lawfull authoritie should be deposed from his order And to bring this to passe ye shall not onely haue me but also all other of my order to be helpers vnto you But that you may vnderstand that such which know not what a vowe doth meane are not to be violently compelled thereunto heare what the Apostle sayth vnto Timothie A Bishop sayth he must be irreprehensible the husband of one wife Which sentence least ye should turne and apply onely to the Church marke what he inferreth after he that knoweth not sayth he to rule his owne householde and familie how should he rule the Church of God And likewise the Deacons sayth he let them be the husbandes of one wyfe which haue knowledge to gouerne their owne house and children And this wyfe how she is woont to bee blest of the Priest you vnderstand sufficiently I suppose by the decrees of holy Siluester the Pope To these and such other holy sentences of the Scripture agreeth also he that is the writer of the rule of the Clergy writing after this maner A Clarke must be chaste and continent or els let him be coupled in the bandes of Matrimony hauing one wyfe Wherby it is to be gathered that the Bishop and Deacon are noted infamous and reprehensible if they be deuided in mo women then one otherwise if they do forsake one vnder the pretence of Religion both they together as well the Bishop as the Deacon bee here condemned by the Canonicall sentence which sayth Let no Bishop or Priest forsake his owne wife vnder the colour and pretence of Religion If he doe forsake her let hym bee excommunicate And if he so continue let hym bee disgraded Saint Augustine also a man of discrete holynesse sayth in these wordes There is no offence so great or grieuous but it is to auoyd a greater euill Furthermore we read in the second booke of the Tripartite history That when the Councell of Nice goyng about to establish the same decree would enact that Bishops Priests and Deacons after their consecration either should abstaine vtterly from their own wiues or els should be deposed Then Paphnutius one of those holy Martyrs whom the Emperor Maximus had put out the right eie hockt their left legs rising vp amongst the withstood their purposed decreement confessing Mariage to be honourable and calling the bed of matrimony to be chastitie and so perswaded the Councell from making that law declaring thereby what occasion might come to themselues their wiues of fornication And thus much did Paphnutius being vnmaried himself declare vnto theÌ„ And the whole Councell commending his sentence gaue place thereto left the matter freely without coÌ„pulsion to the will of euery man to do therein as he thought Notwithstanding there be some which take S. Gregory for their defence in this matter whose temeritie I laugh at ignorance I lament for they know not being ignorauntly deceiued how daungerously the decree of this heresie was being made of S. Gregory who afterward well reuoked the same with condign fruit of repentaunce For vpon a certaine day as he sent vnto his fishpond to haue fish and did see more then sixe thousand infants heades brought vnto him which were taken out of the same pond or mote did greatly repent in himselfe the decree made before touchyng the single lyfe of Priests which he confessed to be the cause of that so lamentable a murther And so purging the same with condigne fruite of repentaunce altered agayne the things which he had decreed before commending that counsaile of the Apostle which sayth It is better to marry then to â—urne Adding moreouer of himself thereunto and saying It is better to marry then to giue occasion of death Peraduenture if these men
or detract an other Moreouer it is signified to vs also that some there be of them which when they ought like good shepherds to giue their liues for the Lordes flocke yet are puffed vp with such pride that without all reason they presume to rent and teare the Lords flocke with whippings and beatings whose vnreasonable dooynges Saint Gregory bewailing thus saith Quid fiat de ouibus quando pastores lupi fiunt That is what shall become of the sheepe when the pastors themselues be Woolues But who is ouercome but he which exerciseth cruelty Or who shall iudge the persecutor but he which gaue patiently his backe to stripes And this is the frute which commeth to the Church by such persecutors also which commeth to the clergy by such despitefull handling of their Byshoppes or rather Infidels For why may ye not call them Infidels of whome Saint Paule thus speaketh and writeth to Tymothie that in the latter dayes there shall certaine depart from the faith geue heede to spirits of errour and doctrine of deuils of them that speake false through hypocrisie and hauing their consciences marked with an hote yron forbidding to marry and commaunding to abstaine from meates c. And this is if it be well marked the whole handfull of the darnell and cockell growing amongest the corne this is the couente of all madnes that whiles they of the Clergye be compelled to relinquish the coÌ„pany of their own lawful wiues they become afterward fornicators and adulterers with other women and wicked ministers of other sinnefull filthinesse These bee they which bring into the Church of God this heresie as blinde guides leading the blinde that it might be fulfilled which the Psalme speaketh of as foreseeing the errors of such men accursing theÌ„ after this maner let their eyes be blinded that they see not bow down alwais their backe For as much then O Apostolical Sir as no man which knoweth you is ignorant that if you through the light of your discretion had vnderstanded and seene what poysoned pestilence might haue come into the Churche thorough the sentence of this your decree they would neuer haue conseÌ„ted to the suggestions of certaine wicked persons Wherefore we counsell you by the fidelitie of our due subiection that wyth all diligence you would put away so great slauÌ„der from the Church of God and through your discret discipline you will remooue this Pharisaicall doctryne from the flocke of God so that thys onely Sunanite of the Lords vsing no more adulterous husbaÌ„ds do not separate the holy people and the kingly Priesthoode from her spouse which is Christ through an vnrecouerable diuorsement seing that no man without Chastitie not only in the virgines state but also in the state of matrimony shall see our Lord who with the father and the holy ghost lyueth and raigneth for euer Amen ¶ By this Epistle of Byshop Huldericke aboue prefixed the matter is plaine gentle Reader to conceiue what was then the sentence of learned men concerning the mariage of ministers but that here by the way the Reader is to be admoninished that this Epistle which by errour of the writer is referred to pope Nicholas the first in my mind is rather to bee attributed to the name and tune of Nicolas the 2. or 3. After this pope Nicolas succeded Hadrianus 2. Ioannes ix Martinus ij After these came Hadrian the third and StepheÌ„ the v. By this Hadrian it was first decred that no Emperour after that time should intermedle or haue any thing to do in the election of the Pope And thus began the Emperors fyrst to decay and the Papacie to swell and ryse aloft And thus much concerning Romish matters for this time Then to returne where we lefte touching the storye of King Ethelwolfe About the latter ende of his reigne the Danes which before had inuaded the Realme in the time of king Egbert as is aboue declared now made there reentre againe with 33. shippes arriuing aboute Hamshyre through the barbarous tyranny of whoÌ„ much bloudshed and murther happened here among englishmen in Dorcet shire about Pourtchmouth in Kent in Eastangle in Lindesey at Rochester about London and in Westsâ—xe where Ethelwolfe the king was ouercome besides diuers other vnder kings and dukes whome the Danes dayly approching in great multitudes in dyuers victories had put to flight At length king Ethelwolfe with his sonne Ethelbaldus warring against them in Southrey at Oclea draue them to the sea where they houering a space after a while brast in againe with horrible rage and crueltie as hereafter Christ willing shall be declared so much as to our purpose shall serue professing in this history to write not of matters externe and politike but onely pertaining to the Church The cause of this great affliction sent of God vnto this realme thus I found expressed and collectlected in a certayne olde wrytten storye which hath noe name the wordes of which writer for the same cause as he thought to recite them writing as he saith ad cautelam futurorum I thought also for the same here not to be omitted albeit in all partes of his commendation I doe not fully with him accorde The wordes of the writer be these In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiua religio clarissime respeÌ„duit ita vt Reges Reginae et Principes ac Duces Consules Barones c. In English thus In the primitiue Church saith he of the Englishmen RelygioÌ„ did most clerely shine in so much that kings Queenes Princes and Dukes Consuls Barons and Rulers of Churches incensed with the desire of the kingdome of heauen laboring and stryuing among themselues to enter into Monkery into voluntarye exile and solitary life forsoke all and followed the Lord. Where in processe of time all vertue so much decayed among them that in fraude and trechery none seemed like vnto them Neither was to them any thing odious or hatefull but pietie and iustice Neither any thing in price or honor but ciuill warre and sheddyng of innocent bloud Wherfore almighty God sent vpon them pagane and cruell nations like swarmes of Bees which neyther spared women nor children as Danes Norwagians Gothes Sueuians Vandals and Fresians Who from the beginning of the reigne of king Ethelwolfe till the comming of the Normandes by the space neere of 230. yeares destroyed their sinfull land from the one side of the sea to the other from man also to beast For why they inuading England oft times of euery side went not about to subdue and possesse it but onely to spoyle and destroy it And if it had chanced them at any time to be ouercome of Englishmen it auailed nothing when as other nauies still with greater power in other places were ready vpon a sodaine and vnawares to approche vpon them c. Historia Cariana Thus farre haue ye the wordes of mine author declaring the cause which prouoked Gods anger whereunto may be adioyned the wickednes not
cuppe vnto the king chanced in the middle of the floure to stumble with one foote helping and recouering himselfe with the other saying in these wordes Thus one brother as ye see helpeth an other These wordes being thus spokeÌ„ in the hearing of the king so moued his mind that forthwith he commaunded the false accuser of his brother to be had out to execution Whose iust recompence I would wish to be a warning to all men what it is to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother King Ethelstane besides his vij yeares lamentation for this acte builded the two Monasteries of Midletone and of Michelenes for hys brothers sake or as the stories say for his soule Whereby it may appeare what was the cause most speciall in those daies of building monasteries to wit for releasing the sinnes both of them departed and them aliue which cause howe it standeth wyth the grace and veritie of Christes Gospell and of his passion let the Christen reader trie examine with himselfe This cruell fact of the king towarde Edwyne caused him afterwarde to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his handes vnmarried Which sisters as is partly in the Chapter before declared he richly bestowed in great mariages As one to the king of NorthumberlaÌ„d Sithericus an other he gaue to Lewes King of Aquitania the thirde to Henricus Duke of Almaine for hys sonne Otho who was the first Emperour of the Germanes Whereby it is to be vnderstand that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from Fraunce where it remained about C. yeares and halfe vnto Germanie where it hath euer since continued The fourth of his sisters being a virgine of singulare benty Hugo the French king required to be geuen vnto him sending to King Ethelstane pretious and sumptuous presents such as were not before seene in England Among the which presents gifts besides the rare odours of sondry fauours fine spices and besides the precious costly gemmes namely of Smaradges of most redoleÌ„t grene besides also many and great coursers and palfries richly trapped especially of one iewell as wryters make inention which was a certaine vessell finely and subtilly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought that in it appeared the liuely corn growing and mens images walking c. Ouer and besides was sent also the sworde of Constantine the great with the name of the possessor wrytten in golden letters where in the hast of the same al beateÌ„ in gold was one of the yron nailes wherwith our Sauiour on the crosse was nailed Of the veritie whereof I am not disposed at thys present muche to say what I suspect but that this in the Ecclesiasticall storie of Eusebius is euideÌ„t That two of the foresaid nailes of Christ was speÌ„t on the bridle of Constantine the 3. he cast into the Sea in a raging tempest Wherfore if Christ were nailed with 4. nailes perhappes this naile might be one If he were nailed but with iij. I see not how this storie can stand with other stories neither howe this fourth naile can stand with truthe Among the rest moreouer was the speare as is reported wherwith the side of our Sauiour was opened which also the sayd ConstaÌ„tine was woÌ„t to cary in the field against his enemies with a portion likewise of the holy crosse inclosed in Cristall Also a part of the crowne of thorne in like maner inclosed c. Of the whych Reliques part was geuen to Winchester part to the Church of Malmesbury where king Ethelstane was buried As this King was indued and enlarged by the gift of God the serter vp disposer of all kings with great victories of worldly renowne hauing vnder hys subiection both the Scottes and Britons and the whole Monarchie of the land So he deuised diuers good and holesom lawes for the gouernment of the same as wel concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiasticall as also of the secular or lay people Whereby it is to be vnderstaÌ„d that the vsurped power of the bishop of Rome did not then extend it selfe so largely nor so proudly to derogate froÌ„ the authority of kings princes but that euery one in his owne dominion had vnder God and not vnder the Pope the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained whether they were causes teÌ„poral or spiritual As by the decrees and constitutions of this king also of other as well before him as after him may euidently be testified as where hee among other lawes thus ordeineth â—ouching the bishop in wordes as folowe Episcopo iure pertinet omnem rectitudinem promouere Dei videlicet ac seculi In primis debet omnem ordinatum instruere quid ei â—it agendum iure quid hominibus secularibus iudicare debeant Debet etiam sedulò pacem concordiam operari cum seculi iudicibus qui rectum velle diligunt in compellationum allegationem edocere ne quis alij perperam agat in iureiurando vel ordalio Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae vel iniusti ponderis Sed conuenit vt per consilium testimoniuÌ„ eius omne legis rectum burgi mensura omne pondus sit secundum ditionem eius institutum valde rectuÌ„ ne quis proximum suum seducat pro quo decidat in peccatum Et semper debet Christianis prouidere contra omnia quae praedicta sunt ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere vt sciat quomodo grex agat quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit ne diabolus cum dilaniet nec malum aliquod superseminet Nunquam enim erit populo benè consultum nec dignè Deo conuersabitur vbi lucrum impium magis falsum diligitur Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare quod iustum est eleuare nec pati vt propter falsum pecuniae questum homines se forisfaciant erga verè sapientem Deum cui displicet omnis iniustitia Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est vt rectum diligant iniqua condemnent faltem sacris ordinibus euecti iustum semper erigant praua deponant Hinc debent Episcopi cum iudicibus iudicia dictitare interesse ne permittant si possint vt illinc aliqua prauitatuÌ„ gramina pullulent Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi vt ad rectum sedulò quemcumque muent nec patiantur si possint vt Christianus aliquis alij noceat non potens impotenti non summus infirmo non praelatis subditis non Dominus hominibus suis seruis aut liberis Et secundum ditionem per mensuram suam conuenit per rectum vt necessaria serui operentur super omnem scyram cui praeest Et rectum est vt non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longioâ— quà m alia sed per
Monuments of bookes were consumed In the time whereof the Danes by fauour of some of the citizens entred the citie and slew more then iii M. of the Normanes But not long after King William chased them out and droue them to the ships tooke suche displeasure with the inhabitauÌ„tes of that countrey that he destroied the land from Yorke to Durham so that 9. yeres after the prouince lay wast and vninaâ—â—red onely except S. Iohns land of Beuerley the people theroft so straitly being kept in penurye by the warre of the king that as our English storie sayeth they eate rats cats and dogs and other vermine Also in the fourth yeare of this king Malcolyn king of Scots entred into Northumberland destroyed the couÌ„trey slew there much of the people both of men women and children after a lamentable sorte and tooke some prisoners But within 2. yeares after king William made such warre vpon the Scottes that he forced Malcolyn theyr king to doe him homage And thus much concerning the outwarde calamities of this Realme vnder this forreine Conquerour Whych is nowe the fifth time that the sayd land with the inhabitaunce thereof hath bene scourged by the hande of God First by the Romaines in the time of Iulius Cesar. Then by the Scottes and Pictes as hath bene shewed afterwarde by the Saxons Againe the Saxons or Englishmen did not enioy the possession of Britain with long quiete but were brought in as much subiection themselues vnder the Danes as they had brought the Britaines before and that muche more in so muche that throughe all England if an Englishe man had mette a Dane vppon a bridge he might not stirre one foote before the Lord Dane otherwise Lurdane were past And then if the Englishe man had not geuen lowe reuerence to the Dane at hys comming by he â—as sure to be sharpely punished wyth more as aboue hath bene declared And this subiection almoste continued from the reigne of Kinge Ethelwolfus 230. yeares till the reigne of king Edwarde And yet the indignation of God thus ceased not but stirred vp the Normandes against them who Conquered and altered the whole Realme after their owne purpose in somuche that besides the innouation of the lawes coignes and possessions there was in no Church of England almoste anye English bishop but only Normands forreiners placed through all their Dioces To suche miserie was this lande then brought vnto that not onely of all the English nobilitie not one house was standing but also it was thought reprochfull to be called an English man This punishmeÌ„t of God against the English nation writers do assigne biuersly to diuers causes as partly before is touched of whoÌ„ some assigne this to be cause as foloweth in the wordes of the storie In primitiua Angliae Ecclesia religio clarissimè splenduit ita vt Reges Reginae Duces Episcopi vel MonachatuÌ„ vel exilium pro Dei amore appeterent processu verò temporis adeo omnis virtus in eis emarcuit vt gentem nullam proditione nequitia sibi parem esse permitterent c. The meanyng whereof is that whereas Kings and Queenes Dukes and Prelates in the primitiue time of the English church were ready for Religion to forsake either liberty or countrey and giue themselues to a solitarie life In processe of time they grew to such dissolutenes that they left no other realme like vnto them in iniquity c. Again some writing of the vision of king Edward a litle before the inuasion of the NormaÌ„ds testify how the king reporting of his owne vision should heare that for the great enormitye and misbehauior of the heade Dukes Bishops and Abbats of the realme the kingdome should be geuen to the hand of their enemies after the decease of him for the space of a C. yeres and one day Which space was also seene by William conquerour to be a hundreth yeres fiftie and that his progenie so long should continue Againe some wryters entreating of this so great wrath of God vpon the Englishe people declare the cause therof as foloweth Nam ficut Angl Britones quds Deus disterminate proposuerat peccatis suis exigentibus humiliuerant a term Angliae minus iniustè fugauerant sic ipsi duplici persecutione c. Like as the Englishmen did subdue the Britons whom God proposed for theyr deseruings to exterminate and them vniustly did dispossesse of their land so they should likewise be subdued and scourged with a double persecution first by the Danes and after by the Normanes c. Moreouer to these iniuries and iniqnities done and wrought by the English men hetherto recited let vs adde also the cruell villanie of this nation in murdering and tything of the innocent Normans before who comming as straungers wyth Alfrede the lawfull heire of the Crowne were despitefully put to death Which seemeth to me no little cause why the Lorde whose doings be alwaies iust right did suffer the Normans so to preuaile By the coÌ„ming in of the which Normans and by their quarel vnto the Realme iii. things we may note learne First to consider and learne the righteous retribution and wrath of God from heauen vpon all iniquitie and vnrighteous dealing of men Secondly we may thereby note what it is for Princes to leaue no issue or sure succession behinde them Thirdly what daungers often do chaunce to Realmes publiquely by foreine mariage with other Princes c. In the same fourth yeare of this king betwene Easter and Whitsontide was holden a solemne councell at Winchester of that clergy of England At the which counsell were present two Cardinals sent from Pope Alexander 2. Peter Iohn In this counsell the king being there himselfe present were deposed diuers bishops Abbots and priors by the meanes of the king wtout any euident cause to the intent his Normans might be preferred to the rule of the Church as he had preferred his knightes before to the rule of the teÌ„poraltie therby to stand in more surety of the land Amongest whoÌ„ also Stigandus Archb. of Cant. was put downe for 3. causes against him pretended The first was for that he had holden wrongfully that byshoprike while Robert the Archbishop aboue meÌ„tioned pag. 156. was liuing The seconde was for that he had receiued the palle of Benedict byshop of Rome the fifth of that name Whyche Benedict for buying his Popedome had bene deposed as is shewed before The thirde cause for that he occupied the said palle wtout license and lawfull autoritie of the court of Rome Then Stigandus wel proued the beneuolence of king William For where before the king seemed in frendly couÌ„tenance to make much of him and did vnto him great reuerence then he chaunged all his mildenes into sternes excused himselfe by the bishops of Romes autority So that in the ende Stigandus was depriued of his dignitie and kept in
de Ou. F. Louel S de Troys I. de Artel Iohn de Montebrugg H. de Mounteserel W. Trussebut W. Trussel H. Byset R. Basset R. Molet H. Malouile G. Bonet P. de Bonuile S. de Rouile N. de Norbec I. de Corneux P. de Corbet W. de Mountague S. de Mounfychet I. de Geneuyle H. Gyffard I. de Say T. Gilbard R. de Chalons S. de Chauward H. Feret Hugo Pepard I. de Harecourt H. de Haunsard I. de Lamare P. de Mautreuers G. de Ferron R. de Ferrers I. de Desty W. de Werders H de Borneuyle Iâ—de Saintenys S. de Seucler R. de Gorges E. de Gemere W. de Feus S. de Filberd H. de Turberuyle R. Troblenuer R. de Angon T. de Morer T. de Roteler H. de Spencer R. de Saintpuinten I. de Saint Martin G. de Custan Saint Constantin Saint Leger Saint Med. M. de Cronu de S. Viger S. de Crayel R. de Crenker N. Meyuell I. de Berners S. de Chumli E. de Charers I. de Grey W. de Grangers S de Grangers S. Raubenyn H. Vamgers E. Bertram R. Bygot S. Treoly I. Trigos G. de Feues H. Filiot R. Taperyn S. Talbot H. Santsauer T. de Samford G. de Vandien C. de Vautort G. de Mountague Tho. de Chambernon S. de Montfort R. de Ferneuaux W. de Valence T. Clarel S. de Cleruaus P. de Aubermarle H de Saint Aruant E. de Auganuteys S. de Gant G. de Malearbe H. Mandut W. de Chesun L. de Chandut R Filz vrs B. viconte de Low G. de Cantemere T. de Cantlow R. Breaunce T. de Broxeboof S de Bolebec B Mol de boef I. de Muelis R de Brus. S de Brewes I. de Lylle T. de Bellyle I. de Wateruile G. de Neuyle R. de Neuburgh H. de Burgoyne G de Bourgh S. de Lymoges L de Lyben W. de Helyoun H. de Hildrebron R de Loges S. de Seintlow I de Maubank P. de Saint Malow R. de Leoferne I. de Louotot G. de Dabbeuyle H. de Appetot W. de Percy H. de Lacy G de Quincy E Tracy R de la Souche V. de Somery I. de Saint Iohn T. de Saint Gory P. de Boyly R de Saint Valery P. de Pinkeni S. de Pauely G. de Monthaut T. de Mountchesy R. de Lymozy G. de Lucy I. de Artoys N de Arty P de Grenuyle I. de Greys V. de Cresty F de Courcy T. de Lamar H. de Lymastz I de Monbray G. de Morley S de Gorney R. de Courtenay P. de Gourney R. de Cony I. de la Huse R. de la Huse V de Longeuyle P. Longespye I. Pouchardon R. de la Pomercy I. de Pountz R. de Pontlarge R. Estraunge Tho. Sauage A little aboue mention was made of the Bishops sea of Shireborne translated from thence to Salisbury The first bishop of Salisbury was Hermannus Normand who first began the new church and minster of Salisbury After whom succeded OsmuÌ„dus who finished the worke and replenished the house with great liuing much good singing This Osmundus first began the ordinarie which was called Secundum vsum Sarum an 1076. The occasion whereof was this as I find in an old story booke intituled Eulogium a great contention chanced at Glastenbury betwene Thurstanus the Abbot and his couent in the days of William Conqueror which Thurstanus the sayd William had brought out of Normandy froÌ„ the Abbey of Cadonum and placed him Abbot of Glastenbury The cause of this coÌ„tentious battaile was for that Thurstanus conteinning their Quier seruice then called the vse of S. Bregory coÌ„pelled his monkes to the vse of one WilliaÌ„ a monk of Fiscam in Normandy Wherupon came strife contentions amongst them first in wordes then from words to blowes after blowes then to armor The Abbot with his gard of harnest men fell vpon the monkes draue them to the steps of the high aulter where ii were slayne viii were wounded with shafts swords pikes The monkes then driuen to such a straight narow shift were compelled to defend themselues with fourmes and candlestickes wherwith they did wound certain of the souldiours One monke there was an aged man who in stead of his shield tooke an Image of the Crucifice in his armes for hys defence which image was wouÌ„ded in the brest by one of the bowe men wherby the Monke was saued My story addeth more that the striker incontinent vpon the same fell mad which sauoreth of some monkish addition besides the text This matter being brought before the king the Abbot was sent agayne to Cadonius and the monks by the commaundement of the king were scattered in farre countreys Thus by the occasion hereof Osmundus bishop of Salisbury deuised that ordinary which is called the vse of Sarum and was afterward receiued in a maner through all England Ireland and Wales And thus much for this matter done in the time of this king William Which William after his death by his wife Matildis or Maulde left iii. sonnes Robert Courtley to whom he gaue the Duchie of Normandy William Rufus his secoÌ„d sonne to whom he gaue the kingdome of England And Henry the third sonne to whom he left and gaue treasor and warned William to be to his people louing liberall Robert to be to his people sterne and sturdy In the history called Iornalensis is reported of a certain great man who about this tyme of kyng William was compassed about with Mise and Rattes and flying to the middest of a Riuer yet when that would not serue came to the land agayne and was of them deuoured The Bermaines say that this was a Byshop who dwellyng betwene Colen and Mentz in tyme of famine and dearth hauyng store of corne and grayne would not helpe the pouertie crying to hym for reliefe but rather wyshed hys corne to be eaten of Myse and Rattes Wherefore beyng compassed with Mise and Rattes by the iust iudgement of God to auoyd the annoiance of them he builded a tower in middest of the Riuer of Rheine which yet to this day the Dutchmen call Rattes tower but all that would not helpe for the Rattes and Myse swamme ouer to hym in as great aboundaunce as they did before Of whome at length he was deuoured William Rufus William Rufus the second sonne of William CoÌ„querour beganne his raigue an 1088. And raigned 13. yeares beyng crowned at Westminster by Lanfrancus who after his coronation released out of prison by the request of his father diuers of the English Lords which before had bene in custody It chaunced that at the death of William Conquerour Robert Courtsey his eldest sonne was absent in Almany Who hearing of the death of hys father and how William his yonger brother had taken vpon him the kingdome was therwith greatly amoued in so much that he laid his dukedome to pledge vnto his brother Henry and with that good gathered
as I am heartily glad so my request is to you that the friendship and amitie which hath bene tofore betweene my father and your predecessours in times past may now also betwene vs in like manner continue vndeminished And that loue and gentlenes may first beginne of my part heere I sende vnto you that gift that S. Peter had in foretime of my predecessors And likewise the same honors obedience which your predecessours haue had in the realme of England before in the time of my father I will you to haue the same in my time also after this forme I meane and tenour that the vsage and maner of dignitie and such customes which my father hath had in this realme of England in the time of your auncetors I in like ample maner also nowe in your time may fully enioy the same in this the saide realme of England Thus therefore be it knowen to your holines that during this life of mine God almighty abling me to the same these aboue named dignities vsages customes of this realme of England shall in no part be lessoned Yea and if that I as God forbid I should would so much deiect my selfe into such cowardnes yet my Nobles yea the whole people of England in no case would suffer it Wherfore deare father vsing with your selfe a better deliberation in the matter let your gentlenesse so moderate it selfe toward vs least ye compell me which I shall doe against my will to receade and depart vtterly from your obedience At the same terme also be sent an other letter or Epistle to the sayde Pope crauing of him the passe for Girardus Archb. of Yorke the forme wherof here also followeth Reuerendo diligendo patri vniuersali Papae Paschali Henricus dei gratia Rex Anglorum salutem Amor quem plurimum erga vos habeo benignitas quae multum vestros actus exornat c. In English To the reuerend and welbeloued father vniuersall Pope Paschalis Henry by the grace of God king of England greeting The great loue which I beare to you and the no lesse gētlenes in you which not a little beautifieth your doings ministreth to me boldnesse to write And where as I thought to haue reteined still this Gerardus with me and to haue craued your palle for him by letters yet notwithstanding when his desire coulde not otherwise be satisfied but woulde needes present himselfe before your presence by his owne hart to craue of you the same I haue sent him vp vnto you Desiring your benigne fatherhoode in this behalfe that he obtaining the palle at your hands may be sent home again to me And thus requiring the assistance of your prayers I praye the Lord long to conserue your Apostleship This second letter of the king in sending for the Palle was well taken of all the court of Rome which as mine author sayth procured such fauor to Girardus archbishop of Yorke and bringer thereof that no complaint of his aduersaries afterward could hurt him with the Pope Notwithstāding he was accused grieuously for diuers things and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselitic Archbishop of Cant. Polidorus in his 11. booke of his English history affirmeth that Anselmus also went vp to Rome with Birardus about the same cause But both the premisses and sequele of the story argueth that to be vntrue For what needed the 2. Monks to be sent vp on Anselmus side if he had gone vp himselfe Againe howe coulde the Pope wryte downe by the saide messengers to Anselme if he had there bene himself present For so procedeth the story by the narration of Malmesbury and others After the Ambassadours thus on both sides sent vp to Rome had laboured theyr cause with instante sute one against the other the pope glad to gratifie the king yet loth to graunt his request being against his owne profite and therefore more inclining to Anselmus side sendeth downe his letters to the sayde Anselme signifying that he woulde not repeale the statutes of his holy fathers for one mans pleasure charging him moreouer not only not to yeide in the cause of inuesting but constantly to adheare to the foresaid decreemēt of Pope Urban his predecessor c. Besides this letter to Anselme he directed also an other to the king himselfe which letter mine author saith the king suppressed and did not shewe onely declaring by word of mouth what the ambassadors had saide vnto him from the Pope Which was that he permitted vnto him the licence of Inuesting vpon condition that in other things he would execute the office of a good Prince c. To this also the testunony of the 2. bishops aboue minded did accord which made the matter more probable But the 2. monkes on the other side replied againe bringeth foorth the letter of Anselme to the contrary c. To thē was answered againe that more credite was to be geuen to the degree and testimonie of the Bishops then to theirs And as for monkes they had no suffrage nor testimonie saide they in secular matters and therefore they might hold their peace But this is no secular matter sayd Baldwine abbot of Ramesey Whereunto the nobles again of the kings part answered saying that he was a good man and of such demeanor as they had nothing to say against him neither so woulde if they might but yet both humane and diuine reason taught them so to yelde more credite and confidence to the testimonie of 3. bishops then of 2. monkes Whereby may well appeare that Anselme at that time wēt not with them Then Anselmus seeing the king and his peres how they were set and hearing also the testimonie of the 3. bishops against which he saw he could not preuatle And also hauing the popes seale which he sawe to be so euident on the contrary side made his answer again that he would send to Rome for a more certaintie of truthe Adding moreouer that he neyther would nor durst geue ouer his cause though it should cost him his life to do or proceede against the determination of the Churche of Rome vnlesse he had a perfect warrant of absolution from thence for his discharge Then was it agreed by the king and his nobles that he should not send but go himselfe to Rome And much intreatie was made that he wold take that iorney himself in his owne person to present himselfe to the Pope for the peace of the Church and of his country And so at the length by persuation was content went to Rome and spake with the pope In short time after followeth also the kings Ambassador William Warlwast new elect bishop of Exetor who ther pleading on the kings side for the ancient customes of the realme for the kings right of Inuesting c. First declared howe England of a long continuance had euer bene a prouince peculiar to the Church of Rome and howe it paied dewly
so with shift of aunswere dalied out the time while he had filled his cofers wyth the commodities of that benefice The same yeare after the death of Anselme the King conuerted the Abbey of Eley to a Byshopricke which before was vnder the Byshopricke of Lyncolne placing there Henrie Byshop of Bangor the first bishop of that sea And as of late yeares before this diuers wonders were scene as starres falling from heauen so thick that they coulde not be nombred at the setting soorth of the Christians to the holy lande Iornalens A blasing starre ouer Constantinople A spring boyling out bloud sene at Finchamstede in Barkeshire three weekes together An. 1090. Gisburnons After that the firmament appearing so red as it had bene all on fire Also two ful Moones appearing together one in the East the other in the West on maundy thursday with a blasing starre in the same yeare appearing about the taking of Duke Robert hauyng a white circle inclosing it An. 1106. Iornalens Also wyth an Eclipse of the Sunne darkned after that so likewise about this present yere An. 1110. was seene the floude of Trent about Notyngham so dryed vp from morning to 3. of the clocke at after noone that men might go ouer it drishodde Gisburnens Also in Shrosbery a great earthquake happened And after that followed a sharpe winter great moraine of beastes and pestilence of men as Gualterius Guisburnens recordeth Moreouer the same author mentioneth that next about the same yeare the like vading of water also happened in the floud of Medeway And in Thamis betwene the bridge the tower and vnder the bridge frō midnight to the next euening was so great an ebbe that an vnnumerable forte of people and children waded ouer scarce kne depe in the water the sea withdrawing his tide x. miles from his accustomed course Rog. Houeden Gualter Gisburneris c. In the which yeare also as the sayde author and Iornalens doe testifie the Citie of Worcester by casualtie was consumed with fire Also the citie of Chester An. 1114. Rog. Houed The next yere following Rodolphus bishop of Rochester an Englishman was promoted to be Archb. of Canterb and Thurstinus the kings chaplaine was elect archbishop of York who being content to receiue his benediction or consecration of the see of Cant. yet because he refused to make his profession of obedience to the same See he was by the king depriued of his dignitie Then Thurstin by the instigation of certaine of his clerkes at York tooke his iorney to Rome who there making his complaint to Pope Paschalis brought with him a letter from the Pope to the King where among other woordes was conteined as followeth Audiuimus electum Eboracensis Ecclesiae virum sapientem strenuum fine iudicio ab Eboracensi sequestratum ecclesia quod nimirum diuinae iustitiae S. Patrum institutionib aduersatur Nos quidem neque Cant. ecclesiam minui neque Eboracensem volumus praeiudicium pati sed eam constitutionem quae a B. Gregorio Anglicae gentis Apostolo inter easdem ecclesias constituta est firmam censemus illibatamque seruari Idem ergo electus vt iustitia exigit ad suam ecclesiam omnibus modis reuocetur Si quid autem quaestionis inter easdem ecclesias nascitur praesentibus vtrisque partibus in vestra praesentia pertractetur c. In English thus We heare and vnderstand that the Archbi elect of the church of Yorke a discrete and industrious man is sequestred from the church of York which standeth against both diuine iustice and the institution of holy fathers Our purpose is that neither the church of Cāt. should be empaired nor againe that the church of Yorke should suffer any preiudice but that the same constitution which was by blessed Gregory the apostle of the english nation set and decreed betweene those two churches should remaine still in force and effect inuiolate Wherfore as touching the forsaid elect let him be receaued againe by any meanes as right and meere it is vnto his Church And if there be any question betwene the foresaid churches let it be handled and decided in your presence both the two parties beyng there present c. Upon the occasion of this letter a solemne assemble there was appoynted at Salisbury about the hearing of thys controuersy The variance betwene these two prelates stil encreased more and more Radulph Archbishop of Can. in no case would yeelde nor condiscend to geue imposition of handes vnto him vnlesse he would make his profession of obedience Thurstine againe saide he would willingly receiue embrace his benediction but as touching the profession of his subiection that he woulde not agree vnto Then the king declaring his minde therein signified vnto Thurstin that without his subiection and obedience professed to the Archbishop of Cant. he shoulde not enioy hys consecration to be Archbishop of York Wherunto Thurstin nothing replying againe renounced his Archbishopricke promising moreouer to make no more claime vnto is nor molest them that should inioy it Shortly after this it happened that Pope Paschalis died After whome as is aboue rehearsed succeeded Pope Gelasius which liue prior past a yere and died in France Whereupon the Cardinals which then followed the sayd Pope Gelasius to Cluniake created an other Pope of their chusing whom they called Calixtus 2. The other cardinals which were at Rome did chuse an other Pope called Gregorie as mention before is made About which 2. Popes much sturre there was in Christen Realmes As this Calixtus was remaining in Fraunce and there calling a general coūcell at Remis as ye heard before Thurstinus the Archbishop of Yorke desired license of the King to goe to the Councel purposing there to open the cause of his Church which estsones he obtained first promising to the king that he should there attempt nothing that should be preiudiciall to the Church of Cant. In the meane time the king had sent secret word vnto the Pope by Radulph and other procurators that in no case he would consecrate Thurstinus Yet notwithstanding the faithfull promise of the Pope made to the King so it fell out that the sayde Pope through the sute of his Cardinals whome Thurstinus had wonne to him was inclined to consecrate him and gaue him the palle For this deede the king was fore discontented with Thurstine and warned him the entrie of his land In this councell at Rhemis aboue mentioned where were gathered 434. Prelates these 5. principal actes were concluded 1. That no man should either buy or sell any Bishoprike abbotship deanry archdeaconship priesthood prebēdship altar or any Ecclesiasticall promotion or benefice orders consecration church halowing seat or stall within the quire or any office ecclesiasticall vnder danger of excommunication if he did persist 2. That no lay person should geue inuesture of anye Ecclesiasticall possession or that any spirituall men should
the byshop of Salisbury and of Norwiche who for old matters indangered to the king long before came weeping lamēting to the archbishop desiring him to haue some cōpassion of them to remit this pertinacy to the king left if he so continued through his stoutnes to exasperate the kinges displeasure happely it might redound to no small daunger not onely of thē which were in ieoperdy already but also of himselfe to be imprisoned and the whole Clergy to be indaungered Besides these two byshops there wet to hym other two noble pieres of the realme labouring w e him to relent condiscend to the kings desire If not they should be inforced to vse violence as neither would stand with the kinges fame and much lesse with his quietnes But yet the stout stomack of the mā would not geue ouer After this came to him ij rulers of the temple called Templars one Richard de Hast an other Costans de Heuerio with their company lamenting bewayling their great peril which they declared vnto him to hang ouer his head yet neyther with their teares nor with their kneelinges would he be remoued At length came the last message from the kyng signifying vnto him with expresse wordes and also with teares what he should trust to if he woulde not geue ouer to the kinges request By reason of which message he either terrified or els perswaded was content to submit hymselfe Whereupon the king incontinent assembling the states together the Archbishop first before all other beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission vnto his custome and that Cum Bona fide leauing out of hys former addition Saluo ordine mentioned before in steede whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis to obserue and keep the kings customes and sweare to the same After him the other Byshoppes likewise gaue the like othe Whereupon the king commaunded incontinent certayne instruments obligatory to be drawne of the which the king should haue one the archbishop of Canterbury an other the Archbishop of Yorke the third requiring also the sayde Archbishop to set hys hand and seale To the whiche the Archbishop although not denying but that he was ready so to do yet desired respite in the matter while that he being but newly come to hys bishoppricke might better peruse with himselfe the foresayd customes and ordinaunces of the king This request as it seemed but reasonable so it was lightly graunted and so the day being well spent they departed for that season and brake vp Alanus one of the iiij writers of the life of this Thomas Becket recordeth that the archbishop in his viage toward Winchester begā greatly to repēt that he had done before partly through the instigation of certayne about him but chiefly of hys crossebearer who going before the Archbish. did sharply and earnestly expostulate with him for geuing ouer to the kings request agaynst the priuelege liberties of the Church polluting not onely his fame and consciēce but also geuing a pernitious example to them that should come after with many like wordes To make the matter short the Archbishop was so touched vpon the same with such repentaunce that keeping himselfe from al company lamenting with teares with fasting and with muche penaunce macerating and afflicting himself did suspend him selfe from all deuine seruice and would not receaue comfort before that word being sent to hys holy graundfather the pope he shoulde be assoild of him who tenderyng the teares of hys deare chicken directed to him letters agayne by the same messenger which Thomas had sent vp to hym before In whiche letters not onely he assoyled hym from hys trespasse but also with words of great consolation did incourage him to be stout in the quarrel he tooke in hand The copy of which letters consolatory sent from the Pope to Popish Becket here follow vnder written ALexander Byshop c. Your brotherhoode is not ignoraunt that it hath bene aduertised vs how that vpon the occasion of a certayne transgression or excesse of yours you haue determined to cease henceforth from saying of Masse and to abstayne from the consecration of the body and bloud of the Lord. Which thing to doe how daungerous it is especially in such a personage and also what inconuenience may rise thereof I will you aduisedly to consider and discreetly also to ponder Your wisedome ought not to forget what difference there is betwixt them which aduisedly and willingly doe offend and those whiche through ignoraunce and for necessitie sake do offend For as you reade so muche the more greater is wilfull sinne as the same not being voluntary is lesser sinne Therefore if you remember your selfe to haue done any thing that your owne cōscience doth accuse you of whatsoeuer it be we coūsell you as a prudent and wyse prelate to acknowledge the same Which thing done the mercifull and pittifull God who hath more respect to the hart of the doer then to the thing done will remit and forgeue you the same according to his accustomed great mercy And we trusting in the merites of the blessed Apostles S. Peter and Paule doe absolue you from the offence committed and by the authoritie Apostolicall we release you vnto your fraternitie counsailing you and commaunding you that henceforth you abstayne not for this cause from the celebration of the Masse Thys letter with other moe after like sort the pope thē wrote to him animating and comforting him in this quarrell so neerely pertaining to the popes profite By the occasion whereof Becket toke no small hart and consolation In so much that thereof seemeth to me to proceed al the occasiō the made him so stout malipart against his prince as hereafter followeth to be seene by his doynges What the other letters were that the pope wrote vnto hym shortly after when we come to the appellatiōs made to the pope shall appeare God willing In the meane season as he sat thus mourning at home the king hearing of hym howe be denyed to set hys seale to those sanctions which he condesceded to before tooke no little displeasure against him In so much that he threatning to him and hys banishmēt death began to call hym to reconinges and to burden hym with paymentes that all men might vnderstand that the kings minde was sore set agaynst him The Archbishop hereupon whether more for the loue of the pope or dread of hys prince thought to make an escape out of the realme and so wēt about in the night with two or three with hym stealing out of hys house to take the sea priuely Now amongest other the kinges ordinances and sanctions this was one that none of the prelacy or nobilitie without the kinges licence or of his iustices shoulde depart out of the realme So Becket twise attempted the sea to flee to the see of Rome but the wether not seruing was driuē home agayne and hys deuise for that tyme frustrated After his
secular iurisdiction Becket therfore like a valiāt champion fighting for his liberties and hauing the Pope on his side would not permit his clerkes infamed otherwise to be conuēted then before ecclesiastical iudges there to be examined depriued for their excesse and no seculare iudge to proceede against them So that after their depriuation if they should incurre the like offence agayne then the temporall iudge to take hold vpō them otherwise not This obstinate and stubburne rebellion of the Archb. stirred vp much anger and vexation in their king not only in him but also in the nobles and in al the bishops for the greater part that almost he was alone a wonderment to all the realme The kings wrath daily increased more and more against him as no meruaile was and caused him to be cited vp to appeare by a certaine day at the town of Northhampton there to make answer to such things as should be layd to his charge So when the day was come all the Pieres and nobles with the prelates of the Realme vpon the kings proclamation beyng assembled in the Castle of Northhampton great fault was sound with the Archb. for that he personally cited to appeare came not hymself but sent another for him The cause why he came not Houeden assigneth to be this for that the king had placed his horse and horsemen in the Archb. lodging whiche was a house there of Chanons wherwith he being offended sent word agayne that he would not appeare vnlesse hys lodgyng were voyded of the kynges horsemen c. Wherupon by the publike sentence as well of all the Nobles as of the bishops all his moueables were adiudged to be confiscate for the kyng vnlesse the kyngs clemency would remit the penaltie The stubburne Archbishop agayne for his part quarellyng agaynst the order forme of the iudgement complayneth alleagyng for himself seyng he is their Primate and spirituall father not onely of all other in the realme but also of the king hymselfe not to be conuenient the father so to be iudged of his children nor the pastor of his flocke so to be condened saying moreouer that the ages to come should know what iudgement was done c. But especially he complaineth of his fellow bishops when they should rather haue taken his part so to sit in iudgement against their Metropolitane and this was the first dayes action The next day following the king layd an actiō against him in the behalfe of one that was his Marshall called Iohn for certaine iniury done to hym and required of the said Archb. the repaying agayne of certayne money which he as is sayd had lent vnto him being Chauncellor the summe wherof came to 500. markes This mony the Archb. denyed not but he had receiued of the kyng howbeit by the way and title of gift as he tooke it though hee coulde bring no probation thereof Wherupon the king required him to put in assuraunce for the payment therof whereat the Archbish. makyng delayes not well contented at the matter was so cald vpon that either he should be countable to the kyng for the mony or els he should incur present daunger the king beyng so bent against hym The Archbishop being brought to such a straite and destitute of his owne suffragans could here by no meanes haue escaped had not v. persons of their owne accord stepped in beyng bound for him euery man for one C. markes a piece And this was vpon the second day concluded The morrow after which was the third day of the councell as the Archb. was sitting below in a certain cōclaue with his fellow bishops about him consulting together the dores fast locked to them as the king had willed commaunded it was propounded vnto him in the behalfe of the king that he had had diuers bishoprikes Abbarikes in his hand which were vacant with the fruites and reuenues therof due vnto the king for certaine yeres whereof he had rendred as yet no accompt to the kyng wherfore it was demaunded of him to bring in a full and a cleare reckoning of the same This with other such lyke declared to all the councel great displeasure to be in the king and no lesse danger toward the Archbishop The aduise of the bishops for Thomas Becket THus while the bishops and prelates were in councell aduising and deliberating what was to bee done at length it came to voyces euery man to say his mynd and to geue sentence what were the best way for their Archb. to take First began Henry bishop of Winchester who thē tooke part with Becket so much as he durst for feare of the king who sayd he remembred that the sayd Archb first beyng Archdeacon and then Lord Chancellor at what time as he was promooted to the church of Caunterbury was discharged from all bandes and reckonings of the temporall court as all the other bishops could not but beare record to the same Next spake Gilbert bishop of London exhortyng and motioning the Archbishop that he should cal with himself to mynde from whence the kyng tooke hym and set hym vp what and how great things he had done for him also that he should consider with himselfe the dangers and perils of the tyme and what ruine he might bring vpon the whole church and vpon them all there present if he resisted the kings mynde in the things he required And if it were to render vp his Archbishoprike although it were x. tymes better then it is yet he should not sticke with the kyng in the matter In so doing it might happen the kyng seyng that submission and humilitie in him would release him peraduenture of all the rest To this the Archbishop aunswering well well sayth he I perceiue wel inough my Lord whether you tend where about you go Then spake Winchester inferring vpon the same This forme of councell sayth he seemeth to me very pernicious to the Catholike Church tending to our subuersion and to the confusion of vs all For if our Archbishop and Primate of all England do leaue to this example that euery Byshop should geue ouer his authoritie and the charge of the flock committed to him at commaundement threatning of the prince to what state shall the Church be brought thē but that all should be confounded at his pleasure and arbitrement and nothing to stand certaine by any order of lawe and so as the priest is so shall the people be Hilarie the bishop of Chichester replieth again to this saying If it were not that the instance and the great perturbation of tyme did otherwise require and force vs I would thinke this counsail here geuen were good to be folowed But now seing the authoritie of our canon fayleth cannot serue vs I iudge it not best to go so straightly to worke but so to moderate our proceedings that dispensation with suffrance may win that which seuere correction may destroy
of S. Martin to the Octaues following which thing stirred the kings hart more then is to be thought Thus although we offered to the Archbishop safe comming yet when he refused to meete vs in the borders of the king we to satisfie his minde condescended to meete him within the land of the French king in the place where hee himselfe appoynted becauâ—e there shoulde be no let in vs whereby to stoppe his profite After we had entred communication we began to exhort him all that we coulde to submit and humble himselfe to his soueraigne and king who had heaped him with such benefits and dignities wherby matter might be geuen vs to further occasion of reconciling them together He being thus moued and exhorted by vs departed aside to consult with his counsell vpon the matter At length after counsel taken he commeth againe answering in this maner That he woulde submit and humble himselfe to the King Saluo honore Dei ecclesiae libertate salua etiam honestate personae fuae possessionibus Ecclesiarum amplius sua suoruÌ„ in omnibus salua iusticia That is Sauing the honour of God and libertie of the Church sauing also the honestie of his person and the possessions of Churches and moreouer sauing the iustice of him and of all his in all things c. After which communication had among vs we moued required him more instantly tha the wold come to the specialities wheÌ„as yet he had broughtnothing in either which was certaine or particular Likewise we demanded of him if he would in all such things contained and comprehended in our letters stand submit himselfe to our letters so as the king and the bishops before were contented to doe To the which he answering againe said that he had receiued from you a coÌ„mmandement not to answere before he and all his were restored full to all their possessions And then he would so procede in the matter according as he should receiue coÌ„mandement froÌ„ the sea Apostolicall Thus we breaking of coÌ„munication seeing that he neither would stand to iudgement nor come to conformitie thought to make relation thereof to the king and so did declaring that which he had expressed to vs yet not vttering all but keeping backe a great part of that which we had heard and seene Which when the king and his nobles had vnderstanding of affirmed to vs againe that he therein was cleared so much the more for that the Archbishop would not stand to their iudgement nor abide their triall After much heauinesse and lamentation of the king the archbishop bishops and abbots of the Realme requiring of vs whether we had any such power by vertue of our commission to withstand him and proceede against him and perceiuing that our authoritie would not serue thereunto and fearing least the foresaid Archbishop refusing all order of iudgement woulde woorke againe disquietnesse to some noble personages of the Realme and seeing our authoritie could not extend so far to help them against him taking a consultation among themselues agreed together with one assent to make their appellation to your audience prefixing accordingly the terme of their appeale And this is the Epistle of these two Cardinals sent to the pope wherein may sufficiently appeare at the discourse and maner of that assembly although particularly euery thing not expressed concerning the talke betwixt the Cardinals and the Archbishop As wheÌ„ that William who of the two Cardinals was the more eloquent amoÌ„gst other communâ—cation had reasoned long with him concerning the peace of the church which Becket said he preferred aboue all things well then sayeth the Cardinall seeing all this contention betwene the king and you riseth vpon certain lawes customes to be abrogate and that you regard the peace of the Church so much then what say you will you renounce your Bishopricke and the king shall renounce his customes The peace of the Church now lieth in your handes either to retaine or to let goe what say you To whom he answereth againe that the proportion was not like For I saith he sauing the honour of my Church and my person can not renounce my Byshopricke Contrary it standeth the king vpon for his soules health and honor to renounce these his ordinaunces and customes Which thing he thus prooued because the Pope had condemned those customes and he likewise with the church of Rome had done the same c. ¶ The talke betweene the French king the king of England and Becket After the Cardinals were returned the French king seeing the king of England disquieted and solicitous to haue peace or at least wise pretending to set agreemeâ—t betweene them brought the matter to a communication among them In which communication the French king made himselfe as umpeare betweene them The King of England hearing that the Archb. would commit himselfe to his arbitrement was yâ— more willing to admit his presence Whereupon many being there present the Archb. prostrating himselfe at the Kings feete declared vnto him kneeling vpon his knees that he would coÌ„mit the whole cause whereof the dissention rose betwene them vnto his owne arbitrement adding thereto as he did before Saluo honore Dei that is sauing the honour of God The king who as is said before being greatly offeÌ„ded at this word hearing seeing the stiffenesse of the man sticking so much to this worde Saluo honore c. was highly therewith displeased Rebuking him with many grieuous words as a man proude and stubburne and also charging him with sondry great benefites bestowed vpon him as a person vnkinde forgetting what he had so gently done and bestowed vpon him And speaking to the French king there present See sit if it please you sayth the king of England whatsoeuer displeaseth this man that he sayeth to be contrary to the honor of God And so by this meanes he will vendicate chalenge to himselfe both that is his and mine also And yet notwithstanding for that I will not seeme to doe any thing contrary or preiudiciall to Gods honor this I offer him There hath bene kings in England before both of greater and les puissance then I am Likewise there hath bene bishops of Cant. many both great holy men what the greatest and most holiest of all his predecessours before him hath done to the least of my progenitors and predecessors before me let him do the same to me I am content They that stoode by hearing these wordes of the king crying all with one voice the king hath debased himselfe inough to the byshop The Archb. staying a little at this with silence what saith the French king to him my lorde Archbishop will you be better then those holy men will ye be greater then Peter What stand you doubting Here now haue you peace quietnes put in your owne handes if ye will take it To this yâ— Archb. answered againe truth it is sayth he
his wimble his axe nette and other clothes Wherupon Gilwardus being had to that Iaile of Bedford and afterward condemned for the same was iudged to haue both his eyes put out also those members cut of which nature with secret shame hath couered Which punishmēt by the malice of his aduersary being executed vpon him he lying in great danger of death by bleeding was coūsayled to make his prayer to this Tho. of Caunterbury Whiche done sayth the myracle appeared one to him by night in white apparell bidding him to watch and pray put his trust in God and our Lady and holy S. Thomas In conclusion the miracle thus sel out the next day at the euening the man rubbing his eye lids began to feele hys eyes to be restored agayne first in a litle after in a greater measure so that one was of a gray colour the other was of a black And here was one miracle rong After this folowed an other miracle also vpon the same person For going but the space of 4. myles whē his eyes were restored he chaunced in like maner to rubbe the place where his secret partes were cut of And immediately vpon the same his pendēda to vse the wordes of my story were to him restored Principio parua quidem valdè sed in maius proficientia whiche he permitted euery one to feele that woulde and shamed not to deny In so much that he comming vp to S. Thomas first at London was receaued with ioy of the B. of Dirchā who then sending to the burgers of Bedford for the truth of the matter receaued from thē again letters testimonial wherein the Citizens there sayth this fabulous festiuall confirmed first to the byshop thē to the couent of Canterbury the relation of this to be as hath bene told This one miracle gentle reader so shamelesse impudēt I thought here to expresse that by this one thou mightst iudge of all the residue of his miracles by the residue thereof mightst iudge moreouer of al the filthy wickednes of all these lying monks and cloysterers which count it a light sport so impudently to deceiue the simple soules of Christes Churche with trifling lyes and dreaming fables Wherefore as I sayd if the holy saynting of Thomos Becket standeth vpon no other thing but vpon his miracles what credite is to be geuen thereto vpon what a weak groūd his shrine so lōg hath stand by this may easily be seen Furthermore an other fable as notable as this and no lesse worthy of the whetstone we read in the story of Geruasius That Thomas Becket appearing to a certayne priest named Thomas declared to him that he had so brought to passe that all the names of the Monks of the Church of Caunterbury with the names of the priestes and Clerkes with the families belonging to that citty and church of Cant. were written in the booke of lyfe Ex Geruas fol. 6. But whatsoeuer is to be thought of hys miracles or how soeuer the testimony of the schole of Paris or of these auncient tymes went with him or agaynst hym certayn it is that this Antheme or Collect lately collected primered in hys prayse is blasphemous and derogateth frō the prayse of him to whome al prayse onely and honor is due where it is sayd Tu per Thomae sanguinem quem pro te impedit Fac nos Christe scandere quò Thomas ascendit That is For the bloud of Thomas which he for thee did spend Graunt vs Christ to climbe where Tho. did ascend Wherein is a double lye contayned first that he dyed for Christ. Secondly that if he had so done yet that his bloud could purchase heauē Which thing neyther Paul nor any of the apostles durst euer chalēge to themselues For if any mans bloud could bring vs to heauen then the bloud of Christ was shed in vayne And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certayne auncient tymes concerning the cause of Thomas Becket In the explication of whose history I haue stoode now the longer exceding peraduenture in ouermuch prolixitie to the intent that his cause beyng fully opened to the world and duely weyed on euery part mens mindes therby long deceiued by ignoraunce might come vnto the more pexiect certayntie of the truth therof and thereby to iudge more surely what is to be receaued and what to be refused Wherby the way is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob. Crikeladensis which in him I finde that the Pieres and nobles of this land neere about the king gaue out in straight charge vpon payne of death and confiscating of al their goodes no man to be so hardy to name Tho. Becket to be martyr or to preach of hys miracles c. Ex Crikeladensi After the death of Thomas Becket the king fearing that Popes wrath and curse to be layd vpon him whereunto Ludouike the French king also helped what he could to set the matter forward sent to Rome the archb of Rotomage with certayn other bishops and Archdeacons vnto the P. with hys excuse which the Pope would in no wise heare And after other messengers beyng sent whome some of the Cardinals receaued it was shewed to them that on good Friday beyng then nye at hand the pope of custome was vsed to assoyle or to curse that it was noysed how the king of Englād with his bishops should be cursed and his land interdicted and that they should be put in prison After this certaine of the Cardinals shewed the pope that the messengers had power to sweare to the Pope that the king should obey his punishment and penaunce Whiche was taken both of the King and the Archb. of Yorke So that in the same day the pope cursed the deede doers with such as were of their consent eyther that ayded or harboured thē Concerning these deede doers it is touched briefly before how they fled vnto Yorkeshire lying in Gnarsboborough Who after hauing in penaunce to go in their linen clothes barefoot in fasting and prayer to Ierusalem by reasō of this hard penance are sayd to dye in fewe yeres after The kinges Ambassadours lying as is said in Rome could finde no grace nor fanor a long tyme at the Popes handes At length with much ado it was agreed that two Cardinals shuld be sent down to enquire out the matter concerning them that were consenting to Beckets death The king perceauing what was preparing at Rome neither being yet certayne whereto the intent of the Pope comming down of the Cardinals would tend in the incane tyme addressed hymselfe with a great power to enter into Ireland geuing in charge and commaundement as Houedenus writeth that no bringer of any brief or letter shuld come ouer into England or passe out of the realme of what degree or condition so euer he were without special licēce and assuraunce to bring nothing that should be preiudiciall to the realme This order being set
taken vp refuseth to take the second complayning of the Arch. of York as one preiudicial to his sea So while the one wold not rise the other part not sit down rose no small contention betweene them two The archb of Canterb. claymed the vpper seate by the preheminence of hys church Contrary the archb of York alledged for hym the old decree of Gregory wherof meÌ„tion is made before pag. 118. By which this order was taken betweene the 2. Metropolitanes of Canterbury and York that which of them two should be first in electioÌ„ he should haue the preheminence in dignitie goe before the other Thus they contending to and fro waxed so warme in wordes that at last they turned to hote blowes Now strong the Archbishop of Yorke was in reason and argument I cannot tell but the Archbish. of Cant was stronger at the armes end whose seruauntes beeing moe in number like valiaunt men not suffering their maister to take such a foyle so preuailed agaynst York sitting on the right hand of the Cardinall that they pluckt him downe from the hand to the foote of the Cardinall vpon the ground treading trampling vpon him with their feete that maruel it was he escaped with life His Casule Chimer and Rochet were all to be rent and torne from his backe Here no reason woulde take place no debating would serue no praying could be heard such clamour and tumulte was there in the house among them much like to the tumulte which Uirgill describeth Ac veluti in magno populo cum saepe coorta est Seditio saeuitque animis ignobile vulgus Iamque faces saxa volant furor arma ministrat Now as the first part of this description doth well agree so some peraduenture will looke agayne that according to the latter part also of the same my Lord Cardinall with sagenesse and grauitie after the maner of the olde Romaynes standyng vp should haue ceased and aleyed the disturbaunce according to that whiche followeth in the Poete Tum pietate grauem meritis si fortè virum quem Conspexêre silent arrectifque auribus astant Ille regit mentes dictis pectora mulcet c. But what did the noble Romaine Cardinall Like a pretty man of hys handes but a pretier man of hys seete standing vp in the midst seing the house in such a broyle committed himselfe to flight and as Houedenus writeth abscondit se a facie illorum The next day after the Archbishop of Yorke bringeth to the Cardinall his Rochet to beare witnes what iniury and violence he had sustayned appealing and citing vp the Archbishop of Caunterbury with certayne of hys men to the Bishop of Rome And thus the holy counsell the same day it was begon brake vp and was dissolued Under the raygne of this K. Henry the 2. the dominion and crowne of England extended so farre as hath not bene seene in this realme before him whome histories recorde to possesse vnder hys rule and iurisdictioÌ„ first Scotland to whom William king of Scots with all the lords temporall and spiritual did homage both for them and for their successors the seale where of remayneth in the kyngs treasury as also Ireland England Normandy Aquitane Gaunt c. vnto the mouÌ„taynes of Pireney which be in the vttermost partes of the great Ocean in the Brittish sea being also protector of Fraunce to whom Phillip the French king yelded both himselfe and Realme wholy to his gouernaunce an 1181. Moreouer he was offred also to be the king of Ierusalem by the Patriarch maister of the hospital there who then being distressed by the Soldane brought him the keyes of their Citty desiring hys ayd agaynst the infidels which offer he theÌ„ refused alledging the great charge which he had at home the rebellioÌ„ of hys sonnes which might happen in hys absence ¶ And here the olde historyes finde a great fault with the king for hys refusall declaring that to be the cause of Gods plagues which after ensued vpon him by his children as the Patriarche in hys Oration beyng offended with the king prophecied should so happen to him for the same cause Which story if it be true it may be a lesson to good Princes not to deny their necessary helpe to their distressed neighbors especially the cause appertayning vnto God The wisedome discretion manhood and riches of thys Prince was so spred and renoumed through all quarters that messages came from Emanuell Emperour of Constantinople Fredericke Emperour of Rome and William Archbishop of Treuer in Almayne Duke of Saxon and from the Earle of Flaunders and also from the French K. vpon determination of great questions and strifes to aske councell determination therof of this K. Henry as of one most wise and scholemayster of al wisedome iustice to haue solutioÌ„ of their questions doubts Moreouer Alphonsus king of Castile and Sauncius king of Nauerue being in strife for certayne Castels and other possessions submitted them of their free accord and by their othe to abide the award of this king Henry who made 〈…〉 whereby it is to be 〈…〉 resort as to they arbitrer 〈…〉 to any 〈…〉 the acres of this 〈…〉 kish writers 〈◊〉 Among many other thinges 〈…〉 this one is to be 〈…〉 35. yeares and hauing such warres with his enemies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon his subiectes put any 〈…〉 vpon the spiritualty first unites and appropriations 〈◊〉 benefices 〈…〉 And yet his treasure 〈…〉 chard his sonne 〈…〉 safid pound 〈…〉 furniture Of the which 〈…〉 thousand pound came do him by the death of 〈…〉 who had practiced a 〈…〉 〈…〉 dyed within 〈…〉 haue all his goods And shortly after the Archbishop 〈◊〉 and the king had all his goods 〈…〉 to eleuen thousand pound beside plate 〈…〉 But as there is no felicityeâ—â— or wealth in this mortall world so perfect which is not darkenes 〈…〉 of incombraunce and aduersity So it happened to this king the among his other 〈◊〉 successours this incommodity followed him withal that his sonnes rebelled stood in armor agaynst him taking the part of the 〈◊〉 king against theyr father First 〈◊〉 coronation of Henry his sonne whom the Father ioyned with him as king he being both Father and king tooke vpon him that notwithstanding as but a steward and set downe the first dish as Shower vnto his sonne renouncing the name of a king At what time the foresayd Archbishop of Yorke sitting on the right hand of the young king sayd sir ye haue great cause this day to ioy For there is no Prince in the world that hath such an officer this day c. And the yong king disdayning his wordes said my father is not dishonored in this doing For I am a king and a Queenes sonne and so is not he And not onely this but after he also persecuted his father And so in his youth wheÌ„ he had raigned but a few yeares dyed teaching vs
of theyr appeale made to the Apostolick Sea to surcease those his doinges forbidding also the Parson of the Church in no wise to suffer those secular Clerks to be admitted into the Church All which yet notwithstanding the Archb. procedeth in his businesse And first placing in his Clerkes he suspendeth the Prior from his administration Thē he adiureth the Porters of the gate vpon theyr othe to let none of the Monks passe out of the house without his licēce The Monks likewise he cōmaūded by vertue of obediēce not to stray any where abroad without his leaue And further more one of the foresayd Monks which serued the appeal against him he vtterly banished from that Couent Vpon this the day next folowing Honorius the Prior trusting sayth the story on God and S. Thomas tooke his way to Rome sent in commission by the Couent to prosecute the appeale agaynst the Archbishop In this meane season a new iar began betwene that said Archb. and the Monkes about their rents and reuenues which the Archb. would haue committed to the receiuing keeping of 3. Monkes but the Supprior Geffray with the Couent in no case would suffer that wherabout there was a foule stirre The Archb. crauing the ayd of the king first had 3. Bishops sent downe to him of Couentry Norwich and Worcester Who being instant with the Monks to submitte their cause into the kinges handes like as the Archb. had done they vtterly refused it especially seing they had already referred the whole state of their cause to y◠determinatiō of the Apostolicall sea The king seing no other remedy came himselfe with the Archb. into the chapter house where he commaunded first the dores to be kept fast that none should enter but which by name were called for Amongst whō were two Bishops to wit of Norwich and Durham and one Petrus Blesensis a learned man whose Epistles be yet extant in Libraries a chiefe worker in this matter against the Monkes Then was called in Geffrey the Supprior with a few other Monks whom he brought with him The king then first talking with the Archb. and his companye afterward with the Monkes labored to entreat them that they would let fall their appeal and so stand to the arbitremēt of him and of the Bishops concerning the cause which was betwene y◠Archb. and them in trauers To this the Monkes answered that these were good wordes but serued not for that time for somuch as theyr cause was alredy translated to the court of Rome now was presently in hearing before the Popes holinesse and therfore they could not ne would that iniury to their lord pope to refuse him and to put the matter to the iudgemēt of any other Then was it required of the Monkes that they would put the matter in comprimise in case the prior would consent thereto vpon this entent that if the Prior consented and the Monks not then should they runne in contempt and disobedience or if the Monkes would consent and the Prior not then should the Prior be excluded the Realme The wily Monkes being not vnprouided of this subtlety made theyr answere that seing they had sent their prior forth in their commission it stood not with their honesty to geue any determinate consēt without the knowledge and before the returne of the sayd Prior vnlesse the Archb. first would promise to make full restitution of all that he had wrongfully wrasted from thē When the king could get no other answere of the Monks neither could moue the Archb. to release the sentence of their suspension vnles they would confesse and knowledge theyr fault he so parting from them passed ouer into Fraunce Not long after this came a messenger frō Rome bringing letters from Pope Vrbanus to the Archb. wherin the pope considering tendering as he sayd the enorme greuaunces done against the Monkes straightly enioined commaunded him within x dayes after the receiuing therof to release the sentence of his suspension against that Prior and other of the sayd Couent and also to retract restore agayne to the Monkes whatsoeuer he plucked from them since the time of their appeale first made Who in case he should deny or forslack the doing hereof commission was geuen to 3. Abbots of Bartaile of Feuersham of S. Austens with ample authority to performe the same c. The Archb. receiuing these letters brought to him by a Monk of the foresayd house first made his excuse that the Pope was misinformed But the Monkes not contented wyth that excuse when they would needs know what answere he would make to the Popes nuncio his answere was that he had yet x dayes geuen him of the pope In which mean time the Archb. went to Lōdon and there in the church of S. Paul consecrated his holy oyle creame making one of the Popes 7. Sacraments which was grieuously takē in the church of Cant. At last the x. daics being ended whē the Archb. refused to accōplish that was in the popes letter enioyned him the 3. Abbots aforesayd to execute the Popes commaundement came at their day assigned to Cant. and there assoyled all such as the Archb. before had suspēded and in the end certified pope Vrbane by letters what they had done The Archb. hearing this within 4. dayes after sent 2. of his Clerks which appealed the 3. Abbots aforesayd vp to Rome and he himselfe in the mean time prepared busily for the building vp of his church sending to al churches in England vpon releasement of their sinnes to confer to the same and to make the more haste for lack of free stone he made vp his building with timber and such other stuff as he could get The prior Honorius all this while remayned still at y◠court of Rome geuing attendaunce vpon the Pope who hauing intelligēce of the archbishops doings procured an other letter of Pope Vrbane to the whole clergy of England straightly enioyning them that none should confer to the new fraternity of Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury To these letters the Archbish. shewed such reuerence that where before he had planted his chappell of wood and boordes now he prouided the same to be builded of lyme and stone By this time Petrus Blesensis with other messengers of the Archb. seing Honorius the Prior to be gone from the court to Fraunce resorted to the court of Rome bringing with them letters of credite from the king from the Archb. also frō other Bishops of the realme but the pope reading onely the kings letters the archbishops the residue he cast into a window by saying he would read thē at further leisure Thē the pope geuing audience in his cōsistory to heare their cause first came in Petrus Blensensis with the agents of the Archb. exhibiting their letters and propounding their requests to the Pope which were that restitution should be made by the Monkes to the Archb.
Richard hearing of Ioachim Abbot of Curacio a learned man in Calabria who was theÌ„ thought to haue the spirit of prophesie told many thinges of a people that should come sent for hym with whom he his Bishops had much conference about the coÌ„ming tyme of Antichrist This Ioachim belike in his booke and Reuelations vttered some things agaynst the Sea and pride of Rome for the whiche he was lesse fauoured of the popes iudged an enemy to their Sea and so by pope Innocent the 3. was condemned with his bookes for an heriticke in his Idolatrous generall Councell of Laterane an 1215. as ye may read in Antoninus After this Henricus king of Almanes sonne of Fredericke the Emperour hearing of the decease of his father standing now to be Emperor first restoreth to Hen. Duke of Saxonie and to others whatsoeuer his father before had takeÌ„ from them That done he sent to Clement hys Cardinals promising in al thinges to confirme the lawes and dignities of the Church of Rome if they would grauÌ„t hym their assent to be Emperor Wherupon pope ClemeÌ„t by aduise of the Romaines assigned him the terme of Easter in the next yeare insuing for his coronation But before that Easter came P. ClemeÌ„t died after he had sit 3. yeres and about 4. monthes After whome succeeded Celestinus the 3. Of whom more hereafter God willing The time thus passing ouer in the month of February the next yeare following which was of the Lord. 1191. king Richard sent ouer hys Galleyes to Naples there to meet his mother Alinore and Berengaria the daughter of SaÌ„ctius king of Nauarre whom he was purposed to mary Who by that tyme were come to Brundusium vnder the conduct of Phillip Erle of Flanders so proceeding vnto Naples there found the kings ships wherin they sayled to Messana In this meane space king Richard shewed hymselfe exceeding bounteous and liberall to all men To the French king first he gaue diuers ships vpoÌ„ others likewise he bestowed rich rewardes and of hys treasures and goodes he distributed largely to hys souldiours and seruauntes about hym Of whom it was reported that he distributed more in one month then euer any of hys predecessors did in a whole yeare by reason whereof he purchased great loue and fauour which not onely redounded to the aduauncement of his fame but also to his singular vse and profite as the sequele afterward proued To proceede then in the progresse of king Richard it followeth In the first day of the month of march he leauing the citty of Messana where the Frenche king was went to Cathniensium a City where Tancredus Kyng of Sicilia then lay where he was honourable receaued there remained with king Tancred 3. dayes 3. nightes On the fourth day when he should depart the foresayd Tancredus offered him many riche presentes in golde and siluer and precious silkes whereof king Richarde woulde receiue nothing but one little ryng for a token of his good will For the which king Richard againe gaue to him a rich sword At length when R. Richard should take his leaue king Tancredus would not so let him part but needes would geue him 4. great ships and 15. Galeys and furthermore he himselfe would needes accompanye him the space of two dayes iourney to a place called Tauenium Then the next morning when they should take their leaue Tancredus declared vnto him the message which the French king a little before had sent vnto him by the Duke of Burgundy the contentes whereof was this That the king of England was a false traytour aud would neuer keepe the peace that was betweene theÌ„ And if the sayd Tancredus would warre agaynst hym or secretly by night woulde inuade him he with all his power would assiste him and ioyne with him to the destruction of him and all hys army c. To whome Richard the king protested agayne that he was no traytour nor neuer was and as touching the peace begon betweene them the same shoulde neuer be broken thorough hym neyther could he beleue that the French king being hys good Lorde and his sworne compartiner in that voyage would vtter any such wordes by him Which when Tancredus heard he bringeth forth the letters of the Frenche R. sent to him by the Duke of Burgundy affirming moreouer that if the Duke of Burgundy would deny the bringing of the sayd letters he was ready to try with hym by any of hys Dukes King Richard receiuing the letters muâ—ing not a little vpoÌ„ the same returneth again to Messana The same day that king Richard departed the French king coÌ„meth to Tauermum to speake with Tancredus there abode with him that night and on the morrowe returned to Messana againe From that tyme king Richard moued in stomacke against king Phillip neuer shewing any gentle countenaÌ„ce of peace and amitie as he before was wont Whereat the French K. greatly marueiling and enquiring earnestly what should be the cause therof word was sent him again by Phillip Erle of Flaunders what words he had sent to the king of Sicilia for the testimony thereof the letters were shewed which he wrote by the Duke of Burgundy to the king of Sicilia Which when the Frenche king vnderstoode first he held hys peace as gilty in his conscience not knowing well what to aunswere At length turning his tale to an other matter he began to quarrell with king Richard pretending as though he sought causes to breake with him and to maligne him and therefore he forged these lyes sayd he vpon him and all because he by that meanes would voyde to marry with Alice his sister according as he had promised Adding moreouer that if he would so do and would not mary the sayd Alice his sister according to his othe but woulde marry an other he woulde be an enemy to hym and hys while he lyued To this king Richard sayd agayn that he could by no meanes mary that woman for so muche as his father had carnall copulation with her also had by her a sonne for proofe wherof he had there presently to bring forth diuers and sondry witnesses to the kings face to testifie with him In conclusion through counsell and perswasion of diuers about the French king agreement at last was made so that king Phillip did acquire king Richard from his bonde of marying hys sister and king Richard agayne shoulde be bound to pay to him euery yeare for the space of v. yeares two thousand marks with certayne other conditions besides not greatly materiall in this place to be deciphred And thus peace beyng betweene them concluded the 28. day of the said month of March the FreÌ„ch king launching out of the hauen of Messana in the 22. day after in Easter weeke came with hys army to the siege of Achon After the departure of the French king from Messana king Richard
Lord. 1237. that Germanus Archb. and Patriarch of Constantinople wrote to the sayd Pope Gregory 9. humbly desiring him to study and seeke some meanes of vnity how the seamelesse coat of the Lord Iesus thus lamentably rent not with handes of soldiours but by discord of Prelates may be healed agayne offering this moreouer that if he will take the paines to stirre out he for his part notwithstanding his old age seeble body would not refuse to meet him in the mid way to y◠intent that the truth on both sides being debated by y◠scriptures the wrong part may be reduced the slaunder stopped and vnity reformed betwene them This request of the Patriarke as it was both godly reasonable so it had bene the bishops part again with like humility to haue condescended to the same and glad with all his might to helpe forward the reformation of christian vnity in the church of Christ and so to haue shewed himselfe the sonne of peace But the proud Byshop of Rome more like the sonne of discord and dissention standing still vpon his maiesty refused thus to do but writing agayne answere to his letters with great disdayne seking nothing els but only how to aduance his sea aboue all other churches and not onely that but also shortly after sēt forth his preaching Friers to moue all Christians to take the signe of the crosse to fight agaynst the Grecians no otherwise then against the Turkes Saracens In so much that in the Isle of Cyprus many good men and Martyrs were slayne for the same as by the letters of the said Germanus Patriarke of Constantinople is to be seene The tenour of the which letter to the Pope with the popes answere agayne to him being long and tedious to read are extant in the history of Math. Paris there to be sene and found fol. 111. The summary effect whereof notwithstanding I thought here briefly to notifye for the simple vnlearned multitude which vnderstanding not the Latine may hereby perceiue the fault of this schisme not so much to rest in the greek church as in the church of Rome as by the contents of his letter may appeare The effect of the Patriarch of Constantinople his letter to Pope Gregory 9. IN the which letter the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople writing to Pope Gregory first after his reuerend salutation and preamble following vpon the same entring thé toward the matter sheweth the occasion of his writing which was by 5. obseruaunt Friers repayring that wayes whom he gently receiuing into his house had conference with them touching this discord betwene the two Churches how it might be reduced again to vnity and afterward perceiuing the sayd Friers to make theyr iourney towardes to Rome he thought therefore by thē to write his letters Wherein he first lamenting this diuision in the house of God and reciting the inconueniences which come therof by the example of Iuda and Israel Ierusalem and Samaria Cain and Abel Esau and Iacob also of other such like both priuate publicke societies where brother sighteth agaynst brother like as among fishes the greater deuoureth the lesser he procedeth then further gently to exhort Pope Gregory to the study of vnity And for so much as the Pope had accursed belike those Churches of the Greekes before he therefore taking his groūd vpon the wordes of S. Paule Gal. 1. where he accurseth euery such person and persons whatsoeuer they be either man or Angell of heauen that shall preach any other Gospell then hath bene preached c. willeth the Pope to stand with him vpon the same ground of the Apostles accurse so that if the stroke of that curse haue light vpon him or his churches he desireth him to shew the wound and to helpe to wipe away the bloud to minister some spirituall emplaister to binde vp the sore and to saue his brethré from perishing which lay in daunger according to the saying of the wise man A brotherly frend is tried in aduersity c. But if we sayth he of the Greeke Church be free from the stripe of this accurse of the Apostle and that you Italians of the Latine Church be stricken therewith and lye thereby in daunger of destruction I trust that you through ignoraunce and wilfull obstinacy will not so suffer your selues to be separated from the Lord but rather will suffer a thousand deathes before if it were possible for a man so often to dye And as touching this great discord betwene vs if either cōtrarietie of doctrine or sweruing frō the ancient Canons or diuersity of rites receiued of our forefathers be any cause thereof we here take heauen and earth to witnesse that we for our partes are ready and desire also vpon due triall of profound trueth by Gods word and inuocation of the holy Ghost to ioyne hands with you or you to ioyne with vs. But to say the very trueth and to tell you playne this we suppose that many mighty and noble potentates would sooner encline to your obedience were it not that they feared your vniust oppressions your insatiable exactions and inordinate oppressions wherewith you wring your subiectes By reason whereof haue risen amongst vs cruell warres one fighting agaynst an other desolation of Cittyes Bulles and Interdictions set vpon Church dores diuision of brethren and Churches of the Grecians left without seruice where God should be praysed So that now onely one thing lacketh which I beleue to be predefined and appoynted from aboue long before to vs Grecians the time I meane of martirdome which also now hasteneth fast vpon vs that the tribunall of tyrauntes should be opened and the seats of torments be set that the bloud of Martyrs should be spilled we brought to the stage of Martyrdome to fight for the crowne of glory This that I doe speake and wherefore I speake it the noble Iland of Cyprus doth already know and feele which hath made many new Martyrs and hath seene valiaunt soldiours of Christ which of long time before passing by water and teares of sorow now at last haue also passed through fire and so entred into the heauenly rest How say you be these good and seemely O holye Pope the successor of S. Peter the Apostle Is this the bidding of that good Peter the meeke and humble disciple of Christ Doth he thus instruct the Seniors and Elders in his Epistle where he writeth in this wise The Elders which are amōgst you I beseech which am also a fellow Elder with them and witnesse of the sufferings of Christ and also a partaker of the glory that shal be opened feed the flocke of God which is amongest you hauing care sight ouer it not of a coaction as compelled agaynst your willes but willingly of your owne accord nor for filthy lukere sake but freely and hartily neither as bearing dominion and Lordship ouer the Church but shewing your selues as
an example to the flocke and when the chiefe Pastor shall appeare you shall receiue an incorruptible crowne of eternall glory c. And this is the doctrine of Peter as they shal se which do not obey it As for vs the other part of the sayd Epistle is sufficient Wherein he willeth thē to reioice which are in heauines through manifolde temptations that the triall of theyr sayth being much more precious thē gold that perisheth and is tryed in fire may be theyr laud honour and glory at the appearing of the Lord Iesu. c. But beare with me I pray you O holy Father and of all your Predecessors most meekest and suffer my wordes though the seme something sharpe for they be sighings of a sorrowfull hart Wherefore gird about your loynes with fortitude and light vp the candle of your descretion and seeke the groat that is lost of the vnity I meane of sayth And we will also with like compassion ioyne with your holynesse and will not spare this weake body of mine in pretending any excuse either of age or lēgth of the way For the more laborous the trauell is the moe crownes it bringeth And S. Paule sayth Euery man shall receiue reward according to his trauell c. Neither are we ignoraunt if it please your holinesse that like as we Grecians for our partes do labour in all respectes to keepe and obserue the sincerity of true sayth and doctrine not to erre ne swerue in any part or poynt from the statutes of the blessed Apostles and auncient fathers so the Church likewise of old Rome doth for her part labour also we know well to follow the sincere verity of Christian doctrine and thinketh her selfe to erre in nothing nor to neede any remedye or reformation And this we know is the iudgement and saying of both the Churches aswell of the Greekes as of the Latines For no man can see any spot in his owne face without he stoope downe to the glasse or els be admonished by some other whether his face be blotted or no. Euen so haue we many great sayre glasses set before vs first the cleare Gospell of Christ the Epistles of the Apostles and diuinitie bookes of auncient writers Let vs therefore looke in them well They will shew euery mans minde and iudgement whether he go right or wrong The God of peace tread downe Sathan speedely vnder our feet The author of peace confound the sower of discord He that is the cause of all goodnes destroy the hater of that which is good and which geueth cause of offence and slaunder And he which is God of all ioy and peace send to vs whiche are the shepheardes of his sheepe reasonable the aungell of peace and messenger of great glad tidings as he did in the Natiuitye of Christ to the shepheardes of brute sheepe and vnreasonable and make vs worthy to sing that ioyfull song of Gods prayse Gloria in excelsis Deo in terra pax hominibus bona voluntas and to receiue one an other with an holy kisse The grace of our Lord Iesus Christ and the peace of God the Father and the communion of the holy spirit be with you alwayes Amen ¶ An other Epistle of the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople and Primate of the Greek Church to the Cardinals of Rome AN other letter the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople wrote also the same time to the Popes Cardinals wherin he first commending them for theyr wisedome and counsell and shewing what vtility commeth by good counsell geuing for so much as God sayth he many times that he hydeth from one inspireth to an other so that that good thing which by the almighty God is sonderly dispensed to diuers through common counsell and conference spreadeth to the publicke vtility of many c. After this eftsoones he beginneth to exhort them that they like charitable ministers and discrete counsellors will take in hand the spirituall armour of God to cast downe the stoppe partition walle of the olde discord betweene the Greekes and Latine Church that they will be a meanes to the Bishop of Rome that they which so long haue bene disseuered by dissention may now be conioyned in vnity of peace in brotherly charity and communion of fayth Concerning which matter I haue sayth he already written to his holynesse And now I beseech the king of heauen whiche tooke the shape of a seruaunt to helpe his miserable seruauntes and was exalted vpon the crosse to raise them vp which were fallen into the profundity of desolation that he will vouchsafe to put from your hartes all elation of minde extolling it selfe ouer and aboue the vnity of your brethren and fellow seruauntes and to lighten your consciences with the true light of vnderstanding that we may altogether agree in one that there be no schisme amongst vs. Let vs therefore as we are instructed so abide in one minde that it be not sayd of vs as it was of the Corinthians before vs I hold of Paule I of Apollo I of Coephas and I of Christ but that all we as we holde the name of Christ and are all called Christians so may also abide in that wherein we are instructed in one minde that is to follow loue and charity in Christ Iesus hauing alwayes in our hartes the wordes of the Apostle saying One Lord one Fayth one Baptisme And now to be playne with you in that I haue to say I shal desire you not to be offended with me in vttering the trueth as a frend vnto you The wordes sayth Salomon of a wise man telling trueth be like to nayles which be driuen in deepe And truth for the moste parte breedeth enemies And therefore though I am partly afrayd yet will I simply confesse the trueth vnto you Certes this diuision of Christian vnity amongst vs proceedeth of no other cause but onely of the tiranny oppression and exactiōs of the Church of Rome which of a mother is become a stepdame and hath put her children from her whome long time she nourished after the maner of a rauening bird which driueth her yong from her which children how much the more humble and obedient they are to her the lesse she esteemeth them and treadeth them vnder foot not regarding the saying of the Gospel Who so humbleth himselfe shal be exalted Let modesty therefore something temper you and let the auarice of the Court of Rome although it can not well out of the flesh which is bred in the bone yet surcease a while and let vs together condescend to the triall of the trueth which trueth being found out on both sides let vs constantly embrace the same For why we haue bene altogether some times both Italians and Grecians in one fayth and vnder the same Canons hauing peace each with other and defending one an other and confounding the enemies of the Church At what tyme many flying out of the west
partes whilest that the tyranny of the heretickes indured made their concourse to vs and were recaiued and part fled vnto you that is olde Rome as to a strong tower of refuge and so receiued they cōfort in both places and one brother was thus receiued into the bosome of an other by mutuall loue for their defence Then after when Rome had bene often distressed by the barbarous and heathen nations the Grecians were euer ready to rescue and deliuer them Did not Agapitus and Vigilius flye vnto Constantinople by reason of the dissentions then at Rome and being honourablye receiued were here desended vnder our protection ' although the like kindenes was neuer yet shewed of your part to vs agayne in our like necesities Notwithstanding wee ought to do good to them also that be vngrateful for so doth the Sea participate her sinoth and calme tides euen vnto the Pirats And so God causeth the sunne to shine vpon the lust and vniust But alas for sorow what bitter diuision is this that hath thus sequestred vs a sonder One of vs detracteth an other shonning the company one of an other as the damnation of his soule What a mortall hatred is this come amongest vs if you thinke we are fallen then do you help to lift vs vp and be not to vs as a stombling blocke to our bodely ruine but helpers vnto the spirituall resuvrection of our soules So shall we acknowledge our selues boūd vnto you to geue you condigne thankes accordingly But if the blame and first origine of all this offence proceedeth from Rome and the successours of Peter the Apostle then read you the wordes of S. Paule to the Galathians saying When Peter came vnto Antioche I withstood him in the face because he was to be rebuked c. Howbeit this resistaunce was no cause of any discord or breach betweene them but the cause rather of further search and profounder disputations prouoking temporall agrement For they were fast ioyned together in the bond of charity in Christ agreeing in faith and conformity of doctrine separated by no ambition or auarice In which poyntes would God we also were like vnto them This to vs in our mindes gendreth a great offence that your gaping so greedyly after terrene possessions scrape together all that you can scratch and rake You heap vp gold and siluer and yet pretend that you be the Disciples of him which sayd gold and siluer I haue none c. You make whole kingdomes tributary to you and kings and princes your vassals You augment your mony by vsury by feates of marchaundise You vnteache by your deedes that whiche you teach in wordes Moderate your selues therefore with more temperaunce that you may be an example to vs and to all the world You see how good a thing it is one brother to helpe an other Onely God alone needeth no helpe or counsell but men neede one to be holpen one of another And were it not that I doe reuerence the blessed Apostle Peter the chiefe of Christes Apostles the rocke of our fayth I would here put you in remembraunce how greatly this rocke was shaken and remooued from the foundation at the sight of a seely woman and Christ of his secret purpose permitted the same which by the crowing of the cock brought him agayne to remembraunce of that which was foretolde him and raysed him from the slumber of desperation Then he being thus waked washed his face with teares confessing himselfe before God and all the world to be a true paterne of repentance which before bare the keyes of the kyngdome as saying thus vnto vs May not he which falleth rise agayne Oh you whiche are fallen rise vp beholde me harken vnto me trauelling toward Paradise The gates wherof to open I haue receiued power And thus do I write vnto you not for any instruction but onely to put you in remēbraunce for I know how God hath endued you with all wisedome and knowledge As Salomon sayth Geue onely occasion to the wise and he will learne wisedome Teach the iust man and he will be glad to take instruction This one thing more I will say and so make an end There be great and mighty nations that are of like mind and opinion with vs. First the Ethiopians that inhabite the chiefest part of the East After that the Sirians and other moe of greater number thē they and more disposed to vertūe as the Hyberi Alonà Gothi Chaiari with innumerable people of Russia and the kingdome of great victory of the Vulgarians And all these are obedient vnto vs as their mother Church persisting hetherto constantly in the auncient and true orthodoxasticall fayth immouáble The God of all holynes which for our sakes became man and which onely is the head of his Church and congregation vouchsafe to gather vs agayne together in vnity and graunt that the Grecian church together with her sister church of old Rome may glorify the same Christ the prince of peace by he vnitye of faith to the restitutiō of soūd wholsom doctrine wherein many yeres agone they haue agreed and were vnited God graunt vnto you brotherlike charity and the hand of the most mighty God gouern you all holy Cardinals till that ioyfully ye arriue in the heauen of euerlasting trāquility The grace of God be with you all Amē Ex Math. Parisiens fol. 111. Shortly after the sending of these letters Pope Gregory prepared to send men of warre signed with the crosse to fight agaynst the Grecians Wherupon the Archbishop of Antioch with the said Germanus solemnly excommunicated the Pope after he first had excommunicated them Par. fol. 118. In the meane time by the tenour of these letters of the Patriarch sent to the Pope and to the Cardinals it is euident to all men that haue eies in their heads to see first how the whole vniuersall church of Christ frō the east partes to the west in auncient times were altogether vnited in one cōsent of doctrine lincked together in brotherly charity one Church brotherly to helpe an other both with temporall ayd spirituall councell as case required Neither was then any one mother Church aboue other Churches but the whole vniuersall Churche was the mother Church and spouse of the Lord to euery faythfull beleuer Under which vniuersall Church in generall were comprehended all other particular Churches in speciall as sister churches together not one greater thē an other but all in like equality as God gaue his giftes so seruing one another euer holding together the vnity of fayth and Sisterly loue And so long was it and rightlye might so be called the catholicke church hauing in it true vnity uniuersality and free consent Unity in doctrine vniuersality in cōmunicating and ioyning together of voyces cōsent in spirit and iudgement For what soeuer was caught at Rome touching fayth and saluation it was no other then was taught at Antioch
eaten any mans bread for nought or of free cost Glossa Then those false Prophetes ought much more to liue by theyr labour which haue not that authoritye which we ought to haue that is to say to liue by the Gospell And S. Augustine speaketh of this more expressely in his booke De opere monachorum by these words Those our brethren do clayme to themselues very rashly as me thinketh that they haue any such authority to liue by the Gospell If they be preachers of the Gospel I graunt that in deed they haue such authority if they be ministers of the aultar if they be disposers of the Sacraments they cannot well but take to thēselues this authority as also manifestly to chalenge the same if at the least they haue not where with all to sustayne this present life without labour of their handes c. As though he woulde haue sayd if they be not such maner of men then haue they no authority to liue by the Gospell Therefore those preachers which haue not authority to line by the Gospell or els minister the Sacraments because they haue no cōgregation wherby to take charge of soules yet for al that wil needs liue vpon the Gospell they be no true Apostles but false Prophets The 10. signe is that false teachers reioyce more to be commēded themselues then the word of God to haue the commendation prayse But they that are true preachers and Apostles are farre otherwise minded as to the Thess. 2. not seeking the prayse of men c. And herin he toucheth those false Prophets which desire rather to be commēded themselues then that the word of God which they preach should haue the commendatiō but he is an Apostle which not seeking the glory of this present world but for the glory to come doth abase himself to the intēt that the preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted They therfore which desire to haue prayse to be commended of others rather then that the word of God should haue the prayse to be no true Apostles but false Prophets The 11. signe is that true Apostles do preach onely for Gods cause and for the health of soules and for no tēporal gayne as in the 2. Cor. 4. saying we preach not our selues c. Glose Our preaching tendeth not to our glory and gayne but onely to the glory of Christ. But the preaching of Christ by those that are false Prophets tendeth to the contrary Wherupon in the Phil. 1. is sayd whether it be vpon occasion geuē or els for the verities sake let christ be preached c. Glose False prophets doe preach the Gospell vpon some occasion as either by seeking some commodity at the hands of mē or els because of getting goodes honor or prayse among men Which notwithstanding that they be ready and willing as it should seeme to beare and sustaine iniuryes yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach as in very deed they do their owne commodity and gaine Whereupon 2. Cor. 12. Glosse Because I seeke not the thinges that be yours that is to say not your treasure as gold siluer but onely you your selues Glosse For other wayes it could by no meanes be gathered that they should vnderstand him to speake or meane of theyr substaunce because he more estemeth them then theyr mony to the intent that they might vnderstand his great good will toward them Therfore these euill and naughty preachers which preach for worldly gayn or honor or els for the prayse cōmendation of men be no true Apostles but false Prophetes But it may be asked how shall men vnderstand when these good fellowes preach for their owne vayne glory sake It may be aunswered thus when they preach before they be called as in the 2. Cor. 11. whosoeuer boasteth let him boast and reioyce in the Lord. Glosse Which thing to doe cannot he by any meanes that hath not his authority from God For if any such Prophet preach he seeketh his owne glory and that may easely be perceiued Because he is not called of God he hath no such authority of him that is to say of his Church or congregation as to the Heb. 7. No man taketh to himselfe anye dignity but he that is called of God as Aaron was The Glosse He is called of God that it is lawfully chosen of the congregation The 12. signe is or token of a false prophet is Because such Prophets do counterfait themselues to haue greater care and loue to mens soules then those that be theyr very gouernors pastors haue although they haue no charge at all of them agaynst whom the Glose speaketh and the 1. Thess. 2. We are become meek and louing towardes you euen as the nurse which geueth her child sucke Glosse A woman nurseth other mens children for wages not for loue alone but she geueth her own suck of very loue with out respect of mony Therfore those preachers which faine themselues to haue a greater loue affection to the soules of men then they that haue the charge ouer them seeme not to be true Apostles The Apostles studye not for eloquēce nor for the curious placing of their words but false Prophets do them both As in the 2. Cor. 11. If the simple and vncloquēt man c. Glosse The Apostles were not eloquent but false Prophets are ful of curious eloquence Also vpon the same an other Glosse The Corinthiās were led away from the Gospell by ouer nice eloquence the 2. Cor. 7. Let vs shew our selues before all men as the ministers of God Glosse The ministers of God do not flatter as false Prophets do And for this occasion those that be true Apostles haue not theyr abiding in princes Courtes and noble mens houses knowing this saying of Christ in S. Mathewes Gospel Behold those that are clothed with silkes dwell in kinges Courtes And therefore true Apostles are not conuersaunt in Princes Courtes and noble mens houses Glosse Hard strait life with the preaching of the Gospel loueth not to come neare Princes pallaces and noble mens houses Often times it commeth to passe that Courtiers are found great flatterers Therfore those preachers that haue their abode in Courtes or that in any other place do vse to flatter are no true Apostles but false Prophets The 13. signe is that true Apostles or messengers doe not circumuent or subtlely goe about to deceiue men that they should geue vnto them their goods either in their life time or els at the time of theyr death as in the 2. Cor. 7. We haue falsly deceiued no man Glosse By the subtle and deceitfull getting away of your substaūce as false Prophets do which get away from you those things that be yours vnder pretence of great frēdship Also Mat. 22. Wo be vnto you Scribes Phariseis you hipocrites which spoile widowes houses by your long prayers which mean nothing els by your
any such thing vrging vnto so great wickednesse so odible detestable and abhominable to our Lord Iesus Christ and also so pernitious to mankinde For this should be a great defection corruption and abuse of the sayd seat and fulnesse of power and an vtter separation from the glorious throne of our Lord Iesus Christ and a neare neighborhood vnto the two most principall princes of darcknes sitting in the chaire of pestilence prepared to the paynes of hell Neither can any maÌ„ which is subiect and faythfull to the sayd sea and not cut away from the body of Christ and from the sayd holy sea with sincere and vnspotted conscience obeâ— such maner of precepts and coÌ„maundementes 〈◊〉 what soâ—uer other attemptes proceeding yea though from the high order of aungels themselues but rather ought of necessity with all their strength to withstand rebell against the same Wherfore my reuerend Lorde I like an obedient childe vpon my bound duty of obedience fidelity which I owe to botâ— the parentes of this holy Apostolicke sea and partly for loue of vnity in the body of Christ ioyned with the sayd sea doe not obey but withstand and vtterly rebell agaynst these things in the said letter contained especially which vrge and tend to the foresayd wickednes so abhominable to the Lorde Iesus Christ so repugnant to the holines of the holy Apostolick sea so coÌ„trary to the vnity of the catholick â—aith Neither for this cause can your discretioÌ„ determine any extremity vnto me because al my doing and gaynsaying in this matter is no resistaunce nor rebellion but a childly obedience to the diuine precept and honour due both to Father and Mother Briefly therefore repeating my wordes I say that this holy Apostolicke sea cannot do any thing but to edification and nothing at all to destruction For this is the fulnes of power to be able to do all thinges to edification But these which you call prouisions be not to edification but to manifest destruction The holy Apostolicke sea therfore cannot nor ought to attempt any such thing because that flesh and bloud which caÌ„not enter into the kingdome of God hath reuealed the same and not the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ which is in heauen Then followeth it in the story both of Mathaeus ParisieÌ„sis and of Florilegus in these words That when this Epistle came to the knowledge of the Pope he fuming fretâ—ing with anger and indignation answered with a fierce looke and proud minde sayng what olde doting franticke wretch is this so boldely rashly to iudge of my doinges By sweet S. Peter and Paule were it not but that vpon our own clemency and good nature we are restrayned we would hurle him down to such confusion that we would make him a fable a gasing stock an example and wonderment to all the world For is not the king of England our vassall and to say more our mansiple or page to vse the very wordes of mine author which may at our pleasure becke both hamper him and imprison him and put him to vtter shame This when the Pope in his great fury and rage had vttered amoÌ„gst his bâ—â—thren the Cardinals who were scarce able to appease the furious violence of the pope with milde moderatioÌ„ of words they sayd vnto him that it was not expedieÌ„t for theÌ„ to proceed agaynst that bishop in such rigâ—rous mâ—ner For sayd they to confesse the truth to your holynes it is but very truth that he affirmeth neither can we condemn him therfore He is a catholick man yea also a holy man more holy also religious theÌ„ we our selues a man of excellent wit and excellent life so as it is thought among all the Prelats he hath not his better nor yet his like This is not yet vnknowne both to the french English clergy vniuersally neither can our coÌ„tradictioÌ„ preuail against him The truth of this his epistle perhaps is knowne now to many shall stir vp many against vs for he hath the name to be a great Philosopher and singularly seene in all the tounges both Greeke Latine Hebrue zelous in iustice a reader of diuinity in the scholes â— preacher amongst the people a louer of Chastity a persecutor of Simony These words spake L. â—iles a Spanish Cardinall to the Pope and other mo moued by theyr coÌ„science to speak And this couÌ„sell they gaue to the Pope that he should dissemble and wincke at these thinges as one not seing or regarding them least otherwise perhaps some tumult might rise and spring thereof Especially seing this is manifest and known to all men that once must needes come a defection and parting from the Church of Rome Not long after this about the canicular dayes thys reuerend godly Robert bishop of Lincolne lying at his manor place in Bugden fell greuously sicke and therupon within few dayes departed In the time of his sickenes he called to him a certayne Frier of the preaching order named M. Iohn Giles a man expert cunning both in phisick Diuinity partly to receiue of him some coÌ„fort of his body and partly to confer with him in spirituall matters Thus vpoÌ„ a certeine day the said B. coÌ„ferring with the foresayd M. Iohn riciting to him the doings procedings of the Pope did greuously rebuke reprehend his fellow brethren the preaching Friers and the other order also of the Minorites That for so much as their order being plaÌ„ted in wilfull pouerty of the spirit to the inteÌ„t they should more frely carpe and reproue the vices of the mighty not to flatter or spare them but sharply to rebuke reprehend the same The said Friers contrary to theyr profession did not boldly enough cry out and inuey against the abuses of their superiors and men of power nor did vncouer nor detect their faults and wickednes And therfore sayd the Bishop I iudge them to be no better theÌ„ manifest hereticks And addeth moreouer demaunding of M. Iohn what is heresy and that he should geue him the true difinition therof wherat when the Frier did stay and pause not remembring the solemne difinition of that matter the Byshop therupon inferreth geuing this difinition in Latine by the true interpretation of the Greek word Heresis Graece electio Latine est sententia humano sensu electa Scripturae sacrae contraria palam docta pertinaciter defensa That is â—eresy is a sentence taken and chosen of mans owne brayne contrary to holy Scripture openly mayntained and stifly defended And this difinitioÌ„ geuen consequently he inferred sharpely reprehending the Prelates of the church but especially the Romaines which commit the charge of soules vnto their kinsfolks being both in age vnworthy and in learning vnsufficient To geue sayth he the charge of soules to a boy is a sentence of a prelate chosen and taken of mans own head onely for carnall and earthly respect also is
subiect vnder one Adding furthermore that the kingdome of Scotland first was conuerted by the reliques of the blessed Apostle S. Peter through the deuine operation of God to the vnity of the Catholicke fayth Wherefore vpon these causes and reasons Pope Boniface in hys letters to the king required him to geue ouer hys clayme and cease his warres agaynst the Scottish nation And to release all such both of the spiritualtie and laytie as he had of them prisoners Also to call home agayne his officers and deputies whiche he had there placed and ordained to the greauance of that nation to the sclaunder of all faythfull people and no lesse preiudice to the Church of Rome And if he would clayme any right or title to the said Realme or any part therof he should send vp his procuratours specially to the same appoynted with all that he could for himselfe alleadge vnto the sea Apostolicke there to receaue what reason and right would require The king after he had receaued these letters of the Pope assembled a councell or Parliament at Lincolne by the aduise of which counsell Parliament he addressed other letters responsall to the Pope agaynes wherein first in al reuerend maner he desireth him not to geue light care to the sinister suggestions of false reportes and imaginers of mischiefe Then he declareth out of old recordes histories frō the first time of the Brittaynes that the realm of Scotland hath alwayes from time to time bene all one to England beginning first with Brutus in the tyme of Dely and Samuell the Prophet which Brutus comming frō Troy to his I le called then Albion after called by hym Britannia had three sonnes Locrinus to whome he gaue the part of the land called then of hym Loegria now Auglia Albanactus his second sonne to whom he gaue Albania nowe called Scotia and hys thyrd sonne Lamber to whome he gaue Cambria now called Wales c. And thus much concerning the first deuision of this I le as in auncient histories is found recorded In whiche matter passing ouer the death of king Humber the actes of Dunwald king of this Realme the deuision of Belyn and Brene the victories of king Arthur we will resort sayth the king to more nearer tymes testified and witnessed by sufficient authors as Marianus Scotus William Malmesbury Roger Abyndon Henry Huntington Radulph de Bizoto and other All which make special declaration geue manifest euidence of the execution of this our right sayth he title of Superioritie euer continued preseued hetherto And first to begin with Edward the Seniour before the conquest sonne to Alurede kyng of England about the yeare of our Lord. 900. it is playne and manifest that he had vnder hys dominion and obedience the king of Scots And here is to be noted that this matter was so notorious and manifest as Maryan the Scot writing that story in those dayes graunteth confesseth and testifieth the same and this dominion continued in that state 23. yeare At whiche tyme Athelstane succeeded in the crowne of England and hauing by battaile cōquered Scotland he made one Constantine king of that party to rule gouerne the country of Scotland vnder him adding this princely word That it was more honour to him to make a king then to be a king 24. yeares after that whiche was the yeare of our Lord 947. Eldred king our progenitour Athelstanus brother took homage of Irise then king of Scots 30. yeares after that whiche was the yeare of our Lorde 977. kyng Edgar our predecessour tooke homage of Kynalde king of Scots Here was a little trouble in England by the death of S Edward kyng and martyr destroyed by the deceite of hys mother in law but yet within memory 40. yeares after the homage done by Kynald to King Edgar that is to say in the yeare of our Lord. 1017. Malcoline the king of Scots did homage to Knute our predecessour After this homage done The Scots vttered some peece of theyr naturall disposition whereupon by warre made by our progenitour S. Edward the confessour 39. yeare after that homage done that is to saye the yeare of our Lord. 1056 Malcoline king of Scots was vanquished and the realme of Scotland geuen to Malcoline his sonne by our sayd progenitour S. Edward vnto whom the sayd Malcoline made homage and fealty Within 40. yeares after that William Conquerour entred this realme whereof he accompted no perfect conquest vntill he had likewise subdued the Scots and therfore in the sayd yeare which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1068 the sayde Malcoline King of Scots did homage to the sayd William Conquerour as hys superiour by Conquest king of England 25. yeares after that which was the yeare of our Lord. 1093. the sayd Malcoline did homage fealty to William Rufus sonne to the sayd William Conquerour and yet after that was for his offences and demerites deposed and hys sonne substitute in hys place who likewise fayled in his duety and therfore was ordained in that estate by the sayd William Rufus Edgar brother to the last Malcoline and sonne to the first who did hys homage and fealty accordingly 7. yeares after that which was in the yeare of our Lorde 1100. the sayd Edgar king of the Scots did homage to Henry the first our progenitour 37 yeare after that Dauid king of Scots did homage to Matilde the Emperatrice as daughter and heyre to Henry the first Wherefore being after required by Stephen then obtayning possession of the Realme to make his homage he refused so to doe because he had before made it to the sayd Matilde and thereupon forbare After whiche Dauids death whiche ensued shortly after the sonne of the sayde Dauid made homage to the sayde Kyng Stephen 14. yeares after that whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde 1150. William king of Scots and Dauid hys brother with all the nobles of Scotland made homage to Henry the second sonne with a reseruation of their duetye to Henry the second hys Father 25 yeares after that which was in the yeare of our Lorde 1175. William kyng of Scotland after much rebellion and resistaunce according to their naturall inclination King Henry the second then beyng in Normandy knowledged finally his errour and made hys peace and composition confimed with hys great Seale and the Seales of the nobilitie of Scotland making therewith his homage and fealtie Within 15. yeares after that which wat the yeare of our Lorde 1190 the sayd William king of Scots came to our Citty of Caunterbury and there dyd homage to our noble progenitour Kyng Richard the first 1124. yeares after that the said William did Homage to our progenitour king Iohn vpon a hill besides Lincolne making his othe vpon the Crosse of Hubert then Archbishop of Canterbury being there present and a merueilous multitude assembled for that purpose 26. yeare after that whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde 1230. Alexander king of Scots maryed
38. Item the foresayd Officials call by Citation afore thē the honest wedded aswell man as woman charging thē that they haue committed adultery to the perpetuall infamy of theyr husbands and wiues And for nothing els but by extortion to wring mony from them 39. Item mention must be made of the multitude number of Proctors which eate and deuoure vp all the world with their citations catching vp clientes and keeping abroad in the countryes courts and Assises who for mony returne not the citations which by extortion they receiue of them which are cited 40. Item there be many other griefes and enormityes which the Chapiters Abbotes Priors Prouostes and other ecclesiasticall persons in the Realme of Fraunce practise agaynst the people As whē they cause to be cited before them many of the kinges burgesies other in diuers places being priuiledged that is to say Baiocēses Manmectans in Britaine Lugdons Masticous with other more But specially the Prouos of hospitals vse more cōmonly this trick then any other do wherby the people is much endamaged and wil be euery day more and more if remedy be not had therein 41. Item ecclesiasticall magistrates labor to haue cognition of causes of iniury in whatsoeuer cause it be whether the iniury be committed by word or fact Likewise they take vpon them to heare the causes of maried clerkes and of their wiues although they both vse marchaundise And if at any time such couples be taken by the secular Magistrates the Officiall causeth a suspension to be denounced in that Parish by force of the councell Siluanecten 42. Item they chalenge to haue cognition concerning widowes goods both moueable and vnmoueable And if it happeneth at any time that a Marchaunt widow in any the kings peculiars by way of rest procureth any temporall man to be conuented before the secular iudge and the matter so farre trauised that he should haue bene condemned by the sentence of the secular iudge then come to the eare of the ecclesiasticall magistrates how before whom the widow did conuēt him The sayd temporal iudge shal be constrayned to withdraw the same And by their monitions and censures to correct the same and this oftē times happeneth 43. Item many of the tenaunts inhabitours of the Bishops landes calleth one an other to the court of the Officials by a kinde of appellation By vertue wherof the Officials take vpon them to proceede in the same and to haue cognition thereof to the preiudice of the temporall iurisdiction of our soueraigne Lord the king 44. Item if any man be apprehended by secular iustice in shedding of bloud by thē if he be Lay he is to be ordered If he be a Clerke he is to be restored to the Ecclesiasticall iudge But whether he be a temporall man or clerke that is so takē and appealeth to the Officials court They will be so bold to haue cognition therof requiring herewith amends of the secular court which enterprised the foresayd apprehension If this be suffered the malefactor shal neuer be punished For by and by they will appeale and immediatly after the appellation flye and auoyde away 45. Item when they cause many of Office to be cited before them they will admit them to haue no Proctors To whom when they come at the day of appearance they obiect the crime of vsury And except they answer as the promotors wil thēselues they are trodē vnder feet although they be mere lay and shall not be dismissed before they fine euen as the Officials list themselues although they be no vsurers But if any be vsurers they take of them satisfaction and bribes and so be permitted to vse their vsury no lesse then before So that they may haue their olde fees and bribes 46. Item they procure theyr officers to apprehend clerks in whatsoeuer soile they be foūd albeit by iustice they may appeal therefro But if by any they be let of their will here in they do forthwith by sentence of excommunicatiō cause them to desist therfore 47. Item as often times as any temporall Magistrate doth apprehēd any person which afterward being required of the clergy is quietly deliuered vnto them yet for all that the Officials causeth those Magistrats to be denoūced excommunicate by law 48. Item the Prelates geue order of Tonsures aswell to men of 30. yeares as vpward as also to maried men whē they come vnto them for feare of imprisonment punishment due vnto them for their criminal offences before cōmitted And this is often times put in practise 49. Item if it happen any of the kings seruants or any other to be excommunicate would fayne be absolued being glad to pay reasonably for the same The Clergy will not receiue but such satisfaction as shall please thē wherby many of them remayne still excommunicate 50. Item when two persons haue bene at strife and law together for the possessiō of land and the matter contentious be put into the handes of the king by some seruant or officer of the king for the taking vp of the matter then do the Prelates admonish the one part not to trouble the other which is in possession Otherwise if he do they do excommunicate him 51. Item the foresayd Prelates Deanes Chaplens and other the rout of the Clergy putteth the kinges officers to so much trauaile and expenses in trying out the kinges vsurped iurisdictiō as they terme it that often times many of them spend and consume in the trauaell of the right and title thereof all that they haue and more to 52. Item if any secular iusticer in a true and iust cause at the request of the party putteth in his helping hand cōcerning the inheritaunce of Clerkes the Ecclesiasticall Iudges and their Ministers sendeth out monitiōs in writing agaynst the sayd Iusticer yea vnder payne of excōmunication forfeiture to take away his hand and leaue of Enioyning him further to suffer the other party quietly to enioy the sayd things Otherwise they denounce him excommunicate shall not be absolued before he haue well paid for it euen as pleaseth maister Officiall to the high preiudice of the authority of our soueraigne Lord the king 53. Item the Ecclesiasticall magistrates so soone as they heare any rich or fat Cob to dye or thinke that he will not liue long send out forthwith letters vnder seale to theyr chaplain commaūding him in any wise not to presume to bury him although he made his Testament and receiued the rites of the Church And when afterward the frendes and kinsfolkes of the dead resort vnto them to know the cause of their inhibition they declare vnto thē that he was an vsurer and that he kept not the commaundementes of holy Church And so long keep they the corpes of the dead vnburyed while the frendes of him buy it out with good store of mony heaping hording by these meanes aboūdance of riches 54. Item if there be any
is now lately dead and the maister here of the Dominike Friers is not now present Wherfore we dare not determine in such a weighty cause touching the priuileges of our order without the presence of them And ther fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to holde vs therin excused and not to be so lightly stirred against vs for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity c. The next day being the 8. day of the same moneth whithe is also dedicate to the conception of our Ladye vpon which day it was determined likewise that one of the dominicke Friers should preach in the Church of the Franciscane or gray Friers and so he did tending to the same end as the other frier in the other church had done before Whereby it may seeme the prouerb well aunswered vnto whereof we read in the Gospell Facti sunt amici Herodes Pilatus in ipsa die It was not long after that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle folowed in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uniuersity againe were warned the third day after to congregate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time Which being done and the assembly meeting together an other Sermō was made by a Diuine of the Uniuersity whose theame was Prope est Dominus omnibus inuocantibus eum in veritate c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued agaynst them that woulde not be obedient vnto theyr Prelats c. The sermon being ended then rose vp againe the Bishop Ambianensis who prosecuting the rest of the Theame and comming to the word in veritate deuided it in three parts according to the common glose of the decretals Est verum vitae doctrinae iusticiaeque Primum semper habe duo propter scandala linque Shewing and declaring by many authorities both of canonicall scriptures and out of the law and by euidēt demonstratiō of experience that the Friers first had no verity of life because they were full of hypocrisy neither had they verity of doctrine because in their hart they bare gall and in theyr toung hony neither verity of iustice because they vsurped other mens offices And thus concluding with the same caused agayn to be read the sayd priuileges with the constitution aboue specified And so expoūding place by place did argue and proue that the sayd constitution in no part was euacuat or infringed by that priuilegies aforesayd Which thing being declared he added moreouer that where as the Friers say sayd he that I should be present in the obteining of the priuileges I graunt it to be true when word came to me thrise thereof I went to the Pope reclayming requiring the sayd priuileges to be renoked But the next day after it so pleased the Pope to send me out abroad vpon weighty affayres so that then the matter had no end After that we sent also other messengers with our letters for the same cause vnto the Court of Rome whom the Friers say not to haue preuailed but they lye therein For the sayd messengers agayne brought vs letters from the chief of the court of Rome sealed with their seales which letters we haue diuers times presented to our king wil shortly shew them vnto you all In the which letters the Lord Pope hath promised the sayd priuiledges either to be vtterly abrogate or els to be mitigated with some more playnely interpretation of the which we trust shortly to haue the publicke Bulle or writ from the Pope At last the sayd Bishop required desired of all there of what Dioces or countrey so euer they were that they would copy out the foresayd priuiledges and send them abroad into their coūtries that all men might see what they were and how far they did extēd In fine the matter comming into open disputation it was cōcluded by M. Giles one of the Austine Friers who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers in this wise that after his sentence the Prelates were in the truer part c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis ¶ Concerning this wrangling contention betwene the Uniuersity and Friers of Fraunce heretofore mentioned whereof partly the original cause there may be vnderstand by that which hath bene sayd to rise vpon certaine priuilegies graūted by popes to the Friers to intermedle in matters of Parish churches As to heare confessiōs to preach and teach with power there to annexed to gather for theyr labor to bury within their houses and to receiue impropriations c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances therof also because the sayd contention dyd endure a long time not onely in fraūce but also came ouer to englād The whole discourse therof more ample Christ willing shal be declared in the beginning of the next booke folowing when we come to the story of Armachanus About what time yere this brawle was in the Uniniuersity of Paris betwene the Friers and Prelats there as hath bene declared the like contētion happened also in the vniuersity of Oxford in the yeare aboue prefixed 1354. saue onely that the strife amōg the maisters of Paris as it rose vpon Frierly ceremonies so it went no farther then brawling wordes and matter of excōmunication but this tumult rising of a dronken cause proceeded further vnto bloudy stripes The first originall wherof began in a tauerne betwene a scholer the good man of the house Who falling together in altercatiō grew to such heat of words that the student contra ius hospitij poured the wine vpon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot Upon this occasion geuen estsoones parts began to be taken betwene townes men the scholers In somuch that a grieuous sedition conflict folowed vpō the same wherin many of the townes men were wounded to the number of 20. slayn Diuers also of the scolers grieuously hurt The space of 2. dayes this hurly burly continued Vpon the second day certain religious and deuout persōs ordeined a solemne processiō general to pray for peace Yet notwithstanding all that procession as holy as it was it would not bring peace In the which procession the skirmish stil waxing hoat one of the studentes being hardly pursued by the townesmen for succour in his flight came running to the Priest or Frier which caried about as the maner was the pixe thinking to finde refuge at the presēce of the transubstātiated God of the aultar there caried inboxed Notwithstanding the God there not presēt or els not seing him or els peraduēture being a sleepe the scholer foūd there small helpe For the townesmen in the heate of the chase forgetting belike the vertue of the popes transubstātiation folowed him so hard that in the presēce of the pixe they brake his head woūded him greuously This done at length some peace or truce for that day was taken The
thee out of thy clothes All thy fayre and beautifull iuels shall they take from thee and so let thee sit naked and bare c. Here is playnely to be seene what shall happen to the church and followeth more in the sayd chapter Thine eldest sister is Samaria she and her daughters vpon thy left hand But the yongest sister that dwelleth on thy right hand is Sodoma with her daughters whose sinnes were these pride fulnesse of meate aboundāce and idlenesse neither retched they theyr hand to the poore And yet neither Sodoma thy sister with her daughters hath done so euill as thou and thy daughters Neither hath Sumaria that is the Sinagoge done half of thy sinnes yea thou hast exceeded them in wickednesse Take therefore and beare thine owne confusion c. Agayne in the 23. chapter of Ezechiel After the Prophet had described at large the wickednesse corruption and punishment of the Sinagoge turning to the Church sayth And when her sister saw this the raged and was madde with lust loue of riches and folowing voluptuousnes Her fornication and whoredome she committed with Princes and great Lordes clothed with all maner of gorgeous apparell so that her puppes were brused and her brestes were marred And then speaking of her punishment sayth Then my hart forsooke her like as my hart was gone from her sister also And moreouer repeating againe the cause therof addeth Thy wickednesse and thy fornications hath wrought thee all this c. The like we finde also in Esay Ieremy Ezechiel and in all the other Prophetes who prophesying all together in one meaning and almost in one maner of wordes Do conclude with a full agreement and prophecye to come that the Church shall fall and then bee punished for her great excesses and to bee vtterly spoiled except she repent of all her abhominations Whereof speaketh Oseas chap. 2. Let her put away her whoredome out of her sight and her aduoutry from her brestes least I strip her naked and set her euen as she came naked into the world that is in her primitiue pouerty So if she do not it it shal folow of her as in the prophet Nahum chap. 3. For the multitude of the fornication of the fayre and beautifull harlotte which is a maister of witchcraft yea and selleth the people through her whoredome and the nations through her witchcraft And followeth vpon the same Behold I will vpon thee sayth the Lord of hostes and will pull thy clothes ouer thy head that thy nakednes shall appeare among the heathen and thy shame among the kingdomes c. Wherefore by these it is to be vnderstand that vpon this Church the primitiue iustice of God is to be reuealed hereafter And thus much of the first of the foure members aboue fore touched Now to the second member of my theame Iuxta est concerning the nearenesse of time Although it is not for vs to knowe the momēts and articles of time yet by certaine notes and signes peraduenture it may be collected and gathered that whiche I haue here to say For the tractation whereof first I grounde my selfe vpon the saying of the Apostle Paule 2. Thessal 2. where he writeth That vnlesse there come a defection first c. By the whiche defection Ierome vltima quaest ad inquisitiones Ianuarij gathereth and expoundeth allegoricallye the desolation of the monarchy of Rome Betweene the which desolation and the persecution of the Church by Antechrist he putteth no meane space And now what is the state of that common wealth if it be compared to the maiesty of that it hath bene iudge your selues An other glose there is that sayth how by that defection is ment that from the Church of Rome shall come a departing of some other Churches The second note and marke is this when the Church shal be worse in maners then was the Sinagoge as appeareth by the ordinary glose vpon the 3. of Ieremy where it is written The backslider Israell may seeme iust and righteous in comparison of sinfull Iuda That is the Sinagoge in comparison of the Churche of God Whereof writeth Origenes saying Thinke that to be spokē of vs what the Lord sayth in Ezech. 16. Thou hast exceeded thy sister in thine iniquities Wherefore now to compare the one with the other First ye know how Christ rebuked the Phariseis who as Ierome witnesseth were then the Clergye of the Iewes of couetousnesse for that they suffered doues to be solde in the temple of God Secondly for that they did honor God with their lips and not with theyr mouth because they sayd but dyd not Thirdly he rebuked them for that they were hypocrites To the first then let vs see whether it be worse to sell both Church Sacramentes then to suffer doues to be solde in the Temple or not The second where as the phariseis were rebuked for honouring to God with their lips and not with hart there be some which neither honor God with hart nor yet with lips And which neyther do well nor yet say well neither do they preach any word at all but be domb dogs not able to barke impudent and shameles dogs that neuer haue enough such pastors as haue no vnderstanding declining straying all in their owne way euery one geuē to couetousnes from the highest to the lowest And thirdly as for hipocrisy there be also some whose intollerable pride malice is so manifest and notorious kindled vp like a fire that no cloake or shadow of hypocrisy can couer it but are so past all shame that it may be well verified of them which the Prophet speaketh Thou hast gottē thee the face of an Harlot thou wouldest not blush c. The 3. signe and token of tribulation approching neare to the Church may well be taken of the to much vnequall proportion seene this day in the church Where one is hungry and statueth another is dronke By reason of which so great inequality it cannot be that the state of the Church as it is now can long endure For like as in good harmony to make the musick perfect is required a moderate and proportion at equality of voyces which if it do much exceed it taketh away all the sweet melody So according to the sentence of the Philosopher by to much immoderate inequality or dispariety of citizens the cōmon wealth falleth to ruine Cōtrary where mediocrity that is where a mean inequality with some proportion is kept that pollicy standeth firme more sure to continue Now among al the politicke regiments of the gentlle I thinke none more is to be found in histories wherin is to be seene so great and exceeding oddes then in the pollicye of Priestes Of whom some be so high that they exceed all Princes of the earth some agayne be so base that they are vnder all rascals so that such a pollicy or common wealth may well be called
statute of prouision and premunire made in the 25. yeare of thys kynges dayes And let hym read in the statutes made in the parliamentes holden the 27 yeare and 38. yeare of hys raigne And vnder the same title of prouision and premunire shall finde the popes primacie and iurisdiction wythin this Realme more nearely touched and much of hys papall power restrayned In so much that who soeuer for any cause or controuersy in law either spirituall or temporal the same being determinable in any of the kyngs courts as all matters were whether they were personall or reall citations or other or should eyther appeale or consent to any appellation to be made out of the realme to the pope or see of Rome should incurve the sayd penaltie and daunger of premunire Diuers other matters wherein the Pope is restrained of his vsurped power authoritie iurisdiction within this realme of England are in the sayd titles and statutes expressed at large set forth who euer list to peruse the same which for breuities sake I omitte hastening to other matters About this tyme being the yeare of our Lorde 1370. lyued holy Brigit whom the Church of Rome hath canonised not onely for a saint but also for a Prophetesse who notwithstanding in her booke of reuelations which hath bene oft times imprinted was a great rebuker of the pope and of the filth of his clergie callyng him a murtherer of soules a spiller and a pyller of the flocke of Christ more abhominable then Iewes more crueller thē Iudas more vniust then Pilate worse then Lucifer hymselfe The see of the Pope she prophesieth shal be throwne down into the deepe lyke a mylstone And that his assister shall burne with brimstone Affirmyng that the prelates byshops priests are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is neglected and almost extincted And that the clergie haue turned the ten commaundementes of God into two wordes to wyt Da pecuniam that is Geue money It were long and tedious to declare all that she against them writeth Among the rest which I omytte let this suffice for all where as the sayde Briget affirmeth in her reuelations that when the holy Uirgine should say to her sonne howe Rome was a fruitfull and fertile field yea sayd hee but of weedes onely and cockle c. To thys Briget I will ioyne also Catherina Senensis an holy virgin which lyued much about the same tyme ann 1379. Of whome writeth Antoninus part historiae 3. Thys Katherine hauyng the spirite of prophesie was wōt much to complaine of the corrupt state of the church namely of the prelates of the court of Rome of the pope prophesying before of the great schisme which then folowed in the Church of Rome and dured to the Councell of Constance the space of xxxix yeares Also of the great warres ano tribulation which ensued vpon the same And moreouer declared before and foretold of this so excellēt reformation of religion in the Church now present The words of Antoninus be these After this Uirgine in her going to Rome had tolde her brother of the warres and tumultes that should rise in the coūtries about Rome after y◠schisme of the two Popes I then curious to know of thinges to come knowing that she vnderstood by reuelation what should happen demaunded of her I pray you good mother sayd I and what shall befall after these troubles in the Church of God And she sayd By these tribulations and afflictions after a secret maner vnknowne vnto man God shall purge his holy Church and stirre vp the spirit of his elect And after these thinges shall follow suche a reformation of the holy Churche of God and suche a renouation of holye Pastors that the onelye cogitation and remembraunce thereof maketh my spirit to reioyce in the Lord And as I haue oftentimes tolde you heretofore the spouse which now is all deformed and ragged shall be adorned and deckt with most rich and precious ouches and brouches And all the faythfull shall be glad and reioyce to see themselues so beautified with so holy shepheards Yea and also the Infidels then allured by the sweet sauour of Christ shall returne to the catholicke folde and be conuerted to the true Bishop and shepheard of their soules Geue thankes therefore to God for after this storme he will geue to his a great calme And after she had thus spoken she stayd and sayd no more Beside these aforenamed the Lord which neuer ceaseth to worke in his Church styrred vp agaynst the malignant church of Rome the spirites of diuers other good godly teachers as Matthias Parisiensis a Bohemian borne who about the yeare of our Lord 1370. wrote a large book of Antechrist and proueth him already come and noteth the Pope to be the same Which booke one Illiricus a writer in these our dayes hath promiseth to put it in print In this booke he doth greatly inuey against the wickednesse and filthines of the Clergy and agaynst the neglecting of theyr duety in gouerning the church The Locustes mentioned in the Apocalips he sayth be the hypocrites raigning in the church The workes of Antechrist he sayth be these the fables and inuentions of men raigning in the Church the Images fained reliques that are worshipped euery where Itē that men do worship euery one his proper Saint and Sauior beside Christ so that euery mā and City almost hath his diuers and peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed moreouer that godlines true worship of God are not boūd to place persons or times to be heard more in this place thē in an other at this time more thē at an other c. He argueth also agaynst the cloisterers which leauing the onely and true Sauior set vp to them selues theyr Franciscanes theyr Dominickes and suche other and haue them for theyr Sauiors glorying and triumphing in them and fayning many forged lyes vpon them He was greatly and much offended with Monks friers for neglecting or rather burying the word of Christ and in stead of him for celebrating setting vp theyr own rules and canons affirming it to be much hurtfull to true godlines for that Priestes Monkes and Nunnes do account themselues onely spirituall and all other to be lay secular attributing onely to themselues the opinion of holynes contemning other men with al theyr politick administration the office as prophane in cōparison of theyr owne He further writeth that Antechrist hath seduced all Uniuersities Colleges of learned men so that they teach no sincere doctrine neither geue any light to the Christiās with theyr teaching Finally he forewarneth that it will come to passe that God yet once againe will raise vp godly teachers who being feruent in the spirite and zeale of Helias shall disclose and refute the errors of Antechrist and Antechrist himselfe openly to the whole world This Mathias in the sayd booke of
particularly whether any frier were bounde to get his liuing wyth his manuall labour so that it might not be lawfull for them to liue by begging They would make no aunswere at all After that the foresaid Lord Archb. of Cant. demaunded of all the foresaid Doctors what their iudgement was touching the answeres that were made vpon all singuler such conclusions All which doctors and euery of them seuerally sayd the there all the answeres geuen vnto the first second third and sixt coÌ„clusions as is before recited were insufficient hereticall and subtill and that all the answeres made specially to the tenth ninth and last conclusions as is aboue mentioned were insufficieÌ„t erroneous and peruerse Whereupon the Lord sayd Archbishop of Caunterbury considering the sayd aunsweres to be hereticall subtill erroneous and peruerse accordingly as the said Doctors as is aforesayd had wayed and considered admonished the said Nicholas and Phillip sufficiently vnder these forme of wordes The name of Christ being called vpon we William by Gods permission Archbishop of Canterbury Metropopolitane of al England and Legate of the Apostolique see and through all our prouince of Caunterbury Inquisitor of all heretical prauitie do sufficiently and lawfully admonish and cite you Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repingdon professors of Diuinitie hauing this day and place assigned you by your own consent and our prefictioÌ„ peremptorily to answere and to say fully and playnely your opinions touching these conclusions wherunto we do referre you all subtill sophisticall and Logicall wordes set apart being therunto sworne cited commanded Which thyng to do without cause reasonable or any licence geuen thereunto you neither haue bene willing nor are willing nay rather ye contemptuously refused to aunswere to some of those conclusions before vs iudicially according to the effect of our monition citation and commaundement before sayd But for that ye haue aunswered vnto some of them heretically and to other some erroneously although not fully we admonish and cite you once twice and thrice and that peremtorily that plainely and fully all subtile sophisticall and logicall wordes set apart you and euery of you answer vnto the same conclusions and vnto that sense and meaning by vs limitted vnder the payne that otherwise such conclusions deserue by you confessed and that for the same conclusions you ought to haue Which admonition being made and done for that the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip woulde make none other answere The said Lord archbish of Caunterbury concluded that busines prefixing and assigning vnto the foresayd Nichalas and Phillip 8. dayes space that is to say vntill the 27. day of the same month And that then they shoulde appeare before the sayd Lord Archbishop of Canterbury whersoeuer within the same his prouince of Caunterbury hee shoulde fortune to be to heare his decree that shoulde be made in that behalfe This done the foresayd Archbish. of Caunterbury monished and cited lawfully and sufficiently Iohn Aishton vnder the the tenour of these wordes following In the name of God we William by Gods permissioÌ„ Archb. of Cant. Primate of all England Legate of the see Apostolicall and through all our prouince of Cant. of all heretical prauitie chiefe Inquisitour do monish cite thee Iohn Asheton maister of arte and student in diuinitie appearing before vs iudicially to say and speake the playne veritie touching these conclusions to the which we doe referre thee and to the which we haue caused thee to sweare laying thy hand vpon a booke as being also otherwise by vs admonished and commaunded to keepe this daye and place by vs appointed for the third time peremptorily to propone such reasonable cause if thou hast any wherefore thou oughtest not to be pronounced an hereticke And sufficiently and lawfully we monish and cite thee the first second and third time and that peremptorily that thou fully and playnely all subtill sophisticall and logicall wordes for apart doe aunswere vnto the same conclusions vnder the payne that vnto such conclusions belong on thy part confessed and that thou for suche conclusions oughtest to suffer whiche monition being thus premised The sayde Archbishop read the first conclusion and of the sayd Iohn inquired what was his opinion and meaning therein and hereupon he said his minde conceâ—ning the foresayd monition Then the foresaid Iohn Asheton being often required by the archbishop that he woulde aunswere in the â—aâ—me tongue to 〈◊〉 questions whiâ—h were demaunded of him because 〈◊〉 lay people that stood about him he crying out into the Englishe tongue vttered friuolous and approbrious 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 and excite the people against the saâ—â— Archbishop as it should seem Neyther did he vnto the fiâ—st conâ—lusion nor vnto any of these other conclusions effectually and pertinently seeme to them to aunswere but rather by the subtilties shiftes saying oftentimes and as expresly as Luke said it was sufficieÌ„t for him to beleue as the holy Church beleued Then the said Archbishop examined him vpon the first conclusion touching the Sacrament of the anâ—â—r whether that after the wordes of consecration there remayneth materiall bread particular bread or vniuersall bread He sayde the matter passed his vnderstanding and therefore said the woulde in that forme and maner aunswere and otherwise not But amongest other things he spake in deriding wise vnto the said Archb. against this worde Materiall saying you may put that in your purse if you haue any Whereupon the said Archbishop calling that an vnwise and foolishe aunswere as the rest of the doctors did of whome mention was made before rather for that he was a graduat in the schooles farther proceeded against the said Iohn Asheton in this wise And thou Iohn Asheton monished and commaunded by vs as is aforesayd after thine oth taken without anye reasonable cause or any other other licence neither wouldest thou nor yet will but refused and yet doest contemptuously to aunswere vnto such conclusions before vs iudicially according to our monition commandement aforesad doe hold all such conclusions by thee confessed thee the foresaid Iohn with all thy said conclusions conuicted And therfore we do pronounce and declare by sentence geuing that thou Iohn Ashton coÌ„cerning those coÌ„clusions which by vs with good deliberation of diuers prelates our suffraganes and also diuers and sondry professours of diuinitie and other wise men and learned in the lawe according to the Canonicall sanctions being condemned and declared for an hereticke and hereticall to haue bene and still is an hereticke and thy conclusions heretical And as touching thy other conclusions by vs hertofore counted erroneous and for erroneous condemned we doe pronounce and declare sententially by these our writinges that both thou hast erred and doest erre Upon the same 20. day of Iune in the yeare and place aboue recited the foresaid Lord of Caunterbury being desirous as he pretended to be informed by Thomas HilmaÌ„ bacheler of diuinitie there being present and somewhat fauouring the said M.
sayd Henry was voyde and of none effecte and commaundement geuen that the sayd Henry shoulde be restored and admitted agayne to his former lectures and scholasticall actes and to his pristine state as you knowe To the intent therefore that this decree aforesaid shoulde be more duely executed of your part we heare by these presentes straightly charge and commaund you That you speedily reuoking agayne all your processe against the sayd Henry in the vniuersitie aforesayd with all other that followed thereof doe admitte and cause to be restored agayne the sayd Henry to his scholasticall actes his accustomed lectures and pristine estate without all delay according to the forme of the decree and determination aforesayd Enioyning you moreouer and your commissaries or deputies and your successoures and all other maisters regent and not regent and other presidentes officers ministers and scholers of the vniuersitie aforesayd vpon your faith and legeance you owe vnto vs that you doe not impeache molest or greeue or cause to be greued any maner of way priuy or apertly the sayd Frier Henry for the causes premised or Frier Peter Stokes Carmelite for the occasion of his absence from the vniuersitie or Fryer Stephen PackingtoÌ„ Carmelite or any other religious or secular person fauouring them vpon the occasion of any eyther word or deed whatsoeuer concerning the doctrine of maister Iohn Wickliffe Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repindon or the reprose and condemnation of their herefies and erroures or the correction of their fauourers But that you doe procure the peace vnitie and quiet within the sayd vniuersitie and chiefly betweene the religious and secular persons and that you with all diligence nourishe encrease and preserue the same to the vttermost of your strength And that you in no case omitte to doe it accordingly vppon the forfaytures of all and singular the liberties and priuiledgies of the vniuersitie aforesayd Witnesse my selfe at Westminster the 14. day of Iuly Mention was made as you heard a little before how M. Rigges Vicechancellor of Oxford comming vp wyth M. Bryghtwell to the archb of Cant. was there straightly examined of the conclusions of Wickliffe Where he notwithstanding through the helpe of the B. of Wint. obtayned pardon and was sent away agayn with commaundementes and charges to seeke out all the fauorers of Iohn Wickliffe This commaundement being receaued Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington being priuily warned by the sayd Vicechauncellor in the meane season coÌ„ueied them out of sight and fled to the Duke of LaÌ„caster for succour help but the Duke whether for feare or what cause els I cannot say in the end forsooke his poore and miserable clientes In the meane time while they were fled thus to the Duke great search and inquisition was made for them to cite and to apprehend them where so euer they might be found Wherupon the archb of W. Courtney directed out his letters first to the Vicechauncellor of Oxford then to the Bishop of London named Rob. Braybrokeâ— charging them not onely to excommunicate the sayd Nicholas and Phillip within their iurisdiction and the sayd excommunication to be denounced likewise throughout all the dioces of his suffraganes but also moreouer that dilligent search and watch should be layd for them both in Oxâ—orde and in LondoÌ„ that they might be apprehended requiring moreouer by them to be certified agayne what they had done in the premisses And thys was written the 14. day of Iuly an 1382. Ex Regist. Vnto these letters receaued from the archbishop dilligent certificat was geuen accordingly as well of the Byshop of London his part as also of the Vicechauncelloâ— the tenour whereof was this * The letter certificatorie of the Vicechauncellor to the Archbishop TO the reuerend father in Christ Lord William Archbishop o Caunterbury Primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolique see Rob. Rigges professour of diuinitie and Vicechancellor of the vniuersitie of Oxforde greeting with due honour Your letters bearing the date of the 14. of Iuly I haue receaued By the authoritie wherof I haue denounced and caused to be denounced effectually the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip to haue bene and to be excommunicate publikely and solemnly in the Church of S. Mary and in the schooles and to be cited also personally if by any meanes they might be apprehended according as you commaunded But after dilligent search layd for them of my part to haue them personally cited and apprehended I coulde not finde neyther the sayd M. Nicholas not M. Phillip who haue hyd or conuayed themselues vnknowing to me as here is well knowne Whereof I thought here to geue signification to your Fatherhoode Sealed and testified with the seale of mine office From Oxford the 25. of Iuly In yâ— meane time Nicholas Herford and Repington being repulsed of the Duke and destitute as was sayde of his supportation whether they were sent or of theyr owne accorde went to the archbish it is vncertayne This I finde in a letter of the foresayd archbishop contayned in his register that Repington the the 23. day of October the same yeare 1382. was reconciled agayne to the Archbishop and also by his generall letter was released and admitted to his scholasticall actes in the vniuersitie And so was also Iohn Ashton of whom Christ willing more shall follow hereafter Of Nicholas Herford all this while I finde no speciall relation In the meane time about the 23. of the month of September the sayd yeare the king sent his mandate to the Archbishop for collecting of a subsidie and to haue a conuocation of the clergie sommoned against the next parliament which should begin the 18. day of Nouember The Archb. likewise on the 15. day of October directed his letters monitorie as the maner is to Robert Braybroke bishop of London to geue the same admonition to al his suffraganes and other of the Clergie within his prouince for the assembling of the conuocatioÌ„ aforesayd All which done and executed the parliameÌ„t begon being holden at Oxford the 18. day of Nouember where the conuocation was kept in the Monastery of Frideswide in Oxforde In the which conuocation the Archbishop with the other bishops there sitting in their Pontificalibus declared two causes of that their present assembly whereby sayth he to represse heresies which began newly in the realme to spring and for correcting other excesses in the Churche The other cause sayd he was to ayde and support the king with some necessary subsidie of mony to be gathered whiche thus declared the conuocation was continued till the day following which was the 19. of Nouember At the sayd day and place the Archbishop with the other Prelates assembling themselues as before The archbishop after the vsed solemnitie willed the procuratoures of the clergy appoynted for euery dioces to consult within themselues in some conuenient seuerall place what they thought for theyr partes touching the redresse of thinges to be notified and
declared as it hath bene in times past the which also is done by a maruelous dispensation that through one onely thing both Gods loue iustice should be fulfilled For a while the power of miracles being taken away the holy church appereth the more abiect and forsaken and the reward of good men doth cease which reuerēced the same for the hope of heauēly riches not for any present signes And that the minds of euill men agaynst the same might that sooner be knowne which neglect to folow the inuisible thinges which the church doth promise whiles they be led with visible signes Forsomuch then as the humility of the faithfull is as it were destitute of the multitude and appering of signes by the terrible working of Gods secret dispensation wherby mercy is geuē vnto the good and iust wrath heaped vpō the euill For so much then it is truely said that before this Liuiathan shall playnely and manifestly come pouerty shall go before his face for before that time the riches of miracles shal be taken away from the faythfull Then shall that auncient enemy shew himselfe agaynst them by open wonders That as he is extolled through signes wonders so shall he the more manly be vanquished of the faythfull without any signes or miracles Also in his 16. booke vpon this word which the blessed man Iob sayde who shall reprehend his way before him or who shall cast in his teeth what he hath done whilest he did speake of the body of all euill he sodenly connected his speach vnto the head of all the wicked for he did see that toward the end of the world Sathan should enter into man whom the scripture calleth Antechrist he shal be extolled with such pride he shall rule with such power he shal be exalted with such signes wonders vnder the pretence of holmes that his doing can not be cōtrolled of mē for somuch as his signes tokens are ioined with power terror with a certain shew of holynes Wherfore he saith who shall controll his wayes before him what man is he that dare once rebuke or check him whose looke or countenaunce is he afeard of But notwithstanding not onely Enoc Elias the which are brought as ample for his exprobation but also all the elect do argue reproue his way whiles that they do contemne and by the force and power of their minde resist his malice But for somuch as this thing is not done by their owne power or strength but by Gods helpe and grace therfore is it very well sayd who shall argue or reproue his waies before him who but onely God By whose help the elect are ayded and made able to resist And a little after vpon the same booke of Iob Gregory saith in so much as holy men do withstād his iniquity It is not they thēselues which do so rebuke his wayes but it is he thorowe whose helpe they are strengthened Also in his second booke he sayth now the holy Church doth not regarde but despise the signes and miracles of the heretikes if they do any for so much as the Church doth sufficiently vnderstand that it is no kind of holynes for why the prose of holines is not to make signes or wōders but to loue euery man as him selfe to thinke truely of the very true God to thinke better of thy neighbor then of thy selfe for trew vertue holynes cōsisteth in loue and not in shewing of miracles This the veretie declareth saying hereby shall all men know that ye are my disciples if ye loue one an other but he saith not that hereby mē shal know that ye are my disciples because ye worke miracles but contrary wise if ye loue one an other declaring plainly therby that it is not miracles but the mere charitie loue of God which maketh vs the seruants of God Wherefore the chiefe testimony of being Gods disciple is to haue the gift of brotherly loue This thorow out doth S. Gregory write and often times in other places he speaketh verye much of miracles howe that they shall cease amongst the iust and abound amongst the wicked Also Chrisostome in his lv Homily sayth thus it is a common an indifferent woorke betwene the ministers of God the ministers of the deuil to cast out deuils but to confesse the trueth and to worke righteousnes is the onely worke of the saints and holy men therefore whomsoeuer thou doest see casting out of deuils if he haue not the confessiō of the trueth in his mouth neyther righteousnes in his hands he is not a man of God but if thou doest see a man openly confessing declaring the truthe and doing iustice although he do not cast out no deuils yet he is the man of God And it followeth let vs know that like as at the cōming of Christ before him the Prophets and with him thapostles wrought miracles thorow the holy ghost for such as the thing is which is sturred such sent sauor wil proceede frō the same He writeth also vpon the beginning of Mathew The whole world did maruel wōder at three things that Christ rose againe after his deth that flesh ascendeth into heauē that he did conuert the whole world by his xi apostles There is iiii causes which wrought the same That is to say the contempt of riches or money The dispising of pomp and glory The seperation of thēselues from all worldly occupation and busines and the pacient suffering of tormentes Thus much writeth Chisostome also saint Isydore in his first booke and xxv cha De summo bono writeth thus like as in the apostles the maruelous effect power of works was much more cōmendable then the vertue of their signes euen so now in the Church is it much more better to liue wel thē to worke any signes or miracles And the cause why that the church of God doth not at this present worke miracles as it did in the time of the Apostles is this That it was necessary at that time that the worlde should beleue miracles and nowe at this present euery faithful beleuer ought to shine with good workes for to this end were signes miracles then outwardly wrought that their sayth thereby might be inwardly strengthned and stablished for what soeuer faithfull man he be that seketh to worke miracles he seeketh vaine glory to be praysed of mē for it is written miracles are signes and tokens vnto the infidels misbeleuers and not vnto the faythfull Thus muche wryteth Isidore Item Saint Augustine in his Booke of cōfession sayth thus there is no greater miracle amongst mē thē to loue our enemies By these wordes of these holy men a man may easely gather that both in our dayes and in the time to come the disciples of Antichrist both do shall more florish and shewe thēselues by strannge signes miracles thē the disciples of Christ according to
mekely without any offence suffer thys affliction of the Emperor why should not any of the clergy when they do offend mekely sustaine punishment at the kings or rulers hands vnder whom he is boūden to be subiect When as the true vicar of Christ sayth the 1. of Peter and 2. chap. Be ye subiect vnto euery creature for Gods cause whether it bee vnto the kyng as most excellent or vnto the rulers as men sent of God for the punishing of the wicked and to the praise of the good for so is the good will of God Wherupon Pope Leo leaning vnto thys rule submitted him self vnto Ludouicus the Emperour as it is wrytten the 2. quest 7. Vnder these words if we haue done any thing incompetently or that we haue not obserued the vpright path and way of equitie amongst subiects wee will amende the same either by your owne iudgement either els by the aduise or iudgement of those whych you shal appoynt for that purpose For if we which ought to correct and punish other mens fauts doe commit more greuous our selues we are not then the disciples of the trueth but as with sorow we speake it we shal be aboue al other the masters of error And in the 10. distinction hee wryteth thus as touching the obedience vnto the Emperour as concerning the precepts and commandements of our Emperors and our predecessors bishops the which the glose nameth Emperors which are annoynted after the manner of Bishops to be obserued kept vnbroken wee do professe our selues by all meanes possible as much as in vs lieth or that wee may and can by the helpe of God preserue and kepe them both nowe and euer And if peraduenture any man do informe or hereafter shall informe you otherwise know you him assuredly to be a lier and slaunderer Marke how this deuout and holy Pope calling the Emperors bishops submitted himself according to the rule of S. Peter the apostle vnder the obedience and also punishment of the Emperor Wherfore then should not the clergy of the kingdome of Boheme submit themselues vnder the obedience of their king for Gods cause for to be punished if they do offende and not onely submit themselues vnto the king but also vnto the rulers and not onely vnto the rulers but vnto euery other creature For by how much they do so humble and abase themselues in this world for Gods sake so much the more shal they be exalted with him but what is the let therof but only pride wherby Antichrist doeth exalt hym selfe aboue the most humble and meeke Lord Iesu Christ Also it semeth to appere by that which is aforesayd vpon the taking away of the temporallities out of the prophecie of Hildegardis the virgin the which he wryteth in his bokes vnder Eugenius the Pope in the councel of Treuerse approued allowed by many bishops of France Italy Almany which were there present whereas also S. Bernard himselfe was present the which virgin prophecying spake in this manner The kings other rulers of the world being stirred vp by the iust iudgement of God shall set themselues against them run vpon them saying we wil not haue these men to raigne ouer vs with their rich houses great possessions and other worldly riches ouer the which we are ordeined to be Lords and rulers and how is it mete or comely that those shauelings with their stoles and chisils shuld haue more soldiers or more or richer armour or artillery then we So is it not connenient that one of the clergy should be a man of warre neither a soldier to be one of the clergy Wherefore let vs take away from them that which they do not iustly but wrōgfully possesse And immediatly after shee sayeth thus The omnipotent father equally deuided all things that is to say the heauens he gaue vnto heauenly creatures and the earth vnto the earthly And by thys meanes was there a iust deuision made betweene the children of men that the spiritualty shuld haue such things as belongeth vnto them and the secular people such things as are mete necessary for them so that neither of these 2. sorts shuld oppres eche other by violēce for God doth not cōmand that the one sonne or child should haue both the cloke and the cote and the other should go naked but he willed that the one shuld haue the cloke and the other the cote Wherefore the seculer sort ought to haue the cloke for the greatnesse of their worldly cares and for their children which daily increase and multiply The cote hee geueth vnto the spiritualty that they shuld not lacke clothing that they should not posses more then necessity doth require Wherfore we iudge and thinke it good that al these aforesaid be deuided by reason equity And whereas the cloke and the cote are both found there the cloke be taken away geuen vnto the nedy that they do not perish for lacke or want These aforsaid spake the virgin Hildegardis plainly for shewing the taking away of the tēporalities from the clergy by the seculer Lords and shewing for what cause they shall be so taken away And what manner of deuision shal be made of those thinges that are taken away that they be not consumed and spent vnprofitably For so much as mention is heere made of Hildegardis it shall not seme impertinent moued by the occasiō hereof to geue forth vnto the reader such things as we haue found in certen olde volumes touching her prophecie of the comming of certaine false Prophets onely meaning as it seemeth the begging friers whych sprang vp shortly after her time The tenour wherof is this worde for word as we finde it wrytten In those daies there shall rise vp a people without vnderstanding proud couetous vntrusty and deceitfull the which shall eat the sinnes of the people holding a certaine order of folish deuotion vnder the fained cloke of beggery preferring themselues aboue all other by their fained deuotion arrogant vnderstanding and pretended holines walking without shamefastnes or the fear of God inuenting many new mischiefs being strong stout but this order shal be accursed of al wise men and faithful Christians they shal cease from labour and geue them selues ouer vnto idlenes Chusing rather to liue thorow flattery thē by begging More ouer they shall together study howe they may peruersly resist the teachers of the trueth And slay them together wyth the noble men how to seduce and deceiue the nobility for the necessitie of their liuing and pleasures of thys worlde for the Deuill will graft in them foure principall vices that is to say flatterie enuie hypocrisie and slaunder Flatterie that they may haue large giftes geuen them Enuie when they see giftes geuen vnto other and not vnto them Hypocrisie that by false dissimulation they maye please men Detraction that they may extoll and commend them selues and backbite others for the praise of menne and seducing of
shall adde hereto seuen folde woundes for your sinnes I shall send amongest you beastes of the field that shall deuour you and your beastes I shall bring you into a field and wayes shuln be desart And if that ye will not receiue lore but wenden agaynst me I will also wenden agaynste you and I shall smite you seuen sithes for your sinnes I shall leade in vpon you sword venger of my couenaunt and vpon the fleen into Cities I shall send pestilence in the middest of you So that tenne women shall bake their bread in one furnace and yeld theÌ„ agayne by wayght and ye shall eat not be fillet If that ye heare me not by these thinges but wenden agaynst me I shall wend in agaynst you in a contrary woodnesse and blame you with seuen plagues for your sinnes so that they shoulen eat the flesh of your sonnes and of your daughters And in so much my soule shall loth you that I shal bring your Cities into wildernesse and your Sanctuaryes I shall make desart ne I shal not ouer that receiue sweet oder of your mouth And I shall disperkle your land and enemies shulen maruell thereon when they shulen inhabite it I shall disperpel you among Heathen and draw my sword after you These vengeaunces and many moe God sayde should fall on them that breake his bidding and dispiseth his lawes and his domes Than sithe Christ become man and bought vs with his hart bloud and has shewed vs so great loue and geuen vs an easy law of the best that euer might be made and to bring vs to the ioy of heauen and we despise it and louen it nought what vengeaunce will be taken here on so long as he has suffered vs and somercifully abidden when he shall come that righteous iudge in the cloudes to deme this worlde Therefore turne we vs to him and leaue sinne that he hates and ouer all thinges mayntayne his lawe that he confirmed with his death For other lawes that men had made shoulde be demed at that day by the iust law of Christ and the maker that them made and then we wonne that long life and that ioy that Paule speaketh of that eye ne see not ne eare heard not ne into mans hart ascended not the blisse and ioy that God hath ordeyned to them that louen him and his lawes Deare worshipfull sirs in this world I beseech you for Christes loue as ye that I trow louen Gods law trouth that in these dayes is greatly borne abacke that they wollen vouchsafe these thinges that I send you written to Gods worship to let them be shewed in the Parliament as your wittes can best conceiue to most worship to our God and to shewing of the trouth and ameÌ„ding of holy Church My conclusions and mine appeale other true matters of Gods law gif any man can finde therein errour falsenesse or default prouet by the law of Christ clearely to christen mens knowledge I shall reuoke my wrong conceit and by Gods law be amendet euer redy to hold with Gods law opeÌ„ly priuely with Gods grace and nothing to holde teach or maynetayne that is contrary to his law Of the proces answeres condemnation of this worthy priest and true seruaunt of Christ WilliaÌ„ Swinderby you haue heard what afterward became vpoÌ„ him I haue not certainly to say or affirme whether he in prisoÌ„ died or whether he escaped theyr handes or whether he was burned there is no certayne relation made This remayneth out of doubt that during the time of K. Richard 2. no great harme was done vnto him Which was to the yeare 1401. at what time K. Richard being wrongfully deposed HeÌ„ry the 4. inuaded the kingdome of England About the beginning of whose reigne we read of a certayn Parliament holden at LondoÌ„ mentioned also of Thomas Walden as is aboue specified in which parliameÌ„t it was decreed that whosoeuer shewed themselues to be fauorers of Wickliffe they should be apprehended who at that time were called Lollards and if so be they did obstinately perseuere in that doctrine they should be deliuered ouer vnto the bishop of the dioces from him should be coÌ„mitted to the correctioÌ„ of the secular magistrate This law sayth the story brought a certaine priest vnto punishmeÌ„t the same yeare who was burned in Smithfielde in the presence of a great number This we haue drawne out of a piece of an old story it is most certaine that there such a Priest was burned for the affirmation of the true faith but it doth not appeare by the story what the Priestes name was Notwithstanding by diuers coniectures it appeareth vnto me that his name was Swinderby that was forced to recant before by the Bishop of Lincolâ—2 Whereby what is to be conicetured by the premisses let other men iudge what they think I haue nothing here of expressely to affirme This is plain for al men to iudge which haue here sene and read his story that if he were burned then the bishops Friers priestes which were the causes thereof haue a great thing to answere to the Lord when he shall come to iudge the quicke and the dead seculum perignem ¶ The story and processe agaynst Walter Brute AFter the story of William Swinderby I thought good and conuenient next to adioyne the actes and doinges of Gualter Brute his ioynte fellow and companion being a lay man and learned brought vpp as it seemeth in the Uniuersitie of Oxforde being there also graduate The tractation of whose discourse as it is something long so therein may appeare diuers thinges worthye to be read and considered First yâ— mighty operation of gods spirit in him his ripe knowledge modest simplicitie his valiant constancie hys learned reactations and manifolde conflictes susteyned aagaynst Gods enemies On the contrary part in hys aduersaryes may appeare might against right mans authoritie agaynst plaine veritie against which they hauing nothing directly to aunswere proceede in condemnation agaynst whom they are able to bring forth no confiâ—ation The chiefest occasion that seemed to stirre vp the heart and zeale of this Walter agaynst the pope was the inâ—pudent pardons and indulgenses of Pope 〈◊〉 graunted to Henry Spenser Bishop of Norwich 〈◊〉 against pope Clement mentioned before pag. 428. Secondly the â—oroÌ„gfull condemnation of the articles and conclusions of William Swinderby the whole order wherof in the processe here following more playnly may appeare The processe had by Bohn Byshop of Hereford agaynst Walter Brute lay man and learned of the dioces of Hereford touching the cause of heresie as they called it set forward by the way of the Byshops office c. at the instruction of certain faithful Christians as he termed them but in deed cruell and false promoters IN the name of God Amen To all maner of faithful christian people that shall see and heare this our preseÌ„t proces Iohn by the sufferance of God bishop of
not Clemente named or that I may more truely speake ordeined of S. Peter to the Apostolike dignitie and to be bishop resigne his right that his dede might be taken of his successours for an example Also Pope Siricius gaue ouer his Popedome to be a comfort of the 11000. Virgins Therfore much more ought you if neede require geue ouer your Popedome that you might gather together the children of God which be scattered abroade For as it is thought a gloryous thing to defend the common right euen to bludshed so is it somtimes necessary for a man to wincke at his owne cause and to forsake it for a greater profite and by that meanes better to procure peace Shoulde not he be thought a deuill and Christes enemie of all men that woulde agree to an election made of him for the Apostolicall dignitie and Popedome if it should be to the destruction of Christians diuision of the church the offence and losse of al faithfull people If such mischiefs should be known to al the world by Goddes reuelation to come to passe by such receiuing of the Popedome and Apostolicall dignitie then by the like reason why shall he not be iudged of all men an Apostata and forsaker of hys faith which chuseth dignitie or rather worldly honour then the vnitie of the Churche Christ died that he might gather together the children of God which are scattered abroad but such an enemie of God and the Church wisheth his subiectes bodily to die in battaile and the more part of the worlde to pearish in soule rather then forsaking to be Pope to liue in a lower state although it were honourable If the feare of God the desire of the heauenly kingdoÌ„ the earnest loue of the vnitie of the church do moue your hart shew in dede that your workes may beare recorde to the truth Clement and Siricius most holy Popes not only are not reprooued but rather are reuerenced of all men because they gaue ouer their right for profitable causes for the same cause all the church of holy men shewe forth their praise Likewise your name should liue for euer and euer if ye would do the like for a necessary cause that is to say for the vnitie of Gods Churche Geue no heede to vnmeasurable cryings of them that say that the ryghte chusing of Popes is lost except ye defend your part manfully but be afraid least such stirrers vp of mischiefe looke for theyr owne commoditie or honour that is to say that vnder your wing they might be promoted to richesse and honour After this sort Achithophel was ioyned and Absolon in persecuting his owne father and false vsurping of hys kingdome Furthermore there shoulde be no ieopardie to that election because both parties sticke stifly to the old fashion of election and either of them couer the preheminence of the Romish Churche counsailing all Christians to obey them And although throughe their geuing ouer the fashion of chusing the Pope should be chaÌ„ged for a time it were to be borne rather then to suffer any longer this diuision in Gods church For that fashion in chusing is not so necessary required to the state of a Pope but the successour of the Apostle as necessary cause required might come in at the doore by an other fashion of chusing and that Canonicall inough And this we are taught manifestly by examples of the fathers for Peter the Apostle appoynted after him Clement and that not by false vsurping of power as we suppose And it was thought that that fashion of apoynting of Popes was lawfull vnto the time of Pope Hillary Which decreed that no Pope shuld apoynt hys successor Afterward the election of the Pope went by the cleargy and people of Rome and the Emperors counsaile agreeing therto as it appeareth in the election of the blessed Gregory But Martinus Pope with the consent of the holy Synode graunted Charles the power to chuse the Pope But of late Nycholas the 2 was the first whome Martine makes mention of in his councels to be chosen by the Cardinals But all the Bishops of Lumbardie for the most part wythstode this election and chose Cadulus to be Pope saying that the Pope ought not to be chosen but of the precincte of Italie Wherefore we thinke it not a safe way so earnestly to stick to the traditions of men in the fashion of chusing the Pope so oft to chaunge least we be thought to breake Goddes traditions concerning the vnitie of the church Yea rather it were better yet to ordaine a newe fashion of his election and meeter for hym as it hath beene afore But all things concerning the same election myght be kept safe if Gods honour were looked for afore youre owne and the peace of the Church were vprightly soughte for such a dishonouring shoulde be most honour vnto you and that geuing place shall be the getting of a greater dignitie the willing deposing of your honour shoulde obtaine you the entrie of euerlasting honour and shoulde procure the loue of the whole worlde toward you and you shoulde deserue to be exalted continually as Dauid was in humbling himselfe O howe monstrous a sight and how foule a monster is a mannes body disfigured wyth two heades So if it were possible the spouse of Christ shoulde be made so monstrous if shee were ruled wyth two such heades but that is not possible she is euer altogether faire in whome no spot is found therfore we must cast away that rotten member thruster in of hys second head We cannot suffer any longer so great a wickednesse in Gods house that we shoulde suffer Gods cote that wantes a feame by any meanes to be torne by the handes of two that violently draw it in sonder For if these two should be suffred to raigne together they woulde so betwixte them teare in pieces that litle coate of the Lord that scarse one piece woulde hange to another They passe the wickednesse of the souldiours that cursed Christ. For they willing to haue the coate remaine whole said Let vs not cut it but let vs cast lots for it whose it shal be But these 2. Popes suffring their right and title to be tried by no lot nor way although not in wordes yet in deedes they pronounce this sentence It shall neither be thine nor mine but let it be deuided for they chose rather as it apeareth to be Lords though it be but in a litle part and that to the coÌ„fusion of vnitie of the Church then in leuing that lording to seke for the peace of the church We do not affirme this but we shew almost the whole iudgemeÌ„t of the world of them being moued so thinke by likely coniectures We looked for amendement of thys intollerable câ—â—fusion by the space that these two inuentours of this mischiâ—â—liued But wee looked for peace and beholde trouble for neither in their lyues nor in their deaths they
touched In whome as some good vertues may be noted so also some vices may seeme to be mixed withall But especially this that he starting out of the steps of hys progenitors ceased to take part with them whiche tooke part with the gospell Wherupon it so fell not by the blind wheele of fortune but by the secret hand of him which directeth all estates that as he first began to forsake that mayntayning of the Gospell of God so the Lord began to forsake him And where the protection of God beginneth to fayle there can lack no causes to be charged withall whom God once giueth ouer to mans punishmeÌ„t So that to me considering the whole life and trade of this prince among all other causes alledged in storyes agaynst him none seemeth so much to be wayed of vs or more hurtfull to hym then this forsaking of the Lord and his word Although to such as list more to be certified in other causes concurring withall many and sondry defectes in that king may appeare in storyes to the number of 33. articles alledged or forced rather agaynst him In whiche as I cannot deny but that he was worthy of much blame so to be displaced therefore from his regall seate and rightfull state of the crowne it may be thought perhaps the causes not to be so rare so material in a prince which either could or els would haue serued had not he geuen ouer before to serue the Lord and hys word chusing rather to serue the humour of the Pope and bloudy Prelates theÌ„ to further the Lords proceedings in preaching of hys word And theÌ„ as I sayd how can enemies lack wher God standeth not to friend or what cause can be so little whiche is not able inough to cast downe where the Lords arme is shortned to sustayne Wherefore it is a poynt of principall wisedome in a Prince not to forget that as he standeth alwayes in neede of God hys helping hand so alwayes he haue the discipline and feare of him before hys eyes according to the counsayle of the godly King Dauid Psal. 2. And thus much touching the time and race of this K. Richard with the tragical story of his deposing The order and maner whereof purposely I pretermit onely contented briefly to lay together a fewe speciall thinges done before his fall suche as may be sufficient in a briefe somme both to satisfie the Reader inquisitiue of suche storyes and also to forwarne other Princes to beware the lyke daungers In suche as wryte the life and Actes of this Prince thus I read of him reported that he was much inclined to the fauouring and aduancing of certayne persons about him ruled all by theyr counsell whiche were theÌ„ greatly abhorred and hated in the realme The names of whome were Rob. Ueer Erle of Oxford whoÌ„ the king had made Duke of Ireland Alexander Neuile Archbishop of York Michiel Delapoole Earle of Suffolke Robert Trisiliam Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brembre with other These men being hated and disdayned of diuers of the nobles and of the commons the king also by fauouring them was lesse fauoured hymselfe In so much that the Duke of Gloucester named Thomas Woodstock the kings Uncle with the Erle of Warwicke and Earle of Darby stoode vp in armes against those counsaylors and abusers as they named them of the king In so much that the king for feare was constrayned agaynst hys minde to remoue out of his court Alexander Neuile Archb. of Yorke Iohn Foorde Byshop of Duresme Fryer Thomas Rushoke Bishop of Chichester the kinges confessor with the Lord Haringworth Lord Burnell and Bemond Lord Ueer and diuers other And furthermore in the Parliament the same yeare following Robert Trisilian the Iustice was hanged and drawne Also Nicholas Brembre Knight Iames Salisbury also and Iames Barnese both Knights Ioh. Bewchampe the kinges Steward and Iohn Blake Esquire in like maner All these by the counsayle of the Lordes beyng cast in the parliament agaynst the kyngs mind did suffer which was in the 11 of his raign he being yet vnder gouernours but consequently after the same the king clayming his own liberty being come to the age of 20. began to take more vpon him And this was one thinge that stirred vp the kinges stomacke agaynst the Nobles Ex Chron. Alban 2. An other thing that styred hym vp as much against the Londiners was this for that he would haue borowed of them a M. pound and they denied him to their double triple disauantage as after ensued vpon it Ibidem An other occasion besides this betwene the king and the Londoners happened thus by reason of one of the Byshop of Salisburies seruauntes named Roman and a Bakers man who then carying a basket of horsebread in Fletstreet the foresayd Roman tooke a horselose out of the basket The Baker asking why he did so the Byshops lusty yeomcu turned backe agayne and brake his head whereupon the neighbors came out and would haue arested this Roman but he escaped away vnto the Byshops house Then the Constable would haue had him out but the Bishops men shut fast the gates that they shoulde not approche Thus much people gathered together threatning to brust open the gates and fire the house vnlesse they had the foresayd party to them brought out Wherby much adoe there was till at length the Mayor and Sheriffes came and quieted the rage of the commons sent euery man home to his house charging theÌ„ to keepe peace Here as yet was no great harme done but if the bishoppe for his part had beene quyet and had not styrred the coles of debate which were well slaked already all had bene ended without further perturbation But thâ— stomacke of the Byshop not yet digested although hys mâ—n had done the wrong hauing no great cause so to do whose name was Iohn Waltam being then Treasourer of England went to Thomas Arundell archbish the same time of Yorke and Lord Chauncellour of England to complayne of the Londoners Where is to be noted or rather reueled by the way a priuy mistery which although be not in this story touched of the writers yet it touched the hartes of the bishops not a little For the Londoners at that time were notoriously knowne to be fauourers of wickliffes side as partly before this is to be seene and in the story of S. Albones more playnly doth appeare where the author of the sayd history writing vpon the 15. yeare of King Richardes raygne reporteth in these wordes of the Londoners that they were Male creduli in deum traditiones auitas Lollardorum sustentatores religiosoruÌ„ detractores de cimaruÌ„ deteÌ„tores coÌ„munis vulgi depauperatores c. that is not right beleuers in God nor in the traditions of their forefathers susteyters of the Lollardes deprauers of religious men withholders of tythes and impouerishers of the common people c. Thus the Londoners being noted and
temporall and nobilitie of the Realme and cheifly those that studied for the preseruatioÌ„ of the commonweale not â—casing as yet to coÌ„tinue his mischeuous enterprise if by Gods prouideÌ„ce it be not preuented that with speed Amongst all other of the Nobilitie these first he put to death the Earle of Salisbury the Earle of Huntington the Earle of Gloucester the Lord Roger Clarendon the kyngs brother with diuers other knights and Esquiers and afterwards the Lord Thomas Percy Earle of Worcester and the Lord Henry Percy sonne and heyre to the Earle of Northunberland the which Lord Henry he not onely slew but to the vttermost of his power againe and againe he caused hym to be slayne For after that he was once put to death and deliuered to the Lord of Furniuale to be buryed who committed his body to holy sepulture with as much honour as might be commending his soule to almighty God with the suffrages of the blessed masse other praiers the said Lord Henry most like a cruel beast still thirsting hys bloud caused his body to be exhumate brought forth againe and to be reposed betwene two milstones in the towne of Shreusbury there to be 〈◊〉 wyth armed men And afterwards to be beheaded anâ— quartered commanding his head and quarters to be caried vnto diuers cities of the kingdome Wherefore for so detestable a fact neuer heard of in any age before we pronounce him as in the former articles excommunicate 8. Eightly we depose c. agaynst the said Lord Henry for that after his atteining to the crowne he willingly ratified allowed and approued a most wicked statute set forth renued in yâ— parliament holden at Winchester The which statute is directly against yâ— Church of Rome the power principalitie therof giuen by our Lord Iesus Christ and vnto blessed S. Peter his successors Bishops of Rome vnto whom belongeth by full authoritie the free disposing of all spirituall promotions as wel superior as inferiour which wicked statute is the cause of many mischiefes vid. of simonie periurie adultery incest misorder disobedience for that many Bishops Abbots priors and prelats we will not say by vertue but rather by errour of this statute haue bestowed yâ— benefices vacant vpoÌ„ yong men rude and vnworthy persons which haue compacted with them for the same so that scarce no one prelate is found that hath not couenanted with the partie promoted for the halfe yearely or at the least the third part of the said benefice so bestowed And by this meanes the said statute is the destruction of the right of S. Peter the Church of Rome and England the Cleargie and vniuersities the mainteuance of wars and the whole common wealth c. 9. Ninthly we say and depose c. against the said Lord Henry that after he had tyrannously taken vpon him the gouernement of the Realme England neuer florished since nor prospered by reason of his continuall exactions of money and oppressions yearely of the cleargie and coÌ„minaltie neither is it knowen how this money so extorted is bestowed when as neither his souldiours nor his gentlemen are payed as yet their wages and fees for their charges and wonderfull toile and labour neither yet the poore countrey people are satisfied for the victuall taken of them And neuertheles the miserable clergie and more miserable comminaltie are forced still to pay by menaces and sharp threatnings Notwithstanding he sware when he first vsurped the crowne that hereafter there should be no such exactions nor vexations neither of the clergie nor lâ—â—tie Wherfore as afore we pronounce him periured c. 10. In the tenth and last article we depose say and openly protest by these presents for our selues all our assistents in the cause of the Church of Rome and England and in the cause of king Richard his heires the clergie and comminaltie of the whole Realme that neither our entention is was nor shall be in word nor deed to offend any state either of the prelats spirituall Lords temporall nor commons of the realme but rather foreseeing the perdition and destruction of this Realme to approch we haue here brought before you certeine articles concerning the destruction of the same to be circumspectlie considered of the whole assembly as well of the Lords spirituall as temporall and the faithfull commons of England beseeching you all in that bowels of Iesus Christ the righteous iudge and for the merits of our blessed Lady the mother of God and of S. George our defender vnder whose displayed banner we wish to liue and die and vnder paine of damnation that ye will be fauourable to vs and our causes which are three in number Wherof the first is that we exalt vnto the kingdome the true lawfull heire and him to crowne in kinglie throne with the diademe of England And secondly that we renoke the weshmen the Irishmen and all other our enimies vnto perpetuall peace and amitie Thirdly and finally that we deliuer and make free our natiue countrey from al exactions extortioÌ„s vniust paiments Beseeching our Lord Iesus Christ to graunt his blessing the remission of their sinnes life euerlasting to all that assist vs to their power in this godly and meritorious worke and vnto all those that are against vs we threaten the curse of almighty God by the authority committed vnto vs by Christ and his holy Church and by these presents we pronounce them excommunicate These Articles being seene and read much concourse of people daily resorted more and more to that archbishop The Earle of Westmerland being then not far off with Iohn the kings sonne hearing of this mustered his souldiours with all the power he was able to make bent toward the Archbishop but seeing his part too weake to encounter with him vseth practise of policie where strength would not serue And first comming to him vnder colour of frendship dissembled laboureth to seeke out the causes of that great stirre To whome the Archbyshop againe answering no hurt to be entended thereby but profit rather to the kyng and common wealth and maintenance of publicke peace but for so much as he stood in great scare and danger of the king he was therefore compelled so to doo And withall shewed vnto him the contents of the Articles aforesaid which when the Earle had read setting a faire face vpon it seemed highly to commend the purpose and doyngs of the Bishop promising moreouer that he would helpe also forward in that quarell to the vttermost of his power And required vpon the same a day to be set when they with equall number of men might meere together in some place appointed to haue farther talke of the matter The Archbishop easilie perswaded was content although much against the counsaile of the Earle Marshall and came Where the Articles being openly published and read the Earle of Westmerland with his companie pretended well to like vpon the same and to ioyne their
to grace that they might vnderstaÌ„d truely the truth and haue and vse vertue and prudeÌ„ce and so deserue to be lightned from aboue with heauenly wisedom so that all their words their workes may be hereby made pleasant sacrifice vnto the Lord God and not onely for helpe of their own soules but also for edification of holy Church For I doubt not but all they that will apply them to haue this foresayd busines shall profite ful me kill both to freds foes For some enemies of the truth through the grace of God shall through charitable folkes be made astonied in their conscience and peraduenture conuerted from vices to vertues and also they that labour to know and to keep faythfully the biddinges of God and to suffer paciently all aduersities shall hereby comfort many frendes And the fourth thing that moueth me to write this seÌ„teÌ„ce is this I knowe by my sodein vnwarned apposing and aunswering that all they that will of good hart wtout faining able themselues wilfully gladly after theyr cunning and their power to follow christ paciently traueling busily priuily and apertly in worke and in word to withdraw whom soeuer that they may from vices planting in them if the may vertues comforting them furtheryng them that stand in grace so that therwith they be not born vp in vaine glory through presumption of theyr wisdome nor inflamed with any worldly prosperitie but euer meek and pacient purposing to abide stedfastly in that wil of God suffering wilfully and gladly without any grutching what soeuer rod the Lord wil chastise them with that then thys good Lord will not forget to comfort al such men and women in all their tribulations at euery poynt of temptation that any enemy purposed for to doe agaynst them To such faithfull louers specially pacient followers of christ the Lord sendeth by his wisedome froÌ„ aboue them which the aduersaries of the truth may not know nor vnderstand But through their old and new vnshamefast sinnes those tyrantes and enemies of southfastnes shal be so blinded obstinate in eâ—ill that they shall weene themselues to doe pleasant sacrifices vnto the Lorde God in their malicious and wrongfull pursuing and destroying of innocent mens and womens bodyes which men women for theyr vertuous liuing and for their true knowledging of the trueth and theyr pacient wilfull and glad suffering of persecution for righteousnes deserue through the grace of God to be heyres of the endlesse blesse of heauen And for the feruent desire and the great loue that these men haue as to stand in southfastnes and witnes of it though they be sodeinly vnwarnedly brought foorth to be aposed of their aduersaries the holy Ghost yet that moueth and ruleth them thorough his charitie will in that houre of theyr aunswering speake in them and shewe hys wisedome that all theyr enemies shall not agayn say nor agaynst stand lawfully And therfore al they that are stedfast in yâ— fayth of God yea which through diligent keeping of his commaundementes for theyr pacient suffering of whatsoeuer aduersitie that commeth to them hope surely in his mercy purposing to stand coÌ„tinually in perfect charitie For those meÌ„ and womeÌ„ dred not so the aduersities of this life that they wil feare after their cunning and their power to knoweledge prudently the truth of gods word when where and to whom they thinke their knowledging may profite Yea and though therfore persecution come to them in one wise or an other certes they paciently take it knowing theyr conuersation to be in heauen It is an high rewarde and a speciall grace of God for to haue and enioy the euerlasting inheritance of heauen for the suffering of one persecution in so short time as is the terme of this life For loe this heuenly heritage endles reward is the Lord God hymselfe which is the best thing that may be This seÌ„tence witnesseth the Lord God himselfe where as he sayd to AbrahaÌ„ I am thy meede And as the Lord sayd he was and is the meede of Abraham so he is of all his other saynts This most blessed and best meede he graunt to vs all for his holy name that made vs of naught and sent his onely most deare worthy sonne our Lorde Iesu Christ for to redeeme vs with his most precious hart bloud Amen The examination of William Thorpe penned with hys owne hand KNowne be it to al men that read or heare this writing that on the sonday next after the feast of S. Peter that we call Lammesse in the yeare of our Lord. 1407. I william Thorpe being in prison in the Castle of Saltwoode was brought before Tho. Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Chauncellor then of Englande And when that I came to him he stode in a great chamber and much people about him and when that he saw me he went fast into a closit bidding all seculer men that followed hym to go foorth from him soone so that no man was left than in that closet but the Archbishop himselfe and a Phisitian that was called Malueren person of S. Dunstanes in London other two persons vnknowne to me which were ministers of yâ— law And I standing before them by and by the Archbish. sayd to me William I know well that thou hast this xx winters more trauelled about busily in the north couÌ„try and in other diuers countryes of England sowing about false doctrine hauing great businesse if thou might with thine vntrue teaching and shrewd will for to infect poysoÌ„ all this land But through the grace of God thou art now withstanded brought into my ward so that I shall now sequester thee from thine euill purpose and let thee to enuenime the sheep of my prouince Neuertheles S. Paul sayth If it may be as much as in vs is we ought to haue peace with all men Therfore William if yâ— wilt now meckly and of good hart without any feyning kneele downe and lay thy hand vpoÌ„ a booke and kisse it promising faythfully as I shall here charge thee that thou wilt submit thee to my correction staÌ„d to myne ordinaunce fulfill it duely by all thy cuÌ„ning and power thou shalt yet find me gracious vnto thee Then sayd I to the archbishop Syr since ye deme me an hereticke out of beleue will ye geue me here audience to tell my beleue And he sayd yea tell on And I sayde I beleue that there is not but one God almighty and in this Godhead and of this Godhead are three persons that is the father the sonne and the sothfast holye Ghost And I beleue that all these three persons are euen in power and in cunning and in might full of grace and of all goodnes For what soeuer that the father doth or can or will that thing also the sonne doth and can and will and in all theyr power cunning and will the holy Ghost is equall to the
Church that he should personally appeare before vs the 11. day of September last past to aunswere vnto the premisses and certayne other thinges concerning heresye The which day being come we sitting in the tribunall seat in our greater chappell within the Castle of Leedes of our dioces the which we then inhabited and where as we then kept residence with our court and hauing taken an othe whiche is requisite in the premisses and the information by vs heard and receiued as the common report goeth In the partes whereas the sayd sir Iohn dwelleth fortifying himselfe in his sayd castle defending his opinions manifoldly contemning the keâ—es of the churche and the Arbishops power We therefore caused the sayde Syr Iohn cited as is aforesayd to be openly with a loude voyce called by the cryer and so being called long looked for and by no meanes appearing we iudged him as he was no lesse worthy obstinate and for punishment of his sayd obstinacye we did then and there excommunicate him And for so much as by the order of the premisses and other euident tokens of hys doinges we vnderstand that the sayde sir Iohn for the defence of his errour doth fortify himselfe as is aforesayd against the keyes of the Church by pretence whereof a vehement suspition of heresy and schisme riseth agaynst him We haue decreed if he may be apprehended agayne personallye to cite him or els as before by an edict that he should appeare before vs the Saterday next after the feast of Saint Mathew the Apostle and Euangelist next comming to shew some reasonable cause if he can why we shoulde not proceede agaynst him to more greuous punishment as an open hereticke schismaticke and open enemy of the vniuersall church And personally to declare why he should not be pronounced such a one or that the ayde of the secular power shoulde not be solemnely required agaynst him And further to aunswere do and receiue as touching the premisses whatsoeuer iustice shal require The which time being come that is to say the Saterday next after the feast of S. Mathew being the 24. day of September sir Rob. Morley knight Lieftenant of the tower of London appeared personally before vs sitting in the chapter house of the Churche of S. Paule at London with our reuerent fellowe brethren and Lordes Richard by the grace of God Bishop of London and Henry Byshop of Winchester and brought with him sir Iohn Oldecastle Knight and set him before vs for a little before he was taken by the kinges seruauntes and cast into the tower vnto which sir Iohn Oldcastle so personally present we rehearsed all the order of the proces as it is contayned in the actes of the of the daye before passed with good and modest wordes and gentle meanes That is to say howe he the said sir Iohn was detected and accused in the conuocation of the prelates and clergy of our sayd prouince as is aforesayd vpon the articles before rehearsed and how he was cited for hys contumacy excommunicate And when we were come to that poynt we offered our selues ready to absolue him Notwithstanding the sayd sir Iohn not regarding our offer sayd that he would willingly rehearse before vs and my sayde fellowe brethren the fayth which he held affirmed So he hauing his desire obteining licence tooke out of his bosome a certayne Scedule indented and there openly reade the contentes of the same and deliuered the same Scedule vnto vs and the Schedule of the articles wherupon he was examined which was as in forme folowing * The catholicke fayth and confession of the Lord Cobham I Iohn Oldcastle knight Lord of Cobham desire to made manifest vnto all Christians God to be taken to witnesse that I neuer thought otherwise or would thinke otherwise by Gods helpe then with a stedfast vndoubted fayth to imbrace all those his Sacramentes whiche be hath instituted for the vse of his Church Furthermore that I may the more playnly declare my mynde in these iiii pointes of my fayth First of all I beleue the SacrameÌ„t of the aulter to be the body of Christ vn der the forme of bread the very same body which was borne of his mother Mary crucified for vs dead and buried rose againe the third day sitteth on the right haÌ„d of his immortall father now being a triumphant partaker with him of his eternall glory Then as touchyng the Sacrament of penaunce this is my belief that I doe thinke the correction of a sinnefull lyfe to be most necessary for all such as desire to be saued and that they ought to take vpoÌ„ them such repentaunce of their former lyfe by true confession vnfayned contrition and lawfull satisfaction as the worde of God doth prescribe vnto vs. Otherwise there will be no hope of saluation Thirdly as touchyng images this is my opinioÌ„ that I do iudge them no poynt of fayth but brought into the worlde after the fayth of Christ by the sufferaunce of the Church so growen in vse that they might serue for a kalender for the lay people and ignorauÌ„t By the beholdyng wherof they might the better call to remeÌ„braunce the godly examples martyrdome of Christ and other holy men but if any man do otherwise abuse this representatioÌ„ and geue the reuerence vnto those Images which is due vnto the holy men whom they represent or rather vnto him whom the holy â—en themselues owe all theyr honour setting all theyr trust and hope in them which ought to be referred vnto God or if they be so affected toward the domb Images that they do in any behalfe addict vnto them eyther be more addicted vnto one Saint then another in my minde they doe little differ from Idolatrye grieuouslye offending agaynst God the author of all honor Last of all I am thus perswaded that there be no inhabitants here in earth but that we shall passe straight either to life or punishment for whosoeuer doth so order his lyfe that he stumble at the commaundementes of God whiche either he knoweth not or he will not be taught them it is but in vayne for him to look for saluation although he ran ouer all the corners of the world Contrarywise he which obserueth his commaundements cannot perish although in all his life time he walked no pilgrimage neither to Rome Caunterbury nor Compostella or to any other place whither as the common people are accustomed to walke This Scedule with the articles therin conteined being read as is aforesaid by the sayd sir Iohn we with our felow brethren aforesaid many other doctors learned meÌ„ had conference vpon the same And at the last by the counsell and consent of them we spake these wordes folowing vnto the sayd sir Iohn there present Behold sir Ioh. there are many good and catholicke things conteined in this scedule But you haue this time to answere vnto other matters which sauor of errors heresies
Emperour nor king nor any mortall man but against the Lord hymselfe euen against your God of your owne making being therein as you say no substance of bread but the very personall body flesh bloud and bone of Christ himself which body notwythstanding the foresayd Pope Gregory the 7. tooke and cast with his owne hands into the burning fire because he would not aunswere him to a certaine doubt or demaund Benn Card. pag. 172. Southly if sir Iohn Oldcastle had taken the body of king Henrye the 5. and throwne him into the fire the facte being so notoriously certaine as thys is I would neuer haue bestowed any worde in hys defence And could thys and so many other hainous treasons passe throughe your fingers M. Cope and no other to sticke in your pen but the Lord Cobham Finally and simply to conclude wyth you M. Cope and not to flatter you what is the whole working the procedings actions practises of your religion or hath bene almost these 500. yeares but a certaine perpetuall kinde of treason to thrust downe your princes and magistrates to derogate from their right and iurisdiction and to aduance your owne maiesties and dominations as hath bene sufficiently aboue proued and laid before your faces in a parliament holden in Fraunce by the Lord Peter de Cugnerijs vide pag. 383. Wherefore if the assemble of these forenamed persons either within or wythout S. Giles field be such a great mote of treason in your eies first loke vpō the great blocks and milstones of your owne traytors at home and whē you haue well discussed the same then after poure out your wallet of your trifeling Dialogues or Trialogues if ye lift against vs and spare vs not Not that I so thincke thys to be a sufficient excuse to purge the treason of these men if your popish Calenders and legeands be found ful of traytours Multitudo enim peccatorum non parit errori patrocinium But thys I thincke that the same cause whyche made them to suffer as traitors hath made you also to rail against them for traitors that is mere hatred only against their Relygion rather then any true affection you haue to your princes and gouernors Who if they had bene as feruent in your Popery and had suffred so much for the holy father of Rome or for the liberties of the holy mother church of Rome I doubt not but they as holy children of Rome had bene rong into your Romish Calendare with a festum duplex or at least with a festum simplex of 9. lessons also with a vigil peraduenture before them Nowe because they were on the contrary profession enemies to your Magna Diana Ephesiorum you playe wyth them as the Ephesian caruers dyd wyth Saint Paule and worse Ye thrust them out as seditious rebels not only out of life and body but also can not abide them to haue any poore harbour in theyr owne friendes houses among our Actes and Monuments to be remembred In the whyche Actes and Monuments and if gentle maister Ireneus with hys fellow Critobulus in your clerkely Dialogues will not suffer them to be numbred for martyrs yet speake a good word for them M. Cope they may stande for testes or witnesse bearers of the trueth And thus muche for defence of them Now to the other part of his accusation wherein this Alanus Copus Anglus in hys 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or sixfolde Dialogues contēdeth and chaseth against my former edition to proue me in my history to be a lier forger impudent a misreporter of trueth a deprauer of stories a seducer of the worlde and what els not Whose virulent words and contumelious termes howe wel they become his popish persone I knowe not Certes for my part I neuer deserued thys at his handes wittingly that I do know Maister Cope is a man whome yet I neuer sawe and lesse offended nor euer heard of him before And if hee had not in the fronte of hys booke intituled himself to be an English man by his wryting I would haue iudged hym rather some wilde Irishman lately crept out of S. Patrikes Purgatory so wildely he wryteth so fumishly he fareth But I cease here and temper my selfe considering not what M. Cope deserueth to be sayd vnto nor howe far the pen here could run if it had his scope but cōsidering what the tractatiō rather of suche a serious cause requireth And therfore seriously to say vnto you M. Cope in thys matter wher you charge my history of Acts and Monuments so cruelly to be full of vntruthes false lies impudent forgeries deprauations fraudulent corruptions and fayned tables briefly and in one woord to answere you not as the Lacones answered to the letters of their aduersary wyth si but with osi would God M. Cope that in al the whole booke of Actes and Monumentes from the beginning to the latter end of the same were neuer a true storie but that all were false all were lies all were fables Would God the cruelty of your Catholikes had suffred all them to liue of whose death ye say now that I doe lie Although I deny not but in that booke of actes and monumentes containing such diuersity of matter some thing might ouerscape me yet haue I bestowed my poore diligence My intent was to profit all men to hurt none If you maister Cope or any other can better my rude doings and finde things out more finely or truely with al my hart I shall reioyce with you and the commō wealth taking profit by you In perfectiō of wryting of wit cunning dexterity finenes or other induments required in a perfect writer I contend neither with you nor any other I graunt that in a laboured story such as you seeme to require conteyning suche infinite varietie of matter as thys doth much more time would be required but such time as I had that I did bestow if not so laboriously as other could yet as diligently as I might But here partly I heare what you will say I shoulde haue taken more leysure and done it better I graunt and confesse my fault such is my vice I can not sitte all the day M. Cope fining and minsing my letters and coming my head and smoothing my selfe all the day at the glasse of Cicero Yet notwythstanding doing what I can and doing my good will me thinkes I should not be reprehended at least not so much be railed on at maister Copes hand Who if he be so pregnant in finding faulte with other mens labours which is an easy thing to do it were to be wished that hee had enterprised himselfe vppon the matter and so should haue proued what faults might haue bene found in him Not that I herein doe vtterly excuse my selfe yea rather am ready to accuse my selfe but yet notwythstanding thynke my selfe vngently dealt with all at Maister Copes hande Who being mine owne countreyman an English man as he sayeth also of the same
vniuersitye yea colledge and schoole that I was of knowing that the first edition of these Acts and monuments was begon in the farre parts of Germany where few frendes no conference small information coulde be had And the same edition afterwarde translated out of Latin into English by others while I in the meane time was occupied about other Registers And now the sayde Cope hearing moreouer and knowing that I was about a new edition of the same Actes and Monuments at this present time to be set foorth for the ameÌ„ding of diuers things therein to be reformed if he had knowen any fault nedefull to be corrected he might gentlely by letters admonished me therof Gentlenes so would haue required it Time would well haue suffred it Neither was he so far off but might sooner haue wrytten a letter to me then a boke against me Neither was I so ingratefull and inhumane but wold haue thanked him for hys monition neither yet so obstinate but being admonished wold haue corrected willingly where any fault had bene committed But herein your nature M. Cope doth right wel appeare First in the sayde booke of Actes and Monuments where many other good things be conteyned not vnfrutefull nor vnprofitable peradueÌ„ture for the instruction of your coÌ„science and wherin my labors perhaps might haue deserued your thanks all that you dissemble and passe ouer only excerping those matters whych make for cauillation Thus the blacke spider out of pleasant flowres sucketh his poison And what booke is so pleasant or frutefull though it were the popes owne Portous yea hys own decretals yea hys owne very Masse booke to the reading whereof if I brought the like minde so disposed to cauil as you bring to the reading of my hystorie but I coulde finde out twise as many mendacia maculas impudentias dolos malos fabulas fucos as you haue done in these Actes and Monumentes And yet you haue done pretely well Besides al this yet better to marke the goodnes of your gentle nature Be it so I had bene in some piece of my story deceiued as I do not iustify my selfe in all poynts therin yet you vnderstanding that I was about the correction of my booke againe might eyther haue taken the best and left the worst or els gently take the paines to haue aduertised me of suche notes as you had wythout further exclamation or at least might haue deferred your dialogues for a time till the comming out of my booke to see first what would in the latter edition be altered But be like your gal was full your hast could not tary your venim must â—edes brust out Et si non alâ—qua nocuisses mortuus esses Seeing therfore the order of your doings to be such and disposition of your nature so farre from al humanity dealing with me so extremely if I thus prouoked wyth your extremity againe should now after thys your currish nature shape you a name accordingly and in steade of Cope godfather you to be a perpetual sycophaÌ„t could you much blame me and doth not your sycophanticall booke wel deserue it or thinke you I could not repay you againe wyth like extremitie as you bryng and dresse your drousie or rather â—ousie Dialogues in their right colours if I were so disposed But my purpose is wyth pacience to spare you and rather to pray for you God make you a good manne Peraduenture he may hereafter call you And rather had I to win you then to sting you Leauing therefore the consideratian of your ingrateful doings I will nowe consider onely the poyntes wherein you charge me in your booke answering briefly vnto the same Briefly I say because the greatnesse of thys volume and aboundance of other more frutefull matter geueth me little laisure at thys present to stand about brawling wordes First he seemeth highly to be greued with mee for my Calendare prefixed before the boke of monuments Wherin hee hath no cause eyther to be offended with me or to chafe with himself As touching which Calendare I haue sufficiently and expressely declared before so muche as myghte quickly satisfy this scruple of M. Cope if he eyther woulde haue taken the paines or els had had the laisure to reade the wordes contained in the Latine preface before the Booke prefixed whych are thus Quanquam a me quidem non aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est nisi vt pro Indice duntaxat suum cuiusque Martyris mensem annum designante ad priuatum lectoris seruiret vsum c. In whych woordes preuenting before the cauilling obiection of the aduersary I forewarned the Reader afore hand touching the Calendare wherfore it was ordained and prefixed for no other purpose but to serue the vse only of the reader in stead of a table shewing the yere and moneth of euery Martyr what time he suffered c. What hurt I pray you is in this Calendar prefixed before the booke of Monumentes more then in the Table of M. Copes booke set after his Dialogues But mayster Cope had no laisure to peruse thys place it made not for hys humour But this greeueth him in the Calendare and that very sore For that I place in this Calendar sir Iohn Oldcastle sir Roger Acton Browne Beuerley and other for Martyrs and displace for them other holy auncient Martyrs and Saints as Antholius Sother Dorothe Clarus Lucianus Seuerinus c. Answer If M. Cope can not abide the Lord Cobham sir Roger Acton Browne and Beuerley which were hanged as he sayeth for treason to haue the name of martyrs then let them beare the name of witnes bearers or testes of the truth because they were also burned for the testimony of their faith Seing there is no difference in the sayd names all is one to me by which they are called And where hee chargeth me for thrusting shouldring out the olde and auncient holy Saintes aforenamed out of this Calendare and placing other new come Sayntes in their rowmes this is not the first vntruth that M. Cope hath made in his dialogues nor yet the least vnto whome I might therefore fitly answere againe with his owne familiar phrase or rather the phrase of Cicero which he doth so muche affectate Quod nimirum hic ipse Alanus Copus Anglus vnde me mendacij coarguit inde sibi ipsi sempiternam ac ineluibilem turpissimi mendacij ac singularis impudentiae notam inurat For why haue not Ias iust cause to say this to him as he to me For somuch as in the first beginning and preface of the sayde booke of Actes and Monuments I so diligently and expressely do warne all men before first that I make here no Calendare purposely of any Saintes but a Table of good and godly men that suffered for the truth to shew the day and moneth of their suffering My words be extant and euident whych are these Neque vero ideo inter diuos a me
referuntur isti quòd inseruntur in Calendarium c. And declaring afterward how the sayde Calendare dothe stand but in stede of a table my words do folow thus Haud aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est nisi vt pro Indice duntaxat zuum cuiusque Martyris mensem annum designante Lectori ad vsum atque ad manum seruiat c. Againe neither did I receiue these men into that Kalendare that holy Anathollus Sother Dorothaea wyth other ancient holy Saintes shoulde be remoued out as you doe falsly vntruly affirme but because the course of that story reaching but 500. yeares did not comprehende those former times of suche auncient Martyres but onely of suche as suffered in these latter dayes therfore requisite it was that in the table such should be placed chiefly of whom y◠who le booke did then principally and onely entreat to demōstrate thereby the time and day of their Martyrdome Neither yet were the other excluded out of thys newe Kalendare whyche were neuer inserted in the same before but onely because both together coulde not there haue standing necessity so required these in no case to be omitted and yet no iniury meant to the other to be excluded out of theyr owne Kalēdars wherto properly they did perteine As for thys Kalendare or this table because they were not pertinent vnto it they could not therin nether was it necessary they should be included And yet neither did I M. Cope wtout due solemne protestation omit the same in my foresayde Catalogue to preuent and stop all cauilling mouthes As by speciall words in the sayd proeme of my booke vnto the Reader doth appeare folowing in this wise Interim nullius ego boni sanctique viri modo qui verè sanctus sit causam laedo nec memoriam extinguo nec gloriam minuo Et si cui hoc displiceat Calendarium meminerit non in templis à me collocari sed domesticae tantum lectioni praeparari c. And wher is now M. Cope thys your reiecting expelling remoouing expulsing exempting deturbating and thrusting out of Anatholius Sanct. Dorothae and other holye Saintes out of Catalogues fastes and Calenders Or what man is that or where dwelleth he Qui veros Christi Martyres è Coelo ad Tar tara deturbat That is Which tumbleth downe true Martyrs from heauen into hell Which if ye meane by me In one worde I aunswere ye falsely belie me maister Copus I had almost called you maister Capus so lyke a Capon ye speake Neyther haue you nor any other euer heard me so say Neither haue I euer heard of any so madde to play so the giants with their mountains to clime the heauens to tumble downe Gods true holy martyrs out of heauen downe into hell vnlesse it were your selfe as yet ye are ye may be better and such other of your gilde and popish fraternity which make of Gods true saintes stinking dunghils for so yee terme them in your bookes and not onely thrust into heauen your Pseudosanctos saintes of your own making whom God by his word doth not allow but also depulse downe from heauen and make dunghils of Gods welbeloued seruants his faithful people and blessed martyrs which haue died for the word of god And what maruel then if in your blasphemous bokes ye cast down from heauen to hell the poore Saintes of Christ when in effecte you deiecte also the bloude and crosse of the sonne of God Christ Iesus himselfe setting vp in his office and place ttu per Thomae sanguinem quem pro te impendit fac nos Christe scandere quò Thomas ascendit Say master Cope your conscience indifferently set al Popish parcialitie a part where as the Scripture teacheth vs simplely Quòd citra sanguinem nulla fit remissio .i. Wythout blud there is no remission whether ye thinke by this bloud of the new Testament is meant the bloud of Christ alone or the bloud of other moe besides If the bloud of one must stand alone why doe yee then with the giants build vp your mountains and make a ladder of Beckets popish bloud for men to scale the heauens Or in so doing howe can you but eyther wyth the Protestauntes wipe out of your Kalendare Thomae sanguinem or els demolish from heauen Sāguinem Christi with the papists And heere by the way I cannot but muse why you are so deuout in setting vp the crosse of Christ in your church which are such enemies to the true crosse of Christ to stand in heanen Looke vpon thys master Cope and tel me vtra pars verius veros Christi Martyres è coelo in tartara detrudat And therfore as you falsely belie me in thys for detruding and tombling out of heauen Anatholius Iulianus Clarus Lucianus Agatha Dorothea and other against whome I neuer yet spake any reproching woord but rather in this my volume haue set forth their commendatiō so is it vntrue like wise where you affirm that in thys my Kalendar I make an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Canonisation of false Martyrs I tolde you before when yee were in Englande I tell you again being nowe in your transmigration in woordes as plaine as I coulde Hane ego Apotheosin mihi nunquam sumpsi quam sibi tam confidenter sumpsit Gregorius nonus Were not these woordes of my Protestation manifest ynough were they not sufficient to satisfie a reasonable Momus And to make the matter more playne dyd I not adde moreouer as followeth Porrò neque eò spectat hoc Calendarium vt nouam aliquam festorum dierum legem praescribam ecclesiae c. And not contented wyth thys foreseeyng before suche wrangling spirites to come as now I see in you I shewed also the cause why I needed not so to doe my woordes were these Festorum dierum iam plus satis erat in mundo c. And yet further because no cauiller should take holde here of any iniurie done to the holy Saintes eyther old or new in the Church therefore in expresse woordes I remoued away all suspition of any iniurie preuenting the obiection of the aduersary in these wordes Habeat Ecclesia suos sanctos tum recentes tum veteranos modo probatos modo interim ijdem ne adorentur modo quà m sint vetusti tam etiam verè sancti sint c. These places of my booke if ye did see why do you dissemble them If yee had not so much leisure to read them howe had you so much laisure to wryte against any mans booke not knowing what is in the booke contained And howe stands it then wyth trueth that so like a Mome yee cry out so in your booke against these new made martyrs qui non possunt nisi per aliorum iniuriam crescere c. And again where you exclaime against me and say that I thrust out the auncient Martyrs out from their seat and possession and place new in their rowmes
c. Also where you continuing yet still in your common place of lying out of which you cannot digresse do charge me farther that I do appoint out holy dayes and working daies by colours of red and blacke in my foresayd Calendare to be obserued these leude notes of yours if they had bene picked out of my Calendare by you wythout myne owne special declaration before made to the contrary they might seeme to haue some blush of credite Now what wil the reader say or what may he iudge cōsidering and conferring thys your cauilling with the matter of my premonition made before but that you are al together set to play the perpetuall Syc. I had almost called you by your right name master Cope But God make you as I said a good man Reading further in your boke I could not but smile and laugh at this your ridiculous and most loud lying Hyperbolismum where as you cōparing my making of saints with the Popes making can finde as ye say in the Pope no such impudent arrogancie in presuming as ye finde in me c. If the Pope had not abused hys arrogant iurisdiction in canonising and deifying his Saintes more then I haue done the yeare should not be combred wyth so many idle holy dayes nor the Calendares wyth so many raskall Saintes some of them as good as euer were they that put Christ to death But where will you finde M. Cope any man to beleue thys your hyperbolical comparison to be true whych seeth and knoweth the infinit and vnmeasurable excesse of the Popes arrogancie not only in shrining such a rable of blind saintes of his owne creating but also in prescribing the same to be receaued vniuersally in the whole worlde and not to be receaued onely but also to be inuocated for gifts and graces also to be worshipped for aduocates and mediatours Wherin riseth a double abhomination of the pope the one for his idolatrous making and worshipping of saintes the other for his blasphemous iniurie and derogation to Christe in repulsing him out of his office of mediation placing other mediatours of his owne making And nowe to consider what Saintes these were or what were the causes of their sancting what S. almost among all the Popes Saintes shall you finde M. Cope made within these 500. yeres but commonly he was eithe some Pope or some rich Bishop and Prelate or some fat abbat or some blind Frier some Monke or Nunne some superstitious regulare or some builder of monasteries or some geuer and benefactour to the popish clergy or mainteiner agonising for the dignities and liberties of the Popyshe church What poore lay man or lay womā were their liues neuer so Christian their faith and confession neuer so pure their death neuer so agonising for the witnes of Christ and truth of his word shall finde any place or fauour in all the Popes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in the Popes Calendar either in red colour or els in blacke But heere M. Cope if yee had the wit somuch to defend as yee haue to ouerwhart you myght take mee wyth the maner and replie againe for the defence of your great Saintmaker or rather Godmaker of Rome that he maketh mo martyrs Saints of these foresayd poore laymen laywomen then euer he did of any other For he burneth them he hangeth them hee drowneth them imprisoneth famisheth them so maketh truer martyrs of Christ then any other of his new shrined saints whom he hath so dignified in his Calendar For the one he doth rubricate only with his red letters the other he doth rubricate with their owne bloud And therefore to aunswere you M. Cope to your comparison made betwene the pope and me for making of holy Martyrs and Saintes Briefly I say and report me to al the world y◠herein is no comparison For if ye speake of true Martyrs who doth make them but the pope if ye speake of fals martyrs who doth make them but the pope And farthermore to compare together the causes of these Martyred Saintes in my Calendare wyth them whyche shine shrined in the Popes Calendare taking the same proportion of time as I do wythin these last 500. yeares why may not I haue as good cause to celebrate these in my Calendar which lost their liues and were slain principally for the cause of Christ and of hys word as the pope hath to celebrate his double and simple feasted saintes in hys Calendar who in their doinges doctrine and life as they seemed rather to serue the Pope then Christ the Lord so in their death appeared no such cause why they shuld be sanctified in the church beyond all other Let not the Church of Christ M. Cope be deluded with hypocritical names nor fained apparitions and fabulous miracles neither be you deceiued your selfe but let vs resort sincerely to the worde of God What was in S. Fraunces looke vpon his superstitious life presumptuous testament wrought no dout by Sathan to diminish and obscure the Testament of Iesus Christ why he should be made a Saint and not an enemy rather of Christ What was likewise in Frier Dominicke who before Fraunces x. yeares together persecuted the poore Waldenses to death and destruction why should he stand a S. and a pillar of the church I pray you what see you in Thomas Becket but that he died for the ambitious libertyes of the popishe church What in Aldelmus and in Anselmus but only that they chased away maried priests from the churches and planted in idle Monkes in their steade The like also did Dunstanus who was rubricated wyth a duplex festum Elizabeth who was the wife of the Marquesse of Thuring when shee had with much perswasions got out her husbande to fight against the Turkes and was there slaine she afterward encloystered her selfe and was made a Nunne And doe you thinke these causes to be sufficient why they shuld be made saintes worshipped in churches and set in Calendares Long it were to make rehearsal of all this rifraffe and almost infinite One example may suffice for many S. Gilbert of Sempringhā was the sonne of Iocelin a knight who for his deformitie of his body was set to learning afterward made Chanon and was author of the Gilbertines in the time of king Iohn This Gilbert after he had erected 13. monasteries of hys order of Sempringham was afterwarde labored for vnto the Pope to be made a Saint Who hearing of hys myracles wrote hys letters to Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury in the behalfe of the foresayd Gilbert willing commaundyng per Apostolica scripta that the feast of the sayde Gilbert shoulde be solemnised through all the prouince of Canterb. Vt meritis nimirum eius precibus apud misericordissimum iudicem misericordiam consequamur c. Whereuppon Hubert the Archb. directeth downe hys wrytings to all the bishops within hys prouince
vnto him Adding this in the meane time and by the way that if mayster Cope had bene a Momus anye thing reasonable he had no great cause so to wrangle with me in this matter who as I did commend the Lord Cobham that worthyly for hys valiaūt standing by the truth of his doctrine before Thomas Arundell the Archbishop so touching the matter of this conspiracie I did not affirm or define any thing therof in my former historie so precisely that he could well take any vauntage of agaynst me who in writing of this conspiracy layd agaynst syr Roger Acton And syr Iohn Oldcastle do but disiūctiuely or doubtfully speake thereof not concluding certainly this conspiracie eyther to be true or not true but only prouing the same not to be true at that time as Polydore Virgill and Edward Hall in their histories doe affirme which say that this conspiracie began after the burning of Iohn Husse and Hierome of Prage Which could not be And thereto tendeth my assertion My wordes are playne and are these pag. 174. col 2. line 13. Wherefore it is euident that there was eyther no conspiracie at all agaynst the king or els that it was at some other tyme or done by other Captaynes c. These be my wordes with other moe pag. col and line aboue noted In the which proposition disiunctiue if eyther part be true it is enough for me His part it was to refell both which he hath not done But onely standing fast vpon the one part dissimuleth the other And this is Alanus Copus Anglus who by that he shall come frō Rome whether he is nowe gone as I heare say I trust he will returne a better Logician home agayne in suam Angliam But to the truth of our matter as I sayde before so I say agayne whatsoeuer this worthy noble and vertuous knight syr Roger Acton was otherwise this is certaine that he was alwaies of contrary minde and opinion to the bishop of Rome to that kind of people for the which cause he had great enuy and hatred at their hands and could as litle beare it neither do I greatly dissent from them which do suspect or iudge that the Lord Cobham by his friendly helpe escaped out of the Tower and that peraduenture was the cause why he was apprehended and brought to trouble and in the end came to his death Other causes also theyr might be that these good men percase did frequent among themselues some cōuenticles which conuenticles was made treason by the statute aforesayd either in those Thickets or in some place els for the hearing of Gods word and for publique prayer and therefore had they thys Beuerly theyr preacher with them But to conclude whatsoeuer this sir Roger Acton was this is the truth which I may boldly record as one writing the Actes and thinges done in the Church that he was at length apprehended condemned and put to death or martirdome 3. yeares and more before the Lord Cobham died Likewise M. Iohn Browne and Iohn Beuerly the preacher suffered with him the same kinde of death as some say in the field of S. Giles with other moe to the number of 36. if the storyes be true Whiche was in the month of Ianuary an 1413. after the computation of our English stories counting the yeare from the annunciation but after the Latine writers counting from Christes natiuitie an 1414. according as this picture is specified These men as is said suffered before the Lord Cobham aboot 3. yeares of whose death diuers do write diuersly Some say they were hanged and burnt in S. Gyles field of whom is Fabian with such as follow him Other there be which say that some of them were hanged burnt Polydorus speaking onely of their burning maketh no mētiō of hanging An other certain english Chronicle I haue in my handes borowed of one M. Bowyer who somewhat differing frō the rest recordeth thus of sir Roger Acton that hys iudgement before the iustice was thus to be drawne through London to Tyborne and there to be hanged and so he was naked saue certayne partes of him couered with a clothe c. And when certayn dayes were past sayth the author a Trumpeter of the kinges called Thomas Cliffe gat graunt of the king to take hym downe and to burye hym and so he did c. And thus haue you the storye of syr Roger Acton and hys fellow brethren As touching theyr cause whether it were true or els by error mistaken of the king or by the fetch of the bishops surmised I referre it to the iudgement of him which shal iudge both the quick and dead seculum per ignem To whō also I commit you M. Cope God speed your iorny well to Rome whether I heare say you are going and make you a good man After the decease or martyrdome of these aboue mentioned who are executed in the month of Ianuary an 1414. in the next month following and in the same yere the 20. day of February God tooke away the great enemy of his word and rebell to his king Thom. Arundell Archb. of Cant. Whose death following after the execution of these good men aboue recited by the merueilous stroke of God so sodenly may seeme somewhat to declare their innocēcy and that he was also some great procurer of theyr death in that God woulde not suffer him longer to liue striking hym with death incontinently vppon the same But as I dyd the other before so this also I do refer to the secret iudgement of the Lord who once shal iudge all secrets openly ¶ The picture of the burning and hanging of diuers persons counted for Lollardes in the first yeare of the raigne of king Henry the fift In the death of this Archb. first Polydor Virgil is deceiued who in his 22. booke pag. 441. affirmed hys death to be an 1415. and in the second yeare of king Henr. 5. also after the beginning of the Councell of Constāce who in dede neuer reached the beginning therof nor euer saw the secōd yeare of that king vnles ye count the first day for a yeare but dyed before an 1414. Feb. 20. Ex hist. S. Albani multis Furthermore concerning the death of this Arundell and the maner therof who had not bene so heauy a troubler of Christes saints in his time because the thing semeth worthy of noting to behold the punishment of God vpon hys enemies this is to report as I haue found it alledged out of Thomas Gascoin in Dictionario Theologico Whose playne wordes be these Anno. 1414. Tho. Arundel Cant. Archiepiscop sic lingua percussus erat vt nec deglutire nec loqui per aliquot dies ante mortem suam potuerit diuitis epulonis exemplo sic tantum obijt Atque multi tunc fieri putabant quia verbum alligasset ne suo tempore praedicaretur c. That is Thomas Arundel archbishop of Cant.
that he dyd not personally appeare they say they haue heard both himselfe and diuers other credible persones say yea euen the most famous Prince Wenceslaus king of Boheme and almost all the whole nobilitie is witnes that he would willingly haue appeared at Rome or els where if he myghte safely haue commen thether and that deadly enmitie had not letted and moreouer his procurers which he sent vnto the court of Rome alleaging reasonable causes for hys non apparance some of them were cast into pryson and others very euill intreated As for the excommunication which he hath so long sustained they haue heard him often say that he hath not resisted against the same by contumacye or stubbernesse but vnder euident appellation and therupon reterreth himself vnto the Actes of his causes whyche were pleaded in the court of Rome wherm all this is more largely contained the which your reuerences may euidently perceiue and see in this our present publike transumpt which wee haue offred vnto you vpon certaine poynts aforesayd As cōcerning his preaching wherwithal his enemies do report and charge that M. Iohn Hus did preach openly in the Citie of Constaunce The Lordes aforesaide and specially the Lord Iohn de Clum here present do answere that hee hath continually lodged wyth the sayde M. Iohn Hus here in Constaunce and that whosoeuer they be that haue bene so bolde or dare be so bolde to say affirme that M. Iohn Hus had preached as is premised or that whyche lesse is since the time of his comming vnto thys citie euen vnto the very day time of hys captiuitie and imprysonment that he went but one step out of the house of his lodging that the said Lord Iohn de Clum will and is contēt to binde himselfe with any suche as shall affirme the same vnder what penalty so euer it be of money or otherwyse that which hee hath falsly reported vnto your reuerences he shal neuer be able iustly truely to affirme and prooue Thirdly whereas your reuerences do say that you do not vnderstād or know what the Lords do meane by the heretickes condemned at the councel holden at Pisa whether the mocking or deriding the Pope whose ambassadors came thither for vnitie or concorde the which were suffered and gently entreated as theyr Lordes were most enclined vnto vnitie and peace or els that they did vnderstande or meane the perticuler heretickes which were there condemned adioyning therunto that the heretickes also comming vnto the councell vnder the pretence of that vnitie should be gently handled and entreated c. Reuerēd fathers and Lordes whether they be counted the firste or that they be thought the second or last the Lordes aforesaid require none other thing but that the said M. Iohn Hus may vse suche liberty as they vsed forsomuch as he came willingly vnto this most sacred coūcel not for any other purpose but onely publikely to recognise his faith And in what poynt soeuer he shall seeme to vary from the worde of God and the vnion of the holy mother the church that in that poynte he will willingly be vnited and reconciled againe thereunto and not only himself but also his fauorers and adherents he would moue and prouoke therunto of whom the greater number are in the kingdō of Boheme Also he is come hether that he might purge and cleare the noble kingdome of Boheme from the sinister and euil slaunder which was raised vpon it Last of all most reuerend fathers Lordes for so much as your reuerences haue most fauourably answered vnto the principal request made by the Lords aforesayd that the processe of M. Iohn Hus through Gods helpe shoulde be determined and ended wtal expedition and gentlenes The Lordes aforesayd do render most harty thanks vnto your reuerences and when soeuer theyr desire by Gods helpe shall come to the ende or effecte long wished or looked for they wil not onely here but also before the whole kingdom of Boheme and in all other places wheresoeuer they come render most immortall thankes vnto your reuerences for euer ¶ Thys declaration of the nobles of Boheme aboue prefixed may serue not only to the cōfutation of the bishop Luthonius thys Bohemian but also against the cauillacious of Alanus Copus Anglus Dial. 6. pag. 929. touching the safe conduct of Iohn Hus wherof sufficiently before hath ben sayd vide supra pag. 596. When as the noble men of Boheme by lōg time could receiue no answer of those supplications whych they had alredy put vp they determined the last day of May following by an other supplication being put vp vnto the principals of the councell to entreat that Iohn Hus myght be deliuered out of prison and defend his owne cause openly they also put the testimonial of the bishop of Nazareth as touching Iohn Hus. The copy wherof is expressed in the beginning of this hystorie word by word ¶ Another supplication of the nobles of Boheme MOst reuerend fathers and Lordes in Christ of late there was a supplication put vp vnto your reuerences on the behalfe of the Lordes nobles of Boheme and the nation of Pole wherin they most humbly desired your reuerences to consider how the informations which were put vp vnto your reuerences by the enemies of M. Iohn Hus were insufficient And with reuerence be it spoken in many poynts vntrue as in the safeconduict graunted by the kings maiestie and also in other articles as more plainely appeareth in the Scedule which was then offred vnto you vppon the whych sayde Scedule and other things at that presence being put vppe they coulde not as yet receiue no aunswere Wherefore the Lordes aforesayde moste humbly require your fatherly reuerences that it would please you to consider the said supplication and to geue some answere to the Lordes aforesayd therupon and specially hauing respect vnto the great iniuries and griefs which are done vnto the sayd M. Iohn Hus the which may be vnderstād and knowen by the Scedule aforesayde that you will mercifully consider and foresee that all those griefes and euils so farre different from all brotherly loue and charitie are done vnto hym by his enemies euen for very malice and hatred To the intent therefore that the rancour and malice may be confounded and ouerthrowne and the plaine and euident truth appeare it may please your fatherly reuerēces to vnderstand that it is notified and knowen vnto the Barones Nobles Citizens Clergie and Laitie of the kingdome of Boheme that M. Iohn Hus in all his actes and doings as well Scholasticall as Ecclesiasticall and specially in all his publike and open sermons he hathe made and hathe accustomed to make these maner of protestations the which without any thing to the contrary hee hath alwaies endeuoured to haue them strong and firme as by this his protestation here folowing which he made about the determination of a certaine question it may most euidently and plainely appeare vnto
offer this my appeale vnto my Lord Iesu Christ my iust iudge who knoweth defendeth and iustly iudgeth euery mans iust and true cause The 22. Article A vicious and naughty man liueth viciously and naughtely but a vertuous and godly man lyueth vertuously and godly I answer my words are these That the deuision of all humaine works is in two parties that is that they be eyther vertuous or vicious For somuch as it doth appeare that if any man be vertuous and godly and that he do any thing he doth it then vertuously and godly And contrariwise if a man be vicious naught that whiche hee doth is vicious and naught For as vice which is called crime or offence and thereby vnderstande deadly sinne doth vniuersally infect or depraue all the acts and doinges of the subiect that is of the man whiche doth them so likewise vertue and godlines doth quicken all the actes and doyngs of the vertuous godly man in somuch that he being in the state of grace is layd to praye and doe good works euen sleping as it were by a certayn meanes working As S. Augustine S. Gregory and diuers other affirme And it appeareth in the sixt chapter of Luke If thine eye that is to say the minde or intention be simple not depraued with the peruersenes of any sinne or offence all the whole body that is to say all the actes and doinges shall be cleare and shyning that is acceptable and grateful vnto God But if thine eye be euil the whole body is darkned And in the second to the Corin. x. Chapter All thinges that you do do them to the glory of God And lykewise in the first Epistle to the Corinthians and last chapter it is sayd Let all your doinges be done with charitie Wherfore all kinde of lyfe and liuing according vnto charitie is vertuous and godly and if it be without charitie it is vicious and euill This saying may well be prooued out of the 23. chapter of Deuteronomy where God speaketh vnto the people that hee that keepeth hys commaundementes is blessed in the house and in the field out goyng and in comming sleeping and waking but he that doth not keepe his commaundementes is accursed in the house and in the fields in goyng out and comming in sleeping and waking c. The same also is euident by S. Augustine vpon the Psal. where he writeth that a good man in all hys doinges doth prayse the Lord. And Gregory saith that the sleep of saints and holy men doth not lack their merite How much more then hys doinges which proceede of good zeale be not weout reward and consequently be vertuous and good And contrariwise it is vnderstanded of hym which is in deadly sinne of whome it is spoken in the law that whatsoeuer the vncleane man doth touch is made vncleane To this end doth that also appertayne which is before repeated out of the first of Malachie And Gregorie in the first booke and first question sayth we doe defile the bread which is the body of Christ when as we come vnworthely to the table and when we being defiled doe drinke hys bloud And S. Augustine vpon the 146. Psalme sayth if thou doest exceed the due measure of nature doest not abstayne from glottony but gorge thy selfe vp wâ— dronkennes whatsoeuer laude or prayse thy tongue doth speake of the grace and fauour of God thy life doth blaspheme the same when he had made an end of this article the Cardinall of Cambray sayd The scripture sayth that we be all sinners And agayne if we say we haue nosinne we deceiue our selues and so we should alwayes liue in deadly sinne Iohn Hus aunswered the Scripture speaketh in that place of veniall sinnes the whiche doe not rtterly expell or put away the habite of vertue from a man but do associate theÌ„selues together And a certayne English man whose name was w. sayd but those sinnes do nor associate themselues with anye acte morally good Iohn Hus alledged agayne S. Augustines place vpon 146. Psalme the whiche when he rehearsed they all with one mouth sayd what makes this to the purpose The 13. article The minister of Christ liuing according to his law and hauing the knowledge and vnderstanding of the scriptures and an earnest desire to edifie the people ought to preach notwithstanding the pretended excommunication of the pope And moreouer if the pope or anye other ruler doe forbid any priestes or minister so disposed not to preach that he ought not to obey him I aunswere that these were my wordes That albeit the excommunication were eyther threatned or come out agaynst hym in such sort that a Christian ought not to doe the commandementes of Christ it appeareth by the wordes of S. Peter and the other Apostles that we ought rather to obey God then man whereupon it followeth that the minister of Christ lyuing according vnto this lawe c. ought to preach notwithstanding any pretended excommunication For it is euident that it is commanded vnto the ministers of the Church to preach the word of God Actes 5. GOD hath commaunded vs to preach and testifie vnto the people as by diuers other places of the scripture and the holy fathers rehearsed in my treatise it doth appeare more at large The second part of this article foloweth in my treatise in this maner By this it appeareth that for a minister to preache and a rich man to geue almes are not indifferent workes but duties and commaundementes Wherby it is further euident that if the pope or any other ruler of the Church do commaund any minister disposed for to preach not to preach or a rich man disposed for to geue almes not to geue that they ought not to obey hym And he added moreouer to the intent that you may vnderstand me the better I call that a pretended excommunication the whiche is vâ—iustly disordered and geuen forth contrary to the order of the law and Gods commaundements For the which the meere Minister appointed therunto ought not to cease from preaching neyther yet to feare damnation Then they obiected vnto him that he had sayd that suche kinde of excommunications were rather blessinges Uerely said Hus eueÌ„ so do I now say again that euery excommunication by the whiche a man is vniustly excommunicate is vnto him a blessing afore God according to that saying of the Prophet I will curse where as you blesse and contrariwise they shal curse but thou O Lord shalt blesse Then the Cardinal of florence which had alwayes a Notary ready at his hand to write such thinges as he coÌ„manded him said The law is that euery excommunication be it neuer so vniust ought to be feared It is true sayd Iohn Hus for I do remember eight causes for the whiche excoÌ„munication ought to be feared Then sayd the Cardinall is there no more but eight It may be said Iohn Hus that there be more The
thinges shall come to passe and be brought by little and little in order of times dispensed of God for the same purpose And this God doth and will do for his owne goodnes and mercy and for the riches of his great longanimity and pacience geuing time and space of repētance to them that haue lōg line in theyr sins to amend and flye from the face of the Lordes fury whyle that in like manner the carnall people and carnal priestes successiuely and in time shall fall awaye and be consumed as with the moth c. ¶ An other letter of Iohn Husse MAister Martin my deare brother in Christ I exhorte you in the Lord that you feare God keepe hys commaundementes and flee the company of women and beware of hearing their confessions least by the hipocrisie of women Sathan deceiue you trust not their deuotion You know how I haue detested the auarice and the inordinate life of the Clergy wherefore through the grace of God I suffer now persecution which shortly shal be consummate in me neither doe I feare to haue my hart powred out for the name of Christ Iesus I desire you hartely be not greedy in seeking after benefices And yet if you shal be called to anye cure in the country let the honour of God the saluation of soules and the trauaile therof moue you therunto and not the hauing of the lining or the commodities thereof And if you shall be placed in any such benefice beware you haue no yong womā for your cook or seruant least you edifie and encrease more your house then your soule See that you be a builder of your spirituall house being gentle to the poore and humble of mind and waste not your goodes in great fare I feare also if you do not amend your life ceasing from your costly and superfluous apparell least you shal be greuously chastised as I also wretched mā shal be punished which haue vsed the like being seduced by custome of euill men and wordly glory wherby I haue bene wounded agaynst God wyth the spirite of pride And because you haue notably knowne both my preaching and outward conuersation euen from my youth I haue no neede to write many thinges vnto you but to desire you for the mercy of Iesus Christ that you do not followe me in anye such leuitie and lightnes whiche you haue in seene in me You knew how before my priesthoode whiche greueth me nowe I haue delighted to playe oftentimes at chesse and haue neglected my time and thereby haue vnhappily prouoked both my self and other to anger many times by that play Wherfore besides other my innumerable faultes for thys also I desire you to inuocate the mercy of the Lord that he will pardon me and so directe my life that hauing ouercome the wickednes of this present life the flesh the world and the deuill I may finde place in the heauenly country at the least in the day of iudgement Fare ye well in Christ Iesus with all them which keepe hys law My gray coate if you will keepe to your selfe for my remembraunce but I thinke you are ashamed to wear that gray colour therfore you may geue it to whō you shall thinke good My white coate you shall geue the minister N. my scholer To George or els to Zuzikon 60. groates or els my gray coate for he hath faythfully serued me ¶ The superscription I pray you that you doe not open this letter before you be sure and certayne of my death The consolation of Mayster Hierome to Mayster Hus. MY maister in those thinges which you haue both written hetherto and also preached after the law of God agaynst the pride auarice an other inordinate vices of the Priestes goe forward be constant and strong And if I shall know that you are oppressed in the cause and if neede shal so require of myne own accorde I will folow after to helpe you as much as I can BY the lyfe actes and letters of Iohn Hus hetherto rehearsed it is euident and playne that he was condemned not for any errour of doctrine which they coulde well proue in hym who neyther denyed their popishe transubstantiation neither spake against the authoritie of the church of Rome if it were well gouerned nor yet the 7. Sacraments also sayd masse himself and almost in al their popish opinions was a papist with them but onely of euil wil was accused of his malicious aduersaries because he spake agaynst the pompe pride and auarice other wicked enormities of the pope Cardinals Prelates of that Church and because he could not abide the high dignities liuings of the Churche and thought the doinges of the pope to be Antichristlike For this cause he procured so many enemies false witnesses agaynst him Who strayning and picking matter out of hys bookes and writinges hauing no one iust article of doctrine to lay vnto him yet they made hym an hereticke whether he would or no and brought him to hys condemnation This can hatred and malice do where the charitie of Christ hath no place Whiche being so as thy charitie good reader may easely vnderstand in perusing the whol course of hys story I beseech thee thē what cause had Iohn Cochleus to write his 12. bookes agaynst Iohn Hus and Hussites In which bookes how bitterly intēperately he misuseth hys penne by these few words in hys second booke thou mayst take a little tast which wordes I thought here briefly to place in English to the ende that all English men may iudge thereby with what spirite and truth these Catholickes he caryed Hys wordes be these Lib. 2. Hist. Dico igitur Ioan Huss neque sanctum neque beatum habendum esse sed impium potius c. That is I say therfore Iohn Husse is neither to be counted holy nor blessed but rather wicked and eternally wretched insomuche that in the day of iudgement it shal be more easie not onely with the infidell Pagans Turks Tartarians and Iewes but also with the most sinfull Sodomites the abhominable Persians which most filthily doe lye with their daughters sisters or mothers yea also with most impious Cain killer of hys owne brother with Thyestes killer of hys own mother and the Lestrygones other Andropophagi which deuour mans flesh yea more easie with those infamous murderers of infants Pharao Herode then with him c. These be the words of Cochleus Whose rayling books although they deserue neyther to be read nor aunswered yet if it pleased God it were to be wished that the Lord would stir vp some towardly yong man that hath so much leasure to defend the simplicitie of thys Iohn Hus whiche cannot now aunswere for himselfe In the meane tyme something to satisfie or stay the readers mynde agaynst thys immoderate hyperbole of Cochleus in like fewe wordes I wyll bryng out Iohn Hus to speake and to cleare hymselfe agaynst this slaunder whose wordes in
such comfort as no man can vnderstand in that they say that they wil geue you forgeuenes of all your sinnes and great grace pardon to this end that you should warre vpon vs destroy vs wheras their graces and pardons are none other then great lies and a great seducing of the body and soule of all them that beleue them and put their trust in them Thys we would proue vnto them ouercome them by the holy scripture and we wold suffer that whosoeuer is desirous to heare the same shoulde heare it For the Pope and all hys priestes herein deale with you as the deuill woulde haue done wyth our Lorde Iesus Christ. Of whome Luke writeth in hys 4. chap. that be brought him vpon an high hill shewed vnto hym in the twinckling of an eye al the kyngdomes that are in the compasse of the earth said vnto him I wil geue thee c. So the deuill deceiueth the pope and all the priestes with the riches of the worlde and worldly power And they thinke they can geue grace and pardon when they wyll and they themselues shall neuer finde fauour before almighty God except they repent and make amendes because of theyr great deceauing of Christēdom And how can they geue that to others which they themselues haue not So dyd the Deuill who was rich in promising and poore in geuing And like as the Deuill is not ashamed to tell a lye so all they are not ashamed to speake that which shall neuer be found true nor be proued by the holy scriptures because for no cause they stirre vp kinges Princes Lordes and Citties to make warre agaynst vs not to the end that the Christian fayth shoulde therby be defended but because they feare that theyr secret vices and heresies shal be disclosed and made manifest For if they had a true cause a godly loue to the Christiā faith they would then take the books of the holy scripture and would come vnto vs and ouercome vs with the weapōs of Gods word and that is our chiefe desire For so dyd the apostles of our Lord Iesus Christ who came to the Paganes and Iewes and brought them from their infidelitie to the true fayth of our Lorde Iesus Christ and this they dyd in the spirite of meckenes as the Apostle Paule writeth in the 6. chap. to the Galat. Brethren if anye man be agreeued c. So ought they also to doe if they perceiued that they were iust and we vniust And if we woulde not abide instruction then they might take to them kinges Princes Lordes and imperiall citties and resist vs according to the commaundementes of the holy scripture But this is the subtile defence of all the Byshops and Priestes that they say that mayster Hus and Hierome which were burnt at Constance were ouercome of the holy father the Pope and of the whole Councell For ye must vnderstand that they were not ouercome by the holy Ghost but vniustly with wrongfull violence which God may yet hereafter greeuously punishe in all them that gaue their counsel and ayd thereto and they saye it ought not to be suffered tha we should be heard in confessing our fayth How may that be proued by the holy scripture since christ heard the deuilt as it is written in the fourth chap. of Mathewe And they l are not better then Christ nor we worsse then the Deuill If they be iust and haue the truth with them as they saye they haue and we be vnrighteous why do they feare sinc the truth ought not to be afeard of falshod as Esdras writeth in hys second booke the third chapiter Zorobabell declared that truth is of all thinges the most mightye and ouercommeth all thinges For Christ is the trueth Iohn 14. I am the way the trueth c. And the deuill is the father of lies Iohn 8. He is a lyerfrom the beginning and neuer abode in the truth there is no truth in him Therfore if the pope and hys priestes haue the truth let them ouercome vs with the word of God But if they haue lyes then they cannot long abide in al their presumptiō Wherfore we exhort and beseech al the imperiall Cities al kings Princes noble men rich and poore for Gods sake and for hys righteousnes that one of them write hereof to an other and that there may be some meanes made howe we may cōmune with you safely and friendly at some such place as shal be fit both for you and vs and bring with you your Byshops and teachers and let them our teachers fight together with the word of God and let vs heare them and and let not one ouercome the other by violence or false subtiltie but onely by the word of God And if your Bishops and teachers haue better proofes of theyr fayth out of the holy scripture then we and our fayth be found vntrue we will receiue penaunce and satisfaction according to Gospell But if your Byshops and teachers be ouercome of ours by the holy Scripture then doe ye repent and harken to vs and hold with vs. And if your Byshops teachers will cease from their spirituall pride and repent and make satisfaction then wil we helpe you according to our power and will compell them eyther to ioyne with vs or els we will expell them out of Christendome And if your Byshops and teachers will say that it is not lawfull for lay men to heare such reasoning or to be presēt at it that may you vnderstand to tend to no other end but that they feare they should be ouercome and put to shame in the sight of you For if they knew that they should ouercome therein out of doubt they would desire that euery mā should heare it thereby their glory should become the greater their fame and prayses should be encreased vpon the earth And if your Bishops and teachers coūsell you to come to no hearing with vs thē do it whether they will or no suffer not your selues at any time to be so folishly seduced with their folish pardons but tary at home in your houses with your wiues and children And let the pope of Rome come to vs with all his Cardinals and byshops and with all hys priestes with his owne person power to warre with vs let themselues deserue the absolution of sinnes grace and pardon which they preach to you for they haue great nede of forgeuenes of sinnes grace pardō by the grace of god we will geue them pardō enough as they shall neede But their subtile excuse is this they say that it belōgeth not to priestes to fight with bodily weapons true it is that belongeth not to them but it belongeth as little to them to stirre vp to counsaile to fortifie others thereto For Paule saith in the the 1. to the Rom. in the fift to the Galath that all that do such
Windeham Tho Plowman Iohn Fellis Tho. Loue of Rokeland Rich Knobbing of Beckles Rich. Grace of Beckles Iohn Eldon of Beckles William Hardy Wil. Bate Iohn Weston Katherine Hobs. Iohn Daw. Rob. Grigs of Martham Wil. Calis Priest Tho. Pert. Priest Katherine Dauy. Iacob Bodhome Margaret his wife Iohn Manning of Marton Iohn Culling of Beemster Rich Fletcher of Beckles and Matild his wife Iohn Eldon of Beckles Rob. Canel Priest Nich. Drey Wil. Hardy of Mundham Iohn Poleyne These forenamed persons and souldiors of Christ being much beatē with the cares and troubles of those dayes although they were constrayned to relent and abiure that is to protest otherwise with their tonges then theyr harts did thinke partly through correction and partly through infirmity being as yet but new trayned Souldiours in Gods field yet for theyr good will they bare vnto the trueth although with theyr tongues they durst not expresse it we haue thought good that theyr names should not be suppressed as well for other sondry causes as especially for this either to stop the mouthes of malignant aduersaryes or to aunswere to theyr ignorance Who folowing rather blinde affection thē the true knowledge of times and antiquities for lacke of knowledge blame that they know not accusing the true doctrine of the worde of God for newelty and carping the teachers therof for new broched brethrē Who if they did as well foresee times passed as they be vnwilling to follow times now present they should vnderstand as well by these storyes as other before how this doctrine of the grace of God lacking no antiquity hath from time to time continually sought to burst out and in some places hath preuayled although in most places through tyrāny and the malice of men Christes procedinges haue bene suppressed and kept vnder from rising so muche as mans power and strength ioyned with craft and subtlery coulde labor to keepe downe the same as here by these good men of Northfolke and Southfolke may well appeare For if the knowledge and the good towardnesse of those good mē had had the like liberty of time with the helpe of like authority as we haue nowe and had not ben restrayned thorough the iniquity of time and tyranny of Prelates it had well appeared how olde this doctrine woulde haue bene which now they contemne and reiect for the newnes therof neither needed Boner to haue asked of Tho. Hawkes and such other where their Church was for xl yeares ago in as much as for xl yeares ago and more within the coūtry of Norfolke and Suffolke was then soūd such plenty of the same professiō like doctrine which we now professe And thus much for the nūber of the names of thesepersōs Now touching theyr Articles whiche they did mayneteine and defend first this is to be considered as I finde it in the registers such society and agrement of doctrine to be amongst them that almost in theyr assertions and articles there was no difference The doctrine of the one was the doctrine of all the other what theyr articles were partly it is shewed in the lease before and partly here followeth to be declared more at large Although it is to be thought concerning these Articles that many of them either were falsly obiected agaynst thē or not truely reported of the notaryes according as the cōmon maner is of these aduersaryes where the matter is good there to make heresy and of a litle occasion to styre vp great matter of slaunder as they did before by the articles of Iohn Wickliffe and Iohn Hus and others mo So in like maner it semeth they did in the Articles of these mē either mistaking that which they said or misunderstanding that which they ment especially in these two articles concerning baptisme and paying of tithes For where as they speaking agaynst the ceremonicall and superfluous traditions then vsed in baptisme as salt oile spittle taper light crisomes exorcising of the water with such other accoūted them as no materiall thing in the holy institution of Baptisme the notaryes slaunderously deprauing this theyr assertion to make it more odious to the eares of the people so gaue out the article as though they should holde that the sacrament of Baptisme vsed in the church by water is but a light matter and of small effect Agayne in speaking agaynst the Christening the midwiues vse in priuate houses agaynst the opinion of suche as thinke suche children to be damned which depart before they come to theyr Baptisme they are falsely reported as though they shoulde say that Christen people be sustiently baptised in the bloud of Christ and nedeth no water and that infants be sufficiently baptised if their parents be baptised before them Whiche thing is so contrary to the manifest worde that it is not to bee thoughte anye to bee so ignoraunt of the gospell that euer would or did affirme the same Moreouer they thought or sayd peraduenture that in certayne cases tithes might be witholden from wicked priestes sometime and be conferred to better vses to the be hoofe of the poore Therfore they are falsly slaundered as saying and affirming that no tithes were to be geuē to the ministers and curates of the churches And likewise for matrimony wherin they are reported to hold and affirme as though it consisted onely in the mutuall consent betwixt the man woman neding no other solemnizing in the publicke church and all because as it is like they denyed it to be a Sacramēt Other articles were obiected agaynst them as these which hereafter folow That auricular confessiō is not to be made vnto a priest but vnto God onely because no priest hath any power to absolue a sinner from his sinne Item that no Priest hath power to make the body of Christ in the sacrament of the aultar but that after the sacramentall words there remayneth pure materiall breade as before Item that euery true christian man is a priest to God Item that no man is bound vnder paine of damnatiō vnto Lent or any other dayes prohibited by the Church of Rome Item that the Pope is Antichrist and his Prelats the Disciples of Antichrist and the Pope hath no power to binde and loose vpon earth Item that it is lawfull for euery Christian to doe any bodely worke sinne onely except vpon holy dayes Item that it is lawfull for priestes to haue wiues Item that the excommunications and ecclesiastical cēsures geuen out by the Prelates are not to be regarded Item it is not lawfull to sweare in priuate cases Item that men ought not to go on pilgrimage Item that there is no honor to be geuē to the Images of the crucifixe of our Lady or any other saynt Item that the holy water halowed in the church by the priest is not holyer or of more vertue then other running or well water because the Lord blessed all waters in theyr first creation Item that the death of Thomas Becket was
but according to their owne wil and disposition They doe greatly esteeme and regard this which was spoken vnto Peter Tu vocaberis Cephas i. Thou shalt be called Cephas by the which worde they make hym the head of the Church Also I will geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen and whatsoeuer thou shalt bind vpon earth c. I haue prayed for thee Peter that thy Faith would not faile And againe feede my sheepe Last thy net into the depe Be not afrayd for from theÌ„ceforth thou shalt be a fisher of men Also that Christ commaunded Peter as the Prince of the Apostles to pay tolle for them bothe and that Peter drew the net vnto the land full of great fishes that onely Peter drew his sword for the defence of Christ. Al which places these meÌ„ do greatly extol altogether neglecting the expositions of the fathers the which if as reason were they would consider they shuld manifestly perceine by the authorities aforesayde that the Pope is not aboue them when they are gathered together in Councell but when they are separate and deuided But these things being passed ouer for somuch as answere shall appeare by that which heereafter shall followe we will now declare what was reasoned of by the learned men vppon thys question But first wee woulde haue it known the all men which are of any name or estimation do agree that the Pope is subiect to the Councell and for the proofe therof they repeat in a maner al those things which were before spoken of the church for they suppose all that which is spoken of the Churche to serue for the generall Councell And first of all they alledge this saying of the Gospel Dic Ecclesiae tell it vnto the Church In the whych place it is conuenient to vnderstand that Christ spake vnto Peter instructing him what he should doe as touching the correction of his brother He saith if thy brother offend or sinne against thee rebuke him betwene thee and him alone If hee geue care vnto thee thou hast wonne thy brother but if he doe not geue eare vnto thee take in thee one or two that in the mouth of two or thee witnesses all truth may stand if theÌ„ he wil not geue eare vnto thee Dic Ecclesiae tell it vnto the Church What shal we vnderstand by the church in that place shall we say that it is the multitude of the faithfull dispersed throughout the whole worlde My yoke is pleasaunt sayth the Lord my burden is light But howe is it light if Christ commaunde vs to doe that which is impossible to be done For howe coulde Peter speake vnto the Churche which was dispersed or to seeke out euery Christian scattered in euery Towne or Citie But the meaning of these words is farre otherwise and they must be otherwise interpreted for which cause it is necessary that we remember the double person which Peter represented as the person of the high byshop and a priuate man The sense and meaning of his words are euident and plaine inough of themselues that they neede no supplement or alteration We must first marke and see what thys worde Ecclesia signifieth the which we do find but only to be twise spoken of by Christ once in this place and againe when as he said vnto Peter Tu es Petrus super hanc Petram edificabo Ecclesiam meam That is Thou art Peter and vpon this rock wil I build my Church Wherfore the Church signifieth the connocation or congregation of the multitude Dic Ecclesiae tell it vnto the church That is to say tel it vnto the Congregation of the faithful the which forsomuch as they are not accustomed to come together but in a generall Councel this interpretation shall seeme very good Dic Ecclesiae tel it vnto the Church that is to say Dic generali Concilio tel it vnto the generall Councell In this case I would gladly heare if there be any man which doth thinke thâ—se words to be more properly expressed in any Prelate then in the councell when as they must put one man for the multitude whych if it be admitted in the scriptures we shall from hencefoorth finde no firme or stable thing therein But if any man doe maruaile at thys interpretation let him search the old wryters and he shall finde that thys is no newe or straunge interpretation but the interpretation of the holy fathers and olde Doctours whyche haue first geuen lyght vnto the Churche as Pope Gregorie witnesseth a man worthy of remembrance both for the holines of his life and his singular learning whose wordes are these wrytten in his Register vnto the bishop of Constantinople And wee sayde hee against whome so great an offence is committed through temeratious boldnesse do obserue and keepe that which the truth doth commaunde vs saying Si peccauerit in te frater that is If thy brother do offend against thee c. And afterward he addeth more if my rebukes and corrections be despysed it remaineth that I do seeke helpe of the church The which words doe manifestly declare the Church heere to be taken for the generall Councell Neither did Gregory say that he wold seeke helpe of the Church that is dispearsed abroad in euery place but of that which is gathered together that is to say the generall Councell for that whych is dispearsed abroad cannot be had except it be gathered together Also Pope Nicholas reproouing Lotharius the king for adultery sayd if thou doest not amend the same take heede that we tell it not vnto the holy Church In the which saying Pope Nicholas did not say that he wold go throughout the world to certifie euery one man by man but that hee would call the Church together that is to say the general councell and there would publish and declare the offence of Lotharius the he which had contemned the Popes commaundements shoulde feare the reuerence of the general councell I could recite an infinite nuÌ„ber of witnesses for that purpose the which all tende vnto one ende but this one testimony of the Councell of Constance shall suffice for them all wherein it is sayde that not onely the Pope in the correction of his brother is remitted vnto the Councell when as he can not correct him of hymselfe but also when as any thing is done as touchyng the correction of the Pope himselfe the matter ought to be referred to the councel Wherby it appeareth our interpretation to be most true which doth expound the Church to be in the generall Councell Hereupon the Actes of the Apostles the Congregations whych were then holden were called the Church Also in the councell of Nice and in other Councels wheÌ„ as any man shuld be excommunicated alwayes in a maner thys sentence was adioyned Hunc excommunicat Catholica Apostolica Ecclesia The Catholicke and Apostolicke Church doth excommunicate thys man And heereuppon that title is geuen
my deedes that in this busines of election wherunto now by the will of the Coūcell we are sent I wil seeke nothing els then the onely saluation of the Christen people and the profit of the vniuersall Church This shall be my whole care and studye that the authority of the generall Councels be not contemned that the Catholick fayth be not impugned and that the fathers which remayne in the coūcell be not oppressed This will I seek for this shall be my care vnto this withall my whole force and power will I bend my selfe neyther will I respect any thing in this poynt eyther for mine owne cause or for any frend but onely God and the profite of the Church With this minde and intent and with this hart will I take mine othe before the Councell His wordes were liuely and fearefull After him al the other Electours in theyr order did sweare and take theyr othe Then they went with great solemnity vnto the Cōclaue where they remayned 7. dayes The maner of their election was in this sort Before the Cardinals seate was set a Deske wherupon there stood a basen of siluer into the which basen all the Electors did cast their scheduls which the Cardinall receiuing read one by one and foure other of the Electors wrote as he read them The tenour of the Schedules was in this maner I George Bishop of Uicene doe chuse such a man or suche a man for bishop of Rome and peraduenture named one or two euery one of the electors subscribed his name vnto the Schedule that he might thereby know his owne and say nay if it were cōtrary to that which was spokē wherby all deceit was vtterly excluded The first scrutiny thus ended it was found that there were many named to the papacy Yet none had sufficiēt voices for that day there were xvii of diuers natiōs nominate Notwithstanding Amedeus duke of Sauoy a man of singuler vertue surmoūted them all for in the first scrutiny he had the voyce of xvi Electors which iudged him worthy to gouerne the church After this there was diligent inquisition had in the Councell touching those whiche were named of the Electors and as euery mans opinion serued him he did either prayse or discommēd those which were nominate Notwtstanding there was suche reporte made of Amedeus that in the next Scrutiny which was holden in the Nonas of Nouember the sayd Amedeus had 21. voices and likewise in the 3. and 4. Scrutinye 21. voyces And for so muche as there was none found in all the scrutiny to haue 2. partes all the other schedules were burnt And forsomuch as there lacked but onely one voyce to the elecion of the high bishop they fell vnto prayer desiring God that he would vouchsafe to direct theyr mindes to an vnity and concorde worthely to elect and chuse him which shoulde take the charge ouer the flocke of God Forsomuch as Amedeus seemed to be nearer vnto the papacy then all other there was greate cōmunication had amongst them touching his life and disposition Some said that a lay man ought not so sodenly to be chosen for it would seeme a straunge thing for a secular prince to be called vnto the Byshopricke of Rome which would also to much derogate frō the ecclesiasticall state as though there were none therein meete or worthy for that dignity Other some sayde that a man which was maryed and had children was vnmeete for such a charge Other some agayn affirmed that the bishop of Rome ought to be a Doctor of law and an excellent learned man When these words were spoken other some rising vp spake farre otherwise that albeit Amedeus was no Doctour yet was he learned and wise for so muche as all his whole youth he had bestowed in learning studye had sought not the name but euen the groūd of learning Thē sayd another if ye be desirous to be instructed further of this princes life I pray you geue eare vnto me which doe know him throwly Truely this man from his youth vpward and euen from his yong and tender yeares hath lyued more religiously then secularly being alwaies obediēt to his parentes and maysters and being alwayes indued with the feare of God neuer geuen to any vanity or wantōnes neither hath there at any time bene any childe of the house of Sauoy in whom hath appeared greater wytte to towardnes whereby al those which did behold and know this man iudged and foresaw some great matter in him neyther were they deceiued For if ye desire to know his rule gouernance what and how noble it hath bene First know ye this that this man hath raigned since his fathers decease about xl yeares During whose time iustice the Lady and Queene of all other vertues hath alwayes florished For he hearing his subiectes himselfe woulde neuer suffer the poore to be oppressed or the weake to be deceiued He was the defender of the fatherles the aduocate of the widowes and protector of the poore There was no rapine or robbery in all his territory The poore and rich liued all vnder one lawe neither was he burthenous vnto his subiectes or importune against straungers throughout all his country there was no greuous exactions of mony throughout all his dominion He thought himselfe rich enough if the inhabitāts of his dominions did aboūd and were rich knowing that it was the poynt of a good shepheard to sheare his sheepe and not to deuour them In this also was his chiefe study and care that his subiectes might liue in peace and suche as bordered vpon him might haue no occasion of grudge By which pollicies he did not onely quietly gouern his Fathers dominion but also augmēted the same by others which willingly submitted themselues vnto him He neuer made warre vpon any but resisting agaynst such as made war vpon him he studied rather to make peace then to seeke any reuenge desiring rather to ouercome his enemies with benefites then with the sword He maried onely one wife which was a noble virgin of singuler beauty and chastity He would haue all his family to keep their handes and eyes chaste and continent and throughout all his house honesty and integrity of maners was obserued When as his wife had chaūged her life and that he perceiued his Duchy to be established that it should come with out any controuersye vnto his posteritye he declared hys mind which was alwayes religious dedicate vnto god shewed what will and affectiō he had long borne in hys hart For he contēning the pompe and state of this world calling vnto him his deare frends departed and went into a wildernes where as building a goodly Abbey he addicted himselfe wholy to the seruice of God and taking his crosse vpon him folowed Christ. In which place he being cōuersant by the space of many yeares shewed forth great examples of holynesse wearing no other garmentes then such as could withstand the
by any man whych peraduenture shall inculcate feare vnto you whereas there is nothing at all to be doubted or that doe perswade you this to be no lawful councel I know I shuld offend your holines if I shuld go about to proue the contrary but it is better that I do offend you a litle in words and profit you in my deedes for a Phisition layeth a burning corrisiue vnto the disease and healeth the sore For the medicine can not profit except it be sharpe and bitter in tast Vâ—der this hope and confidence I will not feare to declare the truth That it being knowen your holines may the better prouide both for your selfe and the church it dependeth vppon the councell of Constance whether this councell be lawfull or not If that were a true councel so is this also No man semeth to dout whether that councel were lawfull and likewise whatsoeuer was there decreed to be lawful for if any man will say that the decrees of that councel are not of force he must nedes graunt that the depriuation of Pope Iohn which was done by the force of those decrees to be of no effect If that depriuation were not of effecte Neither was the election of Pope Martine of any force which was done he being yet aliue If Martin were no true Pope neither is your holinesse which was chosen by the Cardinalles that hee made wherefore it standeth no man more vpon to defend the decrees of that couÌ„cel then your holines for if any decree of that councel be called into doubt By like meanes may all the rest of the decrees be reuoked And by like meanes shall the decrees of any other councell be of no force and effect for by like reason as the faith of one councell is weakened all the rest shal also be weakned according to S. Augustins saying in the 9. distinction capitulo Si ad scripturas Then sayeth he both the faithe and all other sacraments shall be put in doubt if that there be once any doubt made of the force and power of any councell lawfully coÌ„gregate There was a decree made in the councel of Constance intituled frequens Whereby it was ordained that the first councel after that should be holden within 5. yeres and another within 7. yeres after that again The councel of Constance being ended and the 5. yeres passed the councel of Papia or Sene was holden after which 7. yeares being also run ouer this councell is begon to be celebrate To what ende then is it expressed in the Bull of the dissolution amongest other causes that the 7. yeare is already past When as of necessitye it ought to be passed before the councell can be celebrate For these wordes from 7. yere or 5. yere signify according to the law that all partes of time should be passed and the last day looked for Wherefore it behoued that 7. yeres to be fully complete before this councel of Basil should begin Like as 5. yeares was fully expired before that the councell of Papia did begin but peradueÌ„ture some man will say that it ought to haue begun the first day after the 7. yere was expired For otherwise the terme of the councell is passed But heereunto we may answer that it is not contained in the chapter Frequens that except it were holden the first day it should not be holden at al neither can it be gathered either by the wordes or meaning For it is only required that it should be holden after 7. yeares expired but whether it be the 2. or 3. day or the 3. or 4. moneth after the 7. yere it doth satisfy the chapter Frequens For wheÌ„ the first day is come then beginneth the power and liberty to celebrate the councell but not afore but it is not prohibited to celebrate it after neither doth this word In quinquennium That is to say against 5. yeare next following which is alleaged in the chapter Frequens and semeth to be repeated Also for the 7. yeres for it is not vnderstaÌ„d that it is necessary to be holden the first day precisely after the 7. yere but because it should not be vnderstand of other 7 yeares to come For in speaking simply of 7. yere it is vnderstand of 7. yeare next ensuing Admit also that in the chapter FrequeÌ„s any of these wordes had bene ioyned with immediatly following as by by out of haÌ„d immediatly or straightwaies after or such other words yet ought they to be vnderstand with a certaine moderation and distance of time that assone as might be coÌ„uenient as these wordes are expounded by the lawes and the doctors for they are enlarged and restrained according to the subiect and diuers circuÌ„staunces of the matters and affaires For it is not by any meanes likely that it was the mindes of those which made the decree that considering the long iourneis and harde preparation of suche affaires and also the manifolde impedimentes which may happen that they woulde restraine so precise a time euen at the first daye that if it were not then celebrated it should not be holden at all for by such subtill meanes it shuld also be holden euen in the first moment and very instant after the same yere But forsomuch as wordes are ciuilly to be vnderstand this fence or vnderstanding is to farre disagreable For if any man will say then it is commaunded to be proroged that is also forbidden in the chapter frequeÌ„s He that doth so argue doth not vnderstaÌ„d himselfe nor the force of the woordes It is not proroged if it be begon the 2. or 3. month but rather a continuation or execution of that which is in their power For if it were a prorogation then for so muche as a progation doth sauour of the nature of the firste delay it could not be begon in the first month but in the 2. and 3. it is not therby concluded that it could not be begon in the first but if there had ben any prorogation made til the secoÌ„d month then it coulde not haue bene begon in the first as for example I promise to geue a hundred after Easter afore Easter it can not be required but by and by after Easter it may be required and all be it that I be not vrged for it notwythstanding I doe not cease to be bounde and if so be I bedemanded it in the 2. or 3. month after it is not therby vnderstand that ther is any prorogation made Neither doth it followe but that it might haue bene demaunded in the beginning which could not haue ben done that there had ben any prorogation made Also it is nature of prorogation to bee made before the first terme or day be passed For otherwise it is no prorogation but anew appoyntment And albeit it may be saide that then it may be long delaide it is aunswered that in thys poynt we must stande vnto the iudgement of the Churche which considering diuers circumstances wold think the time mete
listed These thinges thus being done and the tumult ceased after three dayes Mahometes the Turke entreth into the Citie and first calling for the heades and auncientes of theÌ„ Citie such as he found to be left aliue he commaunded the to be mangled and â—ut in peeces It is also sayth my author reported that in the feastes of the Turks honest matrones and virgins and such as were of the kinges stocke after other coâ—umeties were he 〈◊〉 and cut in peeces for their disport And this was the end of that princely and famous 〈◊〉 of Constantinople beginning first by Constantinus and ending also with ConstaÌ„tinus which for the princely royalty therof was named and euer honoured from the time of the first Constantine equally with the City of Rome called also by the name thereof new Rome so continued the space of 1120. yeares I pray God that olde Rome may learne of new Rome to take heed and beware by tyme. This terrible destruction of the Citty of Constantinople the Queene of Cittyes I thought here to describe not so much to set forth the barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hels and mercilesse murtherers as specially for this that we being admonished by the dolefull ruine and misery of these our euen christened may call to minde the plagues miseryes deserued whiche seeme to hang no lesse ouer our owne heades and thereby may learne betime to inuocate and call more earnestly vpon the name of our terrible and mercifull God that he for his sonnes sake will keepe vs preserue his church among vs and mitigate those plagues and sorrowes whiche we no lesse haue deserued then these aboue minded before vs. Christ graunt it Amen Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer The history of Reynold Peeocke Byshop of Chichester afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospell of Christ. AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned pag. 657. next succeeded Iohn Stafford an 1445. who continued 8. yeares After hym came Iohn Kempe ann 1453. who sate but three yeares Then succeeded Thomas Burschere In the time of which Archbishop fell the trouble of Reynold Pecocke Bishop of Chichester afflicted by the Popes Prelates for hys fayth and profession of the Gospell Of this Byshoppe Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention declaring that an ouerthwart iudgement as he termeth it was geuen by the Fathers of the spiritualty agaynst him Thys man sayth he beganne to moue questions not priuatly but openly in the Uniuersityes concerning the Annates Peter pence and other iurisdictions and authorities perteyning to the sea of Rome and not onely put forth the questioÌ„s but declared his mind and opinion in the same wherefore he was for thys cause absured at Paules Crosse. Thus muche of hym wryteth Hall Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon but in few wordes This bishop first of S. Assaphe then of Chichester so long as Duke Humfrey lyued by whome he was promoted and much made of was quiet and safe and also bolde to dispute and to write hys mynde and wrote as Leland recordeth diuers bookes and treatises But after that good Duke was thus as ye haue heard made away this good man lacking his backstay was open to his enemies and matter soone found agaynst hym Wherupon he being complayned of and accused by priuy and malignant promoters vnto the Archbishop letters first were directed downe from the Archbishop to cite al men to appeare that could say any thing agaynst hym The forme of which citation here ensueth The copy of the Citation sent by the Archbyshoppe THomas by the permission of God Archb. of Canterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke Sea to all and singuler Parsons Vicares Chaplaynes Curates not Curates Clerkes and learned men whatsoeuer they be constitute ordeined in any place throughout our prouince of Caunterbury health grace and benediction We haue receiued a greeuous complaint of our reuerend felow brother Reynold Pecocke Byshop of Chichester conteyning in it that albeit our sayd reuerend felow brother the Byshop deliuered vnto vs certayne bookes written by him in the English tongue by vs and our authority to be examined corrected reformed and allowed notwithstanding many the examination and reformation of the sayde bookes depending and remayning before vs vndiscussed haue openly preached and taught at Paules crosse in London and in diuers other places of our prouince of Canterbury that our sayd felow brother the Byshop hath propouÌ„ded made and written or caused to be writen in the sayde bookes certayne conclusions repugnaunt to the true fayth and that he doth obstynately hold and defend the same By the pretence of which preaching and teaching the state good name and fame of the sayd Lord Reynolde the Byshoppe are greeuously offended and hurt and he and his opinion maruellously burdened Wherefore we charge you all together and seuerally apart do commaund you firmely enioyning you that openly and generally you doe warne or cause to bee warned all and singular such persons whiche will obiect any thing contrary and agaynst the conclusions of our sayd reuereÌ„d felow brother the Bishop had or conteined in his bookes or writings that the 20. day after such monition or warning had they do freely of theyr own accord appeare before vs and our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted wheresoeuer we shall then be in our Citty Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to speake propound alledge and affirme fully sufficiently in writinge whatsoeuer hereticall or erroneous matter they wil speak propound or obiect agaynst the sayde conclusions conteyned in his sayde bookes and both to satisfye and receiue whatsoeuer shall seeme meete and right in this behalfe by the holy institutions and ordinaunces And for so muche as this matter depending yet vndetermined and vndiscussed nothing ought to be attempted or renewed we charge you that by this our authority you inhibite and forbid all and euery one so to preach and teach hereafter Vnto whom also we by the the tenour of these presents do likewise forbid that during the examination of the conclusions and bookes aforesayde depending before vs and our Commissaryes vndiscussed they do not presume by any meanes without good aduise and iudgemeÌ„t to preach iudge and affirme any thing to the preiudice or offeÌ„ce of the sayd Lord Reynold the Byshop and if so be you do finde any in this behalfe gayne saying or not obeying this our inhibitioÌ„ that you do cite or cause theÌ„ peremptorily to be cited to appeare before vs or our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted the 10 day after theyr citation if it be a courte day or els the next courte day following wheresoeuer we shall then be in our City Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to make further declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobedieÌ„ce to receiue such punishment as iustice and equity shall determine in that behalfe that by your leters you do duely certify vs or our Commissaries what you haue
company of souldiors to do any good yet to vse pollicy where strength did lack first he sent forth certayne light horsemen to proue the countrey on euery side with persuasions to see whether the vplandyshe people would be styrred to take king Edwards part Perceiuing that it woulde not be king Edwarde flyeth to hys shiftes dissembling his purpose to be not to clayme the crowne and kingdome but onely to clayme the Duchy of Yorke whiche was his owne title and caused the same to be published This being notified to the people that he desired no more but onely his iust patrimony and lineall inheritaunce they began to be moued with mercy and compassion toward him either to fauour him or not to resiste him and so iournying toward Yorke he came to Beuerly The Marques Mountacute brother to the Earle of Warwicke was then at Pomfret to whom the Earle had sent strayght charge with all expedition to set vpon him or els to stop his passage and likewise to the Citizens of Yorke and all Yorkeshyre to shut theyr gates and take armour agaynst him King Edward being in the streetes proceeded notwithstanding nere to Yorke without resistaunce where he required of the Citizens to be admitted into theyr Citty But so stoode the case then that they durst not graunt vnto him but contrary sent him word to approch no nearer as beloued his owne safegarde The desolate king was here driuen to a narow strait who neyther could retyre backe for the opinion of the countrey and losse of his cause neither could goe further for the present daunger of the City Wherefore vsing the same pollicy as before with louely words and gentle speech he desired the messengers to declare vnto the Citizens that his comming was not to demaund the realme of England or the title of the same but onely the Duchye of Yorke his olde inheritaunce and therefore determined to set forward neither with armie nor weapō The messēgers were not so soone within the gates but he was at the gates in a manner as soone as they The Citizens hearing his courteous answere and that he intended nothing to the preiudice of the king nor of the realme were something mitigated toward him and began to common with him from the walles willing him to withdrawe his power to some other place and they would be the more ready to ayde him at least he shoulde haue no damage by them Notwithstanding he again vsed such lowly language and deliuered so faire speach vnto them entreating them so curteously and saluting the Aldermen by their names requiring at their hāds no more but only his own towne whereof he had the name and title that at length the Citizens after long talke and debating vpon the matter partly also intised with faire and large promises fell to this cōuention that if he would sweare to be true to king Henry gentle in entertaining his citizens they woulde receiue him into the Citie This being concluded the next morning at the entring of the gate a priest was ready to say Masse in the which after receiuing of the sacrament the king receiued a solemne othe to obserue the ii articles afore agreed By reason of which othe so rashly made as shortly brokē and not lōg after punished as it may wel be thought in his posterity he obteined the city of Yorke Where he in short time forgetting his oth to make al sure set in garrisons of armed soldiors Furthermore perceiuing all things to be quiet and no stirre to be made against him he thought to foreslacke no oportunitie of time and so made forward toward Lōdon leauing by the way the Marques Mountacute which lay then with his army at Pomfrete on the right hande not fully foure miles distant from his campe and so returning to the hye waye againe wente forwarde without anye stirring to the towne of Notingham where came to him sir W. Parre sir Thomas of Borough sir Tho. Montgomery diuers else of his assured frends with their aydes which caused him by proclamation to stand to his own title of king Edward the fourth sayeng that they woulde serue no man but a king At the fame here of being blowne abroade as the Citizēs of Yorke were not a little offended that worthely so frō other townes and cities Lords and noble men began to fall vnto him thinking with thēselues that the Marques Mountagew either fauoured his cause or was afraide to encounter with the mā Howsoeuer it was K. Edward being now more fully furnished at al points came to the towne of Leicester and there hearing that the earle of Warwicke accompanied with the earle of Oxford were together at Warwicke with a great power minding to set on the Earle he remooued from thence his army hoping to geue him battaile The Duke of Clarence in the meane time about London had leuied a great hoste cōming toward the earle of Warwicke as he was by the Earle appointed But when the Earle sawe the Duke to linger the time he began to suspecte as it fell out in deede that he was altered to his brethrenes part The king auansing forward his host came to Warwicke where he found all the people departed Frō thence he moued toward Couentry where the Earle was vnto whome the next day after he boldly offered battayle But the Earle expecting the Duke of Clarence his cōming kept him within the walles All this made for the king For he hearing that his brother Duke of Clarence was not farre off comming toward him with a great army raysed hys campe and made toward him either to entreate or else to encounter with his brother When ech hoste was in sight of the other Richard Duke of Gloucester brother to thē both as arbitour betweene thē first rode to the one then to the other Whether all this was for a face of a matter made it is vncertaine But hereby both the brethren leaning all army and weapon aside first louingly and familiarly commoned after that brotherly and naturally ioined together And that fraternall amitie by proclamation also was ratified and put out of all suspition Then was it agreed betwene the iij. brethren to attempt the earle of Warwicke if he likewise would be reconciled but he crieng out shame vpō the Duke of Clarence stoode at vtter defiance From thence king Edward so strongly furnished daily encreasing taketh his way to Lōdon Where after it was knowne that the duke of Clarence was come to his brethren much feare fell vpō the Londoners casting with thēselues what was best to do The sodaynues of time permitted no long cōsultation There was at London the same time the Archbishop of Yorke brother to the Earle of Warwicke and the duke of Somerset wyth other of K. Henries counsaile to whom the earle had sent in cōmaundement a litle before knowing the weaknes of the Citie that they should keepe the Citie from their
8. Cammels and 8. Moyles laden with treasure and also got two red Guidons wyth a whole great peece of rich cloth of gold and with an other fayre and straunge Iewell The horse of this foresayd turkish captayn was betrapped and decked most richly The sadle wherof had the pommell and the backe part couered ouer with plate of fine Arabicke golde and the rest of the sadle beside the sitting place was plated with siluer very fayre gilded The seate of the sadle was couered with purple veluet the trappers and bridle beset with little Turkeys and Rubies Which horse was sent to Uienna vnto the Emperour Maximilian for a present Although the Earle would very fayne haue saued the Captayn not knowing what he was yet the Ianizarites labouring to carry away their captayne so stiffly defended thēselues that the Earle with his company was constrayned to kill both them and theyr Captayne From whome the said Erle of Serin the same time got xv thousand Turkish and Hungarish Ducates which mony was brought for the payment of the Turkishe souldiours in the towne aforesayd of Finffenkyrchen c. All which be good begynninges of greater goodnes to be hoped for hereafter thorough the grace of Christ our Lord especially if our Christian rulers and potentates first the churchmen prelates for theyr partes then the ciuile powers princes for their partes with holding theyr affections a little will turne their brawles variance into brotherly concord and agrement which the Lord of peace put in theyr mindes to doe Amen Or otherwise if it will so please the Lorde that the turke come further vpon vs so as he hath begonne for our punishment castigation his grace then geue to the flock of his poore Christians constancie of fayth pacience in suffering and amendmēt of life For so I vnderstand by publicke fame although vncertaynly rumored by the voyce of some that the Turkes power of late this present yeare of our Lord 1566. hath perced the parties of Apulia within Italy wasting and burning the space of an 100. myles toward Naples Which if it be certaine it is to be feared that the Turke hauing thus set in his foote feeling the sweetnes of Italy wil not so cease before he get in both head and shoulders also so farre into Italy that he will display hys banners within the walles of Rome do with old Rome the like as Mahumete his great granfather did with newe Rome the city of Constantinople and as the Persians did with Babylon The causes why we haue so to iudge he diuers first y◠the sea of Rome hath bene defended hetherto and mayntayned with much bloud and therefore it may seeme not vncredible but that it will not long continue but be lost with bloud agayne according to the verdict of the Gospell He that striketh with the sword shall perish with the sword c. An other cause is the fulfilling of the 18. chapter of the Apocalips where is written that great Babilon shall fall be made an habitation of deuils and a denne of vncleane spirite and a cage of filthye and vncleane byrdes the fall wherof shal be like a milstone in the sea that is which shal not rise agayne And this to come before the day of iudgement the text of the sayd chapter doth apertly declare where the wordes do follow shewing that the kynges of the earth and the marchantes which had to doe with the whoorishe City standing a farre of for feare of the heate and beholding the smoke of the sayd Cittie flaming and burning with fire shall be wayle and rue her destruction and desolacion c. What citty is this called great Babilon whiche like a mylstone shall fall and burne and be made an habitation of vncleane spirites and beastes let the reader construe This is certayn and playne by these her kinges and marchantes standing a far of for feare and beholding her burning that the destruction of this city what cittye soeuer it be shall be seene here in earth before the comming of the Lordes iudgement as may easely be gathered by these iij. circumstances that is by the stāding the beholding and be wayling of her marchauntes By the which marchauntes and kynges of the earth peraduenture may be signified the Pope the rich Cardinalles the great prelates and fat doctours and other obedienciaries of the Romish sea who at the comming of the Turkes will not auenture theyr liues for theyr Church but will flee the citty no doubt and stād a farre of from daunger and when they shal see with their eyes and heare with theyr cares the city of Rome to be set on fire and consumed by the cruell Turks the sight thereof shall seeme to them piteous and lamentable to behold the great and fayre city of Rome the tall castle of S. Angell the Popes mighty sea where they were wont to fishe out such riches dignities treasures and pleasures so to burne before theyr eyes and to come to such vtter desolacion which shal neuer be reedefied agayne but shall be made an habitation of deuils and vncleane spirites that is Turkes and heathen Sultans and barbarous Saracens c. This I say peraduenture may be the meaning of that prophetical place of the Apoc. not that I haue here anye thing to pronounce but onely geue my gesse what may probably be coniectured But the end at length will make this and all other thinges more playne and manifest For mistical prophesies lightly are neuer so well vnderstand as when the euent of them is past and accomplished An other cause concurring with the causes aforesayde may be collected out of Paulus Iouius who writing ofy e subuersion of Rhodes which was as ye heard an 1522. vpon Christmas day sayth that it chaunced sodenly the same day in Rome that as Pope Hadrian the vi was entring into the church to his seruice sodeinly ouer hys head the vpper frontier or toppe of the chappel dore which was of marble immediately as the pope was entring fel downe and slue certayne of hys garde wayting vpon hym Whereby peraduenture may be ment that the ruine of Rome was not long after to folow the losse of Rhodes The fourth cause I borowe out of Ioannes Auentinus who in his thyrd booke alledging the names but not the wordes of Hildegardis Brigitte and other propheticall men hath these wordes Si vera sint carmina vaticinia D. Hildegardae Brigittae Sybillanum Germaniae Bardorum fatidicorū qui ea quae nostro aeuo completa vidimus longo ante tempore nobis cecinerunt A grippinensis Colonia nolimus velimus Turcarū caput erit c. That is if the sayings and prophesies of Hildegarde of Brigitte of other propheticall persōs be true which beyng foretold long before we haue seene now in these our dayes accōplished the town of Colen wil we nil we must needes be the head city of the turks c. And this I write
Israell so that the fishes of the Sea the foules of the heauen the beastes of the field and all that mooue and creepe vpon the earth and all the men that are vpon the earth shall tremble at my presence the mountaines shall be ouerthrowne the starres shall fall and euery wall shall fall to the ground c. ¶ The Prophesies of Methodius Hildegardis and other concerning the reygne and ruyne of the Turkes VNto these testimonies aboue excerped out of the holy Scriptures let vs adde also the propheticall reuelatious of Methodius Hildegardis Sybilla and others This Methodius is thought of some to be the same Methodius of whome Hierome and Suidas make mention which was Bishop first of Olympus in Lycia then of Tyrus and suffred martyrdome in the last persecution of the primitiue Church vnder Diocletian Unto whome also Trithemius attributeth the booke intituled De Quatuor nouissimis temporibus But that can not be forasmuch as the said Methodius doth cite and alleadge the Maister of Sentence namely in his second booke and sixe distinc Which Maister of Sentence followed more then a thousand yeare after Christ besides certaine other fabulous matter conteined in the same booke Albeit because he speaketh there of many things coÌ„cerning the state of the Church vnder Antichrist and the reformation of Religion as secmeth rightly to come to passe and more is like to follow I thought not to defraude the Reader thereof leauing the credite of the Authour to his arbitrement to esteeme and iudge of him as he seeth cause Among diuers other places of Methodius prophesieng of the latter time these words do follow After that the children of Ismaell haue had multiplied in their generations to an infinite and innumerable multitude in the desert aforesayd they came out of the wildernesse of Arabie and entred into the habitable land and fought with the Kings of the Gentiles which were in the land of promise and the â—â—â—d was filled with them And after 70. weekes and halfe of their power wherewith they haue subdued all the kingdome of the Gentiles their hart was exalted seeing themselues so to haue preuailed and to haue conquered all things c. And afterward it followeth of the same matter in this sort It shall come to passe that the sayde seede of Ismaell shall issue out and obteine the whole world with the regions thereof in the entring of peace from the land of Aegypt vnto Ethiopia from the floud Euphrates vnto India and from the riuer Tigris to the entring of Nabaot the kingdome of Ionithus the sonne of Noe and from the North vnto Rome and Illyricum Aegypt and Thessalonica and Albania and so foorth to the sea Ponticum whych deuideth the sayd kingdomes from Germanie and Fraunce and their yoke shall be double vpon the neckes of all nations and Gentiles neither shall there be nation or kingdome vnder heauen which shall be able to stand against them in battaile vntill the number of eyght weekes of yeares c. Briefly as in a grosse somme this shall suffice to admonish the reader touching the meaning and methode of Methodius Prophesies which Methodius first describing the long and tedious afflictions of Christes Church maketh mention of the seede of Ismaell which comming out of the partes and deserts of Arabie shall destroy saith he and vanquish the whole earth So that the Christians shall be giueÌ„ of God to the hands of the filthy Barbarians to be slain polluted and captiued Persia Armenia Capadocia Cilicia Syria Aegypt the East partes Asia Spaine all Grecia Fraunce Germania Agathonia Sicilia The Romanes also shall be slaine and put to flight also the Ilands of the Seas shall be brought to desolation and to captiuitie and put to the sword The which tribulation of the Christians shall be without mercy or measure the raunsome of gold and siluer and other exactions intolerable but especially the dwellers of Aegypt and Syria shall be most in the affliction of those times And Hierusalem shall be filled with multitudes of people brought thether in captiuitie from the foure windes which are vnder heauen So that beastes also and foules and fish in the water and the waters of the Sea shall be to them obedient Cities and Townes which were before full of people shall be layde waste Women with child shall be ript their children sticked infantes taken from the mothers and cast in the streates and none shall burie them The rulers and sage of the people shall be slaine and throwne out to the beastes Churches shall be spoiled the Priests destroyed virgines defloured and men coÌ„pelled to sell their children and the comming of them shall bee chastisement without mercy and with them shall go these foure plagues captiuitie destruction perdition and desolation wyth much more which for breuitie I ouerpasse And this affliction sayeth hee shall last eight weekes or Sabbates of yeares which I take to signifie eight hundreth yeares c. Secondly after these terrible plagues thus described by Methodius vpon the Christians which he sayth shall fall vpon them for their wicked abhominations recited in the first and second chapter of S. Paule to the Romaines the saide Methodius afterwarde in this great distresse of the Christians being out of all hope and comfort of reliefe declareth and speaketh of a certaine King of the Greekes or Romains which shall restore peace againe to the ChristiaÌ„s In which peace they shal reedify their cities mansions againe the Priests shal be deliuered from their greuances men at that time shall rest from their tribulations and then shall the King of the Romaines dwell in the Citie of Hierusalem a weeke or sabbate and a halfe of times c. Thirdly during the time of this peace the said Methodius saith the men shal fal into licentious securitie carelesse life and then according to the word of the Apostle saying WheÌ„ they shal say peace peace sodeine destruction shal fall vpon them then sayth he shal be opened the gates of the North the beastly people shal breake in which King Alexander the great did close vp within 2. mountaines making his prayer vnto the Lorde God that he would bind vp that bestial execrable people least with their filthy detestable pollutions they shuld come out and pollute the holy land Whose intercession being heard the Lord coÌ„manded them to be inclosed within 2. mountains in the North parts to the depenes of 12. cubits which signifieth peraduenture 12. C. yeres so that neither by witchcraft nor by any means they could get out or any might come vnto them vntill the time of the Lord apointed which are saith he the latter times then according to the prophecie of Ezechiel in the latter time of the coÌ„summation of the world Gog Magog out froÌ„ the north shal come forth into the land of Israel shal work al this mischiefe against the christiaÌ„s aboue recited And then saith Method
the Tartarians who breaking into Asia by the portes of Caspius subdued diuers partes of Asia namely about Comana Colchis Iberia Albania c. These Tartarians as they had got many captiues in their warres so for gaine vsed to shippe them ouer customably to Alexandria in Egypt to be solde whych seruantes and captiues Melechsala the great Sultane was gladde to buy to serue him in his warres Which captiues seruaunts after they had continued a certaine space in Egypte and through their valiant seruice grew in fauour and estimation with the sayd Melechsala and began more to increase in number and strength at lengthe they slue him and tooke to themselues the name and kingdome of the Sultane And thus ceased the stocke of Saracon Saladinus afore mentioned which continued in Egypt about the space as is sayd of 100 yeres An. 1240. After the death of Melechsala the army of these foresaide rascals and captiues set vp to themselues a king of theyr owne coÌ„pany whome they called Turquemenius Who to fill vp the nomber of theyr company that it should not diminish deuised this order to get or to buy christeÌ„ mens children taken yong froÌ„ their parents and the mothers lap whom they vsed so to bryng vp to make them to denye Christ and to be circumcised and instructed in Mahumetes law afterward to be trained in the feates of warre and these were called Malaluchi Among whome this was their order that none might be aduaunced to be king but out of their own number or els chosen by them neither that any shoulde be made knights or horsemen but only the children of christians which should deny Christ before called Mamaluchi Also it was among them prouided that to thys dignity neither Saracens nor Iewes should be admitted Item that the succession therof shoulde not descend to the children and offpring of these Mamaluchi Also that the succession of the crowne should not descend to the childreÌ„ of the foresayd Sultanes but shoulde goe by voyce and election The Tartarians wyth Turquemenius their king aboute thys time obtained Turquia that is Asia minor from the Turkes and wythin 2. yeres after preuailing againste the Turkes expelled them from theyr kingdome and so continued these Mamaluchi reigning ouer Egypt a great part of Asia till the time of Tomumbeius theyr last Kyng whych was destroyed and hanged at the gates of Memphis by Zelymus the Turke father to this Solymannus as in hys historye is declared Those Mamaluchi continued the space of An. 1245. These Tartarians raÌ„ging thorough the countreis of the Georgians and all Armenia came as far as IconiuÌ„ which was then the imperiall city of the Turkes An. 1289. The Soldane of Egypt Babilon got from the christiaÌ„s Tripolis Tyrus Sydon and Gerithus in Syria An. 1291. Lastly Ptoloâ—â—ais which also is called Akers was surprised by the sayd Soldan rased and cast downe to the ground all the Christians therein whych were not many left were slaine And this was the last citye which the Christians had in Asia So that nowe the Christians haue not one foot as is sayd before left in al Asia Thus the Egyptian Soldanes and the Tartarians reigned and ranged ouer the most part of Asia aboue the Turkes till the raigne of Ottomannus the great Turke aboute the space of 80 yeres ¶ And thus haue ye the whole discourse of the Turkish story with theyr names countryes townes dominions also with theyr times continuance interruptions and alterations in order described and in yeares distincted which otherwise in most authors and writers be so confused that it is heard to know distinctly what difference is betwene the Saracens Turkes Tartarians the Sultans or Soldans Mamuluches or Ianizarites What is theyr Calipha their Seriphes their Sultan or Bassa in what times they began and how long and in what order of yeres they reigned Al which in thys present table manifestly to thine eye may appeare ¶ Wherein this thou hast moreouer gentle Reader to coÌ„sider which is worthy the noting how the B. of Rome all this season froÌ„ the first beginning of the Turks reigne hath not ceased from time to time continually calling vpon Christen princes and subiectes to take the crosse and to warre against the Turkes wherupon so many great viages haue bene made to the holy lande so many battailes sought against the Turke and Soldan for winning the holy crosse and yet no luckie successe hath followed thereof hetherto nor euer came it prosperously forward whatsoeuer through the exciting of that Bishop hath beene attempted against that great enemy of the Lorde In somuch that the Christians haue lost not onely all that they had in Asia but also vnneth are able to defende that little they haue in Europe against his violence What the cause is of thys harde lucke of the Byshops doings it is hard for man to define Let men muse as their minde leadeth and as the Gospell sayth he that hath eyes to see let him see This is certaine that as there hath lacked no care nor diligence in the B. of Rome to stirre men vp to that business so on the Princes behalfe there hath lacked no courage nor strength of men no contribution of expenses no supportation of charges no furniture or abilement of warre onely the blessyng of God semeth to haue lacked The reason and cause whereof I would were to easy to be reformed as it may be quickly construed For what man beholding the life of vs Christians wil greatly maruell why the Lord goeth not with our army to fight against the Turks And if my verdit might here haue place for me to adde my censure there appeareth to me an other cause in this matter yet greater then thys aforesaid which to make plaine and cuidet in ful discourse of wordes laisure no we doth not permit Briefly to touch what I conceiue my opinioÌ„ is thys that if the sincere doctrine of Christen faith deliuered left vnto vs in the word of God had not hen so corrupted in the church of Rome or if the B. of Rome would yet reclame his impure idolatry and prophanations and admit Christe the Lambe of God to stande alone without our unpure additions to be our onely Iustification according to the free promise of Gods grace I nothing doubt but the power of this faith grounding onely vpon Christ the sonne of God had both framed our liues into a better disposition and also soone would or yet wil bring downe the pride of that proude Dolofernes But otherwise if the Bish. of Rome will not gently geue place to the milde voyce of Gods word I thinke not contrary but he shal be compelled at last to giue place roume to the Turke whether he will or not And yet notwythstanding when both the Turk the Pope shal do against it what they can the trueth and grace of Gods Testament shall fructify increase by such meanes as the Lorde shall worke which
hys owne promises Saluation standeth sure and certayne by Gods promise The place of S. Paule Rom. 4. expounded The 4. inconuenience The 4. principle aboue recited broken Ex Lindano in Epitome doctrinae Euangelicae The first errour of the Papistes touching good workes Hosius in 2. tom confessionis Cap. 1. The second errour of the Papistes in the doctrine of good workes Fayth the roote and cause of good workes Workes are not to be called good but by reason of fayth The office of fayth to iustifie The effect of fayth to bring forth good workes Fides per dilectioneÌ„ operans Gal. 5. The 3. errour of the Papistes touching the end of the law good works The end of the law and good workes peruerted Thom. Aquinas Hosius in 2. tom conses Cap. 1. The diuers opinions of their Catholicke Papistes how faith iustifieth The Popes doctrine agaynst the principles of Scripture The 4. errour of the Papistes touching the imperfection of man in satisfiyng the perfection of the law Agaynst the pâ—inciples of Scripture Precepteâ— and Counsayles Workes of supererogation Mens traditions preferred before the workes of Gods law Agaynst the principle of Scripture Erroneous doctrine of the latter Church of Rome concerning 〈◊〉 Original sinne 〈◊〉 it is Fomes peccati Concupiscentia Original sinne â—â—â—nuated False doctrine of the latter Church of Rome touching penaunce Contrition Confession Satisfaction True doctrine of repentaunce by the scripture Partes of repentance 1. Contrition 2. Fayth 3. New obedience The blinde ignoraunce of the popes Church in not distincting the law from the Gospel A Babilonicall confusion in the Popes doctrine What difference the Papistes put betwene Moses and Christ. Papistes make the Gospell a new law Papistes deuide the law into the law of nature the law of Moses and the lawe of Christ. The Popes Churche blinde in the office of Christ. The time of the law and time of the Gospell distincted Malediction of the law ceaseth in Christ. The vse of the law remayneth Christ and the law can not raygne together Ephes. 4. The power of the law is for a time The power of Christ is eternall Rom. 8. Colos. 2. The malediction of the law geueth place to Christ. The curse of the law is crucified and shall neuer rise agayne Rom. 7. Rom. 6. To be vnder the law and vnder grace expounded What is to be vnder grace Psal. 31. Act. 10. One remedy for remission of sins and no more Auriculer confession no remedy for remission of sinnes Remission of sinnes standeth vpon a generall cause and not particular The law crucifieâ— by Christ. 〈◊〉 meaneth Obiection Aunsâ—â—â— The cause of remission eueâ— one and perpetuall The promise of remission euer perpetuall Remission of sinnes freely promised without limitation of time or number The meanes whereby remission is promised is onely fayth The wordes of promise free and absolute Act. 10. Mans infirmitie impayreth not the grace of Christ but augmenteth it 2. Cor. 12. Rom. 5. Foure thinges concurre in remissioÌ„ of sinnes The Popes errours touching remission of sinnes detected What inconuenience riseth for Jacke of distinction betweene the law and the Gospell Erroneous doctrine of the papistes concerning free will Meritum de congruo Meritum de incongruo False doctrine concerning inuocation Mediator of intercession Mediator of saluation Christ a continuall Mediator by the doctrine of S. Paule Rom. 8. Christ onely being our Mediator of saluation what needeth any other Mediation of Sainctes Saluation falsely attributed to the blessed Virgine Idolatrous adoration of Reliques and Sacramentes Prophanation of the Lordes Supper False mâ—lting by Masses False doctrine touching Sacramentes The number Caâ—â—e finall The operation The application of Sacramentâ— Errours and abuses in Baptisme Baptising of Belles False doctrine of the Popes Churche concerning the Lordes Supper Idolatry coÌ„mitted to the Sacrament The Sacrament turned to an Idole ChauÌ„ging Worshiping Offering Eating Burning the body of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar Absurdities and errours of the popes Churche touching Matrimony 1. Cor. 7. 1. Tim. 3. 1. Tim. 4. Leuit. 18. Single life be it neuer so impure preferred before Matrimony The third part of christendome stopt by the Popes law to marry the Popes doctrine agaynst Priestes maryage and their Children The third part of the yeare exempted froÌ„ the mariage Mariage within the fift or sixt degree by the Popes law Gossippes inhibited to marry by the Popes law What inconueniences come by restrayning of mariage The corrupt doctrine of the Popes Churche concerning ciuile rulers and magistrates Rom. 13. The Phantasies and Antiques of the popes Churche concerning Purgatory Ex Thom. Mono alijs Manifest defection of the Popes Church from the olde fayth of Rome Contrarietie betweene the Religion of Christ and of the Pope briefly noted Christes doctrine is wholly spirituall No outward thing is required in Christes doctrine to make a Christen man but onely Baptisme and the Lordes Supper All doctrine of the Pope standeth onely in outward things A Christen man defined after the Popes doctrine Corporall exercise serueth to small profite Two thinges in this history chiefly to be noted The world The kingdome of Christ in this world The visible Church The Church of Christ deuided in two sortes of people Euseb. Lib. 1. cap. 1. Gods punishment for refusing the Gospel Tiberius Casar moueth the Senate to haue Christ receaued Christ refused of the Senate of Rome The vayne cause why the Senate of Rome refused Christ. Tertul. Apol. cap. 5. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 3. The Senate and Citie of Rome plagued for refusing of Christ. Ex Suet. in vitae Tiberij Christ suffereth and riseth agayne An. 34. Sainct Paul conuerted An. 35. An. 39. Caesar. Caligula Caligula commaunded hys image to be set vp in the Temple of Hierusalem The abhomination of desolation standing in the holye place Herode miserably dyed in banishment Gayphas deposed An. 43. Ex Gotfrido Viterbiensi part 25 Claudius Nero. An. 56. Domitius Nero. The horrible wickednes and crueltie of Nero. Peter and Paule suffered for Christ. An. 69. Vespasian Emperour and Titus his sonne The destruction of the Iewes A note for all Realmes to marke The Romanes in contemning Christ punished by their owne Emperours Examples of the 〈◊〉 plague of God vpon the Romaine Emperours persecuting and resisting Christ till the time of Constantine Tiberius 〈…〉 Neâ—â— Galbe Ottho Vitelius Titus Domitian Commedus Pertinax Iulianas Seueras Gera. Bassianus Macrinus Deadâ—nerus Helagabâ—lus Alexande Seuerus Maximinus Maximus Barbinus Gordianus Philippus Decius Gallus Volusianus Aemilianus Varelianus Galienus Aurelianus Tacitus Florinus Probus Carus Dioclesianus Maximianus Galerius Maximinus Maxentius Licinius Brittaines Gildas Wickliefe and hys bookes condemned and brent for an heriticke after hys death Gods benefites toward England A caueat for England S. Steuen the first ring leader of all Christes Martyrs S Iames the Apostle brother of Iohn Martyred Act. 12. Hist. Eccle. lib. 2. cap. 9. Ex clemente Septimae Hypolyposeon A notable conuersion of a
to the king Houeden referreth not this saiâ—ing to the Bishop of London but to the Archbishop of Yorke Becket called traytor of the king and of all hys nobles A blinde zeale for the proud liberties of the Church Who so taketh Beckets part is counted a rebells Becket cited to Rome vpon periury by the Byshops Becket condemned of periurie Becket cited to Rome Becket called to a full accompt Ex Rogero Houedeno Becket iudged to be layd in prison Ex quadripartita historia lib. 1 cap. 38. Becket appealeth to the Pope Becket thinketh not sufficient the protection of God without the pope Becket flyeth out of the court Becket chaungeth his name and is called Derman Histories differ something in the order of hys flight The Frâ—â—â— king supporteth Becket agaynst the king of England Ambassadour 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 Theories of the earl of Aâ—â—â— to the 〈◊〉 The Pope râ—â—â—dereth Beckets cause against the â—ing Becket coÌ„playneth of the king to the pope Repentance for his well doyng Beckets argument the Pope brought him not in but the K. Ergo God brought him not in And why might ye not M. Becket resigne it as well to his handes of whome ye tooke it A consultation betweene the Pope and the Cardinals about Beckets matter Becket in banishment 〈◊〉 yeares The kinges decrees Anno. 1166. Beckets kindred banished These monkes were of the Cisteâ—â—an order Becket complayneth of his prince to the Pope To keepe vnder the pride of prelates is no cause sufficient to vnking a Prince If ye meane by spiritual things such as pertaine to the spirituall part of man I graunt but your liberties be not such as which pertayne to the inward or spirituall man but râ—ther are thinges more corporall Peâ—â—â—â—yeth 〈…〉 bu◠〈◊〉 cause maketh 〈◊〉 true persecution 5. 6. 7. 9. * Note the Iudgement of God against this Becket who was slaine at his masse making the bodie of Christ. Answers the Popes letter Fredeâ—ike falsly compared to Pharao but this was 〈◊〉 clawe the pope withâ—â— Becket a stubburne trespasser Ergo no martyr A letter of Becket to the byshop of Norwych The Bishop of London excommunicated This Bishop was excommunicated because he set in the Deane of Salesbury without the licence of him being then beyoÌ„de the seas A sâ—ditious complaint of Becket to the pope against his king Godly articles condemned by Becket Becket repreheÌ„ded for complayning of his king Excommunication abused in priuate reuenge about lands and possessions The letters of the Byshops to Becket The coÌ„mendation of K. Henry 2. 〈◊〉 his meekenes and moderation Scripture in wordes rightly aledged but falsly applyed I deny your Minor M. Becket The church of Christ caÌ„not be ouerthrowen Ergo Bec. ought not to be resisted Seruitude and libertie of the Church wrongfully defined The wordes of holy scripture clarkely applyed Turne to thee Nay turne thou to the Lord and thou shalt be saued The soule of the Church is the libertie of the Church Faith Becket Vnbeseeming wordes of high presumption Christ is not iudged in the persons of any traytor CoÌ„science made where is none But he leaueth out here the maâ—â—r of his comming to the court and the sturdines of his behauiour Becket seemeth here more skilfull of his masse booke then of the booke of holy scripture either els hee might see it no new thing in the old law for kings to depriue priestes and to place whom they would Kings in the old law did not intermedle with the Priestes office in some thinges that were forbidden But yet kinges were officers ouer priestes to correct them when they did amisse If ye meane of Achaâ— and Oze in the old testament then we denie your Minor They be the successours and sonnes of â—aints not that holde the places of sainctes but that doe the workes of saints Hierom. If the king had bene an adulterer or tyrant against the true doctrine or preaching of Christ then might this reason serue and God more to be obeyed then maÌ„ Now where did Bec. learne that the king in his temporall right was not to be obeyed Take heede ye marre all and ye open that dore This Iohn was called â— schismaâ—â—â—â— because he tooke paâ—â— with Reginald Aâ—â—â— of Colen the Emperour against Alexander the Pope Clemenâ—â— decree Diuers 〈◊〉 of excommunication The councel speaâ—â— of such which be worthely excommunicated This Gregory otherâ—â—â— called Hiâ—debraÌ„d 〈◊〉 he that 〈◊〉 tooke away priestes mariage condemning 〈◊〉 priestes for fornicators which had wiues Discussing of a true appellation The forme of a true appellation One person can not both be the appeale maker and the partie appealed Though the Popes lawe will not defend them yet the lawe of the scripture will and doth The letter of the Empresse to Becket Anno. 1169. Becket stirring vp the French king against the king of England A communication betweene Becket and the Cardinalles Beckets addition Becket would neither stand to iudgement nor triall Becket lâ—ueth benâ— his bisâ—opricke thâ—â— the peace â— the churchd for all his gaye talice Becket coÌ„meth in with his 〈◊〉 addition Saluo honore Die Becket â—â—â—ged with vnkindenâ— The kings offer to Becket both charitable and reasonable The words of the FreÌ„câ— king This maior if it had bin ioyned with a good Minor had made a good argument Exquaâ—ilogo Anno. 1170. The Bishop of London excommunicated with foure other Byshops suspeÌ„ded The cause of the kinges wrath against Becket Becket returneth out of banishment Ex Rogerio Houedono The wordes of the king which were the cause of Beckets death If the Papistes will needes measure the successe of things by seasons and wether then must they by that reason condemne the cause of Becket his aduersaries hauing such forwardnes of wether in doing their feate The talke betwene the foure souldiers and Tho. Becket The stout heart of Becket Anno. 1171. The death of Tho. Becket What is to be thought or iudged of Thomas Becket What is to be thought whether Thomas Becket dyed a sainct or not The puâ—â—tion of â—â—â—ket iudâ—â— not cauâ—â— call Becket â—â—â—ged with presumpâ—â— and laâ—â—â— diserâ—tion Ambiâ—â—â— noted in Becket â—â— not resâ—â—â— but taâ—ing his promotion Byshopâ— against 〈◊〉 wils thâ—â—â— into their byshopâ—â—â— Ex chroâ—â—co Nenâ—â—â—gensit Acta Beckets improbatâ— Ex Caesario Monacho lib. 8. dialo cap. 69. Whether Tho. Becket be saued or damned If God in these latter dayes geueth no mirâ—cles to glorifie the glory of his own sonne much lesse wil he giue myracles to glorifie Thomas Becket Liber de miraculis b. thomae autore monacho quodam Cantuar Miracles of Beâ— considered Aqua Cantuariensis Singing at the masse forbidden by Tho. Becket after his death A blasphemous lye Beck aboue the Martirs in heauen A place prepared in heauen for Becket xii yeares before his death An impudent and a lying myracle Ex historia monachs Cantiâ—a de miraculiib Thomae A blasphemous vision A false and impudent myracle The blasphemous antheme 〈◊〉 Becket Tu per
authorised TransubstaÌ„tiation Mariage in the 3. degree forbidden The pope setteth kings and Emperours together by the eares Philip the Emperour deposed Otho the Emperour deposed The councel of Lateran Martyrs of Alsatia to the number of all 100. burned in one day Ex Herm. Mutio. Collectes sent from the brethreÌ„ of Millane to them of Alsatia Obseruant Friers begaÌ„ Dominick Friers vpholders of the popes Church The Minorite Friers discended from Sainct Fraunces Diuers sectes of Franciscans The table of all religious orders A propheâ— for the deeâ— of the Remish church â—ildegardis â—â—ophecying â—rier and â—onkes Crossebearer Fryerâ— Albingenses A letter of the Bishop Portinensis concerning the Albingenses The blind ignorance of fryers described The fruites of Antichrist Antichrist his broode Patience proueth M. Fryer The Fryer must answere according to Gods worde Friers may better breake Gods law then mans lawe There is but one religion The Frier more bound to his habite then the man to his wife If the habite make the Fryer religious as his habit weareth so doth his religion Holines of all hipocrites consisteth in clothing and outward appearaÌ„ce All Fryâ— found 〈◊〉 Fryers be dead men and 〈◊〉 beggaâ— Graâ—es 〈◊〉 for de◠〈◊〉 and noâ— courtly 〈◊〉 Friers 〈◊〉 the kingâ— liege 〈◊〉 Friers 〈◊〉 no mâ—s pâ—ers Friers graâ—ter and beter thé 〈◊〉 O vnchâ—â— table Friâ—â— Friers stealers of meâ— children Shrift anâ— burials 〈◊〉 more gaâ—full then 〈◊〉 ministring of the sacrâ—ments Poore 〈◊〉 haue no soules says my felloâ— Fryer These be they that will not â—â—ter themselues noâ— suffer otheâ— men that would The Frier getteth by In prineâ—â— yet hateth the Gospeâ— Iudas for â— pence but the priest â— Frier for 4. pence selleth Christ. A compariâ—on betwene â—uâ—as the â—rier The Frier writeth beâ—ause God â—orgetteth â— is better â— labour â—eue then â— loiter and â—g M. Frier â—lers begge â—om al men 〈◊〉 make the â—ope rich 〈◊〉 it be imâ—erfectioÌ„ to â—e rich why â—o the friers â—esire to â—ake the â—ope vnperâ—â—ct Fraunces â—der be coÌ„â—ary to Christ his â—â—stament 〈◊〉 is Franâ—s accursed He that is more holy in hand thâ— in heart is false to God A subiect to exempt him selfe from the lawes of his prince smelleth oâ— treason Friers are forced to be theeues Workes of supererogation God is the limiter of nâ—eede and reward and not the Frier Friers will not pray but for them that be of their fraternitie Friers doe make Apostataes The number of Friers are superfluous as necessary as ten fingers on one hande See so fast the Frier followeth Christ in his pouertie Friers are the letters of preaching the Gospell What holynes is in a friers coat The stouter begger the nobler Fryer Why fryers so much desire to haue rich men buryed in their frieries Friers behestes are false deceits Friers desire to be Lordes and Ladies confessors Fryers and Pharises say one and doe another Dilemma Which is the best order of Friers Friers neuer agree one with an other The Fryeâ— thinkes 〈◊〉 rule peâ—â—ter the â—â—stes beeâ—â— be leaâ—â— the one 〈◊〉 follow 〈◊〉 the other Dilemma Fryers 〈◊〉 sit in 〈◊〉 aboue the Apostles Otho the Emperoâ— set vp 〈◊〉 deposed againe by 〈◊〉 Pope A complaint of the nobles of England against the couetousnes of Rome Example reaching neuer to take part against their king with foreigne power Cardinall Otho Legat The pope requireth two prebeÌ„dships in euery cathedrall Church Note the cause why the pope is compelled to craue money of other countries A councell at London called Great rewardes giuen to the Cardinall Contention for sitting on the right hand of the Cardinall Why Saint Paul standeth on the right hand of the popes crosse Why the archb of Cant. hath the right hand and the archb of Yorke the left hande Note the theam of the Cardinall applyed to God howe he applyeth it to him selfe Scripture clerkly applyed A letter of the Cardinal to bishops and archdeacons Censure of the Church well applyed Foure markes to be paide to the Pope of euery procuration Note the craftie practise of the Romish prelats to proyle for money * Note the stile of Rome * mmo malesicium naufragiuÌ„ pecuniae Fredericke the Emperour maried king Iohns daughter The fifth part of euery spirituall mans liuing giuen to the Pope Three hundred Romanes to be placed in the best benefices of England Petrus Râ—beus the Popes ageâ— A Romish sleight of 〈◊〉 pope to geâ— English mâ—ney Exceptioâ—â— alledged foâ— not contributing to the Pope Articles exhibited in the councel of Lugdunâ— for the greuances susteined by the pope The 1. greuance The seconâ— The third The fourth The fifth He meaneth â—ercase Oâ—ho or maiâ—er Martiâ—â—s The sixte The seuenth The Babiloâ—icall captiâ—â—tie slaâ—ery of Englande vnder the Pope The letter of K. HeÌ„ry the third to the Byshops K. Henry the â— commaundeth no taxe nor tallage to be sent to the pope The popes saying against kyng Henry K. Henry againe restraineth the popes taxes The pope taketh against the king The kyng compelled for feare to gyue ouer to the pope The pope asketh the 3 part of the church goods A story of Cardinall Otho at Oxford A skirmish betwene the scholers of Oxford and the Cardinals men The Cardinall runneth away Thirtie scholers taken and had to prison Three score thousand Florens contributed to the pope in one yeare of the clergic Ludouicke the French kyng Ludouicke fighteth against Albingenses Ludouicke besiegeth Tholouse The hand of God fighting for his people Ex Mat. Pariensian vita Henrici 3. The generall of the army slaine The siege against Albingenses broke vp The expugnation of a certaine strong castle of Damiâ—ta in Egypt by the Christians Damieta taken by the christiaÌ„s The story of S. Elizabeth Elizabeth daughter of the kyng of Hungary S. Elizabeth prouoketh her husband to goe and fight for the holy lande The mother of S. Elizabeth accused of adulterye The sentence of a double meaning The 〈…〉 of a 〈◊〉 sentence Elizabeâ—â— Canâ—â—â— Saint 〈◊〉 mayne Ann. 1221. Ex 〈◊〉 pensâ—â— dius 〈◊〉 The grayâ—â—ers â—â—tred into England The 〈◊〉 Gray 〈◊〉 first câ—â—med Ioannes oâ— Egideo Alexanâ—â— de Haâ—â— Charterhouse 〈◊〉 founded by WilliaÌ„ 〈◊〉 Ela soâ—dre 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 of Laâ—â—â—â— Two 〈◊〉 ned at 〈◊〉 cell in Oxford Ex Nic. â—â—uet Dissentâ—â— betweene the Citizâ— of London of Wesminster Wholsome counsayle of the Maior of London refused of wilde heads Constantine executed at London for ryot Hubert lord chiefe iustice of England Ex Math. Parisiensi Discord and contention amoÌ„g church men Ex Math. Paris ex Florilego Whether the monastery of Westminster be exemted from the subiection of the bish of London or not Anno. 1222. horrible teÌ„pest in Englande A woman with 8. of her householde slaine with thunder Grantham church burned with lightning Anno. 1223. Lewes king of Fraunce The French king false of his promise Anno. 1224. Wardship first graunted to the kyng Ex Gisburnensi aelijs Magna
of the holy cup. The solemne publishing of the sentence of condemnation against I. Hus. The Emperours iourney into Arragon Pardons were here dogge cheape Concilium Foeeâ—fragum And hovv chauÌ„ceth it that the charte of Constantines donation is not here mentioned Prouide that the churchmen loose nothing in no case Ann. 1416. Ierome oâ— Prage replied agaynst the sermon of the Byshop of Lâ—dy 22. 23 25. 26. 27. â—â— Anno. 1417. 29. 30. 32. 33. Pope Benedict accused 35. The Pope curseth the councell 38. 39 39. Decrees for generall counsels The profession which the pope is bound to 40. The order â—aner of the Conclaue in chusing the Pope These were wise Cardinals they vvould not goe into the Conclaue but they would be sure to haue their goods safe vnspoyled Pope Martine hatched The Emperour leadeth the Popes horse by the bridle on the right hand The prince electour leadeth the popes horse on the left hand Apparell of the clergie Smell here reader this made well for the popes purse Ex paralipomeno Albatis â—rsp The number of prelates in the counsell of Constance Common vvomen in the councell of CoÌ„stance 60500. strauÌ„gers at the counsell of Constance The generall councell aboue the pope Communion in both kindes denyed by this conÌ„cell The safe coÌ„duct geuen to maister Iohn Hus. Ala. Caput pag. 929. Aunswer to Ala. Copâ— Iohn Hus taketh the Emperours safe coÌ„duct Letters of Iohn Hus set vp An other intimation of I. Hus set vp for his going to CoÌ„stance The offer of I. Hus to his enemies A writing aâ— Hus at the kinges â—aes The testimony of the good â—ish of Nazareth The Bish. of Nazareth witnesseth with Iohn hus Conrade the Archb. cleareth Iohn Hus. Iohn Hus requireth to geue testimony of his faith and could not be admitted Iohn Hus taketh his iourney to Constance The letters which Iohn Hus set vpon cities as he passed to Constance How I. Hus was receiued by the way going vp to the counsell Nurrenberge A Charterhouse moÌ„ke against Iohn Hus. Iohn Husses Hoâ—â—es named saith The Pope â—oÌ„senteth to â—elaâ—e conâ—câ—â— of Iohn Hus. Sâ—anislaus â—â—oma Husâ—â— enemy goâ—ng to Constance â—â—e â— by the way Steuen Palletz Michaâ—ll de Causis â—â—â—e enemies to Hus. A Bull against Ladiâ—â—us king of Apulia Michaell de Causis The wicked liâ—e of Mich. de Causis Huâ—â—es enemie described The enemies of Hus praâ—tile against him I. Hus desired to plead his cause before the whole councell 1. Hus is come before the Pope the cardinals The wordes of the pope the Cardinals to I. Hus. The auÌ„swere of Iohn Hus to the Pope and the Cardinals Dolus malus Cardinaliunâ— A Frier Minor putteâ—h two quâ—â—tions to Iohn Hus. A friâ—rly Iudas M.I. Clum â—peaketh for I. Hus. A wolfe in a Lambes skinne Didace a crafty Frier Many a man beguiled vnder the cloke of simplicitie I. Husses accusers triumphe ouer him when he was taken The pope breaketh promise The pope to please the councel was against I. Hus. The imprisoÌ„meÌ„t and sickenes of Iohn Hus. Articles against Iohn Hus. The supper of the Lord. Of the administration of Sacraments Of the Church Eclesiastical reuenues The bishops power The power of the keies of the Church Excommunication In vestitures The office of preacâ—ing Lupus agnuÌ„ accusat quod turbaâ—â—s sontem A heaping togeather of many greeuous crâ—nes The departure of the Germaines from the vâ—uersitie of Prage The 45. articles of Wickliffe The office of preaching forbidden by the Archb. Insurrectiós feared in Bohâ—â—me against the clergie Cayphas prophesied Maister Palletz lyeth for the holy Ghost had no leasure to come to that councell I. Hus sicke of an agew in prison I. Hus debarred of his aduocate The bookes which I. Hus wrote in prison Pope Iohn fled out of CoÌ„stance Noble men of Boheme labour for Iohn Hus. The safe coÌ„duct of the Emperor chalenged The extremities Iohn Hus â—â—tlered in prison The conâ—utation of certain slanders The Byshop of Luthonis The answer and accusation of the Bish. of Luthonis against Iohn Hus. The byshop of Luthonius answere confuted The byshops do quarell about the safe conduct of Iohn Hus. The safe coÌ„duct of Iohn Hus obteyned and shewed before the imprisonment of Iohn Hus. The byshops of the councell falsly enformed touching the safe conduct of Iohn Hus. Iohn Hus imprisoned before he was either condemned or heard Alexander the â— The answere touching the citation of I. Hus to the court of Rome I. Hus his procurers euill entreated at Rome I. Hus falsly reported to preach openly at Constance I. Hus falsely charged to preach comming to the councell I. Hus had many welwillers in Bohemia Vide supra pag. 597. An other supplication of the Bohemians for Iohn Hus. The Lordes could haue no answere of their supplication The protestation of I. Hus. Vid. in priore edit pag. 207. Articles foisted out of Husses bookes by enemies The councell euil ininformed against Iohn Hus. The nobles required that Iohn Hus not being conuicte nor coÌ„demned shoulde be deliuered out of prison A petition for M. Iohn Husses deliuerance out of prison The answer of the councell to the supplication I. Hus in no case must be baled No credite to be kept with an heretique Supplication to the Emperour Sigismund The Barons supplication to the king for I. Hus. The king forced by the importunity of the Cardinals to breake promise The mischieuous counsell of the popish band The craftie couÌ„saile of the papistes stopped by the Emperour I. Hus forced to keepe silence by outrage of the bishops and priestes The like practise in these latter dayes was vsed at Oxford against the godly fathers An outragious councel A great Eclipse of the Sunne They weÌ„t forth with swordes staues as it had bene to take a theife Peter and Iohn follow Christ into the bishops house Matter made against I. Hus False witnes against Iohn Hus The aunswer of Iohn Hus. Naming of bread forbid by the archb The Cardinall sophisticateth with I. Hus. The disputation of the English use An English man Iohn Hus agreeth with that blinde rime in the sacrament Stokes an Englishe man False witnes Iohn Hus falsely accused for calling S. Gregory a rimer The Cardinall of Florence Twenty witnesses preuayled against Iohn Hus but the testimony of al Boheme would not serue on his part The Cardinall of Cambray He meaneth Gerson An other accusation for defending of Wickliffes articles Certaine Articles of Wickliffe that I. Hus stoode in A treatise against SteueÌ„ Palletz Whether tenthes be pure almose Almose staÌ„deth of duty I. Hus his minde touching the coÌ„demnation of Wickliffes articles Wickliffes bookes burned in prage by Archb. Suinco A narration touching Wickliffes bookes The vniuersitie of prage maketh supplication to the king for sauing of Wickliffes bookes Wickliffs bookes burned in Prage against the kings will A decree that no maÌ„ should teach any more in chappels Iohn Hus appealed to the pope from the pope to Christ. A questioÌ„ of
generall councell The councell of Constance decreeth the Pope to be vnder the Councell The actes of the Apostles The cauncell of Nice The title of the Councels The constitutions of the B. of Rome are not the lawes of the church By the church the councell is vnderstand Simons obedience necessary in the Byshops of Rome The fauourers and mainteiners of the pope goe about to mainteine preferre the pleasure profit of one before a common commoditie The pope can abide no generall Councels Non obstante In the Popes Bulles The councel to be aboue the pope The full iudgemét of the church is not to be found but in the generall Councel No appealâ— to be made froÌ„ the couÌ„cel to the P. Acts 13. Gal. 2. Peter constrayned to obey the generall councell The decree of the councel of Constance The pope bound vnder the obedience of the generall Councel Diuers places rehearsed out of the Gospels and Apostles for authoritie of the Church and generall councels aboue the Pope Weight is matters intreated but onely in generall councels The Pope not sufficient of him selfe to connince or iudge heretickes The pope may erre Whether the pope may be deposed by the councell or not The places Tibi dabo claues regniâ—exlorum Pasce oues meas make nothing for the popes supremacye The Popes supremacie consuted Peter representeth the person of the church and not of the Pope The keyes geueÌ„ to the church and not to one man Pope Boniface erreth The B. of Rome vnproperly called the head of the Church The dote which say that the pope cannot be deposed for any other cause then for heresie Fruiteles braunches are to be cutt of If the pope be vnsauery salt he is to be cast away A note for all naughty prelats The wordes of â— Peter to Clement The epistle of Clement to Iames doubted The pope may and ought to be both accused punished for ill doing Whether the pope may be deposed by the counsell or no. The pope is rather to be called the vicar of the Church then of Christ. Pope Iohn 23. deposed and yet for no heresie Whether councells may be coÌ„gregated without the authority of the Pope They erre that say the Pope ought onely to appoint the councells Marke wherefore the popes will haue no generall couÌ„cell The first councell of the apostles The 2. couÌ„cell of the Apostles The 3. couÌ„cell of the Apostles The 4. couÌ„cell of the Apostles Generall councells in tymes past coÌ„gregated by Emperours not by popes If the greater part of the Church do consent a councell may be holdeÌ„ whether the Pope will or no. How the Pope is a schismaticke The Pope can not dissolue a generall councell against the will of the same The saying of Macrobius Whether the pope in certaine cases may dissolue the councell The definition of faith The definition of the catholicke faith Rom. 3. Catholicke what it is The councel of CoÌ„stance Vid. supra pag. 650. The wordes of the councel of ChalcedoÌ„ where by he is declared an hereticke that holdeth any opinion contrary to the councell Panormitan is noted and veriâ— well nipped by his owne supposition Tell the church that is to say the generall councell The Byshop of Burgen Panormitanes oration Foure thinges to be considered in euery request Panormitane would haue dignitie to be coÌ„sidered in couÌ„cell not voices Panormitane seemeth to delay the proces against the pope The 3. part of Panormitans oration Persuations of Panormitane The praise of Lodouicus the prothonotarie Bishops onely to haue determining voyce in councells It is no maruell why he alleadged no more or better matter for of noughty Lether no man can make a good shoe And note here how God with draweth his giftes when men dissemble cloke the truthe Truth seeketh no corners The patieÌ„ce and answere of Arelatensis Didimus reprehended that which was in his owne booke founde He meaneth Panormitane and Lodouicus the Prothonotary Marke O ye Bishops the couÌ„cell of Basill contendeth for you and ye will not vnderstaÌ„d it This was a â— true Cardinall out of whose mouth the veritie did speake which feared not the threatnings of princes neither sought any worldly glory or dignitie Marke what worldly pompe dignitie and wealth had brought the prelates to in those dayes Note here the great godlynes most christian saying of this good Bishop Truth many times dwelleth vnder the ragged cloke Steuen the first martir Note the finâ—etitie ritie of this good Bishop which stayed himselfe vpon the examples of the primitiue church not vpon customes popes Athanasius beeing but a priest and no Bishop vanquished an Archb. The name of priests or elders commoÌ„ both to Bishops and priests Paule Bishop of Antioch Paule the hereticke with his godly eloqueÌ„ce S. Augustines minde vpon this sentence Tibi dabo claues regni caelorum Byshops are of greater power then priests rather by custome then dispensation of truth Byshops and priestes ought to rule the church together Aeneas Siluius Note that Abbots were not instituted by Christ. Italy surmounteth all other nations in number of Byshops Note the terrible persecution of those dayes and the great constancie of the godly for the truthes sake O zeale of fayth worthie the crowne of martyrdom Eccle. 7. The bishops â—eare the earthly power but not God The bishops of the primitiue church what they were Poore men more meete to geue iudgement then riche for riches wealth and dignitie bringeth feare but pouertie causeth libertie * The Byshoppes in this age of the church what they are In matters of faith and religion there ought to be no delayes The eight yeare of the councell of Basill How subtelly they sought delayes The decrees of the councell of Constance If these thinges seeme so vntollerable what shall we say wheÌ„ as they make the Pope a God They which teach this doctrine are heretickes schismaticks but blessed are those heretickes for theirs is the kingdome of heauen A christian exhortation to constancy and martirdome This came so to passe 23. yeares after when Christendome lost Constantinople and all the east partes vnto the Turkes Examples of good men dying for their couÌ„trey The noble Laâ—cedemonians The blessed state of the life to come The worthy aunswere of Theodorus Cyrenensis No death to be feared for christs Church Example of Mariners HuÌ„ters Example of the 11. thousand virgins Iewes Patriarke of Aquileia Duke of Decke in â—weuia The Earle of Diersten The prayse of the citizens of Basill Humilitie sister to nobilitie Amodeus Archbishop of Lions Anno. 1438. Bishops that he at home haue toÌ„gue here to speake for the Pope Marke how they are turned back which somtime fauoured the truth are now become liers flatterers Constancie lacked in diuers of this councell Panormitane speaketh like himselfe Nicholas Amici a diuine of Paris The oration of Segouius Ambros. ad Valentinianum How farre wherein Bishops ought to iudge vpon Emperours He excuseth the Patriarke
Martir Men of Amersham burnt in the cheeke for Gods word Anno. 1506. Tho. Chase Martir Tho. Chase brought before the B. Tho. Chase condeÌ„ned to the Bishops prison at Wooburne called little ease A worthy almes of a Bishop The perfect patience constancy of Tho. Chase. Tho. Chase cruelly murthered in the Bishops prison Tho. Chase falsely slauÌ„dered to hang himselfe God bringeth to light the secret murthers of the papistes Math. 10. Luke 12. Tho. Norice Martir Anno. 1507. Elizabeth Sampson Anno. 1508 Laurence Ghest Martir LaureÌ„ce Ghest two yeares in prison at Salisbury Laurence would not be turned for wyfe nor childreÌ„ Laurence died a Martir Witnes to the story A notable storke of a faithfull woman burned in Chippingsadbery D. Whittington Chauncellour a persecutour A faithfull Christian womaÌ„ and Martir burned at Chippingsadbery A comparison betweene butchers and the popes murthering ministers A rare speciall example of the iust punishment of God vpon a persecutour D. Whittington slaine of a Bull. Witnes to the story The state of the commoÌ„ wealth comonly foloweth the state of the church The duetie of princes to defend their subiectes froÌ„ the slaughter of the Church of Rome Ex comenta riis Phil Co minaei De bello Neapolitano lib 3. Vid supra pag. 731. The prophesie of Hierome Sauonarola Note Vide Phil. CominaeuÌ„ de bello Neopol lib. 5. De bello Neopolit lib. 5. Examples of kinges of England which were blessed of God with long prosperitie being enemies to the byshops of Rome Augustus reigned 55 yeares Vide supra pag. 340. Vide supra pag. 352. Vide supra pag. 383. What difference betweene moderat princes and theÌ„ that were persecutors The death of K. Henry 7. Couentry men persecuted I. Blomstone The power of Peter flitteth not to his successours Purgatory denied Images not to be worshipped Richard HeghaÌ„ Merites condemned Images serue rather to be burned then to be worshipped Robert Crowther Against Pilgrimage Iohn Smith The Lordes prayer to be in Englishe Roger Browne Against Pilgrimage Fleshe eating in Lent Against Purgatory and confession auricular Against confessioÌ„ satisfactioÌ„ Thomas Butler Against Purgatory Against merites Iohn Falkes Against Images It is heresie to say a stone is a stone a blocke is a blocke Richar. Hilmin Scripture in Englishe Margery Goyt Against the Sacrament of the Aultar Picus MiraÌ„dula Earle This Thomas LaÌ„ghton was elected Archbysh but died before he was confirmed Ecclesiasticall lawes ordeined by auncient kings of this Realme Ecclesiastical lawes of king Ina. King Alure des lawes K. Edwards lawes K. Ethelstanes lawes K. EdmuÌ„des lawes K. Edgars lawes King Ethelrede lawes King Canutus lawes Kinges of England before the Conguest gouernours as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall WheÌ„ kinges of England came first vnder the Popes subiection The martirdome of good bishops vnder wicked Emperours in the primitiue Church The true riches of the Church described The first rising of the Bishops of Rome A declaration of Saint Paules wordes The Pope matching himselfe euen with God Iohn Patriarch of Constantinople subdued by B. of Rome The Emperours Lieuetenaunt of Rauenna subdued by the Lumbardes and Romaine Byshops Boniface 3. obtained of Phocas to be called vniuersall byshop Pope Zachary putteth downe Childericus the French K. and serteth Pipinus in his place Pipinus and Carolus Magnus set vp by pope Zachachary How the Byshops of Rome came first to be the head Byshops of the Church Donation of Constantine a thing false and forged Pâ—pe Gregory 5. practiseth with the Germains to reduce the Empyre to Germany an 1002. Otho first Germaine Emperour Emperours brought to kisse the popes feete Henricus 4. accursed wayteth at the popes gate 3. daies Rodulphus and at last his owne sonne set vp to fight against him Read before pag. 179. Pope Alexander 3. treadeth vpon the necke of Fredericke Emperour Pope Celestine crowneth Henry 5. Emperour with his feete and with his foote spurneth the crown from his head agayne Warre raysed against Conradus by the Byshops of Rome Ex Auentino The insolencie of Pope Boniface 8. against Philip French kyng The tyrannous iniuries of Byshops of Rome agaynst kings of England Pope Alexander 3. against Kyng Henry 2. Pope Innocent 3. against king Iohn Ex Rotulo patent De anno Regni Reg. Ioannis 8 K. Iohns supplication to Pope Innocent 3 H. Henry 3. kissing the knee of the popes Legat Ex D. Paulo 2. Thess. 2. 186 Ioan Dreido De Dogmatibus vanis Lib. 4. 187 Hugo in Glosa Dist. 40. c. Non Net 188 Glos. in Caus. 11. q. 3. cap. Absis 189 Glosa in c. 11. q. 3. Si. inimicus 190 Hostiensis in cap. Quanto De transl praeb 192 Ex summacasuum fratris Baptistae 192 Ex Citatione Henr. Bulling de fine seculi Orat. Prima Item ex citatione Iacobi Andre ae aduersus Hosliâ—â— Lib 5. Item excitatione Hier. Marij in Actis 2. Diui. 193 Pope Nicolaâ—s Dist. 96. c. Satis 194 1â— q. r. Sacerdotibus 195 12. q. r. FuturaÌ„ 196 Decretal De Transl. epist. c. p. Quanto Thus ye may see it verified that S. Paul prophesieth of the aduersary sitting in the temple as God and boasting himselfe aboue all that is named God c. 2. Thess. 2. 197 Pope Nicolaus Causa 15. q. 6. c. Autoritatem 198 Pope Martin Dist. 14 â— cap. Lector 199 Pope Gregorius Innior 32. q. 7. cap. Quod proposuisti 200 Pope Inno. 4. Sext. Decretal De sententia excom cap. Dilecto 201 Pope Alexander 3. De Decimis cap. Ex parte 202 Pope Nicolaus â—5 q. 6. Autoritatem 203 De elect elect potestate Significasti in Glosa 204 Baptista de Salis. in Summa casuum ex panormitano 205 pope Innoc. 4. De elect Venerabilem 206 Ext. De Iureiurando cap. Venientes Item Dist. De Elect Significasti in Glosa 207 Pope Martinus 5. Extra cap. Regimini Vniuersalis ecclesiae 208 Pope Vibanus 2. Câ—â—â— 23. q. 5. c Excommunicatorum 209 Pope Nicolaus Caus. 25. q. 6. Autoritatem 210 Ibidem 211 Dist. â—2 â— praesbyter 212 pope pelagius Dist. 34 cap. Fratâ—â— tatis 213 Baptista de Salis. fol. 24. q. 1. Quoties Extr. de translat c. Inter 3. q. 6. Quamuis 9. q. 3. Deniq 16. q. 1. Frater 2. q. 6. Ideo Extr. De restitutione cap Cum venissent 7. q. 1. temporis 16. q. 1 Felix 16. q. 1. Et Christus Extr. De vota Ex multa Extr. de statu monachi c Cum ad Extr. De iuramento cap Venientes Extra De iudicio c. At si clerici Extr. de Bigamia c. nuper Extr. de clerico noÌ„ ord ministrante Extr. De corpore vitiatis Dist. 55. Dist. 50. Miror Extr. De sententia excom ca. Cum illorum Extr. De filajs praesbyt c. Is qui. Extr De praebend c. De multa Extr. De elect cap. Cum nobis Extr. De aetate qualit Generalem Dist. 15. per totum 9. q. 3. Per principale De elect cap. VenerabileÌ„ Extr. De officio legati c. Querenti 9. q. 3. Aliorum Extr. De templi ordine c. Cum in Distrib Extr. De vsu palij cap. Ad honorem Extr. De elect c. Dudum Ext. de elec c. venerabileÌ„ Tractatu De censuris Ext. De elect c. Innocuit Extra De religione veneratione Sanct. cap. 1 Extrau De praebendâ—ca De multa Extrau Qui. si sint leg cap. Tanta 9 q. 3. cap. Vltimo Extrau De Sentent re Indie c. In causis Extrau De elect cap. Quod sicut Extrau De restit spo Literas Extrau De praescript c. vlt. De Iudicio c. Nouit Thomas Extrau Qui. si sint legit c. Pervenerabilom Petrus de Palude lib. 4. Secundum Thomam in 4. 9. q. 3. Per principalem Distinct. 40. Si Papa Ibidem Dist. 32. cap. Praeter hoc â— Verum The riches and possessions of the Pope 214. Dist. 96. Constantinus 215. Ex Commentarins Theodorici Niemi quem citat Illyricus in Catalogo restium fol. 228. 216. Dist. 96. Constantinus 217. Antoâ—inus in â—umma Maiore 3. Parte 218. Ex lib. GranominuÌ„ nationis Germanicae Aboue fiftie byshopprickes in Germany Aeneas Syluius 219. Sext Decret De penis cap. Felicis in Glosa Ité De priuilegiâ—s c. Autoritaté in Glosa 220 Pope Bonifacius 8. Ext. De Maio. obed c. Vnam sanctam 221. Ibid. â—Iâ— Monethes Reuelat. xi lii yeares a halfe iij. dayes a halfe Reuelat. xi A time times and halfe a time Reuelat. xij M.CCLX dayes Reuelat. xij The tying losing agayne of Sathan Reuelat. 20.
Abdias and other although they doe not all precisely agree in the tyme. The wordes of Hierome be these Simon Peter the sonne of Iona of the prouince of Galile and of the Towne of Bethsaida the brother of Andrew c. After hee had bene Byshop of the Church of Antioch and had preached to the dispersion of them that beleued of the Circumcision in Pontus Galacia Capadocia Asia and Bithinia in the second yeare of Claudius the Emperour whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 44. came to Rome to withstand Simon Magus and there kept the priestly chayre the space of 25. yeares vntill the last yeare of the foresayd Nero which was the 14. yeare of hys raygne of whome he was crucified hys head being downe and his feete vpward himselfe so requiring because he was he sayd vnworthy to be crucified after the same forme and maner as the Lord was c. Egesippus prosecuting this matter something more at large and Abdias also if any authoritie is to be geuen to hys booke who following not onely the sense but also the very forme of wordes of Egesippus in this Hystory seemeth to be extracted out of him and of other authors sayth that Simon Magus being then a great man with Nero and his president and keeper of hys life was required vppon a tyme to be present at the raysing vp of a certayne noble young man in Rome of Neros kindred lately departed Wheras Peter also was desired to come to the reuiuing of the sayd personage But when Magus in the presence of Peter could not doe it Then Peter calling vpon the name of the Lord Iesus dyd rayse him vp and restored him to hys mother wherby the estimation of Simon Magus began greatly to decay and to be detested in Rome Not long after the sayd Magus threatned the Romaynes that he would leaue the Citie and in their light flye away from them into heauen So the day being appoynted Magus taking hys winges in the Mounte Capitolinus began to flye in the ayre But Peter by the power of the Lord Iesus brought him downe with his winges headlong to the ground by the whiche fall hys legges and ioyntes were broken and he thereupon dyed Then Nero sorrowing for the death of him sought matter agaynst Peter to put hym to death Which when the people perceiued they entreated Peter with much a doe that he would flye the Citie Peter through their importunitie at length perswaded prepared himselfe to auoyd But comming to the gate he sawe the Lord Christ come to meete him to whom he worshipping sayd Lord whether doest thou goe To whome he aunswered and sayd I come agayne to be crucified By this Peter perceauing hys suffering to be vnderstanded returned backe into the Citty agayne And so was he crucified in maner as is before declared And this out of Egesippus Eusebius moreouer writing of the death not onely of Peter but also of his wife affirmeth that Peter seeing his wife goyng to her Martyrdom belike as he was yet hanging vpon the crosse was greatly ioyous and glad thereof who crying vnto her with a loud voyce and calling her by her name bade her remember the Lord Iesus Such was then saith Eusebius the blessed bonde of Mariage among the Saintes of God And thus much of Peter Paule the Apostle which before was called Saule after his great trauail and vnspeakable labours in promooting the Gospell of Christ suffred also in this first persecution vnder Nero and was beheaded Of whom thus writeth Hierome in his Booke De viris illustr Paule otherwise called Saule one of the Apostles yet out of the number of xij was of the tribe of Beniamin and of a towne of Iewrie called Gisealis which towne beyng taken of the Romains he with his parents fled to Tharsus a town of Cilicia Afterward was sent vp by his parents to Hierusalē and there brought vp in the knowledge of the law at the feete of Gamaliel and was at the death of Stephen a doer And when he had receiued letters from the high Priest to persecute the Christians by the way going to Damascus was stroken downe of the Lordes glory and of a persecutor was made a professor an Apostle a Martyr a witnesse of the Gospell and a vessell of election Among his other manifold labors trauails in spreading the doctrine of Christ he wan Sergius Paulus the Proconsul of Cyprus to the faith of Christ whereupon he tooke his name as some suppose turned from Saulus to Paulus After he had passed through diuers places and countries in his laborious peregrinations he tooke to him Barnabas and went vp to Hierusalem to Peter Iames and Iohn where he was ordained and sent out with Barnabas to preach vnto the Gentils And because it is in the Actes of the Apostles sufficiently comprehended concerning the admirable conuersion conuersation of this most worthy Apostle that which remaineth of the rest of his history I will here adde how the sayd Apostle Paule the 25. yere after the passion of the lord in the second yeare of Nero what tyme Festus ruled in Iewrie was sent vp in bondes to Rome where he remaining in his free hosterie two yeares together disputed daily against the Iewes proouing Christ to be come And here is to be noted that after his first answer or purgation there made at Rome the Emperor Nero not yet fully confirmed in his Empire yet not bursting out into those mischiefs which histories report of him he was at that tyme by Nero discharged and dismissed to preach the Gospell in the West partes and about the coastes of Italy as he himselfe writing vnto Timothie afterward in his second apprehension in his second Epistle witnesseth saying In my first purgation no man stoode with me but did all forsake me the Lord lay it not to their charge But the Lord stood with me did comfort me that the preaching of his word might proceed by me that all the Gentiles might heare and be taught and I was deliuered out of the Lions mouth c. In which place by the Lion he plainly meaneth Nero. And afterward likewise saith I was deliuered from the mouth of the Lion c. And againe the Lord hath deliuered me out from all euill workes and hath saued me vnto his heauenly kingdom c. speaking this because he perceiued thē the tyme of his Martyrdome to be nere at hand For in the same Epistle before he saith I am now offred vp and the tyme of my dissolution draweth on Thus then this worthy preacher and messenger of the Lord in the 14. yeare of Nero and the same day in which Peter was crucified although not in the same yeare as some write but in the next yeare following was beheaded at Rome for the testimonie of Christ and was buried in the way of Ostia The yeare after the passion of the Lord 37. He wrote ix Epistles to seuen
the kinges power to sette and to ordaine c. Hereby the woordes of Augustine alledged Yee see all thinges belong to the possession of the iust by Goddes lawe Item for so muche as the cleargie by meanes of their possessions are in daunger of the Emperor and King It followeth that if they doe offend the Emperour or King may lawfully take away their possessions from them The consequent dependeth on thys poynte for so much as otherwise they were not in subiection vnder the Emperour or king and the antecedent is manifest by the 11. question and 1. Parag. His ita respondetur Where as it is specified in Latine thus His ita respondetur clerici ex officio Episcopo sunt suppositi ex possessionibus praediorum imperatori sunt obnoxij ab Episcopo vnctionem decimas primitias accipiunt ab imperatore vero praediorum possessiones nanciscuntur that is to say The cleargie by meanes of their office are vnder the Byshoppe but by reason of theyr possessions they be subiect vnto the Emperour Of the Byshoppe they receiue vnction tithes and first frutes of the Emperour they receiue possessions This then it is decreed by the Emperiall lawe that liuelyhoodes should be possessed whereby it appeareth that the cleargie by the possession of their liuelyhodes are in daunger of the Emperour for hym to take away from them or to correcte them accordyng to their deseruings and to haue the controllement of them as it shall seeme good vnto hym Item the temporall Lordes may take away the temporallities from such as vse Simonie because they are heretickes Ergo thys Article is true The antecedent is manifest for so much as the secular Lordes maye refuse suche as vse Simonye and punishe them except they doe repent For by the decree of Pope Paschasius in the first and laste question it appeareth that all suche as vsed Simonie were to be refused of all faythfull people as chiefe and principall heretickes and if they doe not repent after they be warned they are also to bee punyshed by the externe power For all other faultes and crimes in comparyson of Simonie be counted but light and seeme small offences Where vppon the glose expounding the same text sayth that by thys woorde externe is vnderstande the laietie whyche haue power ouer the cleargy besides the Church as in the 17 distinct Non licuit 23 quest 5. principes Whereby it is euident that the temporall Lordes may take away the temporall goodes from the cleargie when as they doe offende Item Saint Gregorie in the Register vppon hys 7. booke 9. Chapiter wryteth thus vnto the Frenche Queene For so much as it is wrytten that ryghteousnesse healpeth the people and sinne maketh them myserable then is that kingdome counted stable when as the offence whyche is knowen is soone amended Therefore for so muche as wicked priestes are the cause of the ruyne of the people for who shall take vppon hym to bee intercessour for the sinnes of the people if the priest which ought to intreate for the same haue committed greater offences and vnder youre dominions the priestes doe liue wickedly and vnchastly therfore that the offence of a few myght not tourne to the destruction of manye wee oughte earnestly to seeke the punyshment of the same And it followeth if wee doe commaunde any personne wee doe sende hym foorthe wyth the consent of your authoritie who together wyth other Priests shall diligently seeke out and according vnto Goddes worde correct and amende the same Neyther are these things to be dissimuled the whyche wee haue spoken of for hee that may correcte any thyng and doeth neglect the same wythout all doubte he maketh hym selfe paâ—taker of the sinne or offence Therefore foresee vnto your owne soule prouide for youre neuewes and for suche as you do desire to raigne after you prouide for your countrey and wyth diligence prouide for the correction and punishment of that sinne before our creatoure doe stretch out hys hand to strike And in hys next Chapter hee wryteth vnto the French king what so euer you doe vnderstande to pertaine eyther vnto the honoure and glorye of oure God to the reuerence of the church or to the honour of the priestes that doe you dilligently cause to bee decreed and in all poyntes to be obserued Wherfore once againe wee doe mooue you that you commaunde a Synode to be congregate and as wee wrote lately vnto you to cause all the carnall vices whyche raigneth amongest your Priests and all the wickednesse and Simonie of your Byshoppes whyche is moste harde to be condemned and reprooued vtterly to bee banished oute of your kyngdome and that you wil not suffer them to possesse anye more substaunce vnder your dominion then Goddes commaundement doeth allowe Beholde howe carefully blessed Gregorye doeth exhort the Queene and the Kyng to punishe the vices of the cleargie leaste through theyr negligence they shoulde be partakers of the same and howe they ought to correct their subiectes For as it is conuenient to be circumspect and carefull against the outward enemies euen so lykewyse ought they to bee agaynste the inwarde ennemyes of the soule And lyke as in iuste warre agaynste the outwarde ennemyes it is lawefull to take away theyr goodes so long as they contynue in theyr malyce so also is it lawefull to take away the goods of the cleargie being the inward ennemy The consequent is prooued thus for so much as the domesticall enemies are most hurtfull Item it is thus argued if God bee the temporall Lordes may meritoriously and lawfully take away the temporall goodes from the Cleargie if they doe offende For thys poynt lette vs suppose that we speake of power as the true autentike scripture doth speake Matt. 13. God is able euen of these stones to raise vp children vnto Abraham Whereupon it is thus argued for if God be he is omnipotent and if he so be he may geue like power vnto the seculer Lordes And so consequeÌ„tly they may meritoriously and lawfully vse the same power But least that any man may obiect that a profe made by a strange thing is not sufficient it is therefore declared howe that the temporal Lords haue power to take away their almes bestowed vpon the church The church abusing the same as ie shall be proued heereafter And first thus it is lawfull for kings in cases limitted by the lawe to take away the moueables from the clergie when they do offend it is thus proued For the temporall Lordes are most bound vnto the workes of greatest mercy most easie for them but in case possible it shuld be greater almes easier temporal dominion to take away their almes froÌ„ such as build therewithal vnto eternal damnation through the abuse therof then to geue the saide almes for any bodely reliefe Ergo the assumption is true Whereuppon first this sentence of the law of Christ in the 2. Thes. 3. is noted whereas the Apostle
wryteth thus When we were amongst you wee declared this vnto you that he that would not worke should not eate Wherefore the law of nature doth licence al such as haue the gouernance of kingdoms to correct the abuse of the temporalities which wold be the chief cause of the destruction of their kingdoms whether the tēporall Lords or any other had endowed the Church with those temporalities or not It is lawful for them in some case to take away the temporalities as it were by way of phisicke to withstand sinne notwithstanding any excommunication or other Ecclesiasticall censure For so much as they are not endowed but only with cōditiō therunto anexed Heereby it appeareth that the condition annexed to the endowing or enriching of any church is that God shuld be honoured the which condition if it once fail the contrary taking place the title of the gift is lost and consequently the Lord which gaue the almes ought to correct the offence Excommunication ought not to let the fulfilling of iustice Secondly according to the Canon lawe 16. quest 7. This sentence is noted where it is thus spoken as touching the children neuewes and the most honest of the kindred of him which hath builded or endowed any church That it is lawful for them to be thus circumspect that if they perceiue the priest doe defraude any part of that which is bestowed they should either gently admonish or warne him or els complaine on him to the bishop that he may be corrected But if the bishop him selfe attempt to do the like let them complaine of him to his Metropolitane and if the Metropolitane do the like let them not defer the time to report it in the eares of the king For so saith the canon Let them not deferre to report it in the eares of the king To what ende I pray you but that he shuld do correction neither is it to bee douted but that correction doeth more appertaine vnto he king in this poynt for their goods wherof he is chiefe Lord by a substraction proportional according to the fault or offence Item it is thus proued It is lawful for the seculer Lords by their power to do correction vpon the clergy by some kind of fearfull discipline appertaining to their seculer power Ergo by like reason it is lawful for them by their power to do such correction by all kind of fearful discipline pertaining vnto their seculer power For so much then as the taking of their temporalities is in kinde of fearful discipline pertaining vnto the seculer power It foloweth that it is lawfull for them therby to doe such correction And consequently it followeth that the truthe is thus to be prooued The consequent is euident and the antecedent is proued by Isidore 23 quest 5. Principes Where it is thus wrytten There shuld be no seculer powers within the church but onely for thys purpose that whatsoeuer thing the priests or ministers cannot bring to passe by preaching or teachings the seculer powers may command the same by the terror and feare of discipline For oftētimes the heauēly kingdom is profited and holpen by the earthly kingdom that they which are in the church and do any thing contrary vnto faith and discipline by the rigour of the princes may be troden downe And that the power of the rulers may lay that discipline vpon the neckes of the proude and stifnecked which the vtility and profit of the church can not exercise or vse Item all things that by power ought to worke or bring to any perfect ende by the reasonable measuring of the meane thereto it may lawfully vse by power the substraction or taking away of the excesse and the addition of the want of the meanes according as shall be conuenient or meete for the measure to be made For so much then as the seculer Lordes ought by their power to prouide for the necessary sustentation of the Christian clergie by the reasonable measuring of their temporalties whych they are bounden to bestow vpon the Christian cleargie it followeth that they may lawfully by their power vse the taking away or putting vnto of those temporallities according as shall be conuenient for the performance of that reasonable matter Item it is lawfull for the clergie by their power to take away the sacramentes of the Church from the laitie customably offending forsomuch as it doeth pertaine to the office of the Christian ministers by their power to minister the same vnto the lay people Wherefore for so much as it doeth pertaine vnto the office of the laitie according vnto their power to minister and geue temporallities to the clergie of Christ as the Apostle sayeth 1. Cor 9. It followeth that it is also lawfull for them by their power to take away the temporallities from the clergie when they do customably sinne and offend Item by like power may he which geueth a stipende or exhibition withdraw and take away the same from the vnworthy labourers as hee hath power to geue the same vnto the worthy labourers for so much then as temporallities of the clergie are the stipendes of the laitie it followeth that the lay people may by as good authority take away the same again from the clergy which will not worthely labour as they might by their power bestowe the same vpon those which would worthely labour according to the saying of the Gospel Mat. 21 The kingdome shal be taken away from you and geuen vnto a people which shall bring foorth the frutes thereof Item it is also lawfull for the secular Lordes by their power to chastice and punish the lay people when they do offend by taking away of their temporalties according to the exigēt of their offence forsomuch as the lay people are subiect vnder their dominion Wherefore the clergy being also subiect vnder the dominion of the seculer Lordes as appeareth Rom. 13. and many other places it is euident that it is lawfull by their power to punish the cleargie by taking away of their temporalities if their offence do so deserue Item the true and easie direction of the cleargie vnto the life of Christ and the Apostles and most profitable vnto the laity that the cleargie shuld not liue contrary vnto Christes institution semeth to be the taking away of their alms and those things which they had bestowed vppon them And it is thus proued that medicine is most apt to be laide vnto the sore whereby the infirmitie might soonest be holpen and were most agreeable vnto the pacient Such is the taking away of the temporallities Ergo this article is true The minor is thus proued for so much as by the aboūdance of temporallities the worme or serpent of pride is spronge vp where vppon vnsaciable desire and lust is inflamed and thereby proceedeth all kinde of gluttonie and lecherie It is euident in this poynt for so much as the Temporallities being once taken away euery one of those sinnes is either vtterly taken away or
coÌ„uict vnto the secular court yet notwithstanding let them commit theÌ„ vnto the perpetuall or temporall prisons as the quality of the cause shall require vntil the next conuocation of yâ— prelates and Clergy of our prouince of Canterbury there personally to remaine and that in the same prisons they cause theÌ„ to be kept according as the lawe requireth And that of all and singular the things aforesayd that is what iniquisition they haue made and what they haue found and how in the processe they haue behaued themselues and what persons so conuict they haue caused to be put in safe keeping with what diligence or negligence of the Commissaryes aforesayd with all and all maner of other circumstances premised and therunto in any wise apperteining and specially of the abiurations if in the meane time they shall chaunce to abiure any heresyes that then in the next coÌ„uocation of the Prelates and Clergy vnder the forme aforesayd they cause the same distinctly and apertly to be certified to vs and our successours And that they deliuer effectually to the Officiall of our Court the same processe to remain with them or els in the register of one court of Canterbury so that euery one to whom â—â—th things appertaineth for the further execution of the same proces may haue recourse vnto the same officiall with all effect We therefore commaund that as touching the constitution brought vnto your City Diocesan you cause the same in conuenieÌ„t place and time to be published and that in all pointes you both obserue the same your selues and cause it also of others to be diligently obserued CommauÌ„ding furthermore all and singular our felow brethren and Suffraganes that they in likewise cause the same to be published throughout all their Cities and Dioces both diligently obserue the same themselues and also cause al others to do the same and what thing soeuer you shall do in the premisses that you certify vs betwixt this and the feast of S. Peter ad vincula next comming that you duely certify vs of these thinges by your letters patentes contayning the same effect sealed with your seales Dated at our house in London the first day of Iuly an 1416. During the time of this conuocatioÌ„ in the yere aboue sayd two priestes were presented brought before the bishops noted and defamed for hereticks one named Iohn Barton vnto whom it was obiected by Philip Bishop of Lincolne that he had bene excommunicated about 6. or 7. yeares before vpon Articles concerning religion and yet neither would appeare being cited nor woulde seeke to be reconciled agayne vnto the Church Which thinges being so prooued agaynst him he was committed to the custody of the foresayd Philip Bishoppe of Lincolne and so to be holden in prison till he should heare further what should be done The other was Robert Chapel otherwise named Holbech Chaplain sometime to the Lord Cobham vnto whoÌ„ likewise it was obiected that he being vnder the sentence of excommunication about three or foure yeares yet notwithstanding to the contempt of the keyes did continue saying Masse and preaching sought not to be recoÌ„ciled Chapel denying that he did know any such excommunication geuen out agaynst him Then was the copy of his excommunicatioÌ„ first made by the bishop of Roff. afterward denouÌ„ced by the Bishop of LoÌ„don at Paules crosse brought and read before him so that done that Session brake vp for that time which was about the latter ende of May. an 1416. The xij day of the moneth of Iuly next following the sayd Chappell appeared agayn before the Archbishop and the Prelates To whom when it was obiected as before how he had preached without the Bishops licence in dyuers places as at Cobham at Cowling and at Shorne ac length he confessing and submitting himself desired pardoÌ„ Which although it was not at the first graunted vnto him yet at the last the Bishop of Roff. putting in his hands the decree of the canon law 1. q. 7. cap. Quoties c. and causing him to read the same made him to aviure all his former articles opinions as hereticall and schismaticall neuer to holde the same agayne according to the contentes of the foresayd Canon Wherupon the sayd Robert being absolued by the authority of the Archb. saue only that he should not intermeddle with saying Masse before he had bene dispensed from the Pope himselfe for his irregularity was enioyned by the Archb. himselfe for his penance standing at Paules to publish these articles folowing vnto the people in stead of his confession geuen him to be read In primis I confesse that Bishops Priestes and other Ecclesiasticall persons hauing no other profession to the contrary may lawfully haue receiue and reteyne landes and possessions temporall to dispense and dispose the same and the rentes thereof to the behoofe of themselues or of theyr Church where they dwell according as semeth good to them 2. Item I confesse that it were very vnlawfull yea rather vniust that temporal men vpon any occasion whatsoeuer it be should take away temporall landes and possessions from the church either vniuersal or particular to whoÌ„ they are geuen the consideration of the abuse of mortall prelates priest or other ministers in the Church conuersant which are mixt together good with bad abusing the same to the contrary notwithstanding 3. Item I confesse that peregrinations to the reliques of saintes and to holy places are not prohibited nor to be coÌ„temned of any Catholicke but are auayleable to remission of sinnes and approued of holy fathers and worthy to be commended 4. Item I confesse that to worship the images of Christ or of any other saynts being set vp in the church or in any other place is not forbiddeÌ„ neither is any cause inductiue of Idolatry being so vsed as the holy fathers do will them to be worshipped But rather such images do profit much to the health of Christians because they do put vs in remeÌ„brauÌ„ce of the merits of those sayntes whom they represent and the sight of them doth moone and stirre vp the people to prayers and deuotion 5. Item I confesse that auriculer confession vsed in the Churche is necessarye for a sinner to the saluation of hys soule and necessary to be done of such a priest as is ordeyned by the Church to heare the confession of the sinner to enioyne him penance for the same without which confession if it may be had there is no remission of sinnes to him that is in sinne mortall 6. Item I confesse and firmely do hold that although the Priest be in mortall sinne yet may he make the bodye of Christ and minister other Sacramentes and Sacramentals which neuerthelesse are profitable to all the faythfull whosoeuer receiueth them in fayth and in deuotion of the Church 7. Item I confesse that bishops in their own dioces may forbid decree ordayn vpoÌ„ reasonable causes that priests should not preach without theyr
speciall licēce the word of God and that those that do agaynst the same should suffer the ecclesiasticall censurs 8. Item I confesse that priuate religiōs as wel of monks canons and other as also of the begging Friers being allowed by the church of Rome are profitable to the vniuersall church and in no meanes contrary to Gods law but rather founded and authorised thereon 9. Item I promise and sweare vpon these holy Euangelies which I hold here in my hands that I will hēceforth neuer hold affirme nor by any meanes teach any thing cōtrary vnto the premisses either openly or priuately After the setting out of the constitution aforesaid in the dayes of the aboue named Henry Chichesley Arbishop of Caunterbury great inquisition hereupon followed in England and many good men whose harts began to be won to the Gospell were brought to much vexation and caused outwardly to abiure Thus while Christ had the inward hartes of men yet the Catholicke Antichrist would needes possesse their outward bodyes and make them sing after his song In the number of whom being compelled to abiure besides the other aforesayd was also I. Taylor of the parishe of Saynt Michaels at Duerne William Iames maister of Art and Phisition who had long remained in prison and at length after abiuration was licēced with his keper to practise his Phisicke Also Ioh. Dwerf so named for his low stature which was sent by the Duke of Bedford to the foresayd Chichesly and other bishops to be examined before them in the cōuocation there he at length reuolting from his doctrine recanted and did penaunce In like maner Iohn Iourdelay of Lincolnshire well commended in the registers for his learning accused by the priestes of Lincoln for a certayn book which he contrary to the former decree of the bishops did conceale dyd not exhibite vnto thē was therfore enforced to abiure After whō was brought likewise before the Byshops one Katharin Dertford a Spinster who being accused and examined vpon these 3. articles concerning the Sacrament of the popes altar adoration of Images and of pilgrimage answered that she was not able being vnlearned to answere to such high matters neither had she any further skil but only her Creed and x. commaundements and so was she committed to the vicar general of the B. of Wint. for that she was of the same dioces to be kept and further to be examined of the same Ex Regist. Hen. Chichesley At the same sitting was also brought before the sayde Archb. and his fellow bishops by the liuetenant of the Tower the person of Heggely in Lincolneshyre named M. Robert who being long kept in the tower at lēgth by the kinges writte was brought and examined the same tyme vpon the like articles to witte touching the sacrament of their aultar peregrinatiō adoration of images whether it was lawfull for spirituall men to enioy temporall Lordships c. To the which articles he answered saith the Register doublely and mockingly saue onely in the sacramēt he semed something more conformable albeit not yet fully to their contētation Wherfore being committed to the custody and examination of Richard Bishopp of Lincolne where in the end he was also induced to submit himselfe The same likewise did W. Henry of Tenterden being suspected and arested for company keping with thē whom the Bishops called Lollardes and for hauing suspected bookes Besides these diuers other there were also which in the same conuocation were conuented and reuoked theyr opinions as Iohn Galle a Priest of London for hauing a booke in English intituled A booke of the new law Item Richard Monke vicar of Chesham in Lincolnshyre who submitted himselfe likewise In this race and number followed moreouer Bartholomew Cormnonger Nic Hoper seruaunt to the Lord Cobham Tho. Granter with other mo mentioned in the foresayd register Among the rest which were at this time troubled for theyr fayth was one Radulph Mungin priest who for the same doctrine was arested and sent vp by the L. Chancellor of England to the foresayd Arch. and by him committed to Dauid Price Uicar generall to the B. of London Where after he had endured 4. moneths in prison he was by the sayd Dauid presented to the conuocation agaynst whom diuers articles were obiected But for the better explaining of the matter first here is to be noted that during the time of this conuocation prouinciall Pope Martine had sent downe to the Clergye of Englande for a subsidye to be gathered of the Church to mayntayne the Popes warre agaynst the Lolards so the Papistes did terme them of Bohemia Also an other subsidy was demaunded to persecute one Peter Clerke mayster of art of Oxford who flying out of England was at the councell of Basill disputing on the Bohemians side And thirdly an other subsidy was also required to persecute W. Russell Warden of the Gray Friers in London who the same time was fled from England to Rome to mayntayne his opinion before the Pope and there escaped out of prison c. of whom more largely hereafter Christ willing we shall entreat In the meane time marke here the preey shiftes of the Pope to hooke in the English mony by all maner of pretences possible Thus Rafe Mungyn the foresayd examinate appearing before the bishops in the conuocation it was articulated agaynst him first that he should affirme and hold not to be lawfull for any Christian to fight and make warre agaynst the heretickes of Bohemia Item it was to him obiected that he did holde say not to be lawfull for any man to haue propriety of goodes but the same to be cōmon which he expressely denyed that euer he so sayd or affirmed Whereby we haue to obserue how the crafty malice of these aduersaries vseth falsely to collect and surmise of men what they neuer spake wherby to oppresse them wrongfully whom by playne trueth they cannot expugne Moreouer they obiected agaynst him that he shoulde keepe company with Mayster Clarke aforesayde and also that he dispersed in the City of London certayn bookes of Iohn Wickliffe and of Peter Clarke namely the booke Trialogus and the Gospels of Iohn Wickleffe c. He was charged moreouer to haue spoken agaynst the Popes indulgences for that the Pope had no more power to geue indulgences then he had Upon these and other such Articles obiected the sayde Mungyn being asked if he would reuoke aunswered that it seemed to him not iust or meet so to doe whiche dyd not know himself guilty of any heresy Thus he being respited for that time was cōmitted to prison till the next sitting who then being called diuers and sundry times afterward before the Bishops after long inquisition and straight examination made also depositions brought in agaynst him so much as they could search out he notwithstanding styll denyed as before to recant Wherefore the foresayd Henry the Archbishop proceeding to his sentence