them to be troublesome in any State or Circumstances yet there are some that qualifie them more for Mischief and others that dispose them for it There may be many wicked men that might be willing enough to make a disturbance but they may want parts and Abilities for the work Any man may pretend to a wicked opinion but every one cannot recommend it to others and there are few that care for being Hereticks by themselves But where Malice and an evil temper has the advantage of Natural and acquir'd endowments like Sulphur and Salt peter it does not only presently take fire but has likewise an extraordinary force and capacity to destroy It is observ'd by some of the Fathers that most of the Haeresiarchae the Authours of Heresies or Sects Aug. Com. in Psalm were men of great wit and accutness in Reasoning Non Enim putetis Fratres potuisse fieri Haereses per parvas quasdam animas non fecerunt Haereses nisi Magni Homines Do not think that Heresies were first rais'd by ordinary mean persons they were great men that set them up and within the same page he mentions several of them considerable men The same Observation St. Hierom makes Hieron Com. in Osâ—â— c. 9. Nullus enim potest Haeresim struere nisi qui Ardentis Ingenii est habet dona natura qua à Deo Artifice sunt Creata Talis Valentinus talis Marcion quos Doctissimos legimus Talis Bardesanes cujus etiam Philosophi admirantur Ingenium None but men of Great Parts are able to set up a Heresie Valentinus and Marcion we find were very learned men and Bardesanes was admired even by Philosophers Vincentius Lirinensis amplifies upon this subject with great art and passion he tells the great endowments of such as rais'd Heresie and reckons up particularly all the advantages they had to recommend themselves and their Doctrine and at last concludes they were a mighty Temptation enough almost to stagger the most confirm'd Orthodox Believe Vincent Lir. adv Haeres alluding I suppose to that of the Apostle that there must be Heresies that by that tryal or Temptation they who are approved might be made manifest It was a Question that puzzl'd the most understanding Heathen I think that ever was Cicer. how God should ever bestow Reason and wit upon such men as he foresaw would make use of the gifts against the Donor This Christian Religion renders more easie when it shews us the end of this permission the manifestation of those that are approv'd Now though these Qualifications of Malice and Wit where they are met in the same person do dispose and fit him for Disturbances yet he seldom breaks out into any extremity before some outward occasion of Discontent does inflame him There is indeed a Temper that no Fortune no Honours can content and render easy to it self or restrain from disturbing the world but this extravagancy is not Common and the Generality of men though not very quiet or peaceable in their Dispositions yet when they have gain'd their point and are possess'd of wealth and honour they are commonly willing to secure the enjoyment of those Possessions by letting things run in the ordinary course But if one of these men happens to labour under repulse and disappointments his patience is soon at an end Upon this account many of the Inferiour Clergy that have stood in Competition for a Bishoprick and lost it have broken off all Communion with their Bishops whose Competitors they were so Novatianus and several others became Hereticks sometimes growing impatient with waiting for the Death of their Bishop they have revolted against him and drawn the People after them Thus Arius and Macedonius became the heads of Sects sometimes despair of Promotion after long waiting and envy against those they saw preferr'd before them hath carri'd away unsteaddy men to set up for singularity and to make new Sects Thus Aetius Separated from the Arians and taught new Blasphemies of his own Sometimes vain men have been carri'd away with the applause and favour of the people that flock'd after them and through'd their Churches to set up themselves against their Bishop upon presumption of greater interest in the people This St. Austin makes a principal cause of Heresies Sic enim fiunt Haereses schismata Aug. de Bapt. cont Donat. prop. sin cum dicit plebs carnâ—lis quae in charitate dei fundate non est Ibo post Amatores meos cum quibus utique sive per fidei Corruptionem sive per elationem superbiae turpiter fornicantur Heresies and Schisms are caused by giddy People that have itching Ears and run after such Teachers as they fansie There is no doubt but these pretended greater Edification for an excuse of their Curiosity Yet this good Bishop did not like the reason and makes it the cause of all the mischiefs that befel the Church Nay the Apostle expresses no small dislike of those that heap themselves Teachers having Itching Ears Were that great Apostle and that Great Bishop alive now what would they say when they should hear men renounce all order and rule and profess to follow their fancy under the notion of greater Edification Yet this I must observe farther that how good soever the argument may be for separation It sounds not well from the Teachers whose Commendation is involv'd in the reason They might surely give the People leave to say it and that might have sav'd their Modesty without losing the argument To Conclude this Point Almost all the Heresies and Schisms that have distracted the Church have been no other than so many defections of the Discontented part of the Clergy and the more pragmatical part of the Laity from their Rightful Bishop Cyp Ep. 55 Non aliundè Haereses obortae sunt aut nata sunt Schismata quam inde quod Sacerdoti non Obtemperatur Ep. 69. Schisms and Heresies spring from no other cause than disobedience to the Bishop Inde Haereses obortae sunt dum Episcopus qui unus est Contemnitur All the disturbance of the Church is purely for want of observing that Precept of the Apostle Heb. 13.17 Obey them that have the rule over you and submit your selves for they Watch for your souls as they that must give account i. e. Obey those that are Rightfully over you and submit to them not choosing your selves new Teachers and running after your own fancy Epad. Sâ—yr Which Ignatius seems to paraphrase as he is cited by Antiochus Let the people assemble where the Bishop is present The sheep ought not to go wandering whither they please but as the Shepherd leads them The people ought to follow the directions of their Bishop and conclude what he orders to be most pleasing to God And surely any one would think this the securest course Those that seduce the people into Faction they may have interests of their own to serve by making a breach and a
general Sence which I suppose was spoken with respect to that particular Congregation in which Arrius was to have been reconciled if he had lived but one Night longer and that the Author intends only to say that that Service was performed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Joy of that Church which the Bishop apprehended would be the occasion of great Trouble to it and that with all the Brethren there present not all the Believers of Constantinople for that he does not say he pray'd to and prais'd God for what had happened unless you will say that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not signifie their Personal Presence but only their Vnanimity * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aquila as that of David Ps 33.3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To conclude this point then Theodoret could not think that all the Believers of C. P. could come together to the Bishop's Church for he cites a Letter of Constantine a little after this where he gives an Account of the great Increase of that Church c. 16. In the City that is call'd by my Name says he by the Providence of God an infinite Multitude of People have joyn'd themselves to the Church and all things there wonderfully increasing it seems very requisite that more Churches should be built understanding therefore hereby what I have resolv'd to do I thought fit to order you to provide Fifty Bibles fairly and legibly written c. which he signifies in the same place to be design'd for the Service of the Churches there Now where Christians were so multiplied that it was necessary to build more Churches and to make such Provisions for the Multitude of their Assemblies it could not be that they should all make but one Congregation It would swell this Preface to too great a Bulk if I should answer the rest so particularly Therefore I shall be more brief but as plain as I can p. 10 11 12. This Author gives several Instances of several Bishops being in one City at the same time in Answer to the Dean of Pauls who affirm'd That it was an inviolable Rule of the Church to have but one I have endeavored to shew that it was the Rule of the Church to have no more than one So Cornelius affirms that in a Catholick Church there ought to be no more and the Council of Nice finds Expedients even against the shew and appearance of two Bishops being together in one place Jerusalem is the first Instance which is said to have had several Bishops together in the time of Narcissus I wonder to find a man of Learning cite this Passage than which nothing can be more disadvantageous to his Cause For 1. Narcissus having retired and the People not knowing what had become of him the Neighboring Bishops ordain'd Dius in his place who dying in a short time was succeeded by Germanicio In his Time Narcissus returns and was desir'd by the Church to resume his Office What became of Germanicion is not said probably he resign'd or died presently For the next thing we find is that Narcissus being very old an Hundred and Sixteen Years of age took Alexander into a Participation of the Charge He was indeed the Bishop and Narcissus retain'd but the Title and Name only as we may gather out of Alexander's Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 6. c. 11. i. e. Who was Bishop before me and who now joyns with me in Prayers The Administration was it seems wholly in the Hands of Alexander For the Historian says of Narcissus before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He was not able to officiate by reason of his great Age And Valesius confirms this in his Notes upon the place Hoc enim sibi-vult Alexander Narcissum in Orationibus duntaxat non in reliquo Episcopali munere sibi collegam fuisse and then Ex quibus apparet Alexandrum non tam adjutorem quam Episcopum in locum Narcissi utpote jam decrepiti factum fuisse Narcissum verò nudum nomen Episcopi atque honorem retinuisse The next instance is of Theotecnus and Anatolius who were for some time Bishops of Caesarea together Anatolius was a person of extraordinary Learning and Abilities and Theotecnus designing to make him his Successor says the Historian ordained him Bishop in his Life time Euseb l. 7. c. 32. and as it were his Coadjutor or Episcopus designatus Afterwards Macarius and Maximus were Bishops at once in that Church He means that of Jerusalem tho' that of Caesarea was the last he mention'd and this Instance is of the same nature with the other For Sozomen writes that first of all he was secretly design'd by the People to succeed Macarius after his Death And to make sure of his Succession with the Consent and Concurrence of their Bishop they brought it about that he should stay at Jerusalem and assist Macarins in the Episcopal Office Soz. l. 2. c. 20. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. After his Death to govern that Church whereas before he did only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. assist in the Divine Service and Offices of the Church Epiphanius continues this Gent. alleadg'd by Grotius for this purpose signifies that other Cities had two Bishops and excepts but one Alexandaia had never two Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 His meaning cannot be as a great Antiquary would have it that Alexandria was never so divided as that several parties in it should have their respective Bishops there for so it was divided in the time of Epiphanius when the Catholicks had Athanasius the Arrians had Gregorius and then Georgius and afterwards the one had Peter the other Lucius and the Novatians had their Bishops successively in that City Soc. l. 7. c. 7. till Cyril 's time To which I answer as briefly as I can 1. That Epiphanius cannot mean that all other Cities had had two Bishops at a time For the contrary is too notorious and the Cases above alleadg'd are extraordinary when the Bishop or People of a City had a mind to secure the next Succession to some Extraordinary Person He was made the Assistant and Coajutor of that Bishop he was to succeed If Alexandria had never done this and it might be the reason why Athanasius was not ordained then when he was design'd by Alexander I do not see what advantage can be made of this Passage the practice of those other Churches has been already considered However I do not see why that Learned Antiquary's Opinion may not be maintain'd against this Gent's Objections He says that Alexandria was divided before Epiphanius his Time between several Bishops It cannot be denied but that is not the thing Epiphanius speaks of but that before the Election of Theonas against Athanasius who was before appointed by Alexander with the Approbation of the Church there were never two opposite Bishops as in other Churches the Instances are all later than this Fact and therefore are insignificant Vnless it be that
in the Catalogue of Bishops ordain'd by Meletius and given in to the Bishop of Alexandria The lastthing I shall take notice of is the Diocese of Theodoret. This indeed I just mention'd and remitted the Reader to the D. of Pauls who had spoke very particularly of it I shall therefore say very little to it here being unwilling to do any prejudice to so good a Cause and so great a Person by a weak and unnecessary Defence But this I cannot omit that if those 800 not 80 Churches as this Gentleman reckons them belong'd to him as Metropolitan and they were all Episcopal this poor Region of Cyrus would have more Bishops than all Africk notwithstanding they were more numerous there than in any part of the World besides I have no more to add but that there was design'd a Chapter concerning the Right of electing Bishops and Church-Officers with an Historical Deduction of the Practice of the Church through the several Ages of it but because it could not answer the Design first form'd without swelling this Book to too great a Bulk It may hereafter in due time be publish'd by it self The Subject affording Variety enough for a large Treatise and requiring some Time and Diligence to do it to any Effect CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS CHAP. I. OF the Design of Mr. Baxter's Church-History and his Notion of Primitive Congregational Episcopacy Page 1. CHAP. II. Of Heresies and the first Councils p. 76. CHAP. III. Of the Council of Nice and some that followed it p. 105. CHAP. IV. Of the Council of Constantinople p. 130. CHAP. V. Of the first Council of Ephesus p. 177. CHAP. VI. Councils about the Eutychian Hereresie p. 228. CHAP. VIi The Council of Calcedon p. 239. CHAP. VIII Of the Authors of Heresies Schisms and Corruptions and whether they were all Bishops p. 276. CHAP. I. A short View of the other Governments set up in Opposition to Episcopacy p. 364. CHAP. II. Of the Rise and Progress of Diocesan Episcopacy p. 433 ERRATA THe Faults that have escaped are almost infinite I have noted some of the most gross Page 5. for the effect read this p. 10. for judicially r. judiciously p. 11. for concident r. coincident p. 5. for the right r. their p. 18. for and so many r. over p. 21. for or Elders r. over p 23. there is a whole passage so mangl'd that it requires some trouble to restore it What refers to the Council of Calchedon cited in the Margin That is left out viz. that at that time they reckon'd 27 Bishops of Ephesus from Timothy that Polycrates reckon'd himself the 8. not the 6. Bishop of that Church for so many understand the passage of his Epistle tho' that does not necessarily follow from the words cited by Eusebius p. 27. for positure law r. positive ibid. the residence r. their p. 29. as they c. d. as p. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. for our Presbyters r. your ibid. for alledging r. alluding 16. for Capital r. Capitol p. 39. in the Margin r. coimus in caetum p. 41. for the generality of Christians r. many Christians p. 57. for made r. many Congregational c. p. 61. for before our Saviour was born correct before his Passion p. 63. r. Pantenus Heraclas p. 68. for shine r. thinne p. 69. r. that he should be p. 81. for is dangerous r. as p. 113. for Constantin's time r. Constantius p 126. for a dozen times r. lines p. 136. for to Meletius r. to Pautinus p. 143. for possum r. portum p. 319. for Observations r. Obsecrations p. 332. for not an Heretick r. Arch-Heretick 16. Arch Heresie d. Arch. There are very many false pointings which the Reader may correct as Isidor Pelus Evagrius Pontious c. where the Comma's are to be blotted out and several other wrong punctations that render the sence sometimes difficult but with a little observation the understanding Reader may restore them CHAP. I. Of the Design of Mr. Baxter's Church History and his Notion of Primitive congregational Episcopacy THERE is nothing so fatal to Christian Religion as our unhappy Dissentions about it especially such as divide the Church into Parties abhorring each others Communion for besides that the very Disagreement between men of the same Profession brings the whole Doctrine under suspition of Falshood or Uncertainty the Method that the Parties contending commonly make use of to set up themselves by the Disparagement and Reproach of the contrary side serves to bring them and their Religion into the lowest Contempt and the Result of all is that the common Enemy is made Judge between them who fairly sums up the Evidence and passes Sentence upon all sides according to their mutual Accusation This sad Truth is but too much confirmed by the experience of our times wherein there are few so happily removed from the noise of profane Conversation as not frequently to hear the scurrilous Blasphemies of the Atheist under pretence of running down the several Factions in Religion 't is this gives them Shelter and Protection and while they pretend to expose this or that Party they have the Opportunity with little change of Company to mock all Religion by parcels and that with the great good likeing and approbation of Christians themselves This is no such News but that most men seem to be sensible of it and bewail the thriving of Prophaneness by the Countenance that it receives from our Differences yet for all this how few abate any thing of their Fierceness How few will be so moderate as to sacrifice even the most disingenious Arts of Contention Calumny and Railing to the Safety and Honour of our common Faith I wish Mr. B. had had this Consideration before him when he set upon the writing of his Church History of Bishops and their Councils abridged he has indeed sufficiently abridg'd all the good Services that Bishops and Councils have done to the Church but their Miscarriages he has enlarg'd upon to purpose and sometimes by a foul Juggle conveyed the best of their Actions into the Catalogue of their Crimes and their greatest Services for Religion prove a considerable part of their Endictment I must confess I never saw any thing that in my Judgment reflected with more dishonour upon Religion than this strange account that he has given of the progress of it and the frightful Representation that he has made of the Church in all Ages Heathens have been civil and modest in their Character of us l. 27. compar'd with this Ammianus Marcellinus though he be something sharp upon Damasus Bishop of Rome yet speaks honourably of the generality of Christian Bishops Zosimus does not mention Chrysostom with any disrespct l. 5. c. 23. though he had a fair occasion nay the scurril Wit of that Buffoon Lucian nor the Malice of Julian the Apostate have left nothing half so scandalous in all their Libels against Christians as this Church Historian has raked up for here is
Diocesan Prelacy a distinction without ground or foundation as I have already shew'd and will be yet more fully made out The main design or Mr. B.'s History is 1. To charge the Bishops with all Schisms Heresies Corruptions c. 2. To shew p. 27. §. 7.4 that Diocesan Prelacy and grandeur is not the Cure nor ever was And to this purpose are level'd all the particulars of his Church-History In this Chapter I will endeavour to take off the first general Charge That some Bishops have abus'd their Office and Authority and have been the cause of Heresie or Schism cannot be deny'd but Priests Deacons and Laymen have been so too and therefore if the miscarriage of any particular man becomes a prejudice to his Office and the Order must suffer for the personal faults of those that are of it we must have neither Priests nor Deacons in the Church since some of them have been Authours of Heresies c. But this is not all our Author tho' he speaks indefinitely that â—he will shew the ignorant and he must be very ignorant that knows no better who have been the cause of Church Corruptions Heresies Schisms Sedition yet he means they were the Authors of all these evils as he is pleas'd to explain himself p. 72. Next we have a strange thing a Heresie rais'd by one that was no Bishop and then as if that were impossible he shews that was no Heresie and so the Bishops remain under the whole charge of raising all Heresies I wish he had left Schism and Sedition out of this charge for if he can perswade the Ignorant Readers that the Bishops were the cause of all these too they will never be perswaded that any Presbyterians are to be found in Church-History For if they had been in the world they must have had their share with the Bishops in Schism and Sedition It is a heavy charge to accuse the Bishops of all the Heresies and Schisms that have afflicted the Church and if it were true would go near to stagger the Reverence that one might have for the Order For though Bishops as well as other men may be subject to Miscarriages they might be allowâ—d the frailty of Humane nature from which no dignity can exempt us But to be found the cause of All the Evils that have befallen the Church would argue such a malignity in the Constitution as would shew plainly that God never design'd them for good But I believe this can be no more prov'd against them by matter of fact than that Bishops invented Gun-powder or Hand-Granadoes or were the Authors of the Scotch Covenant or the late Rebellion of the Field Conventiclers in Scotland Let us then trace the Heresies and Schisms that have torn the Church in pieces in several ages of it to their first original and examine who were the Authors of them and if it appear out of Church-History that Bishops rais'd them All or the greatest part I will give up the Cause and believe every thing in Mr. B.'s History and for penance read over all the fourscore Books that he tells us he has written Where then shall we begin If the Bishops should be convicted by the first Instance it would be ominous However because it shall appear that I deal impartially I will begin with the first All Ecclesiastical Writers do agree that Simon Magus was the Author of the first Heresie in Christian Religion Simon Magus Epiphanius indeed reckons up about a score of Heresies before this Epiph. Haer. 21. but they are Heathen or Jewish Heresies and I hope Mr. B. will be so kind as to allow that the Bishops had nothing to do with these That Simon was a Heretick all are agreed in though the Scripture say no such thing and though Epiphanius confess that his Sect cannot truly be reckon'd among Christians Haer. 21. p. 55. Ed Pet. This man did teach very strange and if there be any such damnable doctrines But that he was a Bishop no man ever yet affirm'd Justin Martyr thought he had seen an Inscription at Rome to this Simon which own'd him a God though it is possible this might be a mistake But that ever any Writing or Tradition called him a Bishop I have not heard It is true indeed he had a great mind to be a Bishop that is to have power of Confirmation and that every one on whom he should lay his hands should receive the Holy Ghost And he bid fair for it For he offer'd Peter Money says the Text And the Repulse perhaps disgusted him so that he resolv'd to leave the Communion of the Church since he could not be a Bishop in it and it has been the disease of several other Hereticks to scorn to be any other Member of the body but the Head The next that Epiphanius mentions is Menander Menander Epiph. Har. 22. who as Irenaeus and out of him the rest says was Simon Magus his Disciple but neither Irenaeus nor Eusebius nor Epiphanius nor Philastrius nor Theodoret and in short no man that has given any account of Hereticks or any Historian whatsoever that has been yet heard of has given the least Intimation that he was a Bishop Saturnius Basilides Iren. l. 1. c. 22 23. Epiph. Her 23 24. Euseb l. 4. c. 7. August Ep. ad Quodlib Philastâ— Haer. 3 4. Theod Haer. Fab. l. 1. 〈…〉 Saturninus and Basilides follow next and neither of them were either Bishops or of any other Order in the Church that we can find The next is the Heresie of the Nicolaitans which is generally fathered upon Nicolas the Deacon Irenaeus l. 1. c. 27. seems to he positive in this Nicolaitâ— autem Magistrum quidem habent Nicolaum unum ex septem qui primi ad Diaconium ab Apostolis Ordinati sunt Nicolas one of the seven Deacons was the Master of the Nicolaitans or at leastwise they look'd upon him as their Master Epiph. Haer. 2â— Epiphanius follows Irenans and enlarges the story shewing how he was a good man at first and did contribute much to the futherance of the Gospel but that afterward the Devil enter'd into him Philastr Haer. 5. Bibl. Patr. M. de la Rigne T. 4. p. 10. Philastrius follows the Authority of Epiphanius But for all this I believe Nicolas the Deacon may be acquitted of this imputation for there are Witnesses of very good Antiquity that endeavour to Absolve him 1. Ignatius Interpolated in two several places warning those he writes to Ign. Ep. ad Trall Philadelph Interpol to have a care of the Nicolaitans calls 〈…〉 â—â—â—â—uns and 〈◊〉 i. e. those that falsâ—y call themselves by the name of Nicolas Sycophants and Impostors The old Latin Interpreter explains this farther and adds Non 〈◊〉 talis fuit Apostolorum Minister Nicolaus Clemens of Alexandria is more particular in the Vindication of Nicolas Clem. Alex. l. 2. Strom. c. 3. whose name these Gnosticks abus'd to countenance their lewdness
disturbance but all that love peace should surely cleave to their Bishop For his interest as well as duty oblige him to maintain peace and Unity for he is unavoidably a loser by the Quarrel and cannot rationally be suppos'd to have any design but to preserve things as they are But the Pretences of others though never so plausible are to be suspected of design where the separation is manifestly to the prejudice of the people as well as of the Bishop and to the advantage of him only that perswades it Now as the Bishops are under the least Temptation to make a disturbance and what Governour will raise a Sedition against himself so in fact likewise they are sound to be very few that being Bishops have rais'd any Heresie or Schism Let any man consult the Catalogues of Ancient Heresies and Compute how many of the 60 reckon'd by Epiphanius or of the 88. of St. Austin or of the greater number of Philastius and the more confus'd account of Theodoret How many of them I say were Bishops when they turn'd Hereticks and he shall find very few if any one in all those numbers But if any after they had Debauch'd the people from their Rightful Pastors were by subreption made Bishops of their Party They were never look'd upon as Bishops but only as heads of a Faction So that I believe the reader may by this time easily perceive what truth there is in Mr. B.'s General Charge that the Bishops were the causes of the Heresie and Schism and that it was so wonderful a thing that a Heresie should be begun by one that was no Bishop Besides this charge of Heresie and Schism Mr. B. accuses the Bishops of having been the cause of Church corruptions and Sedition As to the first if he means that the Bishops first introduc'd these corruptions into the Church I believe he will be never able to prove it as to the latter we shall examine it in due place The Corruptions of Christian Religion whether in Doctrine or Worship have crept unperceivably into the Church and by such degrees that it is a hard matter to ace their Original and we are so far from nowing the first Authors of them that we are ignorant even of the age wherein some of them were introduc'd Mr. B. charges considently but proves nothing But the most probable conjecture I think can be made of the rise and Progress of these is 1. That most of the corruptions in Doctrine crept in together with the Heathen Philosophy For great Philosophers especially the followers of Plato turning Christians still retain'd something of their former Notions which not appearing to be any way prejudicial to Christianityl but on the Contrary rendering it more acceptable to the wiser part of Heathens were by degrees own'd among the more learned sort in their Disputations with Heathens and pass'd without contradiction But afterwards busie men building farther consequences upon this foundation Improv'd the corruption till at last it grew Gross and intolerable Hence came the Invocation of Saints and Angels Plat. Pot. l. 5. Orig. adv câ—ll l. 8. Hieron descript Eccl. in Orig. Euseb Praep. Ev. l. 12. Virg. Georg. 6. Somn. Scip. c. and the opinion of their knowledge of Humane affairs Hence Prayer for the Dead and the opinion of Purgatory Hence proceeded many other curious Questions about the nature of God and his Attributes of the Fatal determination of events of free will and the like And as to the more sordid superstitious corruptions in Worship If any one sort of men are to be charg'd with them I believe the Monks will bid fairest The Cross and Reliques that came first from Judea are owing as far a I can observe to Melania and her Monks Paulin Epad Sulp. Sever. and I do believe the story of the finding of the Cross is of no ancienter standing Who has fill'd all the world with fictitious Reliques and fabulous Revelations concerning them Who Debauch'd the reason and common sense of men by their fulsome Legends and fictions of Miracles By whose means in short had Superstition overspread the face of the Christian world Were not the Monks the manifest Authors and Promoters of all this Superstition was born and brought up first in Monasteries and as Monks came into the Church they brought it along with them and the opinion the people had of the piety of these Retir'd men made every thing current that they advanc'd What so devoted Instruments had the Papal usurpation as the Monks that pretended exemption from the jurisdiction of their Bishops and subjected the Episcopal Authority to it And for Transubstantiation though the Grossness of the conceit were enough to prove it Monkish yet besides it is found by matter of fact to be theirs Paschasius Radbertus being the first that broach'd this Doctrine All this that I have but just mentioned in the General may be made out by a deduction of the rise and Progress of Superstition but a particular account would exceed too much the Proportion of this book This I must add that the Bishops who are charg'd with these Corruptions by Mr. B. were the only opposers of them that we find in Antiquity as we may see in the Canons of the African Church and that of Spain and other Countreys The first Picture we read of in a Christian Church was torn in pieces by Epiphanius a Bishop the first Councils about Images condemn'd the Idolatrous use of them with great zeal but at last superstition being still advanc'd by the Popularity of the Monks and the ignorance of the Age and some of the Emperors joyning with them prevail'd against the Bishops and so Idolatry was brought for a help to Christian Devotion And if at last the Bishops joyn'd in the superstitions it is no more a wonder than that they were engag'd in Heresie For when any number of people are corrupted whether with superstition or false Doctrine they will find Teachers to their own mind not that their Bishops will comply with every popular wind of doctrine but because men will make themselves Pastors after their own hearts and as long as there is a Heretick or an Ambitious man who will be any thing for applause or preferment they will never want Bishops and heads of their faction or if the Clergy have no Judas they will find Teachers amongst themselves and give them what Titles they please The last branch of the Charge is Sedition and this is as grievous as any of the other Suppose the matter of fact in the first place true that several Bishops had been Seditious does this proceed from their Constitution or any Principle the Bishops maintain that is inconsistent with the people where they live This I suppose cannot be pretended Or is Diocesan Episcopacy such an enemy to the peace of the Government We have had the experience of it for many ages and find but few that were so troublesome But because as the case stands now we are
Mr. B. owns out of Derodon and as Facundus proves at large though he had the ill fortune â—o be condemn'd by Later Councils upon 〈◊〉 misunderstanding this case I have discuss'd more Particularly in another place where Theodore Tarsensis his Doctrine was examin'd At last Bishops failing Mr. B. mentions Aerius who spake against Bishops because himself could not be Bishop so Pestilent a thing the desire of such Bishopricks have been And who can help it if men will be Ambitious and aspiring must there be no Government because it is the aim of ambition or may be the Possession of an evil man So there must be no Kings because many times a Crown became the occasion of Civil Wars There must be no reputation because Ambitious men affect it and grow Seditious to become Popular After this we have little hints of quarrels which were far enough from Sedition as that of Theodotus and Basil and of Eusebius and Basil the former was a particular humour and had no consequence Of the latter because Mr. B. says it was sad and scandalous I will give a more particular-relation that the Reader may discern the difference between the Temper of those good men that are here scandalously represented and that of our Separatists that Mr. B. compares with and prefers before them A difference happen'd between Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea and St. Basil then Presbyter of that Church Nazianz. Orat. de Basilio how or upon what occasion Gregory Nazian Was not willing to discover â—â—nking it not much for the honour of Reâ—â—gon to rip up the faults of Bishops But he says indeed that Eusebius though he was a very good man yet was in fault and seems to say that he envi'd Basil But when the falling out was known the Monks took Basils Part and drew many of the people with them and would have done him right upon his Bishop but this good man though he knew the Merit of his cause and of his person yet for peace's sake retir'd into the Widerness He might have said to his Monks that the people must stand by them and considering his Learning and Eloquence he might have presum'd to have edified more in a Coventicle than the Bishop could in the Church yet this good man had in humbler opinion of his gifts than to endanger the peace of the Church rather than forbear the exercise of them And after a long Banishment and silence he was not grown so resty and Irreconcileable but that when his Church was threatned by the Arian Pest he return'd voluntarily to assist his Bishop without desiring the Church Walls i. e. the Order and Discipline of it to be broken down that he might enter Triumphantly like a Conquerour He came of his own accord submitted to his Bishop and liv'd with him 'till he dy'd not only in peace and Charity but in the most entire friendship and confidence The Application of the Parable of the merciful Samaritan is not improper here Go thou and do likewise The contention between Basil and Euthomius Anthimus I suppose he means about the extent of their Diocese was no less Scandalous Any unreasonable Usuper may bring the meekest man upon earth into odious Debates so Saint Paul himself was put upon an Invidious vindication of his Authority and Jurisdiction The People of Casarea would have torn in pieces Eusebius the Emperor's the Empress he would have said own unkle for Basils sake if he had not hindred them And does not this shew the Loyalty Greg. Nazianz Orat 19. de Basil as well as the Authority of this Bishop But the People were Episcopal all people especially those of the meaner sort as these were are apt to be mov'd into disorder but it is much for the Honour of the Bishops authority and their Duty that they obey'd him so readily surely they are much more Tolerable than those that Assassin Bishops The difference between those of Neo Caesarea and Basil is not worth the mentioning because it contains nothing like Sedition and is only a quarrel about Psalmody and some new orders introduc'd among them The Antiochians for a Tax under Theodosius the Great did Tumultuate and kill the Magistrates and destroy'd the Statues of Flacilla the good Empress And what then What is this to the Bishops It does not appear that these mutineers were Christians The Heathens indeed were very Turbulent in this Emperors Reign because he had Order'd their Idols should be destroy'd Zozim l. 4. c. 38. and that they were the men principally concern'd in this uproar we may understand by the choice of their Delegates whom they sent to carry their submission to the Emperor Zozim l. 4. c. 42. Lybanius and Hilarius both Heathens The Church of Antioch I suppose was not in such want as to be forc'd to charge the enemies of their Religion with so great a trust nor could they have been so absurd as to commit their cause to such hands as they could not be assur'd of and they could not think they would be so acceptable to a zealous Christian Emperor who had so lately put out such severe Edicts against the Heathen superstition It shews a strange temper when a man to render Bishops odious will not stick to raise false accusations against Christians and charge them with the Sedition of Heathens In the worst says Mr. B. Good Ambrose at Milan was not silenc'd as we are but by an Orthodox Emperor desir'd and Commanded to deliver the Arians possession but of one Church and he refus'd to do it and to forsake that Church c. Whereas we left all our Churches at a word It is strange Mr. B. should take such delight to compare us with the Arians surely he would have his Reader believe we are as unsound in the Faith as those Hereticks or else all this discourse is but to amuse and impose upon him But there is great reason to value the peacable Resignation of the Nonconformists when we consider by what Usurpation and violence they were brought in and what a number of worthy Learned Ministers of the Church of England were turned out to make vacancies for these Men who were to instruct the people in new Mysteries of Religion which their old Pastours had not the Conscience or ability to Teach them that is of the Lawfulness of Rebellion We have several other instances of St. Ambrose his zeal against the Arians and some of his Charity in rescuing some of them from the fury of the multitude of his popularity c. But not a word of his sedition or his forcible resistance of the Emperour The harshest thing he did was the shutting of the Church against the Officers of the Emperour who would have delivered it to the Arians for a place to Blaspheme Christ under pretence of Worshipping him But at length after long straining Mr. B. has found out some Bishops in the same fault of owning and flattering Tyrants and Usurpers with himself and this because it
said enough before Some time after when they quarrelled among themselves they called a Council of three hundred and ten Bagatense against Maximianus The Catholicks observing what advantage this reputation of having a great number of Bishops gave their adversaries Conc. Carth. 2. c. 5. Codex integ can Eccles Afr. c. 53.98 thought it necessary to make use of the same course themselves and to make as many Bishops as they could therefore they order that where part of a large Diocess should be willing to have a Bishop of its own if the Bishop under whom they were should consent a new Bishoprick might be erected But it was commonly at the cost of the Schismaticks that they multiplyed Dioceses for where there were two Bishops in a Diocess the one a Catholick and the other a Donatist and the Donatists would return to the unity of the Church Codex Can. 118. the Diocess was to be equally divided between them and that with so much exactness that if the number of the Towns happened to be odd the odd Town was adjudged who it should belong to nor was this all but where the Donatists had driven out or perverted all the Catholicks there they set up a Bishop as soon as ever they had any party and sometimes in the same Donatist Diocess there were three or four Catholick Bishops This is made out so clearly in the conference at Carthage that I need only cite some passages out of it and leave them to the Reader without farther inference or application Petilianus Episcopus dixit sapientissimè ac praescie ommá pravidisti vir nobilis Collatlo Carthag Cogn Primae gesta 65. nam in Plebe mea i.e. in Civitate Constantmensi adversarium habeo Fortunatum in medio autem Dioecesis meae nunc institutum habeo imo ipsi habent Delphinum pervidet jam hinc prastantiatua duos in unius plebe fuisse imaginarie constitutos ut numerum augeant tamen plebium numerus non sit qui sit illarum scilicet Personarum hoc Argumenti est maximi ut videantur nos hoc genere superare si duâ— contra unum constituti sunt vel tres Nam etÃam in plebe praesentis sanctissimi Collegae ac fratris mei Adeodati i. e. in Civitate Milevitana ita commissa res est ut unum ibidem habeat Adversarium alterum in Tuncensi Civitate qui ad hujus scilicet plebem antiquitus pertinet ante biennium esse videtur constitutus Tertius vero sit in loco qui dicitur Ceramussa Ergo cum unus sit Civitatis Milevitanae Episcopus à partibus nostris tres videntur ab his constituti fuisse ut illorum numerus augeretur aut fortasse excederet numerum veritatis Requirendum est igitur quando auctus est illorum numerus quam Originem haâ—â—eâ—it utrumhoc novitas fecerit an dederit Antiquitas utrum ut ita dixerim contra vetustatem canam vitium hâ—câ— fuerit novitatis Petilianus Donatist Bishop of Constantina said Noble Sir you have wisely foreseen all things for in my Diocess i. e. in the City of Constantina I have Fortunatus an opposite Bishop and in the middle of my Diocess I have nay they have Delphinus another Bishop Your excellence may perceive by this how they have set up two imaginary Bishops in the Diocess of one to increase their number and yet the number of Dioceses will not be so great as that of their Bishops and this is a great argument that they would seem to out do us in this kind if they do but set up two or three against ones for in the Diocess of my worthy câ—llegue Adeodatâ—s who is here pesent i. e. in the City of Milevis the matter is so ordered that he has one Anti Bishop there in the City another in the City of Tunca which has belonged of old to his Diocess and it is not above two years since he is set up there a third is in a place called Ceramussa Therefore whereas there is but one Bishop of Milâ—â—is of our party they have three that they may increase their number and perhaps exceed the number of the truth or of the True Church we ought therefore to ask them when their number increased thus what was the Original of it Whether this be an innovation or Reverend Antiquity or rather whether this novelty has not been irregularly introduced against reverend Antiquity And what Answer is there to all this No other than that it was impertinent it was nothing to the business of the conference which was to dispute the cause of the Church whether it were to be found among the Catholicks or only amongst the Donatists Fortunatianus Episcopus Ecclesia Catholica dixit Multiloquio Ecclesia causam agi non debere perspicit mecum tua dignationis sensus Cognitorum optime Fortunatianus Bishop of the Catholick Church said Best of Jndges you perceive as well as I that the cause of the Church ought not to be maintained by much impertinent talk Therefore the Catholicks could not deny the matter of fact but despised the argument and perhaps looked upon it as a credit to their cause to be so watchful and industrious in it and since Schism would needs divide the Church they thought it allowable to return them the same measure and devide Schism too by parcelling their Dioceses between several Catholick Bishops And that we may not think this instance singulaâ— Col. Carth. Cogn 1.117 I will proceed to cite some more passages to the same effect Petilianus Episcopâ—s dixit in una Plebâ— Janâ—â—riâ— Collegae nostuâ— praeferâ—is in una dicâ—cosi quâ—â—icor sunt constuenti contra ipsâ—â—n 〈◊〉 numerâ—â— stilicet augeretur Petilianus said In the single Diocess of my Brother Januarius there are no less than four Bishops set up against him that their number may be increased To this and some other little reffections the Answer of Marcellinus the President was Hac ad praesentem non pertinent actionem These things are not to the purpose And these checks were the cause why we have not many more particulars of the divisions of Dioceses in Africk yet for all this some could not forbear making their complaints when it came to their turn to speak Verissimus Episcopus dixit Agnosco illum Coll. Carth. Cog. 1.121 quatuor sunt in plebe mea Datianus Aspidius Fortunatus Octavianâ—s Verissimus said I know him for before the Conference the subscriptions were to be examined and the Donatist Bishops were to confront the Catholicks i. e. the Bishop of each City his opposite Bishop there there are four Bishops in my Diocess and names them Now that we may not think this way was taken up by the Catholicks only to increase their party In ipsa antem Ecclesia Mustitana apparuit ipsos Episcopâ—â— alium antiqua Cachedrae addidisse bot in allis locis se fuisse poâ—â—â—â— doclaratâ—m 25. Breâ— Col. they when it comes to their
their Elders do directly excommunicate and yet are lay-men It would be much to the Advantage as well as the Reputation of our Dissenters if they would first agree and correct those Abuses among themselves which they so sharply exclaim against in our Church 2. When they oblige the Magistrate to execute their Decrees by the Sword be they just or unjust § 55. and to lay men in Goals and ruine them because they are excommunicated by Bishops Chancellors c. This is the Law of the State and not of the Church and therefore is not to be charged upon Diocesan Episcopacy besides now there are few that have reason to complain of this there are those Evasions found that render that Law insignificant but the Threatning Princes and Magistrates with Excommunications if not Depositions p. 23. if they do communicate with those whom the Bishops have excommunicated belongs not at all to our Diocesan Episcopacy let the Papists who hold this Dostrine or the rigid Scotch Presbyterians who seem to have outdone the Popes in their Claim of Authority over Sovereign Princes answer it if they can 3. Or when they arrogate the Power of the Sword to themselves as Socrates says Cyril did § 55. How far Socrates is to be credited in his account of that Bishop we shall consider in due place in the mean time this does not concern Diocesan Episcopacy as it is with us for our Bishops do not arrogate that Power if the King confer upon them any Authority extrinsecal to their Office Mr. B. has declared himself p. 23. § 59. that shall make no difference and that he will submit to them notwithstanding The next Paragraph I am loth to meddle with it is little else but Biitterness and Railing and this I have neither Skill nor Inclination to answer yet because it is set down as the highest Aggravation of Diocesan Tyranny I must say something to it lest I should be thought to be ashamed of the Cause and to desert it It becomes much worse § 56. continues Mr. B. by tyrannical Abuse when being unable and unwilling to exercise true Discipline and so many hundred Parishes they have multitude of Atheists Infidels gross Ignorants and wicked Livers in Church Communion yea compel all in their Parishes to communicate upon pain of Imprisonment and Ruine and turn their Censures cruelly against godly persons that dare not obey them in all their Formalities Ceremonies and Impositions for fear of sinning against God I am afraid there are too many wicked men in all Communions and the Communion or as they call it the Religion of the State will have the most for Reasons I need not mention but it is oftentimes a hard thing to know them and until they are discovered it can be no Reproach to the Discipline of the Church that they are in outward Communion but all sorts of People and these with the rest are forced into our Communion They are indeed obliged to come to Church and to receive the Sacrament three times in the year but all this is upon the Supposition of their being Christians if they declare to the contrary they are immediately exempted from all Church-Jurisdiction and for the Civil let them deal with it as well as they can It is the duty of every Christian to come to Church and receive the Sacrament and because all that have been baptised and have not renounced the Faith are presum'd to be Christians it is doubtless lawful to quicken them to that which is their Duty by Penalties upon the neglect of it As for the Atheists and Infidels declared if they are admitted to Communion it is an unexcusable fault of Discipline yet such as is to be charged on the Minister of the Parish that receives them rather than the Bishop and for the being of any such men amongst us that is not so much to be imputed to the defect of present Discipline as to the licentiousness of the late unhappy times and the Offence that was given to light and unsteady minds by such pretended Saints as made Religion their Warrant for all their barbarous Villanies they committed But wicked Livers he adds are forced into Church-Communion by the Bishops § 56. This is a great Mistake for the Bishop forces no such into the Church but obliges the Minister and Church-wardens of every Parish to present such if any there be that they might be separated from Communion till they shall have given some Satisfaction to the Church by their Repentance and good Hopes of their future Amendment and lastly that gross Ignorants are admitted to the Communion can be charged upon no other than the Minister of that place whose Duty it is to instruct them in the Principles of their Religion and the Bishops are so far from obstructing the Exercise of this Duty that there is hardly any thing which they press with greater Earnesiness As to those godly persons who dare not obey the Orders of Bishops in point of Church-Communion and cannot bring their Conscience to comply with Ceremonies and Formalities Whether it be their Fault or Misfortune I pity them heartily but I believe this ought not to be charg'd upon the Constitution of our Episcopacy for if the King and the great Senate of the Nation after Experience of former Troubles should think fit to impose this as a Test upon such as they thought the Government not secure of what is all this to Diocesan Episcopacy The next Paragraph concludes the Arraignment of Diocesan Bishops § 57. not with any Argument but a great many hard Words which suppose the Proofs that have gone before to have amounted to full Evidence I am not willing to repeat them here let them stand or fall with those Arguments they depend upon Now least you should take Mr. B. for an Enemy to Bishops for one sort he rejects he receives two the first such as St. Jerom says Was brought into the Church for a Remedy against Schism the Bishop of this Constitution was it preside over Presbyters and without him nothing of Moment was to be done in the Church § 58. These Presbyters that were under the Bishop had they several Parishes or Congregations or the same with their President If several then this is the Diocesan Prelacy that is a Crime in it's Constitution if the same then what did they do there For by old Canons it appears and Mr. B. makes use of them to serve his own Turn that a Presbyter was not to preach in the Presence of the Bishop what then Shall they only read the Offices of the Church This is to fall into worse than Diocesan Episcopacy and to make Presbyters not Preaching but what sounds much meaner reading Curates only to the Bishops There is another sort of Bishops that he dares not deny to be of divine Institution § 60. And they are such as succeed the Apostles in the ordinary part of Church-Government while some senior Pastors have
Vid. loc they ought to consider the Justice of the Cause and he that is already Bishop ought to continue so if they have nothing material to lay to his Charge and that be not evidently proved so we see plainly that this Disagreement is only between the People who have no Power to depart from the rightful Bishop and factiously to set up another against him but that the People should stand by their Pastor when he is canonically ejected by his Superiours assembled in Synod is very far from being any meaning of this Canon though Mr. B. would force it to that purpose Besides all this though any of these Arabick Canons should directly favour either his Notion of a Church or the cause of Dissenters or disallow the Practice of our Church in any thing they scruple it would give them but very small Relief since there is no Church and much less ours that ever receiv'd them nor were they ever heard of till the last Age. 7. Those ordained by Meletius were to be received into the Ministry where others dyed if by the Suffrage of the People they were judged fit and the Bishop of Alexandria design'd them Whither this tends is not hard to conjecture but it would spoil the Drift if one should observe maliciously First That these Meletians were Episcopally ordain'd Secondly That they were receiv'd into the Ministry upon the Supposal of their Submission to the Canons and Orders of the Church Thirdly That in that same place Sozomen declares in the Name of the Council that it is not lawful for the People to elect whom they please Page 53. l. 1. c. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cir. Ath. Ep. ad Strap The Council of Gangrae he has nothing to object against that of Tyre is manifestly Arrian and abhorr'd by the Catholick Church that of Jerusalem is of the the same Stamp but here Mr. B. goes along with the common Mistake that Arrius was here receiv'd into Communion whereas Athanasius affirms him to have died out of the Communion of the Church And it is plain that comparing Socrates Sozomen and Athanasius Arrius the Author of that Heresie was dead before the Council of Jerusalem and it is observable that Athanasius in his account of that Council every where expresses himself thus Ep. Synod Con. Hiero◠ap Athan. l. de Synod That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were there receiv'd into Communion See Vales his Annot. Ecclesiast in Socrat. Sozom. The next of any Note p. 54. § 21. is the Council of Antioch of near a hundred Bishops of which thirty six were Arrians the most Orthodox and the holy James of Nisybis one yet they depos'd Athanasius and the Arrians it 's like by the Emperour's Favour carry'd it Thus far Mr. B. Many have wonder'd how the major part of this Council being Orthodox Athanasius should be condemn'd by it Mr. B. who does not seem much to favour him because he was not kind to the Nonconformist Meletians insinuates a base complyance of these Orthodox Bishops with the Emperours Inclination a moderate man and always for the most charitable Construction However Pope Julius's Letter is express that he was condemn'd but by thirty six Bishops whether they were Arrians or no he does not say Athanasius reckons ninety Hilary ninety seven Sozomon ninety nine and be they never so many it seems the lesser number carry'd it and if the Emperour made that a Law the Orthodox Dissenters ought to be absolved Certain it is that this Council lay under the Imputation of Arrianisin for when it was objected to Chrysostom that he resum'd his Place after that he had been ejected without the Authority of a Synod to restore him which the Canons of this Council did require his Defence was that this was not a Canon of the Church but of the Arrians Sozomen makes them all Arrians The Faction of Eusebius saith he with several others that favour'd that Opinion in all ninety seven Bishops assembled at Antioch from several places under Colour of consecrating a Church but indeed as the Event prov'd to abrogate the Decrees of the Nicene Council Athanasius rejects them as sworn Enemies to him and the Faith so that there is no likely-hood that the majority was Orthodox since Constantius and Eusebius had the contriving of this Synod and by it's means the Ruine of Athanasius But how came this Opinion of thirty six only being Arrians and yet carrying the Cause Some say that they acted secretly and did not admit the Orthodox to vote with them for so the Condemnation of Athanasius past at Tyre or that they might be impos'd upon by their specious Pretence of disowning Arrius but because there is no account of any Difference between the Arrians and Orthodox in this case no Protestation enter'd nay if any such thing had been it cannot be imagin'd but that Sozomen must have mention'd it where he speaks of the Bishop of Jerusalem absenting himself on purpose lest he should be drawn in a second time to subscribe to the Condemnation of Athanasius we must conclude That these were all of a Party and pack'd together upon that design And perhaps the reading of thirty six in Julius's Epistle may be a mistake of Transcribers it being easie to mistake the Greek figure of 90 for 30 unless we shall judge the contrary to be the true Reading for the two ancient Latin Translations of Dionysius Exiguus and Isidorus Mercator conclude consenserunt subscripserunt 30 Episcopi and the Greek Synodical Epistle wants but one of just thirty Subscriptions Sozomen mentions another Synod at Antioch of just thirty Bishops and confounds the Acts of it with those of this first but whether it be his mistake or the old Translators that might confound the second with the first I am not able to determine and the matter is too confus'd to be extricated here Though the Authority of this Council was not great yet it seems the Canons of it were so wisely suited to the condition of a distracted Church and to the depressing of Schism that they were adopted afterwards by General Councils Mr. B. mentions several that are most of them levell'd against Dissenters and yet they are such as the Dissenters themselves that own any Discipline cannot find fault with and when they are in any Power find necessary to observe The fifth forbids any Priest or Deacons to gather Churches or Assemblies against the Bishop's will and if any did and did not desist upon admonition he was to be deposed and if he went on to be opprest by the exteriour Power as seditious The word opprest it seems is Emphatical and has indeed an old Version to favour it but what may be Oppression in his sense with the Council was Legal Punishment and the Greek word it uses signifies not so much the Penalty as the End for which it was to be inflicted the reduction of Schismaticks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And
place Ep. 70. Dolebamus te nimium esse patientem and in another Letter he charges the Origenists with calumniating Theophilus and others Ep. 78. instead of answering to their charge Now for my part I have as much Respect for St. Jerom as our Author has for Socrates and am as loth to believe him a Flatterer that had renounc'd all the Enjoyments of the World as to think Socrates a gross Lyar but there is no Necessity the Historian should be so though the Story should prove false for he might be impos'd upon but Hierom has hardly any Excuse unless things were as he represents them It was the Observation of a very wise man that he thought himself to have hit the Point of Virtue exactly Aristotle which he plac'd in Mediocrity when he was charg'd with having declin'd into the two Extremes by persons of different Interests How Theophilus did I will not judge but he has this Mans Judgment in his Favour for one condemns him with too much Rigour and others with too much Lenity in one and the same Action E◠ad Cyril ap Cyril 7.5 p. 20. and such Atticus a moderate good man in the Account of Socrates describes him to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I knew your Predecessor Theophilus a man equal to the Apostles in time of Confusion prefer Peace to a punctilious Exactness But that which render'd the Cause of the Origenists most invidious was the involving of Chrysostom in the same Quarrel for he receiv'd these banish'd Monks when they came to Constantinople perhaps not so much out of Compassion to them as out of Purpose to thwart Theophilus whose opposition to his Election he could not have forgot Theophilus resents it too much and stirs up Epiphanius to go and dislodge those Fugitives which occasion'd great Disorder At last Chrysostom being in disgrace at Court for having reflected upon the Empress in some of his Sermons she is resolv'd to take the opportunity of his Quarrel with Theophilus and other Bishops to revenge her self a Synod is call'd and Chrysostom is depos'd and afterwards banish'd Thus those troublesom Monks like many other Sycophants shifted the Quarrel and engaged good men in it and so they were sure to be reveng'd of their Enemies one way or other if they were worsted then they triumphed if they overcame the Victory must make them odious I do not intend to excuse Theophilus in this Particular he did certainly prosecute his Resentment too far but he was not the only man Epiphanius a person of great Holiness Hierom and several other persons renoun'd for their Piety were concern'd in the persecution of this great man as well as he and so it is that the best men have their Resentments and Piques as well as others and to say the Truth this is their Weakness for that Severity which gives men generally a Reputation of Holiness tho it mortifie some irregular heats yet is apt to dispose men to Peevishness and what kills some Weeds becomes a Nourishment to others I have dwelt so long upon this not onely to vindicate Theophilus but to shew once for all the manner of our Author's dealing with his Reader in his Church-History Any scandalous Story though it be as false and improbable as any in the Anni mirabiles or White 's Centuries of Scandalous Ministers any Fiction that reflects with disgrace upon Bishops and Councils is set down for Authentick no matter who delivers it whether Friend or Foe and there it stands without adding the least hint that as Credible Historians do contradict or confute the Calumny He mentions a scrap of an African Council p. 80. § 45. to petition the Emperour that the Priviledges of Sanctuaries should be preserved inviolable and no man forc'd away to punishment that had taken Refuge there Justice was taken for wickedness sayes our Author No such thing they might themselves deliver the Offender if they judg'd him unworthy of Mercy all they desir'd was that they should not be forc'd away or else their Sanctuary was no more so It is a hard thing to please a man that has such contrary Humours He is offended with the Bishops for procuring Justice upon Priscillian and his Complices and calls them Bloudy Bishops and not to be communicated with now he is angry with them for being too merciful and reckoning Justice a Crime which they never did but desir'd only their Sanctuaries might not be forc'd upon any pretence for that would utterly destroy the merciful Design of those Priviledges that were granted some Places devoted to Religion which was to give Criminals time and opportunity to repent of their wickedness In the Fragments of the Councils of Toledo there is a Canon § 47. that makes a difference between the Offerings made at the Parish Churches and those made at the Altars Our Author mistook the meaning of this Canon which is thus Quae ad Parochianas Elclesias offeruntur in terris vineis mancipiis peculiis c. that is Whatsoever is given to Parish Churches whether in Land Vineyards c. that the Bishop is to have the disposal of it all but what is given to the Altars that is to the Episcopal Church he has but his Thirds Yet all this notwithstanding Parish Churches had Communion Tables and where-ever there were Congregations there was the Administration of the Lord's Supper Nay before this time Altars were become much more frequent than our Author would have believ'd Conc. Carthag 5. Sub Anastasio for a Council of Carthage forbids the erecting of Altars in the High-ways and in the Fields to the memory of Martyrs yet the Exception shews how numerous they might lawfully be nisi aut ibi corpus aut aliquae certae reliquiae sunt aut origo alicujus habitationis vel possessionis vel passionis fidelissima origine traditur We have a strange occasional Remark of our Author That Pope Innocent § 55. one of the best and wisest Popes excommunicated Theophilus Arcadius and the Empress yet did this pass without contradiction I perceive any thing passes with him for History for this Epistle of Innocent that mentions the Excommunication of the Persecutors of St. Chrisostom after Chrysostom's death is all forg'd which Labbee does as good as confess for over against the place where the Pope threatens Eudoxia with Punishment in this life as well as that to come he notes in the Margin that Eudoxia died before Chrysostom Which is a sufficient proof of the Forgery for Eudoxia died in the year 404. Oct. 6. and Chrysostom in 407. Nov. 14. Therefore Mr. B. might well have spar'd this Note and his Author Binnius might have spar'd that wise Remark That the Pope was a true Prophet because the Empress dy'd soon after Among the Decrees of Boniface Ch. Hist p. 82. § 50. one is that no Bishop shall be brought or set before any Judge Civil or Military either for any Civil or Criminal Cause so
Blasphemers put to death according to the Laws which then were and for ought I know are still in force But had the Bishops had as much zeal for God and his truth as they had for their own greatness they had obtain'd such a law as this is if not in all the particulars Presbyterian Toleration yet in most of them long ago and thereby prevented many of those monstrous opinions which have of late been vented among us to the great dishonour of God and our Kingdom and the mischief to Souls but they were cast out for their lukewarmness and let others take heed of the like How shall the Bishops do to please these men Sometimes when they are in authority they are Hereticators and Persecutors and Instigators of the Civil Magistrate against men for Conscience sake Sometimes they are lukewarm and negligent for not providing Laws severe enough and for not putting men to death for errours in Religion If I were worthy to advise our Author I would desire him for the honour of Presbytery to level his spiteful reflections a little more justly lest whilest he le ts fly with a good will against Bishops the Brethren of the Holy Discipline be not hurt and lest what he designs against Councils fall unhappily upon the Reverend Assembly Answer to Dr. Stillingst for which he expresses no small esteem elsewhere although Bishops and their Councils are so abominable in his sight But enough of this for our purpose I will leave our Author to the judgement of his Brethren and only crave the Readers Pardon for this digression We are now come to the Council of Ephesus §. 9. which was occasion'd by Nestorius his denying the Blessed Virgin to be the Mother of that person that was God this doctrine was broach'd by his favourite Priest Anastasius though Nestorius being the more eminent person carry'd away the name and reputation of it Our Author says This set all the City in a division disputing of they well knew not what Nestorius was suspected by some to deny the Godhead of Christ but he was of no such opinion It is true he did not directly deny the Godhead of Christ but consequentially he did as we shall shew hereafter The Emperour weary of this stir p. 89. sect 9. calls a Council and yet our Author forgets himself not many pages after where he will have his Reader believe that Cyril made all this stir to please the Court. The truth of it is the obstinacy of Nestorius oblig'd the Emperour to assemble this Council for Cyril had try'd all the moderate ways in the world to reclaim him before this was thought of Nothing can be more modest than Cyril's Letter to Nestorius Ep. ad Nest though he had receiv'd several personal provocations from him and after this another written with the same Spirit Secunda Ep. ad Nest but Nestorius took all this brotherly admonition for reproach and endeavour'd to maintain his opinion and to secure himself in equivocal and doubtful expressions sometimes seeming to speak the same thing with Cyril that Christ had two natures in one person sometimes considering Christ as a double person and always denying Mary to be the Mother of God by any means This was the unhappy Controversie that divided the world Several being deceiv'd by the Equivocations of Nestorius took his part at first but finding him obstinate in denying the Virgin to be the Mother of that person that was God they at last deserted him and joyn'd with Cyril in his condemnation It had been happy for the Church if the mysteries of our Religion had never been curiously disputed But when busie troublesome men have started a new dangerous doctrine and endeavour to propagate it with all industry imaginable it is not fit that the Governours should sit as unconcern'd Spectators but that they should oppose vigorously all such remedies as God has put into their hands i. e. advise admonish rebuke and if these means prove ineffectual to stop the course of evil doctrine they must proceed according to the Apostles advice a Heretick after admonition reject This method therefore of proceeding against Heresies and the Authors of them cannot be disallowed by any reasonable man But this case of Nestorius it seems yields a further debate and the merit of the cause is yet disputed Derodon makes Nestorius Orthodox and Cyril the Heretick our Author believes both Orthodox but that they did not understand one another and so by words that themselves did not understand they set all the world on fire As for Derodon he manifestly condemns Nestorius in a little Treatise De Supposito printed with several other Philosophical Tracts of his and approves Cyril the truth is he has a singular notion of a person there which seems to approach Nestorianism which he endeavours to confirm by the authority of Cyril and other Fathers but this which our Author cites I have not yet seen nor can I find that it has been yet publish'd however since the minutes of his arguments are set down by our Author I will endeavour to shew the mistake of that learned man by giving the true state of the question between Cyril and Nestorius Nestorius did first recede from the allow'd expressions of the Fathers who did all occasionally call the Blessed Virgin the Mother of God and therefore was justly suspected to recede from their doctrine Cyril admonishes him of this dangerous innovation and explains himself concerning the Incarnation of the son of God Nestorius endeavours to confute it and now let us see what it was that they both maintain'd I will begin with the Doctrine of Cyril 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word united the flesh to himself hypostatically or personally Ep. 2. ad Nestor and a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. i. e. distinct natures concurring to make a real Unity of both which consists one Christ and one Son not that the difference of the natures are taken away by that Unity but that the divinity and humanity combin'd by an unspeakable manner of Union make one Christ and one Son Ibid. And then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uniting the manhood hypostatically to himself and as to the order of this Union he explains himself farther 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. He was not first a meer man that was born of the Holy Virgin which the Divinity afterwards did assume but the Word being united to the Man from the very Womb is said to have undergone a carnal generation And that this Union does not destroy the difference of natures in Christ he shews expresly in that same place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He became man but did not therefore cease to be God but after the assumption of Flesh remain'd still the same that he was before And to the same purpose in another place after the assumption of Flesh he remain'd very God Ep. ad Eulog and suffer'd death upon the Cross i. e. the Flesh
to find fault having given them leave to proceed But he coming to Ephesus shortly after and finding fault with the proceedings of Cyril became the occasion of great confusions which yet cannot be with any justice charg'd upon the Council John with his protesting Bishops countenanc'd the cause of Nestorius and condemn'd Cyril being drawn in by Candidianus who was a favourer of Nestorius Act. 1. prope finem and it is not unlikely that he had secret Orders from the Emperour to do Cyril all the ill offices that he could for the Emperour in his Letter to Cyril before this Council shews that he was not a little angry with him He pretends his writing to him Theodos Cyril p. 1. c. 31. and the Empresses about this question to have been the cause as if he had had a design to divide the Court as well as the Church and to sow discord in the Royal Family But whatever were the reason it is evident by his proceeding that he had a pique against Cyril who was oppos'd in every thing by the Emperours Officers A little Committee of about thirty Bishops with John and Candidianus at the head of them set up against the Council condemn'd Cyril and Memnon and gave the Emperour an account of what they had done he sent Johannes Comes with Order to depose Cyril Memnon and Nestorius This John gives a sad account of the confusion all things were in and of the heats of Bishops but is very much to be suspected For the tenour of his relation makes it evident that he was a partizan of the Eastern Bishops and therefore endeavours to lay all the blame upon Cyril and his party but sure I am that the confusion which he represents cannot be much greater than our Author makes in the sense of this John and the Bishops could not understand one another much worse than our Author did that Epistle They would have the Scriptures read says our learned Translator but they that favour'd Cyril said that the divine and terrible Scriptures were not to be read without Cyril the Bishops that were with John said that Cyril ought not to be present at the reading of the Scriptures One would imagine that this Officer would have read a Chapter of Job to recommend patience to these violent Bishops but it is quite another matter for these terrible Scriptures were nothing else but the Emperours Letter which in the language of those times was call'd Sacra and Sacra Scriptura in this place as every body knows that has any acquaintance with these times or has but read this Letter for the secret is discover'd within a few lines Augustarum literarum lectionem fecit in quibus depositi sunt Cyrillus Nestorius c. And now it is no wonder if all things were in confusion and all parties unless that small one of John of Antioch dissatisfy'd the Orthodox look'd upon the faith as involv'd in the condemnation of Cyril and to suffer in the same proscription with him and the greatest part of the Christian Church look'd upon it self as engag'd in the same cause therefore the Emperour considering better of it whether out of fear that all the world in a manner would oppose this sentence or being better inform'd concerning Cyril revok'd this decree but confirm'd the deposition and banishment of Nestorius and considering the party of John was but inconsiderable in respect of those that own'd the Council the Emperour who probably might have made use of them against Cyril commands them now to be reconcil'd to him to condemn Nestorius to receive the Council and Cyril was only desir'd to sacrifice his resentments of the injuries received at Ephesus to the peace and settlement of the Church and so at last Cyril and the Council of Ephesus prevail'd against all the little arts that were us'd to blast their reputation and by the means of Paulus Emissenus a perfect reconciliation was effected so sincere that the old contentions are chang'd into friendship and confidence and Cyril sends some of his books to John and Theodoret to revise and correct So far were they from thinking him a Fire brand and incendiary as long as they liv'd as our Author represents the matter But this reconciliation does as little please Mr. B. as their dissentions There is no thanks to the Bishops for this the Emperours threatning Letter cur'd them all of Heresie and good men they were all this while of one mind and did not know it It is some sign of good nature that they would submit to the powerful interposition of the Emperour but there is a temper which Mr. B. is acquainted with that is not to be prevail'd upon either by threats or promises from the Magistrate and seems to hate nothing so much as compliance with Superiours there are some that scorn to preach by the licence of the Government and place the Kingdom of Christ purely in opposition to Laws and Magistrates CHAP. VI. Councils about the Eutychian Heresie IT is the general weakness of our minds not to think we have sufficiently avoided one extreme unless we run into the other and to be still running away from what we dislike we care not whither without considering what inconveniences the contrary extreme may expose us to This is frequent among us not only in what relates to our passions and manners but to our faith Nestorius for fear of blasphemy dissolv'd the incomprehensible unity of the son and fell into blasphemy on the opposite side denying Christ to be Deus verus Anath 1 2. Eutyches abhorring this doctrine thought he was not safe till he had deny'd Christ to be verum hominem Brevic. de Hist Eutyc and this became the occasion of a great deal of stir and tumults in the Christian World This Eutyches who to our comfort was no Bishop but an Abbot having pleas'd himself some time with his notion concerning the person of Christ was not content to enjoy it himself but was ambitious to propagate it He therefore drew up a new Creed different from those which had been set forth by all the Councils before him and sent a Copy of this Confession into several Monasteries to desire Subscriptions Act. con C. P. This got wind and Eusebius Bishop of Dorylaeum having notice of this practice advises Eutyches as a friend to desist from such dangerous enterprizes and to acquiesce in the decrees of the Councils of Nice and Ephesus Eutyches pursues his course and Eusebius reports the whole matter to Flavian who having called a small Convention of Bishops at C. P. sends for Eutyches thither He at first refuses to come but afterwards being encourag'd by a favourite Eunuch he comes to the Council as if he had been going to a war guarded not only with his Monks but with Souldiers and the Emperours guards where after some tergiversation he discover'd his Heresie and the Council having admonish'd him to retract but without effect condemn'd him as a Heretick Our
ever read this Epistle In short if I were as worthy to advise Mr. B. as he was to advise Cromwel I would say it were much more adviseable for a Christian especially for one that thinks he is so near his Eternal State to repent and cry peccavimus with the Bishops in the Council of Chalcedon whom he something Unchristianly derides than to stand upon justification of the fact and think to face it out by comparing himself with them that were so unlike him in all their circumstances This odious unpleasant work is no sooner done but Mr. B. leads me into a subject much more Invidious by his charging the late Rebellion upon the Bishops and their Party But this I must add says Mr. B. ad homines That it has been the Bishops themselves that have been the grand cause of our Church Divisions and Separations What advantage they have given the Separatists I have shewed before I am sure in the Congregation where I once was Teacher and the Country about nothing that ever came to pass has so inclin'd the people to avoid the Prelates as their own doing especially the silencing and Reproaching their Ancient Teachers whom they knew longer and better than the Prelates did and to say truth the people generally are very Competent judges of their Pastors But if the Bishops have been the Cause the Grand cause of our divisions how came it to pass that when the Bishops were gone that these divisions increas'd in other evils when you remove the Grand cause there follows abatement of the distemper This strange disease of separation grows more incurable by removing the cause But Mr. B. saith the reproaching and Silencing of the ancient Ministers gave offence and made the Bishops odious If Mr. B. means that which was done after his Majesties Restauration it will be an easie matter to answer There were many of those Ministers that were Usurpers and had intruded into the Churches of other men who had been silenc'd and cast out by those powers that had reason to be jealous of honest men There were many others that were intruders into the Ministry and such not a few of them as Mr. B. himself would not have thought fit to have continued All the rest were such as would not submit to the Rule that was then Establisht in the Church but chose rather to leave their Livings and the Bishops could not help it any other wise than as they were Members of Parliament for it was the Law that tied them to that choice and not the Bishops If Mr. B. means what happen'd before the last Civil Wars as 't is likely he may because that follows next then these Ancient Teachers that he speaks of howsoever they might be qualified otherwise were the instruments of an Anti-Monarchical Anti Episcopal Faction They would preach but they would not conform to the Establisht Religion Nay many of them would Preach against it and against their Governours too and Alienate the pople from them by their Sermons These were such Incendiaries as no Government would have endured And what manner of men several of them were may be observ'd from the Register of Norwich where Heyl. Life of Land p. 291. of four persons who were inhibited preaching one was by Trade a Draper another a Weaver and a third a Taylor and perhaps not altogether so learned as the Weavers and Plowmen of Kidderminster whom Mr. B. vouches of Abilities not inferior to most of the Ancient Fathers Yet by Silencing of these saith Mr. B. the Bishops caus'd separation It is pity the people should know no better than to follow such men as these out of the Church but if there be such an absolute necessity that these men must preach I should think they would become a Conventicle much better than a Church In the next place Mr. B. gives us a new account of the original of the late Wars and affirms that it was a Parliament of Episcopals and Erastians and not of Presbyterians who first took up Arms in England against the King It is well the Bishops had no share in it But pray where were the Presbyterians when this Parliament took up Arms were they not yet in being Or were there none of them in the House Or did they Protest against the proceedings of those Episcopals and Erastians As many of them as were of the Parliament I hope consented to the taking up of Arms and it may be may give Mr. B. little thanks for depriving them of the glory of the action For the Erastians I have not much to say but that at last they outwitted the Presbyterians although in the beginning they were reckon'd all one But can Mr. B. believe or think any body else so weak as to be impos'd upon in a matter so notorious that it was a Parliament of Episcopals and Erastians and not Presbyterians that began the like War were they Episcopals that voted down Episcopacy Root and Branch before the war was begun Were they Episcopals that Petition'd the King at York for Reformation in Discipline and Worship i. e. for Abolishing of Episcopacy and Common Prayer Were they Episcopals who in their humble desires tendred to the King at Oxford Feb. 1. 1643. pray him to give his Royal Assent for the utter Abolishing Arch-Bishops Bishops c. out of the Church of England and to promise to Pass other such Good Bills for setling of Church Government as upon consultation the Assembly of Divines shall be resolv'd on by both houses of Parliament Were they Episcopas that enter into a Solemn League and Covenant against Episcopacy and for Reforming of our Church after the Presbyterian Platform In short were they Episcopals that set up Presbytery by so many and repeated Ordinances Aug. 19. Oct. 20. Feb. 20. And this was the Parliament that began and continued the War The Erastians and Independents were at first inconsiderable and acted joyntly with the Presbyterians taking the Covenant as well as they and some of them were present at the forming of it in Scotland But afterwards opposing the Establishment of Presbytery they found a device to elude all the force of the Presbyterian Covenant by the means of that clause in it that Reformation intended was to be according to the word of God which they conceived Presbyterian Government not to be Some of them added that the Covenant was so attemkper'd on purpose to take them in for their Principles they said were very well known when they took it Grand Debate p. 89.90 91 c. But the Presbyterians utterly deny'd any such thing that they knew any principles of theirs that were contrary to Presbytery and the Assembly of Divines in their First Conference with the dissenting Brethren p. 108. c. urge the Honour of this Presbyterian Parliament as an argument against the Toleration of the Independents p. 20. because that in so doing the Parliament should grant Liberty to destroy and pull down what themselves are
separation twenty years before seems to have made the first step towards this Congregational way Brown in the column intituled the state of Christians 50. Art 51. but he speaks of it something more obscurely Who have the grace and office of watching and guiding The Answer is Some have this Charge together which cannot be sundred Some have their several charge over many Churches some have charge but in one Church only 52. How have some their charge and office together Ans There be Synods or the meetings of sundry Churches where the weaker Churches seek for help to the stronger for deciding or redressing of matter or else the stronger look to them for redress Who have their several charge over many Churches Ans Apostles Prophets Helpers or Evangelists Nor does he determine whether any may succeed to this general inspection or no. Those that followed delivered themselves with greater clearness upon this point Confer with Egerton p. 43. Collection of certain Art 1590. Art 11. Barrow and Greenwood make all Ecclesiastical power to belong to every Congregation and call the Bishops Antichristian because they take upon them to oversee so many Pastors and Churches And in another treatise where they answer this Question whether the Queen may be excommunicated by the Presbyterie they say That they detest the power of any Person or Presbytery usurping Authority over the Church No Presbytery can do any thing of this kind without the consent of the whole Congregation but That the Congregation whereof the Prince is may Excommunicate him Ainsworth went the same way and declared himself in these words Ains Communion of Saints c. 24. We find no Authority committed to our Congregation over another for Excommunicating the same as every Church has over her own members Christ reserveth this power in his own hands Barrow affirms Bar. Refuttat of Gifford 137. that ordinary set Synods are as prejudicial to the Rights of the Church as the other i.e. Diocesan Episcopacy But Johnson was the first that cleared this point and treated of it particularly Johns Christian Plea Treat 3. He layes down two things as the foundation of Church Government and Unity 1. That all particular Churches with their Pastors do stand immediately under Jesus Christ their Arch Pastor without any other strange Ecclesiastical Power and Authority interposed between Whether of Prelates or their unlawful usurping Synods 2. That notwithstanding the estate and distinction aforesaid Treat 3. c. 6. p. 261.262 c. yet all the Churches and Ministers of them should be alwayes ready to advise and assist one another and in this manner might be had a lawful and profitable use of Synods classes c. Provided they do not usurp any unlawful jurisdiction or power over particular Churches This man goes yet farther and maintains Congregational Episcopacy and shews out of several places of Scripture and antiquity That there may be in a particular Church one Pastor or Angel of the Church properly and specially so called and divers teachers and ruling Elders joyned to this Pastor in the Ministry and Government of the same Church who may all of them generally be called Pastors yet so as one be specially distinguished from the rest in respect of place and function to be the Pastor so more particularly called under Jesus Christ the Arch Pastor Never did copy agree more exactly with the Original than Mr. Baxters doctrine about Church Government with this of Johnson the Brownist Vt sit tam fimilis sibi nec ipse It is easier to find a difference between Mr. B. and himself upon other occasions than to discern the least disagreement between him and Johnson in this Robinson whom Baylie makes the Father of the Independents though he left some tenets of the Brownists Diss p. 17. Robins Apol p. 17. continued still a separation in the Sacraments and Discipline and was as much for this Congregational way as any of the Brownists In his Apology he declares That every particular Congregation is intire without any relation to other Churches as Peter or Paul are perfect men without respect to others that these Congregations are Independent and under Christ only Therefore the Ancient bounds which the Apostles have laid are not to be removed under pretence of any human Prudence Antiquity or Vnity Upon this foundation the Independent Churches were built and continue to this day which though they may differ in points of Doctrine as their Pastors or leading men may be inclined yet this constitution of Government gives them a common Denomination And now having given this account of the Original of this way at leastwise in these last times the higher Antiquity of it we shall consider elsewhere I shall in the next place give some account of the success of this form of Government and shew what fruits of Peace and Truth it has yielded since its first planting by the Brownists Robert Brown Schoolmaster in Southwark Baylie diss Ch. 1. having seduced out of the Communion of the Church of England such a number of Disciples as made up a congregation for fear lest the severity of our Laws might dissipate this new Church resolved to remove it to a place of greater liberty and accordingly perswaded his followers to transport themselves and families into Middleborough Here they had not been long but they began to be shaken with intestine discords G. Johns Letter to Fran. Johns George Johnson sayes It was in great measure occasioned by Browns Wife and other Women of that banished Church which caused a mortal feud between Brown and Harison and some said it was the occasion of Harison 's death It was also the cause of Excommunicating Perriman And this new fashion'd Church in short broke all to pleces most turning Anabaptists and Brown at last seeing himself deserted returned with tears in his eyes into the Unity of the Church Conformed and was preferred to a living The next Congregation that was formed under this rule was by F. Johnson Diss p. 14. for Barrow was hanged before he could fill his Church and this finding the air of the English Government not to agree with it followed its Pastor to Holland and setled at Amsterdam a kind Soil for a young and tender sect But this Colony had no better success than that of Brown for in a little while it was diminished by the falling away of several to the Anabaptists who were Excommunicated by the Congregation they deserted But the dissensions that were raised among themselves afflicted them yet more for G. Johnson having disobliged his Brothers Wife by reproving her for the vanity of her Apparel and cited a Text of Scripture for it when he was candidate for the place of a Pastor in conjunction with his Brother G. Johnson discourse of some troubles c. 1603. was required to recant his Doctrine against fine Cloaths he on the other side drew Articles of Impeachment against the Busk Stomacher and Sleeves c.
here Independency became an Vniting Principle and bound up all sorts of Errors and Blasphemies in one and would â—ot disown any that would enter into their Constitution or interest let them believe as they please or believe nothing all but as to the Sects that Sprung out of them let us â—â—ar Bastwick 2. part of Indep Postscript p. 37. Before the Independents Apâ—â—ition in our Horison there were but three 〈◊〉 four Sects known among us and they were 〈◊〉 in number and well conditioned But out of the â—â—dependents lungs are Sprung above 40 several â—â—ts of straglers which before their coming were never known among us J. Lilburn related it unto me and that in the presence of others that returning from the Wars to London he not forty new Sects and some so pernicious that he had much a do to keep his hands off them though he was in his judgment for a Toleration of all Religions There are innumerable and Diabolical Sects and so prodigiously Impious that it is not for a Christian to name their opinions And Lastly these Congregational Bishops men of humble pretences that would not aspire at first beyond a single Congregation nor desire to govern that any otherwise than in Conjunction with and by the advice of all the members These men when they had an opportunity exercis'd so great and extensive a Tyranny as this Church had never felt under the most Insolent of Diocesan Bishops for P. Nye and H. Petâ—r the Arch-Bishops of those times whâ—â— Govern'd the Committee of Tryers 〈◊〉 no Law no Canons but their owâ— pleasures they rejected whom they pleas'd without giving themselves the Trouble 〈◊〉 the sufferers the satisfaction of the least reason and there was no relief no Quare Iâ—â—pedit against these Church Governours and their proceedings were so arbritrary that some stil'd that Committee The Case of A. S. The English Inquisition And this is the fair fruit oâ— Congregational Episcopacy among us Confusion Regicide and Slavery in the Common wealth Heresie and endless Sects and more than Papal Tyranny in the Church But surely Mr. B. is not for this Congregational Independent way but for a Temperament or Mixture of Church Government made up of this and Presbytery and Episcopacy Mr. B. tells us that he has not chang'd â—is opinion these forty years Treatise of Episc praef and if we may judge of it by what he has written since it must be either Independency or something so like it that an ordinary Capacity cannot distinguish from it For if to declare 〈◊〉 Church of Christs constituting to be but â—â—e Congregation joyn'd in personal Comâ—â—â—ion of Prayer and Sacraments and that â—â—ery such Congregation is Independent â—â—d hath all sort of Ecclesiastical power â—â—en it immediatly by Christ If to say that 〈◊〉 usurp Authority over several of these â—â—â—ches and to assume the power of cenâ—â— over their Members is contrary to the â—â—â—tolick Institution and unchurches all â—â—â—â—e Congregations and that no Synods 〈◊〉 more than Bishops have any Superioriâ—â— over any one or more of these Churches 〈◊〉 that a Church for Discipline cannot â—â—prehend a greater number than a Church 〈◊〉 Worship if this be Independency Mr. B. â—â—â—ds it or else he either does not mean as 〈◊〉 speaks for all these things he plainly â—â—â—ms or speaks so as no body can make 〈◊〉 other meaning of his words Yet how can this be for he is not against â—â—â—â—es and Synods no more are the Indepenâ—â—â— they have not condemn'd the use of â—â—ods as I have shew'd out of F. Johnson and the Independents Assembled in a Synod declare in the Preface to their Confession that this neglect of Synods and Consociation was the cause of those endless divisions their Churches ran into but still this is no more than a Neighbourly consultation and has no proper authority to impose any rule upon National Churches But Mr. B. is for Episcopacy so is Johnson and Mr. B. is for no other For he does expresly disown any Bishop that is appointed over many Churches But he is for Bishop Vshers Episcopacy It is true Mr. B. says so in several places and that Bishop Vsher and he had agreed the point in a quarter of an hour What might have been the result of Mr. B.'s conversation with that Learned Primate I cannot tell But that which Mr. B. so often referrs us to for Bishop Vshers opinion shews there is as great a distance between him and Mr. B. in this point as there is between Mr. B. and the Church of England There is a small Paper that bears the name of that Bishop Entituled The Reduction of Episcopacy which Mr. B. often mentions I will Transcribe the second Article that the reader may see how well his notion of Episcopacy does agree with Mr. B.'s Whereas by a Statute in the 26 year of K. Henry the Eight reviv'd in the first of Queen Elizabeth Suffragans are appointed to be erected in Twenty six several places of this Kingdom p. 6. the number of them might very well be conform'd unto the number of the several Rural Deanries into which every Diocese is subdivided which being done the Suffragans supplying the place of those who in the Ancient Church were call'd Chorepiscopi might every month Assemble a Synod of all the Rectors or Incumbent Pastors within the Precinct and according to the major part of their voices conclude all matters that should be brought into Debate before them To this Synod the Rector and Church-wardens might Present such Impenitent persons as by admonition and suspension from the Sacrament would not be Reform'd who if they remain Contumacious and incorrigible the sentence of Excommunication might be decreed against them by the Synod and accordingly be executed in the Parish where they liv'd Hitherto also all things that concern'd Parochial Ministers may be referr'd whether they did touch their doctrine or their Conversation The Diocesans were to remain as now only to Govern by a Synod of Suffragans and incumbents and their Decrees if occasion were to be revised by Provincial and Metropolitical Synods presided by the Metropolitans Now let us compare this with Mr. B.'s Doctrine of Church Government First then the Sâ—ffragans here mention'd as the Bishops of the first and lowest order are Diocesan for every one is to rule a Rural Deanry which consists of about 40 or 50 or sometimes more Parishes is not this the same species of Government with Diocesan if a Diocese of 50 Parishes be specifically distinct from one of 80 or a Hundred we must have several species amongst us too according to the different proportions of our Bishopricks the Diocese of Lincoln will be specifically different from that of Bristol and by this way it is possible at last to make out Mr. B.'s Twelve sorts of Episcopacy which he reckons in his Disputation of Church Government in short what kind of Episcopacy does Mr. B. reject Diocesan he says Treatise of Episc part
Church might exceed the measure of a single Congregation in less time 7. Mr. B. sayes this is no precedent And why The Mother Church gathered and governed by all the Apostles together which is a circumstance that perhaps no other Church can boast of Why shou'd not this be a precedent The truth is it spoils a notion of Congregational Independent Churches and because it cannot be made to comply it must be protested against that it be not brought into a Precedent Besides these exception Acts 2.26.5.1.6.5 6. they offer testimonies to prove rhe Church of Jerusalem no more than could meet in one place because all the multitude is sometimes said to meet together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against these proofs there lies one great exception The number of Converts on one side are specified and it plainly thence appears that there was no possibility they should all meet together for all acts of worship but on the other side all the proof is in general expressions the whole multitude and the all may denote only those that were present and not all that believed as it is said Luke 1.10 The whole multitude of the people were without Praying i.e. not all the people of Jerusalem but the whole multitude that was present so the meeting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be said of several Congregations meeting for the same purpose as well as of one But the Independents in the Assembly of Divines did seem to give up this point and to grant that before the dispersion there might be more than one Congregation of Christians but that after they were scattered there remained no more than could meet in one place Suppose all this what advantage can it be to their cause if there were more once than might meet in one Assembly and so were forc'd to divide into several and this notwithstanding to retain the name but of one Church because under one common Government it follows that wheresoever the Christians should afterwards increase in the same manner they might likewise be governed after the same manner and in several Congregations still preserve the Unity of the Church If there were no more afterwards than one Congregation it is plain that it was only casual if I may so speak of the circumstances of the Church Nor is that true in fact which they affirm of the Church of Jerusalem after the dispersion for though they are all said to be scattered besides the Apostles Acts ◠1 yet it cannot be understood of all the Believers because afterwards we find Saul entring into houses and haling out Men and Women We find good men believers doubtless taking care of Stephens Funeral Hist Ecc. l. 2. c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nid Lorin Cajet Calvin Bez. in Loc. and thus Eusebius understood it where he sayes all the Disciples i. e. the Disciples of Christ mentioned Acts 1. that conversed with Christ and so the generality of Expositors nor is it to be imagin'd that the Apostles should remain alone at Jerusalem when the whole Church had been forc'd thence and the fury of the Persecution was so great that there was no opportunity to Preach publickly Nor is it unlikely that the Preachers were more particularly mark'd out for destruction for in Stephen's case we find it was his publick Disputing and Preaching that brought him under the lash of that Persecution and his Indictment was made up of what was delivered by him in his publick Discourses though besides it cannot be deny'd but that other Converts Men and Women were also hal'd to Prison But whatsoever numbers were forc'd away by that Persecution it is likely they return'd most of them after it was over and it did not continue long for immediately after the the Conversion of St. Paul Acts 9.31 The Churches had rest throughout all Judea and Galilee and Samaria and were edified and multiplyed And it is a strange conceit of Baronius That these are the Jews of the Dispersion that St. Peter and James directed their Epistles to An. 35. and that they were scattered into all the Parts of the World After this Persecution the Church of Jerusalem Acts 8.14 Acts 11.22 as the metropolitan of the rest takes care of them sends some Apostles to Samaria and Barnabas to Antioch and these as soon as they had fulfilled their ministry return home to their Mother Church which could not but thrive much more in proportion than the rest whether we reflect upon the number and abilities of her Pastors or the advantage of its scituation For the place it self was a most convincing witness as of some very remarkable actions of our Saviour so particularly of his Death and Resurrection here the vail of the Temple was rent here Rocks cleft in sunder here the empty Sepulcher preach'd with no less efficacy than the Apostles and though they should hold their peace the Stones would become Apostles and be Witnesses of the Resurrection This Church being thus considerable in all its circumstances Apud Eusib Ecc. Hist l. 2. c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ap Eusch l. 2. c. 23. when the Apostles were call'd away was committed to James the just the Brother of our Lord If not before for as Clemens reports the matter he was ordained Bishop of Jerusalem presently after our Savious Ascension and mentions it as an instance of the humility of the Apostles that would not contend about it but chose one that was no Apostle and Hegesippus one of the Ancientest Ecclesiastical Writers co-temporary with Justin Martyr and Athenagoras gives much the same account with Clemens as to the time of his promotion unless we shall take Jerom's Translation which if the words would bear it is much more commodious Hegesippus writes That James took upon him the Episcopacy of the Church of Jerusalem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the Apostles Post Apostolos Hieron Catal. in Jacobo Jerom renders it but against all Grammar and therefore Sophronius who translates him into Greek is forc'd to change the case and write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is very probable Jerom read so in his copy though Rufinus who translated the same passage confirm the Greek reading However certain it is that James was Bishop of Jerusalem whether with or after the Apostles is not so material not only from Hegesippus and Clemens Alex. but also from St. Paul who mentions him as one of the Apostles that he had conversed with in Jerusalem and it is likely there were no more there at that time but he and Peter But when they were at last dispersed Ecclesiastical History makes James the Ordinary Bishop and Diocesan of the place As for his Episcopacy it will not be disputed by any man that has left himself any freedom of understanding and belief and it is strange to see Salmasius run his head so violently against such solid Testimonies as those of Hegesippus and Clemens But for his Diocess that I
see will be stiffly deny'd though the Scripture Testimonies already alledg'd are sufficient to perswade any reasonable man that the Church of Jerusalem was more than a Congregation and consequently the Bishop of it a Diocesan according to Mr. B.'s definition But besides we have as ancient Testimonies from Church History too of the greatness of that Church as of any other whatsoever For Hegesippus among several commendations of him sayes that several of the Jewish Sectaries who believed neither a Resurrection nor Judgment to come were converted by James And that when a great number of the Rulers and and principal men of the City Apud Euseb l. 2. c. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were by his Ministry brought to believe the Gospel the Jews made an uproar the Scribes and Pharisees saying that it was to be feared that all the people would turn Christians would they fansie themselves in so great danger if the Christians in so vast and populous a City should have but one single Congregation Suppose they had one Synagogue of four or five hundred is that such a dreadful proportion as to fright people out of their wits as if they were immediately to be overrun with Christianity and what should give them so great disturbance The Christians had alwayes had one Congregation there and surely a pretty full one from the time of Christs Death and if their meeting places were not increased and Synagogues with their Rulers and Officers had not deserted the Jewish Church and professed Christianity there had been no protence for such an apprehension as if all Jerusalem were about to change the Law for the Gospel it was more than a poor Congregational Church and Bishop that must give cause to these apprehensions It was not long ere this Church of Jerusalem that was grown so formidable to the Jews that they were afraid lest in a little while it might swallow up all their Synagogues was removed thence and by a special warning snatch'd from the destruction that was shortly to fall upon that wicked City There is an ancient Tradition that the Christians of Jerusalem forsook it before the last Siege and went to Pella Euseb Hist l. 3.5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a City of beyond Jordan and because the obscurity of the place may make one suspect that the numbers of the Church of Jerusalem were not so great if this Town could receive them all We must understand that Town to be their Metropolis or seat of their Bishop but the believers were all scattered through that whole Country Epip Haer. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb Hist l. 3. c. 11. as Epiphanius writes and his way of expressing himself makes Pella only the principal residence of the Church and here it is probable their Bishop liv'd for after the death of James and the Destruction of Jerusalem the Apostles and Disciples and such of our Savious kindred as remained met together to appoint a Successour to James when this Church was departed from Jerusalem and it must needs be more than an ordinary charge to occasion so solemn a meeting to consult about the Person that should succeed in it It was more surely than the oversight of one single Congregation Id. l. 3. c. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And his Government added yet greater numbers to that Church many thousands of the Circumcision receiving the Christian Faith at that time and among the rest Justus who succeeded in the Bishoprick of Jerusalem Now from this account of the Church of Jerusalem it appears manifestly 1. That it was Episcopal from the beginning and some of the Authors that attest it liv'd in that time when the Apostolical Church Government is pretended to be chang'd into Episcopacy by Blondel and it shews no less the vanity of Mr. B.'s conceit about the Original of Bishops 2. That the Bishops of Jerusalem were Diocesan's having the oversight of several Congregations which is necessarily inferr'd from the express numbers of Converts from general expressions of wonderful accessions from the jealousy of the Scribes and Pharisees who apprehended from the progress Christianity made that all Jerusalem would soon become Christians from the farther accounts of its increase and of the innumerable multitudes that were added to it and this is sufficient to shew the weakness of Mr. B.'s conjecture who makes Rome and Alexandria to be the first patterns of Diocesan Episcopacy and that not till after the beginning of the third Century Nor was the Church of Jerusalem singular in its constitution but all other Churches of the Apostles planting were of the same kind and design'd for the like and yet farther increase The beginnings of them as of all other things were but small the Kingdom of Heaven is like a grain of Mustard Seed which is yet capable of prodigious improvement and the slip when first planted is but single yet afterwards it shoots out several branches which though never so mnumerous and at some distance one from the other yet communicate all in the same same body and root The design of the Gospel is not like those of the Authors of Sects or Religious orders to have only a select company of followers that are much at leisure but great and comprehensive and suited to the whole World There is no Sex no Capacity no condition but is design'd to be brought into the Church and to be digested the most commodiously that may be so that there may be one fold under one Shepherd Christ the Universal Pastor The Schools of the Philosophers and the Synagogues of the Jews were to narrow foundations for such a building as that of the Christian Church which are to be larger in proportion to the greatness of the Fabrick and it is no less the strength than beauty of the whole to have its Stones and Timber the parts of which it consists of something a greater magnitude than those of private and ordinary building nor can it yet stand without there be some kind of coherence and connection at least wise where the people that are members of the Church are likewise united in a political communion this connection ought particularly to be regarded which the Apostles in their first planting of the Gospel had an eye to as shall be observed farther in the course of Diocesan Episcopacy which after this digression I am going to pursue The first Persecution that was raised against the Church of Jerusalem was by the good Providence of God turned into the happy occasion of planting several other Churches and that storm which was designed to quench that fire that came down from Heaven scattered the sparks of it into all the Regions round about Samaria was the first place we read of that entertained the Gospel when it had been forced out of Jerusalem Acts 8.1 v. 4. v. 5 6. v. 12. Philip the Deacon Preached Christ unto them and the people with one accord gave heed to those things that were spoken by him and when
owed him still the duty of Children notwithstanding his absence and lastly that he would come to them shortly by way of Apostolical visitation and examine the power of those that entred into competition with him For as far as his Line or Diocess or Province did extend so far he pretended a peculiar Authority to govern Rom 15.19 2 Cor. 10.13 to 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dioecesis sive certus Pastorum Ecâ—lesiarum numerus Unit. Frat. Bohem. Sect. de Antist Regulam vocat Ditionem praescriptum Praedicationis Terminum Salmeron and exercised Diocesan jurisdiction upon all within his Rule But when this Line was so far extended that he neither was able to visit every part himself and his communication by Letters would not answer all the occasions of those Churches he had planted 1. Tim. 1.3 18. c. 2.14 15. c. 4.12 14. c. 5.21.22 Tit. 1.5 c. 2.15 he provides for them not by leaving every Congregation Independent and resigning all Authority into the hands of every particular Presbytery but by sending Persons endued not only with extraordinary gifts but with Apostolical power to ordain Elders to end disputes to censure the unruly and irregular whether of the Clergy or People to confute Hereticks to preach the Gospel and in short by all means to provide for thee welfare of those Churches committed to them And now as the Apostle had before ordained assistant Elders in the several Churches which he had planted for the ordinary attendance of the Congregation so now he takes to himself Assistants of another sort Suffragans for the Service of his Province which he distributed as he found most expedient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 1. c. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theod in 1 Tim. 3. Phil. 3.25 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acceperat in illis Apostolatus officium Hieron in locum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anonym 〈◊〉 Phot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost in Timoth. and these in the Apostles time were sometimes called Apostles or Evangelists Bishops Presbyters Fellow Labourers Helpers Deacons c. but their successors leaving greater and more invidious titles contented themselves with the name of Bishops which was common to them with ordinary Presbyters at first though the Offices were alwayes distinct Of this kind we have several mentioned in Scripture of St. Pauls Province as Barnabas Timothy Titus Crescens Epaphraditus Sosthenes and some others that had no relation to him as James the Just Mark Linus Clemens c. These exercised Episcopal jurisdiction in that district where they were appointed Ordained Presbyters received accusations against them Reprov'd and censur'd them as there was cause and in short govern'd those Churches over which they were appointed by full Apostolical power which was transmitted to their successors But the extraordinary abilities of some of these men and the occasions of several other Churches made their residence less constant in the Diocess where they were plac'd 2 Tim. 4.9 than otherwise might have been expected Phil. 2. and therefore Timothy the Bishop and Apostle of Ephesus is called to Rome by St. Paul to be imployed as the necessities of the Church should require Titus is sent to Dalmatia though Crete were his first Province but this concludes no more against their being Diocesans than the Voyage of Germanus and Lupus into Brittain to oppose the Pelagian Heresy would conclude against their being Bishops Now what care was taken for those Churches which these Apostolick Diocesans left whether they returned again to their Provinces is not mentioned in Scripture But Ecclesiastical Records shew an uninterrupted Succession from the Bishops in several Churches Nor do we find that they were all so unfixed as they are represented by the adversaries of Episcopacy for Mark who was the first Bishop of Alexandria remained in that Province Euseb Hist l. 2. c. 16. Niceph. l. 2. c. 43. Gelas in Conc. Rom. in decr de lib. Auth. planting Churches in the Country round about and governing them by Apostolical Authority which after his Martyrdom there was derived to his successuors in the same charge Now this order being of perpetual use and necessity in the Church to ordain Presbyters and Deacons to exercise discipline to preserve unity they were multiplyed according as the Apostles found most expedient for the Church and the most eminent Cities became the Residence of these first Bishops not because God takes greater care of Cities than he does of lesser Towns and Villages but because the Apostles thought it the most natural way to follow the distribution that was then in the more civilz'd part of the world St. John a little while before his death mentions seven in the Lydian Asia under the name of Angels of the Churches nor is it probable there were any more in that Province The Seven Churches being the same with all the Churches mentioned in the next Chapter Rev. 1.20.2.23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Andr. Caesar Ego puto simul inveniri posse Angelum hominem bonos Ecclesia Episcopos Origen in Lucam Hom. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut Collegas moneat Beza Ad Episcopum loci dirigitur Paraus and Carolus à Sancto Paulo concludes the same thing out of St. John Cum in Asia septem tantum hisce temporibus essent Episcopi ut in Apocalypsi legere est nec majorem corum numerum in Ponto tunc fuisse probalile est Geogr. Sacra p. 289. Dissert 4. c. 5. Quod si de Angelis superiorum Coelorum non de praepositis Ecclesie intelligi vellet non consequenter diceret Laudatur sub Angeli nomine praepositas Ecclesiae Aug. Ep. 162. But Dr. Hammond makes all these Angels to be Metropolitans having several Bishops under them for the reasons I must refer the reader to his Dissertations Thus far the Scripture discovers the rise and progress of Diocesan Episcopacy which was the form of Church Government under the Apostles who had large Provinces to supervise and their suffragans such as are commonly called Evangelists had several Congregations to govern and this was undeniably the constitution of the Church in the first age the next thing we are to inquire is whether the Office expired with those Persons or was designed to be of perpetual use in the Church The Adversaries of Episcopacy are not all agreed as to this point the Presbyterians generally looking upon the offices of Apostles and Evangelists extraordinary as the persons were Mr. B. is something more scrupulous because he does not find any where that Christ design'd to have this alter'd and yet he condemns Diocesan Episcopacy as being altogether different from it I have said something to this already and therefore I shall answer here more briefly 1. That we have no reason to believe from Scripture that the Office of Apostles or Evangelists which concerned the Government of the Church was extraordinary and for a time only
go to the Confessours in Prison by turns to Administer the Communion to them that the changing of the Persons and the seeing of new faces daily may render it less envied or observed Besides when four of his Presbyters and those probably living at some distance from Carthage had writ to him about something relating to the Church he tells his Clergy that he was resolved from the time he was made Bishop Ad id vero quod scripserunt mihi Compresbyteri nostri Donatus Fortunatus Gordias Novatus solus rescribere nihil potui quando à primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro sine consensu plebis meae privatae sententia gerere sed cum ad vos venere in commune tractabimus Ep. 6. Decipientes quosdam fratres ex plebe nostra Ep. 28. to determine nothing without advising with his Clergy which intimates that they were not of the Clergy residing at Carthage for it is not likely that four persons would pretend to write to their Bishop about any publick concern of the Church without consulting their Brethren if they lived together with them and met daily at the same Altar and Cyprian's speaking of them with this strangeness makes it improbable that they were among this Clergy to whom he wrote concerning them Besides we have express mention of one Country Presbyter and Deacon belonging to the Diocess of Carthage Gaius Diddensis Presbyter who from several passages of that Epistle appears to have been near the City and under its jurisdiction and it is not improbable that this is one of those Presbyters Cyprian complains of in another place for their presumption in receiving the lapsed into communion Quorundam immoderata praesumptio plebis universae tranquillitatem turbare conetur aliqui de Presbyteris nec sibi praepositum Episcopum cogitantes quod nunquam omnino sub Antecessoribus nostris factum est cum contumelia contemptu Prapositi totum sibi vendicent Interim prohibeantur offerre acturi apud nos apud confessores ipsos apud universam plebem causam suam Ep. 10. without consulting their Bishop or the Clergy and the nature of their fault makes it evident that there were several Congregations now in Carthage for this could never have been done by a few in the Episcopal Church in the presence of all the Presbytery it is not probable they would have indured it or if they had then they had been all in equal fault which Cyprian does by no means lay to their charge but layes it upon a few and orders they should be suspended from their office by the rest of the Presbyters and their cause reserved to be tryed before him and the whole Church at his return Beside this the Charity of the Diocess of Carthage towards the redemption of the Numidian Captives was so considerable that it cannot be supposed to be gathered in one oâ— a few Congregations Misimus autem Sestertia centum millia nummum quae istic in Ecclesia cui de Domini indulgentia praesuâ—us cleri plebis apud nos consistentis collatione collecta sunt And if the like should happen again he makes no doubt but his Diocess will relieve them libenter largiter Subsidia praestare ad hoc opus tam necessarium Fratres Sorores prompte libenter operati sunt Ep. 60. LL. S. centum millia LL. centum as Pamelius corrects it though without the Authority of any MS S. Potest inter caeteros qui alimentis Ecclesia sustinentur hujus Histrionis necessitas adjuvari Si illic Ecclesia non sufficit ut laborantibus prâ—stet alimenta poterit se ad nos transferre hic quod sibi ad victum vestitum necessarium fuerit accipere especially when we consider that Cyprian when he sends it to the Bishops of Numidia with a Letter and particulars does not take notice of it as any extraordinary matter and all the observation he makes of the Contributions of his flock is that they were done prompte libenter readily and willingly and he promises that they will be as ready upon any such occasion 2. The Ordinary charge of that Church was so great for the support of the Bishop Presbyters and a very numerous Clergy besides poor who were plentifully relieved and especially in dangerous times besides the maintenance of such as when they became Christians were obliged to quit their former callings as inconsistent with that holy profession and the extraordinary charge of Messengers that passed perpetually between them and other Churches This ordinary charge was so great that the summ collected in this Diocess for the redemption of those Câ—ptives at the lowest computation must suppose a considerable Diocess to furnish it especially so soon after a terrible persecution as that which this is supposed to follow Lastly the Diocess of Carthage is not extraordinary in all these circumstances but the rest of Africk were some of them distributed into several Parishes For Caldonius an African Bishop makes mention of one Felix Faelix qui Presbyterium subministrabat sub Decimo proximus mihi vicinus plenius câ—gnevi â—â—ndem Cum ergo universi pacem preterent quamvis mihi videaâ—tur debere pacem accipere tamen ad consultum vestrum â—â—s dimisi â—e videar aliquid temere praesumere Caldon Ep. ad Cypr. 19. who did the office of a Presbyter under one Decimus another Presbyter of Caldoniuâ—'s Diocess as will appear from some passages of that Epistle though Goulartius be of opinion this Decimus was a Bishop and Felix his Presbyter But Pamelius his conjecture is much better grounded who makes him the Vicar or Curate of Decimus For 1. If he and his wife Victoria had belonged to another Bishop why do they make their Application to Caldonius to reconcile them to the Church Why do not they go to their own Bishop Decimus or if he were dead and no other yet ordained in his place Why not to the Presbytery there who ought to have reconciled them and in a vacance took care of Ecclesiastical Discipline as the Clergy of Rome declare that at such a time they are to take care of the Church Cum nobis incumbat Ap. Cypr. ep 3. qui praepositi esse videmur vice Pastoris custodire gregem But their making their application to Caldonius makes it clear that he was their Diocesan that the Cure in which Felix officiated was in his Diocess 2. Caldonius his remitting them to Cyprian as the first Bishop makes it probable that he was their Ordinary for what else had he to do to meddle with or remit the cognizance of any persons belonging to another Church to any other than their own Clergy and let them remit them to the Primate if they judged the case difficult Therefore it is much more probable that Caldonius was the Bishop of the Suppliants and that the Priest mentioned exercised his charge in some Village or Town in