suffer Penance for Three Years time The 31st declares That a Woman can never Marry though her Husband does not appear as long as she is not sure of his Death and that if she does she commits Adultery The 36th ordains the same thing to Souldier's Wives who Marry again when they have no more News of their Husbands yet he thinks them more excusable because they have more reason to believe that they are dead The 32d ordains That Clergymen who Sin mortally should be degraded but not turn'd out of Communion The 33d That a Woman who takes no care of the Fruit of her Womb and who is brought to Bed in the middle of the Street should be punish'd as one guilty of Murder The 34th That Women guilty of Adultery who voluntarily confess it or are partly convicted of it should not be defam'd left their Crime coming to Publick Notice should be the cause of their Death but that they should be order'd to stay out of Communion till the time of their Penance be over The 35th is That when a Husband is forsaken by his Wife it should be inquir'd whether there was any Fault in him and if there was not but she only was in the Fault then they ought not to deprive the Husband of the Communion of the Church but only punish the Wife The 37th is That if a Man who had Espoused another Man's Wife Marries another Woman after the former was taken away from him he is guilty of Adultery against the First but not against the Second The 38th is That Young Women who follow those that have abus'd them without the consent of their Parents are guilty of Fornication And that though it may seem that their Fault is made up when the Parents afterwards consent to it yet they ought to be put under Penance for Three Years The 39th That she who stays with him whom she had committed Adultery with is to be accounted guilty of the Crime as long as she continues with him The 40th That a Slave who Marries without the consent of his Master has committed Fornication because the Contracts and Promises of all those who are under the Power of others are void without their consent The 41st That the Marriage of a Widow that 's free cannot be null'd The 42d contains this general Maxim That the Marriages of all those who are under the Power of another without his consent are not Marriages but Fornications and therefore that the Marriages of the Sons and Daughters of a Family are void without the consent of their Fathers as that of Slaves is without the consent of their Masters The 43d declares That he who has given a Mortal Wound to another is guilty of Manslaughter whether he first attack'd him or did it in his own defence The 44th That a Deaconess that hath committed Fornication with a Pagan ought not to be Excommunicated but only depriv'd of the Oblation for the space of Seven Years after which she shall be receiv'd if she liv'd chastly during that time In the 45th he observes That the Name of a Christian will stand him in no stead who leads a Life unworthy of a Christian. In the 46th he says That a Woman that without her knowledge espoused a Married Man whom his former Wife was parted from and afterwards separated from him may Marry again to another but that it were better if she continued as she was The 47th Canon is about the Baptism of Hereticks It seems in some Points to be contrary to the first but when the Matter is well examin'd 't is easie to reconcile them He observes That the Encratites the Saccophorians and the Apotactites ought to be treated as Novatians Now he seems to have said the contrary in the First Canon where he affirms That it was absolutely necessary to re-baptize the Encratites This Difficulty made an Author of our Age believe That a Negative Particle must be added in the Canon The Reason which St. Basil alledges to prove this Proposition seems to confirm this Conjecture for he adds That there are Canons which have regulated what concerns the former though differently whereas there is none which speaks of the latter But after a full Examination of the words of this Canon I find that 't is not necessary to change any thing in it Take the true sence of it as follows St. Basil says That the Encratites Apotactites and Saccophorians ought to be treated after the same manner as the Novatians That 's to say That with respect both to the one and the other we must follow the Custom of the Church where we live and the Reason which he gives for it is because there is no Rule and Determination about their Cause since the Canons are found different about the former and there is nothing order'd about the latter He adds That in his Country they were all rebaptiz'd but if this Rebaptization was forbidden in the Province whereof Amphilochius was Bishop as it was at Rome and yet he found the Reasons were convincing which he had brought to prove that the Encratites must be rebaptized then he ought to call a Council to make this Regulation In the 48th Canon he counsels Women divorced by their Husbands not to Marry again since Jesus Christ hath said That he who putteth away his Wife except for Fornication committeth Adultery when he espouseth another and is the cause of her committing Adultery by marrying again In the 50th Canon he says That the Laws do not forbid nor punish Third Marriages and yet the Church looks upon them as shameful Actions The Third Letter to Amphilochius is also a continuation of Canons St. Basil speaks in the Preamble of a Journey he had made a little before into Pontus about the Affairs of the Church He thanks Amphilochius for the Letters he had written to him he declares to him that he desired to see him and that he would do all that lay in his Power to come and meet him but that perhaps he might be obliged to go soon to Nazianzum because of the departure of St. Gregory who was gone from it tho' no body knew the Reason of his going He acquaints him That he of whom he had spoken before probably to make him Bishop of some City depending upon the Metropolis of Amphilochius was fallen sick that there was no other Person that he could cast his Eyes upon He counsels him rather to put into that place one whom the Inhabitants of the City desired to have tho' he had been but lately Baptiz'd He repeats what he had said in the 10th Canon concerning those that had taken an Oath that they would not be Bishops The 51st Canon ordains that Clergy-men should not be otherwise punish'd for their Crimes but by Deposition whether they were in Sacred Orders which are given by Imposition of Hands or in Inferior Orders The 52d is against Women that Voluntarily suffer their Infants to perish The 53d ordains that a Widow-Slave that procures
the Catalogue of the Works of Honorius of Autun no mention is made of certain Questions relating to the Books of Proverbs and Ecclesiastes but they come very near his particular Style and Genius His Commentary on the Canticles is preceded by a Preface concerning the different senses of Holy Scripture the Division of the Sacred Books and the general Questions which relate to that Book in particular He explains the Text of it according to the four Senses expressed in his Preface viz. the Historical the Allegorical the Tropological and the Anagogical This Treatise is follow'd by another call'd The Seal of the blessed Virgin Mary in which he applies to Jesus Christ and to the blessed Virgin what is express'd in the Book of Canticles concerning the Bridegroom and the Spouse All these Works were collected by Andreas Schottus and Joan. Covenius and printed in the Twelfth Tome of the Bibliotheca Patrum of the Colen Edition and in the Twentieth of that of Lyons The following Works compos'd by the same Author are lost viz. An Illustration divided into three Books the first of which treats of Jesus Christ the second of the Church and the third of Eternal Life It cannot be that which is attributed to St. Ansehn and which is extant amongst his Works because the Subject of the three Books written by the latter is altogether different The Mirror of the Church consisting of Moral Discourses A Treat se call'd The Scandal raised by the Incontinency of Priests An Historical Abridgment A Treatise of the Eucharist The Knowledge of Life or a Treatise of God and of Eternal Life The Ladder of Heaven or the Degrees of Vision Some Extracts out of St. Augustin in form of a Dialogue between God and the Soul A Treatise of the Pope and the Emperor A Commentary on the Books of Psalms and Canticles Certain Homilies on those Gospels that were not explain'd by St. Gregory The Key of natural Philosophy concerning the Nature of Things The spiritual Nutriment about the Festivals of our Saviour and the Saints and some Letters Mention is made of these Works and of those that are still extant in the end of his Treatise of Ecclesiastical Writers and in Trithemius In the end of the Works of Honorius of Autun is annexed a certain Commentary on the Canticles that is more Moral than Mystical and which some attribute to him but it is not his genuine Commentary This Author is not of good esteem upon account of his Style or Accuracy but for his Industry and the Pains he has taken in making Enquiries ERNULPHUS or ARNULPHUS Bishop of Rochester ERNULPHUS or ARNULPHUS a Monk of St. Lucian at Beauvais left his Monastery Ernulphus or Arnulphus Bishop of Rochester by reason of the Disorders that happen'd therein and made Application to Lanfrank Arch-bishop of Canterbury under whom he had study'd in the Abbey of Bec. He continu'd for a long time in the Quality of a simple Monk in his Monastery at Canterbury was made Prior of it by St. Anselm and afterwards Abbot of Burck At last he was ordain'd Bishop of Rochester in 1115. and govern'd that Church during nine Years and some Days He died A. D. 1124. in the 84th Year of his Age. Father Dachery publish'd two Letters written by this Prelate in the second Tome of his Spicilegium which are two small Tracts The first is directed to Waquelin Bishop of Windsor as an Answer to a Question which that Bishop propos'd to him in a Conference they had together at Canterbury viz. Whether a Woman who has committed Adultery with her Husband's Son whom he had by another Wife ought to be divorced from her Husband He maintain'd the Affirmative and the Bishop to whom he wrote asserted the Negative In this Treatise Ernulphus answers the Objections of that Prelate shewing that all the Passages of Holy Scripture in which 't is forbidden to part Man and Wife ought only to be understood of a voluntary Separation between Persons who are not guilty of Adultery and afterwards confirms his Opinion by making it appear that the Bishops to prevent Disorders have often condemn'd Adulterers to abstain for ever from the use of Marriage that it is the usual Custom of the Church that this Punishment is ordain'd in the Penitential Books and that a Divorce is justly allow'd upon account of Spiritual Alliance although it be not express'd in the Scripture as Adultery He adds that 't is not unjust that a Husband should be divorced from his Wife although he be innocent of the Crime committed by her and that there are many other Causes for which a Husband is obliged to put away his Wife The second Letter of the same Author is directed to a certain Person nam'd Lambert who had propos'd five Questions although he was unknown to him The first is to know why the Eucharist is administer'd at present after a different and almost contrary manner to that which was observ'd by Jesus Christ because it was customary at that time to distribute an Host sleept in Wine to the Communicants whereas Jesus Christ gave his Body and Blood separately Ernulphus replys to that Question That our Saviour being come into the World for the Salvation of Men prescrib'd to them what was necessary to be done in order to obtain it without expressing the manner in particular That therefore he did not tell them Baptize in this or that manner let the Baptized Person be plunged three several times in the Water do not permit the Catechumens to be consecrated at first with Holy Chrism c. but only said simply Baptize them That by this means the Things which are absolutely necessary may be easily known and those that may be sometimes omitted or alter'd That upon that very account some Customs which were in use in the Primitive Church were not long observ'd That it is certain for Example That the Apostles receiv'd the Communion after Supper although it be now receiv'd Fasting That they celebrated it on a wooden Table although at present it is offer'd on a Stone-Altar that the Bread they made use of was ordinary Bread and that that which is now us'd is finer and more loose That therefore 't is not to be admir'd if this Bread be given steept although there was no such Custom heretofore that the Priest should mingle some part of the Species of Bread with the Wine That this manner of Administration is observ'd lest any ill Accidents should happen in the distribution of the Wine alone and lest it should stick on the Hairs of the Beard or Whiskers or should be spilt by the Minister The second Question is Why a fourth part of the Host is put into the Chalice He answers That it is not customary to divide the Host into four Parts but only into three yet that third part which is put into the Chalice is as large as the fourth part of the Host although care be taken in some Churches to make it exactly of the
Generation of the Word In short He shuns as much as he can to enter upon any of those subtile Questions which have since unprofitably exercis'd the Wit of so many School Divines He speaks admirably of the Fall of the first Man of the Punishments of Sin of the Necessity and Effects of the Incarnation of the Son of God He explains this Mystery in such a manner as is equally contrary to all the Errors of the Hereticks of either side for he teaches against the Paulianists That the Word is united to the Humanity against the Valentinians That it took a Body like ours in the Womb of the Virgin against the Arians and Apollinarians That it took a Soul and Spirit against the Nestorians That the Divinity is united in the same Person with the Humanity so that the Virgin may be called the Mother of God against the Eutychians That these two Natures subsist in the same Person with their Properties without Confusion without Mixture without Change He believes That the Soul is Spiritual and Immortal and makes no scruple to affirm it as a thing certain That the Saints are happy and with Jesus Christ. He speaks of the Efficacy of Baptism and rejects that of the Hereticks He acknowledges not only in his Apology but also in his Treatise of the Faith cited by Theodoret He acknowledges I say in both places That the Eucharist is the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ * That is to say St. Athanasius calls the Bread the Body and the Wine the Blood of Christ He had no occasion to Dispute the Question nor to determine of either side concerning the Real Presence This is plain from his Second Apology to the Emperour Constantius for his Flight wherein he clears himself from the Crime that was laid to his Charge in the Synod of Tyre That he abetted one Macarius a Presbyter in Mareotis who broke the Cup in which the Wine was usually Consecrated The Council of Alexandria that was call'd to examine the Cause of St. Athanasius in their General Epistle always call the Cup 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mystical Cup and speaking of Presbyters p. 732. ap St. Athana Vol. 1. say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it belongs to you alone first to drink of the Blood of Christ that is to receive before the Congregation This determines nothing as to the Nature of the Presence and our Saviour had sufficiently warranted such Expressions by his Discourse in the sixth Chapter of St. John If St. Athanasius had said any thing to declare his Opinion upon a Question at that time not started in the World his Arguments could have been considered and his Notions might have then been known But since all his Writings bend to one scope from which he hardly ever wanders any occasional Expressions relating to other Disputes cannot be urg'd any further than as they do in all probability shew what was the Stile of that Age and it is certain That the Elements were after Consecration call'd the Body and Blood of Christ at that time as well they might since the Church then believ'd what our Church likewise professes That worthy Communicants do Spiritually eat the Body and drink the Blood of Jesus Christ when they eat the Bread and drink the Wine in the Lord's Supper Mr. Du Pin takes a great deal of Pains in his First Volume to Vindicate the Fathers who lived before the Council of Nice from the imputation of Arianism And he observes all along That before those Questions were professedly Examined and Determined by the Church Men did not speak so exactly as they did afterwards His Observation is certainly right and it has always been the receiv'd Excuse whenever the Opinions of these earliest Fathers have been urg'd on the behalf of the Arian or Socinian Doctrines If therefore this Excuse be just in one Cause it is equally so in another and an occasional Expression can no more be urg'd in Favour of Transubstantiation than in Favour of Arianism when we otherways know what was the Opinion of that Age in which the Question was never put concerning it There will be no necessity therefore to take notice in every place where our Author fansies that the Ancients favour'd his Cause of the particular Reasons why they spoke in such a manner or of the Sence in which their Words are to be understood since it has been so often prov'd by those who have examined all the contested Passages in the Writings of these more Ancient Fathers that either they favour our Opinions or that they speak nothing to the purpose of the Dispute that has so long been managed between us and the Church of Rome He praises Virginity and prefers it to Marriage tho' he thinks that 't is not forbidden He condemns the Error of the Novatians He acknowledges the Holy Scripture to be the Rule of Faith and joyns with it Tradition and the Authority of the Holy Fathers He observes that the Faith is always the same and that it does not change and that the Councils do nothing but declare what is the Doctrine of the Church He attributes much to Free-Will and yet he confesses that since the Sin of Adam Man is enclin'd to Evil and fix'd upon sensible things He teaches That the Soul of Jesus Christ without dissolving the Union to his Divinity descended into Hell to fetch thence the Souls of the Just and also of those who had liv'd well under the Law of Nature who were there in Sorrow waiting for their Deliverance As to what concerns Discipline in his time one may observe in his Works That the Communion in both kinds was then given to the Laicks That the Priests only Consecrated That the Eucharist was offer'd upon an Altar of Wood That the Mysteries were hid from the Catechumens and Gentiles That the Faithful assembled in Churches where they were a long time at Prayers That there were then a Multitude of Monks that were subject to their Bishop as their Father and that some of them were made Bishops That there were also Virgins who religiously kept their Virginity That they were not shut up but assisted at the Divine Mysteries in the Church That there were Priests and Bishops married though but few That Eunuchs could not then be ordain'd That the Translation of Bishops was condemn'd That the People and Clergy chose them and other Bishops ordain'd them That they must be chosen out of those that were born in the place rather than Strangers That they had a Reverence for Churches and Sacred Vessels That Churches were dedicated with Ceremonies and that 't was not permitted to celebrate Divine Mysteries in them before their Dedication without some kind of Necessity That there were Fonts in Churches and that the Bishop had a Chair rais'd on high call'd the Episcopal Throne That Oyl and Wine and Bread for Offerings were kept in the Font That they had Coemeteries where they assembled in case of Necessity That the Churches there were govern'd by
their Letter 366 The Book against Auxentius Bishop of Milan is a Manifesto against this Bishop and against those that maintain him Who because they cover'd themselves chiefly under the Cloak of procuring Peace and Unity St. Hilary says That we can have no other true Peace but that of Jesus Christ and the Gospel and that this Peace cannot take place in a time when the Ministers of the Church are become Anti-Christs by opposing the Doctrine of Jesus Christ and the Gospel while they pretend to preach it He complains That they make use of Temporal Power to maintain a False Doctrine He endeavours to prove that Auxentius fosters Heretical Opinions he recites the Conference that he had with him and exhorts the Catholicks to take heâ—d of Anti-Christ and to separate themselves from Auxentius After this Book follows a Letter of Auxentius to the Emperour wherein he endeavours to purge himself from the Heresy of Arius yet without approving the Term Consubstantial or rejecting the Creed of Ariminum The Commentaries of St. Hilary upon St. Matthew are very excellent for there he had made many very useful Historical and Moral Observations The Chief of them are these following In the 1st Canon he endeavours to reconcile the two Genealogies of Jesus Christ by saying That St. Matthew describes the Royal Race of Jesus Christ by Solomon and St. Luke the Sacerdotal Race by Nathan He maintains That the Virgin was of the same Tribe and the same Family with Joseph and that she continued a Virgin after her Child-bearing and that the Persons who are call'd in Scripture the Brethren of Jesus Christ were indeed the Children of Joseph that he had by a former Wife He says That the Wise-men acknowledg'd the Royal Power of Jesus Christ by presenting him with Gold his Divinity by offering him Incense and his Humanity by giving him Myrrh He observes That Rachel who mourn'd for her Children is a Figure of the Church which having been a long time barren became afterwards fruitful He says That the Innocents were made partakers of Eternal Life by the Martyrdom which they suffer'd In the 2d Canon he says That Jesus Christ did not cause St. John to Baptize him for the Purification of his Sins since he was without Sin but that Water might Sanctify us by Jesus Christ. Then he speaks of the Effects of Baptism After Baptism says he the Holy Spirit descends upon the baptiz'd he fills them with a Caelestial Unction and makes them the adopted Children of God In the 3d. Canon he explains the Temptations of Jesus Christ and speaks of his Fast for Forty Days He says That the Devil was ignorant of the Incarnation In the 4th he explains the Beatitudes He says That none but the perfect Man who is wholly purified from his Sins shall enjoy the Vision of God He observes That Adultery is the only cause for which married Persons can be Divorc'd He condemns Oaths Revenge and Vanity In the 5th he sends the Reader to a Book of St. Cyprian for the Explication of the Lord's Prayer He also mentions Tertullian but he says of this last Author That his following Errors depriv'd his First Books of that Authority which he could otherwise have allow'd them He occasionally says That the Soul is Corporeal In the 6th Canon he particularly recommends Good Works without which all other things are unprofitable to Salvation In the 7th he explains allegorically the Cure of the Leper and of St. Peter's Mother-in-Law understanding those places of the Curing of Sinners He compares the Church to a Ship tost with a Tempest and towards the latter End he observes That we ought not to mention the Names of Dead Infidels in the Commemorations of the Saints In the 8th he Discourses particularly of the Fall of humane Nature by the Sin of the first Man and of the Reparation of Mankind by Jesus Christ. In the 10th he Advises Catholicks not to enter into the Churches of Hereticks He observes That nothing in the Ecclesiastical Ministry ought to be sold for Money and that the Ecclesiastical State ought not to be ambitious of obtaining Temporal Authority He says That at the End of the World the Jews that shall be then alive shall believe in Jesus Christ and be saved He assures us That Man was created Free but that the Sin of Adam enslav'd him to Sin and Vice and that in Baptism we are deliver'd by the Word from Sins contracted by our Birth Towards the latter End of the 11th he explains wherein the Easiness of Christ's Yoke consists excellently and in a few Words What is more Easy says he than the Yoke of Christ and what is more Light than his Burthen It is only to be obliging to all the World To abstain from committing Sin To desire that which is Good not to desire that which is Evil To Love our Neighbour To Hate no Body To lay up for Eternity Not to addict our selves to things present Not to do to another what we would not they should do unto us In the 12th he explains after the same Manner as St. Athanasius the Blasphemy against the Holy Ghost by saying That it is the denying of Jesus Christ to be God In the 13th he observes That those who are out of the Church cannot understand the Word of God In the 14th speaking of St. Joseph he says That he was a Lock-Smith and not a Carpenter as is commonly believ'd In the 15th he observes that those who are to be baptiz'd make profession of their Faith in Jesus Christ and of being firmly persuaded of his Death and Resurrection and that their Actions may be agreeable to their Words they pass all the time of the Passion of Christ in Fasting that so in some measure they may suffer with Jesus Christ. He speaks in the 16th of the Prerogative that St. Peter receiv'd when Jesus Christ gave him the Keys of his Church after this manner O happy Foundation of the Church says he in the change of your Name O Rock worthy of the Building of Jesus Christ since it was to abrogate the Laws of Hell to break its Gates and to open all the Prisons of Death O happy Porter of Heaven to whom are entrusted the Keys of admission into it and whose Judgment on Earth is a fore-judging of what is done in Heaven since whatsoever he binds or looses upon Earth shall be bound or loosed in Heaven In the 18th Canon he concludes with these Words of Jesus Christ The Angels of these Children see the Face of my Father From whence says he it may be concluded That the Angels rejoyce at the Sight of God and that they preside over the Prayers of the Faithful which they offer continually to God He says that those who are bound on Earth by the Ministers of Jesus Christ that is says he those whom the Ministers of Jesus Christ leave bound in their sins and that those who are loosed by receiving them unto the Grace of Salvation upon
the Discipline of that time than what is said of the Fall of Marcellinus is contrary to the History 'T is said That Marcellinus at first denied his Fault That the Synod declar'd to him he should be his own Judge That the Bishops durst not judge him because it was not lawful for any body to judge the First See I say nothing of the Impertinences which some of the Bishops are made to say that are unworthy of the Gravity and Simplicity of the Christians of the First Ages Lastly he who forg'd these Acts says that Dioclesian was inform'd of the Condemnation of Marcellinus when he was at War with the Persians which yet further discovers that these Acts are not ancient since the Persian War was ended before the Persecution of Dioclesian from whence it follows that he who fell into so gross a Fault in Chronology is a modern Author unworthy of any Credit Of the COUNCIL of Cirtha THE Violence of the Persecution being a little abated in Africk in the Year of Jesus Christ 305 some Bishops of Numidia assembled at the beginning of the Month of May in the City of Of Cirtha 305. Cirtha in the House of one Donatus because the Churches were not yet restor'd The occasion of this Synod was the Ordination of a Bishop into the See of this City of Numidia in the room of Paul The Bishops which were present there were Secundus of Tigisis Donatus of Mascula Marinus of Aquae Tibilitanae Donatus of Calama Purpurius of Limata Victor of Garbis Felix of Rotarium Nabor of Centurio and Secundus the younger A Bishop call'd Menalius would not be present for fear of being accus'd and convicted of having sacrificed to Idols These Bishops who were afterwards the Heads of the Donatist Faction accus'd one another mutually in this Council and all of them fearing lest they should be convicted of the Crimes of which they had accus'd one another they The Councils pardon'd one another referring themselves to the Judgment of God After which they ordain'd Silvanus Bishop of Cirtha You have the Acts of this Council in St. Austin in his Third Book against Cresconius Chap. 27. Of the COUNCIL of Alexandria under Peter Bishop of that Church IN the Year 306. Peter of Alexandria held a Council wherein he deposed Meletius being convicted Of Alexandria 306. of having sacrificed to Idols We have not the Acts of this Council and we know nothing more in particular of it Of the COUNCIL of Eliberis or Elvira THE place a The place The Name of this Council is very various Some call it Libertinum others Elibertinum others Heberitanum and some Eliberinum but the more common Name is Eliberitanum or Illiberitanum The ancient Geographers mention only Two Cities call'd by this Name whereof one was in Gallia Narbonensis and the other in Boetica 'T is thought that the first is Perpignan and the other in all probability is the City of Granada The First was destroy'd in the time of Pliny and Mela and 't is no wise probable that the Bishops of Spain should come so far to hold a Council Wherefore it is much more probable that this Council was held at the Spanish Elvira i. e. Granada and time b The time Those who said that this Council was held after the Year 400 affirm'd what is manifestly false since at that time the enjoining Penance for those who had sacrific'd to Idols was not debated The same Reason proves that there is no probability that it was assembled after the Council of Nice It seems to have been called before that of Arles but I do not believe that it was called before the Persecution of Dioclesian There is more probability that it was assembled when the Persecution ended in the West and when Dioclesian had abdicated the Empire in the Year 304. of the Council of Eliberis are very uncertain Some have thought that Of Eliberis or Elvira 305. this Council was assembled in a City of Gallia Narbonensis others say that this City was in Boetica and the most Learned think that this City of Eliberis was the same with Granada As to the time some Authors have placed it at the end of the Third Century others have remov'd it unto the end of the Fourth but the most probable Opinion is that it was assembled at the beginning of the Fourth Century before the Councils of Arles and Nice about the Year 305. The little Order that is observed in the Canons of this Council the great variety of Rules that are to be found in it and the multitude of Canons about different Matters make some Learned Men think probably enough that the Canons attributed to this Council are an ancient Code or an ancient Collection of the Councils of Spain However this be it cannot be doubted but these Canons are very Ancient and very Authentick The Discipline which they establish is very rigorous In the 1st Canon they are depriv'd of Communion i. e. of Absolution even at the point of Death who have voluntarily Sacrificed to Idols after they were baptized The 2d establishes the same Penalty against those who taking upon them after their Baptism the Office of Priests to False Gods were obliged to offer up Sacrifices to Idols by themselves or others and who have also encreased their Guilt by Murders or Adulteries The 3d. moderates this Penalty to those who have only caused profane shows to be represented and grants them Communion at the point of Death provided they put themselves under Penance and that they do not afterwards fall into Adultery The 4th is That if the Catechumens cause themselves to be chosen Priests to false Gods and act in profane Shows their Baptism shall be delay'd for three Years The 5th imposes Seven Years Penance upon a Woman that shall beat her Servant-Maid in such a manner that she dies within three Days after if the Woman had a design to kill her and Five Years Penance if she had no such design She is acquitted if the Maid dies more than Three Days after In the 6th Canon it is ordain'd That Absolution shall be refus'd even at Death to him who shall kill another by Treachery The 7th is That those who relapse into Adultery after they have undergone Penance shall not be received even at Death The 8th subjects a Woman to the same Penalty who has forsaken her Husband without cause to marry another The 9th declares That 't is not lawful for a Woman tho' she has forsaken her Husband because of Adultery to marry another and that if she does it she ought not to be admitted to Communion till he whom she has married be dead or at least till the extremity of Sickness make it necessary to grant it her The 10th allows Husbands to be baptiz'd who have forsaken their Wives and Wives who have forsaken their Husbands for Adultery while they were Catechumens But if a Christian Woman marries a Man who has forsaken his Wife without
to answer those Accusations but he sent three Bishops and two Presbyters who in his behalf declared to Theophilus and his Synod That he was ready to submit to any that might be his Judges but not to Theophilus his professed Enemy nor to the Egyptian Bishops who could not regularly judge the Bishops of Thrace S. Chrysostom objected in writing particularly against Theophilus because when he came out of Alexandria he said I am going to depose John Against Acacius of Beraea because he threatned him long before Against Severianus and Antiochus because of the quarrels betwixt them which were publick and notorious He so much depended upon his innocency that he promised to appear at the Synod if these four Bishops would retire They did not hearken to this Proposition but cited him to the Synod three times He answered still That he would justifie himself before a more numerous Synod but he had reason to reject a Council where his Enemies were to be his principal Judges However his Process was brought before the Council Theophilus was present and received the Memorials of Accusation which himself had made One Isaac a Monk whom S. Chrysostom had reproved for going abroad oftener than Monks ought to doe exhibited a Bill against him with Nine Articles After examination of some of them Paul of Heraclea President of the Council required the Bishops to give their Opinions They all declared that S. Chrysostom ought to be deposed and having delivered their Opinions they wrote a Letter to the Emperor and another to the Clergy of Constantinople giving notice of the Judgment they had given against S. John Chrysostom After this three Bishops of Asia deposed by S. Chrysostom Petitioned the Council for their Restauration and it is probable that it was granted them And on the contrary Heraclides who had been ordained Bishop of Ephesus was deposed This is what Theophilus his Caballing obtained of the Council the Acts whereof were extant in Photius's time who gives an Epitome of them in the 59th Volume of his Bibliotheca They were divided into Thirteen Acts or Sessions The news of S. Chrysostom's deposition stirred up a great Sedition at Constantinople the Emperor commanded that he should be banished and the People resolved to keep him by force But three days after he went out of the Church of his own accord to surrender himself to them that had order to seize him and was conveyed to a small Town of Bithynia His going away increased the tumult of the People who both with Prayers and Threatnings addressed to the Emperor to call him back which so amazed Eudoxia that she became Petitioner for his return and sent one of her own Officers to fetch him When he was come back he would not perform the Episcopal Functions till he was restored by a more numerous Synod than that which deposed him he besought the Emperor to call one and in the mean time withdrew to a place without the City But the People impatient of delays led him into the Church and he was restored by Thirty Bishops and Theophilus was obliged to depart After this it seemed that S. Chrysostom had nothing to fear but of a sudden a new Storm arose against him Towards the end of the Year 403 the Empress Eudoxia caused her Statue to be set up near the Church The People in honour to the Empress celebrated some publick Games by that Statue S. Chrysostom looking upon these as indecent things preached against them This provoked the Empress who still preserved a grudge against him and resolved to have a new Assembly of Bishops to drive him out of the Church of Constantinople It is said that the Saint hearing of it provoked her yet more by beginning a Sermon with these words New Herodias is in a fury again now she demands the Head of John in a Charger once again However at the end of that Year Theophilus being afraid to go to Constantinople sent thither three Bishops from Egypt who being assembled with them that were thee at Court and some others come from Syria Pontus and Phrygia they undertook to judge S. Chrysostom He went to them and desired to see his Accusation or to know his Accusers that he might make his defence about the Crimes laid to his charge But these Bishops declared that it was not necessary to examine whether the things alledged against him were true or false It was enough for his Condemnation that he returned to his Bishoprick when deposed by a Council and was not absolved by another Council because it was provided in the Fourth Canon of the Council of Antioch That whosoever was guilty of this could never hope to be restored nor so much as be admitted to plead for himself Elpidius and Tranquillus who defended S. Chrysostom answered That this Canon was made by Arians and that he was restored by those Bishops that communicated with him The Bishops of the Council denied that the Canon was made by Arians and insisted upon this That the Number of those who deposed S. Chrysostom was greater than of those that communicated with him at his return to his Church On this ground they confirmed the Sentence of Deposition which the first Council pronounced against S. Chrysostom By virtue of this Judgment the Emperor at the beginning of Lent 404 forbad him to go to the Church He obey'd and left the Clergy alone to perform Divine Service But he was not suffered to be long at rest for upon Holy Saturday Lucius Captain of the Guards came with Souldiers into the great Church in the Evening and drove away forty Bishops that communicated with S. Chrysostom all the Clergy and part of the People Then he placed armed Men about the Sanctuary entred into the Baptistery and misused those that were there Some Souldiers that were not yet baptized went to the Altar and spilt upon their Cloaths the consecrated Elements that were in the holy Vessels This Violence was followed by the Prince's Edicts against S. Chrysostom and against those that communicated with him The next day the People met together in the publick Baths and were driven out by force So that such as were for S. Chrysostom were obliged to meet in several places of the Town and were afterwards called by their Enemies Joannites They did not yet dare to meddle with the Person of S. Chrysostom who was so much beloved of the People that they were ready to take up Arms to prevent his being taken away This Saint unwilling to be the cause of a Civil War got away from those Guards that the People set about him and put himself into the hands of those that were to take him He was led to Nice and the same day that he went which was the 20th of June there happened a Fire in the great Church which burnt it to the ground with the Palace joyning to it Seven days after one Arsacius an old Man of Eighty years of Age Brother to Nectarius was ordained in the room of S.
Asterius speaks against this Practice after this manner If these Persons will believe me let them sell those clothes and honour the true Images of God Do not paint Jesus Christ it is enough that he humbled himself by taking voluntarily a Body for us .... Paint not the Paralytick upon your Garments but seek for the poor to succour them It is to no purpose to look upon the Woman having the Issue of Blood but it is very necessary to help this poor Widow It signifies nothing to behold the sinful Woman at the feet of Jesus Christ but it will signifie much to bewail your own sins What good will the Picture of Lazarus his Resurrection do you endeavour rather to rise spiritually To what purpose do you wear upon your Backs the Image of him that was born blind Ease this blind Man rather Why do you draw the Shrines of Relicks rather feed the poor And wherefore do you carry about you the Representation of those Water-pots at the Marriage where our Saviour made Wine while you suffer the poor to die for thirst This passage hath been alledged by the Iconoclasts as favouring their Opinions The Catholicks on the contrary have quoted another taken out of an Homily of the same Author concerning the Woman afflicted with the Issue of Blood where he speaks of the Statue of Jesus Christ erected by the same Woman in Paneas a Town of Palaestine But neither of these passages belong to the question betwixt the Catholicks and the Iconoclasts for this which we have transcribed is not against Images placed in Churches but against the Fancy of particular men who trimmed their Habits with Figures representing some Histories of the Bible and that of the Statue of Jesus Christ set up by the Woman that was afflicted with an Issue of Blood hath no Relation to the publick Service of Images But to return to our Sermon Asterius Amasenus pursuant to his Subject saith that Christians should beware of Luxury and Pleasures because none can live in Pleasure without Riches But saith he It is impossible to heap up much Riches without Sin He excellently describes all the things that are necessary to those that seek their Pleasure and having numbred them he adds To have these things how many poor Men must suffer how many Orphans must be ruined how many Widows must have weeping Eyes and how many Persons must be brought to the utmost Misery A Soul taken up with these forgets her self remembers not what she is thinks not upon Death nor a Resurrection nor Eternity And when the fatal and unavoidable moment comes that the Soul is ready to separate from the Body then a remembrance of the Life past will be of little use she then will think of Repentance but it will be to no purpose For then only will Repentance be available when there is a Resolution of correcting our former Life And regret and sorrow for sin seem to be of no use when a Man is not in a condition either to do good or to practise Vertue The rest of this Homily is a literal and moral Explication of that parable full of solid Notions and natural Reflections There is not less Eloquence in the Second Sermon of this Author upon another Parable of S. Luke's Gospel concerning that Steward whom his Master called to an Account for his Administration and for his Goods It beginneth with this Maxim That most Men's sins proceed from an opinion that the Goods which they possess are their own and that they are absolute Masters of them That this false perswasion is that which makes us go to Law Quarrel and make War for the wealth of this World looking upon it as proper and convenient for us and deserving our Love and Esteem Yet saith he it is nothing so on the contrary we are to look upon all which we have received as none of ours we are not Masters of the things which we have at home we are like Pilgrims Strangers Banished and Captives carried whither we would not at a time when we expect it least and at once we are stript of all when the Soveraign Dispenser of our fortune pleaseth This Notion he inlargeth upon in his Exposition of the Parable of the unjust Steward There one may find excellent Sentences upon the Contempt that Men should cast upon Riches and upon the uncertainty of this present Life He insists particularly upon proving that Men are not Owners but Stewards of their wealth and from this Principle he concludes That as many as have received of God such good things ought to distribute them faithfully and be always ready yea even desirous to give God an Account And at last he observes That after Death there will be no time for Repentance that this Life is the proper time to keep God's Commandments in as the other is of enjoying the Reward of good Works The Third Sermon against Covetousness was preached by S. Asterius in one of those Assemblies which were made in Churches to celebrate the Festival of some of the Martyrs This Homily is full of very natural Descriptions of the Hard-heartedness of covetous Men. Covetousness in his Opinion doth not consist only in the unjust desire of having that which is anothers but in a desire of having more than we ought to have According to this Notion it is easie to find in the Scriptures several Examples of covetous Men and having produced them he sheweth that all other Vices waste with time but that the older a Man grows the more covetous he is This Remark is followed by a Description of a covetous Man where he omits none of those Characters that can make him appear miserable and render him odious to all the World He proveth that Covetousness is the Spring and Cause of all the Crimes and Sins committed in the World And in short he shews that it is to no purpose to be concerned for this World's Goods but far better to put all our trust and confidence in God's providence and mercy The Fourth Sermon is against the profane Festival of the first day in the Year and against the custom of New-years-gifts Asterius Amasenus declaimeth against that Practice He saith That the Liberalities of that day have no rational ground That they cannot be called Tokens of Friendship because true Friendship is not grounded upon Interest That neither can they be called Alms since the Poor partake not of them That they are not of the Nature of Contracts seeing there is neither loan nor exchange in that Traffick In a word That they are not pure Gifts since there is a necessity of giving them What Name then saith he can be given to the Expense of that day The Church gives a reason for all the Feasts which it celebrates It keeps the Feast of Christmas because upon that day God made himself known unto Men. At Candlemas it rejoyceth because we are drawn out of the obscurity of Darkness wherein we lay Lastly we celebrate with Joy Pomp and
and Pelagius at first But since both of them were convicted of Heresie by the Bishops of Africa The Love of Truth prevailed in him over the secret Satisfaction which he would have had by the Condemnation of Heros and Lazarus We have three Letters besides ascribed to Zosimus which do not seem to have had any relation to either of these Affairs we have now spoken of The First is directed to Hesychius Bishop of Salona to whom he prescribes with much Imperiousness and with a very Commanding Tone the Distances which he should cause to be observed between the Sacred Orders The Date is of February 418. The Second is directed to the Clergy of Ravenna He speaketh there against those who durst go to Court to Complain against him telling the Clergy of Ravenna That they were Excommunicated The Letter is of the 2d of October of the same Year The Last if it be true is directed to the Bishops of the Province of Byzacena in Africa and not to the Bishops of Byzantia as it is in the common Title There he blames those Bishops for admitting Lay-men to Judge Church-men It is dated Novemb. 14th 418. But it is very probable that it is Supposititious because it is of a very different Style from the rest Zosimus writes purely and nobly He speaks with Vigour and Authority and turns every thing to his own Advantage He discerneth the weak side of his Adversaries and omits nothing that can do them Hurt In a word He writes like a Man throughly skill'd in Business whoâ—knows the strong and the weak side of every Thing and the exact Management of Affairs BONIFACE I. AFter the Death of Pope Zosimus the Church of Rome was divided about the Election of his Successor The Arch-Deacon Eulalius who aspired to the Bishoprick of Rome shut himself up in the Church of the Lateran with part of the People some Priests and some Boniface I. Deacons and made them chuse him in Zosimus's room On the other side a great Number of Priests several Bishops and part of the People being assembled in the Church of Theodora elected Boniface Both were ordained Eulalius was ordained by some Bishops among whom was the Bishop of Ostia who used to ordain the Bishop of Rome Boniface was likewise ordained by a great Number of Bishops and went to take Possession of St. Peter's Church Symmachus Governour of Rome having try'd in vain to make them agree writ to the Emperor Honorius about it In his Letter of the 29th of December 418. he speaks in Eulalius's behalf and judges Boniface to be in the wrong The Emperor believing his Relation sent him word immediately That he should expell Boniface and uphold Eulalius The Governour having received this Order sent for Boniface to acquaint him with it but he would not come to him so that the Governour sent to him to signifie the Emperor's Order and kept him from returning into the City The Bishops Priests and the People that sided with Boniface wrote immediately to the Emperor to entreat him that he would order both Eulalius and Boniface to go to Court that their Cause might there be judged To satisfie them the Emperor sent to Symmachus an Order of the 30th of January 419. signifying That he should enjoin Boniface and Eulalius to be at Ravenna about the 6th of February Honorius conven'd some Bishops thither to judge of their Cause and that they might not be suspected of favouring any one side he commanded That none of those who had ordained either of them should be a Judge in the case The Bishops that were chosen to judge this Cause being divided the Emperor put off the Judgment till May and forbad Eulalius and Boniface to go to Rome and sent thither Achilleus Bishop of Spoleto to perform the Episcopal Functions during the Easter Holy-Days In which time he prepared a numerous Synod and invited the Bishops both of Africa and Gaul but Eulalius could not endure that Delay and spoiled his business by his impatience For whether he distrusted his Right or whether he was of a restless temper he returned to Rome the 16th of March and would have stay'd there notwithstanding the Emperor's Orders which obliged Symmachus to use Violence to drive him out of Rome and the Emperor having been informed of his Disobedience waited for no other Judgment but caused Boniface to be put in possession in the beginning of April 419. One of the First Things that Boniface did was to write to the Emperor to entreat him to make an Edict to prevent for the future the Intrigues and Cabals that were made use of to get the Bishoprick of Rome This Letter bears Date the First of July To cut off the Root of these Divisions Honorius ordained That if ever Two Men should be ordained Bishops of Rome that neither should remain in Possession but that both the Clergy and People should chuse a Third Boniface's Second Letter ought to go before this now mentioned if the order of their Dates were observed since this is of the 13th of June 419. It is directed to Patroclus and to the other Bishops of the Seven Provinces of Gaul concerning Maximus Bishop of Valence who was accused by the Clergy of that City who had carried their Accusation directly to the Pope in all probability about the Contests which had been in that Province concerning the Right of Primacy Boniface accuses that Bishop not only for refusing to appear at Rome to plead for himself but for avoiding to appear before Provincial Synods to which he was remitted by the Popes his Predecessors Yet he declares That he would not condemn him because he ought to have been judged in his own Province Wherefore he desireth them to call a Council before the First of November that he might appear there to make his own defence to the Accusations formed against him adding That if he refused to appear he should hope no longer that his absence could put a stop to his Condemnation For saith he it is a shrew'd Mark of a Man's Guilt who when he is accused and has so many occasions of clearing himself yet neglects to make use of them Boniface's Third Letter to Hilary Bishop of Narbonna of the 2d of February 422. overthrows all that Zosimus had done in the behalf of the Church of Arles For upon the Complaint of the Inhabitants of Lodevae a City of Gallia Narbonensis Prima against Patroclus Bishop of Arles for ordaining a Bishop without consulting with the Metropolitan he declares That it was an Action against the Canons of the Council of Nice which he could not patiently bear with because he was obliged to maintain the Canons Wherefore he sends word to the Bishop of Narbon That if that Church be of his Provence he should go to that City and there perform a lawful Ordination and put a stop to the Bishop of Arles's Presumption who undertook beyond the Bounds of his Jurisdiction Lastly He ordaineth That for the future every Province shall
These are the first which forbid Usury 〈◊〉 Lay Men. In the last Canon 〈◊〉 declares That those that will not Obey these Decrees shall be deprived of their Dignities and they that will not Conform to the Discipline of the Church of Rome shall have no part in her Communion Lastly He commands them to keep the 〈◊〉 and Ordinances of his 〈◊〉 but especially of Pope Innocent Those saith he which have been prâ—â—â—lged about the Order of the Church and 〈◊〉 Disâ—ipline Quâ— de Ecclesiasticis ordinibus Canonum promulgata sunt disciplinâ—s For so it ought to be read as it is in the MSS. and noâ— Ordiâ—â—â—â— as it is in some Editions Hinomaâ—us reads promulgata and mâ—th Amplifies this passage in Opusâ—â—â—â— 33. Ch. 10. This Letter was sent to the Bishops of It al subject to the Church of Rome as their Meâ—â—opolis and therefore 't is no wonder if S. Leo speaks to them with so much Authority The Fourth Letter to 〈◊〉 Bishop of Thessalonica is taken out of the Acts of the Council of Rome under 〈◊〉 II which is to be found in Hâ—â—â—â—â—nius's Collection In this Letter S. Leo makes Anastasius his Deputy in Illyria imitating therein the Example of Sâ—â—â—cius who had first granted that 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 and he exhorts him to imitate his Predecessor and â—o have a 〈◊〉 of the Churches which he committed to his charge Above all he recommends to him That he cause the Canons about the Ordination of Bishops to be observed and that he oppose the Election of Persons who have been Twice Married especially when they have Married the first Wife before Baptism He would not have him suffer the Metropolitans of Illyria to Ordain any Bishop without his apprâ—â—ation nor themselves to be 〈◊〉 but by himself He charges the Bishops to come to the Synods which he shall call to Judge in common what concerns the Discipline of the Church and deâ—â—res him That if there happen any cause of great consequence which they could not determine he would give him an account of it that the Holy See might decide it according to the Ancient Custom Whereupon he Observes That he entrusted him with his Authority in such manner nevertheless as that he reserved to himself those Causes which could not be ended in the Province or in which there should be an Appeal to the Holy See He Admonishes Anastasius to make known all these Orders to all the Bishops that they may have no ground of Excuse if they did not put them in practice and that he had written to the Metropolitans that they ought to acknowledge him the Deputy of the Holy See In the conclusion he reproves the fault of some Bishops who Ordain'd Priests and Deacons upon other Days than Sundays an Usage which he says was contrary to the Canons and Tradition of the Fathers This Letter is Dated January the 11th 444. The Fifth Letter which is directed to the Metropolitans of Iâ—â—yrin is that which he mentions in the foregoing S. Leo Exhorts them to take care that the Canons be not broken and tells them That he had made Anastasius Bishop of Thessalonica his Deputy that they might Obey him in those things which concern the Discipline of the Church He sends them at the same time some of the Rules which he wrote in the foregoing Letter and repeats them in this The Sixth Letter is superscribed to a Bishop of Aquilcia his Name is not found in any MSS. nor in the more Ancient Editions In the latter Editions the Name of Nicetas is put before it without any other reason but only because there is another Letter of S. Leo's that bears the Title of Nicetas Bishop of Aquileia But since there is also one to Januarius Bishop of the same See there is nothing that can determine to which of these Two this Letter belongs but only the time when it was written That which is directed to Nicetas bears Date in the Year 458 and that to Januarius in 447. This of which we are now speaking is not far from 447 for S. Leo therein speaks against the Pelagians whom he opposed in the beginning of his Pontificate at the same time when he attacked the Manichees as the Author of the Book of Predictions and Promises attributed to S. Prosper shews in Chap. 6. Now it is certain that it was in 444 that he set upon the Manichees And consequently it must be to Januarius and not Nicetas to whom this Letter was written In it S. Leo tells film That he had heard by the relation of Septimius that some Priests Deacons and other Ecclesiastical Persons who had been engaged in the Heresie of Pelagius or Coelestius had been admitted to the Communion of the Church in their Province without being required to condemn their Error expresly Insomuch that while the Shepherds slept the Wolves have entred into the Fold of Jesus Christ without laying aside their Cruel Disposition That they had likewise done a thing which the Canons and Constitutions of the Church do not allow the most Innocent in leaving the Church where they had been admitted Clerks to go to other Churches That their design was by this means to corrupt many Churches by hiding the Heresie with which they were infected under the shew of Communion to which they had been received without being obliged to any Profession of Faith To remedy this disorder he enjoins the Bishop to whom he wrote To call a Synod and to compel all his Clergy to Condemn openly the Authors of their Heresie and to make a Confession in writing That they do firmly hold all the Synodical Decrees made for the Extirpation of that Heresie and confirmed by the Authority of the Apostolick See He adds That great care ought to be had that they make use of no obscure or ambiguous Terms because he knows them to be so deceitful that if they can avoid the Condemning any Branch of their Errors by that means they will put themselves under any disguise That One of their principal Artifices is when they pretend to condemn all their Doctrines and renounce them sincerely to slide in this pernicious Maxim That Grace is given according to Deserts That that Opinion is contrary to the Apostles Doctrine who Teaches us That Grace which is not given without Merit is not Grace and that the disposition to Good-works is also an effect of the Grace of Jesus Christ which is the beginning of Righteousness the Source and Original of our Merits That when they say on the contrary that Natural Industry must go before it their design is to insinuate by it that our Nature hath not been impaired by Original Sin Then he Exhorts Januarius to beware least his People raise new Scandals by obliging them to purge themselves from all manner of suspicion upon pain of being driven out of the Church He Admonishes him also about the end That he should not suffer the Priests Deacons or other of the Clergy to pass from one Church to
this Council until he could call a Council of a greater number of Bishops from all parts of the World He says that all the Churches and all the Western Bishops did implore him with Tears and Sighs that since the Legats of the Holy See have opposed it and Flavian presented them with an Appeal his Majesty would call a General Council in Italy which may either wholly remove or mitigate the Causes of the discontent insomuch that there may remain no Scruples about the Faith nor any Division contrary to Charity by summoning the Bishops of the Eastern Provinces to this Council He adds that 't is unavoidable after an Appeal put in and also conformable to the Laws established in the Council of Nice They are the Canons of the Council of Sardica that he means and uses to shew that in the Case of an Appeal a Synod ought to be called to examine the Cause already judged and not to shew that he had a right himself to review Ep. 40. Ep. 41. it This Letter is dated Octob. 13. He repeats the same Complaints and Requests in another of the 15th of the same Month. He also addresses himself to Pulcheria to obtain what he desired by her means In the mean time he comforts Flavian telling him That he will not omit any thing for the defence of the Ep. 42. Common Cause and exhorts him to suffer patiently He congratulates the Bishop of Thessalonica because he was not at the Council of Ephesus and admonishes him to continue in Communion Ep. 43. with Flavian Lastly He exhorts the People and Clergy and Abbots at Constantinople to be still united with Flavian and explains to them what they ought to believe concerning the Incarnation Ep. 44 45 46 47. of Jesus Christ by rejecting the Sentiments of Eutyches In fine He brought it to pass that the Emperor Valentinian and the Empresses Placidia and Eudoxia did joyn with the Western Bishops to entreat Theodosius to suffer a General Council to be held in Italy We have the Letters they wrote to Theodosius in which they much extol the Authority of the Holy See and insist much upon Flavian's Appeal But Theodosius gave this Answer to these Letters That he had assembled Ep. 50. a Council at Ephesus where the thing had been examined and judged That Flavian was found Guilty and therefore was condemned and that 't was needless nay impossible to do Ep. 54 c. any thing more Saint Leo also wrote about it to Pulcheria and made her write to him by the Empress Placidia He refused to communicate with Anatolius and renewed his suit afresh in beginning of the next Year that he would hold a Council in Italy He sent Legats also into the East to demand it but could not effect any things as long as Theodosius lived Marcian who Marcian succeeded him in the year 450 entred upon the Throne with another Opinion because * Theodosius ' s Sister Pulcheria by whose Marriage he was advanced to that Dignity had a great Veneration for the Bishops of Rome So that the four Legats which S. Leo had sent being arrived at Constantinople a little after the Death of Theodosius were very kindly received there Anatolius foreseeing that it would not be for his advantage to continue in Communion with Dioscorus and maintain his separation from S. Leo's sought all means to joyn with the Latter and to procure that he should acknowledge him Lawfully ordained although it was done by Dioscorus and he had been put into the place of a Bishop unjustly and violently deposed He made use of his Interest with the Emperor and Empress to bring this about and that he might himself engage S. Leo's favour and persuade him of the Purity of his Faith he called a Council of such Bishops as were then at Constantinople and invited the Pope's Legats to be present at it In it he caused S. Leo's Letter to Council of Constantinople Act. Abundii apud Bar. ad Anno 449. Act. 4. Conc. Ch. Flavian to be read with the Testimonies of the Greek and Latin Fathers and caused all the Bishops to sign it pronounced Anathema against Nestorius and Eutyches and condemned their Doctrine sent the Letter of S. Leo to the Metropolitans that they should sign it and that they should cause all the Bishops of their Provinces to sign it In this Synod they also decreed that the Bishops who were fallen into an Error by approving the Acts of the Council of Ephesus under Dioscorus and had separated themselves from the Communion of the Church should have Communion with no Church but their own and be deprived of the Communion of other Bishops The Pope's Legats proposed it to him to blot out the Names of Dioscorus and Juvenal out of the Dypticks Anatolius having celebrated this Council sent Deputies to S. Leo to assure him of the Purity of his Doctrine and communicated to him what they had proposed in the Council The Emperor Marcian and the Empress Pulcheria wrote to S. Leo and she tells him That they intended soon to celebrate a Council in the East and desired him to send the Western Bishops to it She adds that she had caused the Body of Flavian to be brought to Constantinople where they Enterred it honourably in the Apostles Church which was the ordinary burying place of the Bishops of Constantinople and had given those Bishops who were banished upon the Account of the Council of Ephesus leave to return to their own Dioceses Saint Leo thanked the Emperor and Empress for the Protection they had afforded to the Faith Ep. 58 59 60. he received Anatolius with Joy acknowledged him for a Lawful Bishop allowed him to receive those Bishops to the Communion of the Church who being forced to give place to the Violence used in the Council of Ephesus were sorry for what they had done and confessed the Faith of the Church As to Dioscorus Juvenal and Eustathius Bishop of Berytus he bids Anatolius to consult with his Legats about it and to do as they should judge Convenient provided it be not prejudicial to the Memory of Flavian 〈◊〉 That as to himself he thought it Unjust to put the Name of his Persecutors among the number of the Bishops of the Church so long as they remain in their Error and it seemed reasonable to him either to punish them for their perfidiousness or make them acknowledge their fault Lastly He recommends to him Julian of Coos Eusebius Bishop of Dorylaeum and those of the Clergy who have always been favourers of Flavian He wrote particularly to Julian B. of Coos that he ought not to receive those Bishops who had assisted at the Ep. 61. Council of Ephesus under Dioscorus till they condemn what they have done and that they should punish those who persist in it These Letters are dated April 13. 451. The Emperor Marcian and S. Leo were both of the same mind as to the calling of
a Synod but S. Leo desired that it might meet in Italy but the Emperor peremptorily resolved it should be in the East Nevertheless he sent Lucentius a Bishop and Basil a Priest into the East to endeavour to reconcile the Bishops but he wrote at the same time that he thought it more convenient Ep. 62 63 64 65 66. to put off the Council a while upon the Account of the Wars He commanded his Legats to act warily and with the Concurrence of Anatolius and to receive none to their Communion but such as profess the Doctrine of the Church distinctly and plainly As to the Heads of the Party he meddle not with their Cause but in the mean while he forbids them to recite their Name at the Altar nor receive them to Communion He thanks the Emperor and Empress for restoring the Exil'd Bishops and honouring the Memory of Flavian and prayed them to Depose Eutyches and put an Orthodox Abbot into his Monastery Lastly He advises Julian Bishop of Coos to joyn with his Legats in endeavouring to utterly extirpate the remainders of Heresie Two Eastern Priests suspected of Heresie fled at the same time to Rome The Pope being well assured Ep. 67. of their Judgment and having made them condemn the Errors of Nestorius and Eutyches sent them back again Absolved and recommended them to Anatolius While S. Leo thought to restoâ—e the Affairs of the Church without a Council Marcian appointed one at Nice Sept 1. Saint Leo having received the News of it sent Bonifacius a Priest to it and gave order to Pascasimus Bishop of Lilybaeum to go thither also in his Name with the Legats he had sent and Julian Bishop of Coos He wrote about the calling of this Council to the Emperor Ep. 69 70 71. Anatolius and Julian Bishop of Coos In these Letters he tells them that he was troubled that they had appointed a Council That he thought it better to defer it till some fitter time Yet he says That he sends Pascasinus Bishop of Lilybaeum and Boniface the Priest that they may assist in his stead at the Council with Julian Bishop of Coos He desires likewise that the Emperor would grant the Presidence to Pascasimus He also wrote a Letter to the Bishops of the Council in which having excused himself because he did not come to the Council by reason of the Custom he tells them that he sent Pascasinus and Lucentius Bishops and the Priests Boniface and Basil to assist in his place at the Council He exhorts them to suppress the Deputies of those who oppose the Faith of the Incarnation which he hath explained in his Letter to Flavian and to redress the grievances of the Church by restoring the Bishops condemned for the Faith and by condemning Eutyches and his Followers without mentioning what hath been done against Nestorius by the first Council of Ephesus This Ep. 73. Letter is dated June 27. There is also another of the same date addressed to the Emperor Marcian in which he observes That the Council ought not to innovate any thing nor bring any question of Faith into Contest but to keep themselves close to the Faith of the Councils of Nice and Ephesus and condemn the Errors of Nestorius and Eutyches By another Letter dated Ep. 74. July 19 he desires the same thing of him and recommends his Legats to him Lastly He wrote to Pulcheria that he had sent his Legats to the Council although he wished Ep. 75. that it had been held in Italy He observes That they ought to act in it with a great deal of Moderation and not imitate the Violence used in the Council of Dioscorus He adds That he did so in receiving to Communion such as having fallen through Cowardise had acknowledged their fault He thought likewise that they ought to pardon the Heads of the Party but he would not have them received rashly without giving evident signs of their sincere Repentance The first of September which was the day appointed for the beginning of the Council being come several Bishops came to Nice where it was to sit Having stayed there some days and hearing nothing from the Emperor they wrote to him to pray him to suffer the Council to begin The Emperor returned them this Answer That the Legats of the Holy See had thought it convenient that he should be there in person and that his affairs having not hitherto nor yet permitting him to go to Ephesus he desired them to come to Chalcedon where they should hold the Council This place was suspected by some because it was to be feared that Eutyches who had a strong party in those quarters would raise some Sedition They discovered to the Emperor the ground of their Fear but he assured them That he would take care that they should have no disturbance and exhorted them to come immediately The Bishops having received this Letter came cheerfully to Chalcedon where the Council met the first time Octob. 8. Anno. 451. This Council was held in the Great Church of S. Euphemia the Emperor's Commissioned-Officers and the Counsellors of State being present who were to direct all their motions and The Coun-of Chalcedon were set in the middle of the Council near the Rails of the Altar On the Left-Hand were the Bishops Pascasinus and Lucentius and the Priest Boniface the Pope's Legat then Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople and after him Maximus Bishop of Antioch Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea Stephan Bishop of Ephesus and all the Bishops of the Eastern Dioceses except those of Palestine with the Bishops of the Dioceses of Pontus Asia and Thrace of which those that we have named were Exarchs or Patriarchs Upon their Right-Hand were Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria Juvenal Bishop of Jerusalem Quintillus Bishop of Heraclea in Macedonia who supplied the place of the Bishop of Thessalonica Peter Bishop of Corinth with the Egyptian Bishops Illyria and Palestine The Holy Gospels were in the midst The number of the Bishops is commonly reckoned 630. And indeed S. Leo in his 77 Epistle to the French Bishops saith That the Synod consisted of 600 Bishops or thereabouts Liberatus and Photius reckon 630 yet there are but 350 or thereabouts named in the Acts of the Council and 't is very unlikely that there should be above 600 Bishops assembled out of the Dioceses of the Greek Church The Testimony of S. Leo doth not undoubtedly prove it because the number of 600 in Latin is ordinarily taken for a considerable number This might give some reason for the mistake or there might be some confusion in the Figures But however that be 't is certain that this Council was made up of a greater number of Bishops than any of the Precedent Councils The first Meeting of the Council was on the 8th of October The first thing that Pascasinus the Pope's Legat did was to demand that Dioscorus might not sit in the Council saying That Act. I. they were ordered by S. Leo
Scythopolis Schâ—…stious against the Deserters of the Church against Eutyches and Dioscorus and those of their Sect who â—ould not confess that Jesus John of Scythopolis Christ subsisted in two Natures A Patriarch call'd Juliâ—tus had pray'd him to write this Treatise which contains twelve Books the Style of this Author is clear and chast and he makes use of proper terms for an Historical Style He opposes stoutly the Error and does not misapply the Testimonies of Holy Scripture He makes use of Logical Arguments when they may be useful to his Cause The Author whom he refutes in this Work had industriously conceal'd his Name and put no other Title to his Work but A Treatise against Nectorius to entice the Simple by this Fraud to the reading of his Book 'T is probable that Basil of Ciliciâ— was the Author of this Work since he wrote afterwards a Book in form of a Dialogue against the Treatise of John of Scythopolis BASIL of Cilicia HEre follows what we learn from Phoâ—ius of the Life and Works of this Author This Basil says he was as he himself assur'd me a Priest of the Church of Antioch at the time that Flavianus Basil of Cilicia govern'd that See under the Reign of 〈◊〉 I have read his Ecclesiastical History which begins at the Death of Simplicius Bishop of Rome who wrote to Acacius of Constantinople that he should not Communicate with Peter sirnam'd Mongus who then corrupted the Church of Alexandria to which See he was promoted and publickly condemn'd the Council of Chalcedon Acacius at first was against him but afterwards he was 〈◊〉 of his Enemies which made him be look'd upon as a Heretick by many and depos'd by the Romans This Affair was newly began under the Reign of Zeno. But to return to our Author He begins his History with this Disturbance and concludes it with the Death of Anastasius and the Coronation of Justinus He observes that he had also written two other Books of History whereof the first begins at the Reign of Marcianus and ends at that of Zeno with which he begins the second and there is a third which begins at the Reign of Justinus The Style of this Historian is not polite and very unequal He relates the Letters which the Bishops wrote one to another for proof of the Matters which he asserts and this makes his Volume of a prodigious thickness because one single History of little consequence fills many pages and his Naâ—… is 〈◊〉 â—â—ort and obscur'd by long Interruptions He wrote also a Tâ—… against John of Scythopolis whom he calls a Caviller and loads with many Reproaches He accuses him of being a Maâ—…ean of reducing Lent to three Weeks of permitting one to eat Birds in that tune of observing Pagan Ceremonies of being too much addicted to his Pleasures of not waiting for the Communion till the Sacrifice was ended but taking the Holy Mysteries immediately after the Gospel that he might go the sooner to his Repast This Treatise was stuff'd with all kind of Invectives and divided into sixteen Books The first thirteen are Dialogues against the first Book of John of Scythopolis The three last are a continued Discourse against the second and third Book of the same Author Photius gives a particular Account of the Subject of each of these Books whose general design was to oppose the Union of the two Natures and the Expressions made use of in that Age to denote them To this end he employs several passages of Scripture about which he cavils Altho he was of Nestorius's Opinion yet he never names him but he commends Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodorus of Mopsuestia He does not openly condemn St. Cyril but he says that he against whom he wrote grounds his Doctrine chiefly upon the Chapters of this Patriarch of Alexandria and particularly upon the twelfth This Work was Dedicated to one nam'd Leontius It is written in a very mean style and is full of Faults but it contains many Sophisms and Arguments which discover that this Author was well vers'd in this sort of Subtilties JOHN the First Bishop of Rome John I. Bishop of Rome JOHN sirnamed Catelin a Tuscan by Nation and the Son of Constantius was promoted to the See of Rome in the Month of August of the Year 523 which was the 31th of the Reign of Theodoric in Italy and the sixth of the Empire of Justinus This Emperor having a desire to extirpate Arianism in the East order'd that the Churches which the Arians possess'd should be taken from them and given to the Catholick Bishops who consecrated them The Arians having complain'd to King Theodoric who was of their Sect threatned that he would treat the Catholicks of Italy after the same manner if Justinus did not recal his Order He thought that the best way to make these Threatnings successful was to send the Bishop of Rome to desire this Favour of the Emperor that so the Catholick Churches of Italy might be preserv'd from Ruin John went thither tho much against his Will with some Senators of Rome and Anastasius the Library-keeper says That he was receiv'd at Constantinople very honourably and obtain'd of the Emperor the Revocation of this Order in favour of the Churches of Italy Nevertheless there is a Letter attributed to this Pope which supposes that he was so far from making this Request to the Emperor that he himself contributed to the Execution of the Order which this Prince had publish'd and Consecrated some Churches of the Arians for the Catholicks and Gregory of Tours says That he was imprison'd for having consecrated some Churches of the Arians This makes Baronius believe that John advised the Emperor Justinus not to agree to that which he came to desire of him in the Name of the King of Italy and that in imitation of the famous Regulus he sacrific'd himself and expos'd his Church to the danger of destruction rather then he would desire any thing which was contrary to the Welfare of the Universal Church I cannot tell whether such a Zeal is not indiscreet but this I know that there is no proof that John us'd it after this manner For the Letter just now mention'd is supposititious as we shall show and Gregory of Tours does not say that John fell into disgrace with Theodoric for having consecrated the Churches of the Arians in the East but for doing it in the West However this be John and his Collegues having return'd were very ill receiv'd by King Theodoric who cast them into Prison at Ravenna where John died the 27th day of May in the Year 526. The two Letters attributed to this Pope are both supposititious The first which is said to be address'd to an Archbishop call'd Zacharias is compos'd of the words of the Letters of Innocent Zosimus Symmachus and Theodoric The Date of the Consuls in it is false It is the Style and the Work of Mercator The second address'd to the Bishops of Italy exhorting them to
the Pope wherein he receiv'd him into his Communion and engag'd to send him quickly the Pallium See the following Letters B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 20. B. 3. Ep. 15 20 25 33. B. 4. Ep. 4. 20 34. B. 5. Ep. 3 4 8. B. 6 Ep. 17. B. 7. Ind. 1. Ep. 1 12. Ind. 2. 60 81 82. This Contest continued from the Year 592 to the Year 600. The Mission of Austin the Monk and his Collegues into England THe English having testified their desire to be instructed in the Christian Religion and the ancient Inhabitants of that Country hating them with so violent a hatred that they would have no Commerce with them St. Gregory chose some Monks of his own Monastery to be sent into England under the Conduct of Austin their Abbot These Monks having travell'd into Provence were at first so terrified with the difficulties which they found in this Enterprize that St. Austin took upon him to return to Rome to represent them to St. Gregory This Pope encourag'd him and sent him back with Letters of Recommendation address'd to Theodoricus King of Burgundy Theodebert King of Austrasia to Queen Brunehaud their Aunt to Aurigius a Nobleman and to the Bishops of Vienna Arles Aix and Autun in which he exhorted them to favour this laudable Undertaking B. 5. Ep. 52 c. Austin being return'd into France was ordain'd by the Bishops of a St Gregory in Letter 30 of Book 9 Ind. 1. written to Eulogius says That he was ordain'd by the Bishops of Germany to whom he had given leave Data à me licentiâ à Germaniarum Episcopis Episcopus factus Bede assures us that he was ordain'd by Aetherius â—p of Arles he should have said Virgilius â—p of Arles or Aetherius â—p of Lyons for at this time the B. of Arles was called Virgilius and of Lyons Aetherius The Authority of Bâ—de made Baronius believe that there was a fault in the Letter of St. Gregory and that it should be read Galliarum instead of Germaniarum Others think that Bede was mistaken and that according to St. Gregory Austin was ordain'd by the Bishops of the Provinces of Germany upon the Rhinâ— But 't is more probable that he intended the Provinces upon the Roan to which the Name of Germany was sometimes given because they were inhabited by the Burgundians who were originally Germans We have Examples of this in Sidonius Apollinaris who calls the Kingdom of Chilperic whereof the Capital City was â—yons Lugdumensem Germaniam B 5. Ep. 7. And writing to Siagrius who dwelt at Lyons he praises him for understanding the Language of the Germans i. e. of the Burgundians who remain'd at Lyons St. Austin therefore being ordain'd by Aetherius Bishop of Lyons St. Gregory might say that he was ordain'd by the Bishops of Germany France and afterwards pass'd over into England with forty Missionaries whereof some were French Priests as well as others Italian Monks They made a stop at a little Isle where King Ethelred came to meet them and after some Conference with them he permitted them to enter into his Kingdom and his Capital City After they had learn'd the Language of the Country they preach'd the Faith of Jesus Christ and Converted in a little time a very great number of these Infidels insomuch that in one day of Christmas they baptiz'd more then one thousand Persons St. Gregory having heard this News communicated it to Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria by Letter 30. of Book 7. Ind. 2. And that these auspicious beginnings might be attended also with happy Consequences he recommended these Missionaries to the Bishops and Kings of France by the Letters 48 49 51 52 53 54 56 63 of B. 9. He informs St. Austin what he ought to do by Letter 58. He thanks the Queen of England who was a Christian and the Daughter of Charibert King of the French for the Protection she had given to Austin and exhorts her to finish this Work B. 9. Ep. 5. * This shows that the first conversion England was not owing to Austin and the Monks sent by Pope Gregory for many years before their coming this Queen call'd â—ertha was married to King Ethelbert upon Condition that he would suffer her to enjoy the Christian Religion and to have a Bishop to attend her whose name was Luid-hardus Bede Hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. 25. Malmsbur de Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 1. c. 1. He wrote to the King to congratulate his Conversion and exhorts him to destroy entirely the Remainders of Paganism in his Kingdom B. 9. Ep. 59. And lastly to give the greater credit to Austin he sent him the Pallium B. 12. Ep. 15. Of some Letters attributed to St. Gregory which are either uncertain or supposititious HAving made Extracts out of the Letters of St. Gregory we must here make some remarks upon those Letters which are either to be rejected as supposititious or whereof there may be some cause to doubt The 54th Letter of the second Ind. of B. 7. address'd to Secundinus a recluse Monk is either wholly forged or very much corrupted although Paul the Deacon has put it in the number of the 54 Letters of St. Gregory which he had collected For 1. the Discipline which is establish'd in that Letter concerning the Clergy who fell into sins of Uncleanness is perfectly opposite to that of St. Gregory We have observed that St. Gregory did not leave them any hope of being restor'd nor of discharging the Duties of their Office and that he affirms it as a thing undoubted that this was never permitted and that he cannot allow it and if he should it would wholly subvert the order of Canonical Discipline On the contrary the Author of this Letter undertakes to prove that the Priests and Clergy-men who were fall'n into these sins ought to be restored 2. The style of one part of this Letter is very different from that of St. Gregory There it is said that Secundinus asked him De Sacerdotali Officio post lapsum authoritates resurgendi And a little after Dicit sanctitas tua se diversas sententias invenisse alias resurgendi alias nequaquam posse c. Gregory never spoke after such a barbarous manner 3. There is no coherence nor connexion in the different parts of this Letter contrary to the custom of St. Gregory 4. The Manuscripts are very different of thirty Manuscripts there are but two in which that place is to be found which concerns the Restauration of Clergy-men fall'n into the sins of Uncleanness that which concerns Images and is at the end of the same Letter is in very few Manuscripts which proves that these two places at least have been added neither have they any connexion with the other parts of the Letter The Epistle 31. of Book 10. appears also to me to be very doubtful It 's not a Letter of St. Gregory but a Declaration of a Schismatical Bishop sign'd by him and his Clergy wherein he promises never to relapse
Action 30. It is necessary to Conversion 7 St. Gregory His Family 72. His Employs ibid. His Voyage to Constantinople ibid. His Ordination ibid. His Conduct and Actions in the Pontificate ibid. 104. His Works 73 c. His Death 73. Supposititious Letters attributed to St. Gregory 91. His Morals 95. The Pastoral 96. Homilies 98. Dialogues ibid. Other Works dubious or supposititious 100 101. An Explication upon the seven Psalms of Gregory VII 101. Fabulous History concerning the Soul of Trajan 102. Judgment upon his stile ibid. Editions of his Works ibid. The last Edition ibid. Gregory of Tours His Works 63. Judgment upon his stile ibid. Gondobald Conference of Avitus with the Arians in the Presence of the King Gondobald 7 H HAbitation of Clerks with strange Women forbid 111 Hallelujah In what times it is to be sung 88 Harmony of the Gospels published by Victor 55 Heraclianus his Treatise against the Manichees 106 Hereticks Methods to oppose them 68. How they must be received 48. If the Arian Bishops that are Converted must be let perform the Functions of their Dignity The Bishops of Africa and Agapetus were of Opinion not 32. Clerks that were Hereticks being Converted may be allowed their station 113. Those that fall into Heresie after Baptism received after Penance 116. It is forbidden to use the Churches of Hereticks 117. Clerks of the Church are forbidden to eat with them 116. The Priest may apply to them the Chrysm if being sick they are willing to be converted 116. Clerks converted may perform the Functions of their Ministry having received the Benediction 160. In what Hereticks are to be received 5. An Heretick Bishop who is converted may be raised to the Priesthood ibid. It is never permitted to the Catholicks to make use of the Churches of Hereticks 4 Holy Ghost Mission of the Holy Ghost explained 15 Homicides Penitence imposed on Homicides 117 118 〈◊〉 Abboâ— of Fâ—â—â—i 〈◊〉 â—â—ich 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—8 〈◊〉 Hiâ— Lifâ— 10. His Lâ—… ibid. Hospitality A Câ—â—holick Bishop in what place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ouâ—… 〈◊〉 to â—e esteemed a stranger 14 Hâ—… 〈◊〉 Catholick Bishop dispuâ—â—â— againâ—â— the â—eâ—erians 124 J JAnuarius Bishop of Calarâ—â— cited to Rome 77 Januariâ—â— Bishop of Malâ—ga unjustly Deposed and established by the Coâ—â—issary of St. Grâ—gâ—ry ibid. 〈◊〉 The Letter of Iâ—â— forbidden â—3 Proofs against him 142. Judgment upon the Letter 146 St. 〈◊〉 the Apostle That he is not dead any more than Eliâ— and Enoch 34 Joâ—â— I. Bishop of Rome His Ordination 29. His Legation into the East ibid. Two supposititious Letters attributed to him ibid. John II. His Life and Letters 30 John of Biclarum His Writings 67 Johâ— Priest of Chalcedon Absolved by St. Gregory 78 St. John Climacus His Life 69. Abstract of his Scale 70 John the Faster Circumstances of his Life His Writings 67 John of Raithu Friend to St. John Climacus 72 Joannes Scholastious of his Ordination and of his Collection of Canoâ—s 63 John of Scythopolis Judgment upon his Work 28 John Talaia His Ordination 132 Images They ought not either to be adored or beaten down 87 Incarnation Doctrine of the Church concerning that Mystery against the Errors of the Nestorians and Eutychians 60 68. The Question of the two Natures discussed with the Sevâ—rians â—24 Scholastical Explication of that Mystery by Boâ—tius 26. If it may be said that One of the Trinity was crâ—cified 13 16 20 23 28 30 31 34 52. If the Soul of Jesus did perfectly know the Divinity 20. If we may say that the Father or the Divine Nature was Incarnate 20. If the Flesh of Jesus Christ is Corruptible or Incorruptible ibid. Divers Questions concerning the Incarnation 34 Iâ—â—â—nts exposed Precautions concerning them 112 Intriâ—guing and Canvassing for Bishopricks forbidden 108 Last Judgment It was believed near in St. Gregory's time 89 Ecclesiastical Judgments Form of Judgments according to St. Gregory 77 Junilius His Writings 57 Justinian the Emperor His Edicts and Letters against Origen and upon the Affair of the three Chapters 136 137 139. Letter of Justinian against Vigilius 144. He sends a Profession of Faith to John II. 30. He writ also to Agâ—petus 31. Life of Justinian 37. Novels or Laws of that Emperor that concern Religion 37 Justinian and Justus The Writings of these two Bishops of Spain 51 K KYrie Elâ—isoâ— Use of that Prayer among the Latins 88 L LAâ—… Anti-Pope I. Ordained Bishop of Nocâ—ra ibid. Another Lawrence His Writings 25 St. Leander of Sevil Friend to St. Gregory Upon what occasion he knew it 95. His Life and Writings 103 Leo. His Letter 50 Leontius His Profession 60. His Writings ibid. Leontius of Arabissa Author of a Homily of the Creation and of Lazarus 107 Lent The Fast of Lent commanded 111 114. There ought to be three Litany days before it 151. The Priest ought to Inform themselves from the Bishop when it begins 151 Liberatus Memorial of this Author 58 Lioinianus Letters of this Bishop of Spain 104 Liberty is not taken away by the Prescience of God 26. Man is free to do well or ill 8 Life Precepts to lead a Christian Life 68 70 Lombards Pelagius II. demands Succours against the Lombards 65 Lord's-day It is forbidden to Travel on the Lord's-day and to Bathe for Pleasure 88. To assist at the Divine Office on the Lord's-day 112. It is forbidden to draw with Oxen or to do other work on the Lord's-day 152 154. Exhortation to Celebrate it holily 154. A Bishop ought to assist at the Holy Office in the nearest Church to the Place where he is 114. It is forbidden to Ecclesiasticks to judge on the Lord's-day ibid. M MAnicheâ—s Writings against them 107 Mappinius Bishop of Rhemes complains of Nicetus of Triers 131 Marcellinus Author of a Chronicle 25 Marriage That Marriage is not forbid 19. Not even the second or third Marriage ibid. The indissolvableness of Marriage 74. A particular Case of a Woman who being separated for Adultery was afterwards return'd to her Husband ibid. Lawfully contracted cannot be dissolved without consent of both 125. Against married Persons who separate upon light occasions 112 125. Causes of the Dissolutions of Marriages according to the Novel of Justinian 39 42. Reasons of Divorce 39. Degrees forbid between Kindred 93 117 123 127 147. Those to be tolerated that have contracted unlawful Marriage before their Conversion 93. It is forbidden to demand of the Primean Order to have a young Woman 147. The Wife of a Deacon or Priest shall be put to Penance with him she marries till they separate 113 117. Incests Punishment of Stephen accused of Incest 117 118. Incests condemned ibid. Marriage with the Widow of his Brother forbidden 114 117. and with his Stepmother 117. It is not permitted to marry the sister of his Wife 4 48. Unlawful Marriages condemned 131. The Use of Marriage is not permitted but upon the Prospect of having Children 15. The Duties of married People ibid. Mary She-remained a Virgin after she had brought
inserted with Turrianus's Version in the First Volume of the Auctuarium Biblioth Patrum Tom. I. p. 319. PETER of Laodicea WE know nothing in particular of this Author of whom we have a short and a bad Peter of Laodicea Explication of the Lord's Prayer It is believed he lived in the Seventh Century THALASSIUS a Monk WE have 400. Moral Maxims or Truths of this Author's famous only for his strict Friend-ship and Concerns with Maximus to whom he did also propound many Questions Thalassius upon the Holy Scripture Printed in Bibliotheca Patrum Tom. 12. ISAIAH Abbot ABbot ISAIAH's Precepts are much of the same kind they are Advices Considerations and Instructions useful for Monks It is also thought he lived in this Century Isaiah Abbot THEOFRIDUS Abbot TWO Homilies upon Relicks are attributed to this Abbot of whom we know nothing in particular Theofridus DONATUS DONATUS the Son of Valdelenus Duke of the Country between Mount S. Claude and the Alpes was brought up in this Religious Life by Columbanus and was afterwards Donatus made Bishop of Besancon toward the Year 630. where he founded two Monasteries the one for Men the other for Virgins He made Rules for both That which he made for Monks is in the second part of S. Benedict of Aniana's Rules and is entituled Capitula to serve instead of Advertisements to the Friars of S. Paul and S. Stephen that is to the Monks of the Monastery of S. Paul for the Monastery founded by him at Besancon was called so and to the Canons Regular of the Cathedral Church which had S. Stephen for its Patron This Rule contains nothing in it but some particular Advices The other Rules of Donatus for the Monastery of Nuns founded by his Mother Flavia is larger well-penned and contains very wise Constitutions taken out of the Rules of S. Caesarius S. Columbanus and S. Benedict It is found in the third Part of the Rules of Benedict of Aniana that Bishop was present at a Council of Challon upon the River Saone in the Year 650. VITALIANUS VITALIANUS was chosen Bishop of Rome August 29th 656. and governed that Church fourteen Years and six Months He hath left us some Letters Vitalianus The 1st is directed to the Archbishop of Creet upon the Bishop of Lappa's Complaint against the Judgment which that Bishop had given against him Vitalianus saith He hath examined that Matter in a Council where the Acts of that Process were exhibited and that the Bishops acknowledged the Cause had been illegally managed and that the Bishop of Lappa had been wrongfully condemned That they were greatly troubled that he had put that Bishop into Prison and hindred him from coming to Rome to clear himself Therefore he declareth null and void all the Proceedings of the Council of the Archbishop of Creet against John Bishop of Lappa and at the same Time pronounceth that Bishop to be innocent and as such absolveth him In the 2d he intreats Vaanus the Emperor's Officer to procure that Bishop's Restauration In the 3d. he orders Paul Archbishop of Creet to cause his Churches to be given him again He complains That a Deacon had married a Wife since the Time of his being in Orders and that he did minister in two Churches He prays him to put a stop to that Disorder and to follow no longer Eulampius's Counsel he being a wicked Man sowing Divisions among them for his own Profit In the 4th Letter he desires George Bishop of Syracuse to be favourable to John of Lappa and to endeavour his re-establishment The 5th Letter alledged by Bede is directed to the King of Northumberland in England He commends his Zeal and answers him about the Time of keeping Easter He promises him to send him a Bishop when he hath met with one fit for it and willing to go over into England He thanks him for his Prayers and sends him some Relicks The 6th is directed to the Benedictine Monks of Sicily He acquaints them how grievous it is to him that their Monasteries and Estates have been spoiled by the Incursions of the Barbarians He tells them He sends them some Monks of the Congregation of Mount-cassin and exhorts them to obey them and to labour with them for the resettling of their Monasteries and Lands S. ELIGIUS S. ELIGIUS born near the City of Limoges a Goldsmith and Friend of King Dagobert was ordained Bishop of Noviodunum or Noviomum Noyon in 646. and died in 663. S. Owen who wrote S. Eligius his Life tells us he made Exhortations to his People every Day with unwearied Labor that his Sermons were very short but they contained important Instructions and wholsom Advices That Author collected them into one Discourse containing the most usual Instructions which Eligius gave to his People They are for the most part drawn out of S. Caesarius's Sermons which Bishops did then make use of to preach to their People This Discourse was printed among S. Austin's Works and now is in the end of the sixth Volume 'T is an Abridgment of the principal Duties of a Christian. In the first place he shews the Obligation laid upon Pastors to instruct their People He exhorts them to remember often their baptismal Vows and to meditate on the last Judgment He shews them that it is not enough to bear the Name of a Christian but that we ought to act and live suitable to it He endeavours to create in them an Abhorrence of profane Superstitions and the Relicks of Idolatry Then he gives them sundry wholsome Advices to honour God to love Enemies to give Alms to frequent Divine Service and Sunday-Sermons to q Cross themselves often with the Sign of the Cross. After the Cross was admitted into the Church and became an Object of Worship it was accounted of wonderful efficacy to sanctify all things to cleause and bless our Food confer Grace consecrate Sacraments procure Remission of Sins preserve from the Malice of the Devil and what not So that Eligius thought no better Advice could be given to the Christians than to cross themselves often with the Sign of the Cross that they might thereby be shielded and defended from all Evils and sanctified throughout though the Effect proved it to be but an idle Conceit cross themselves often with the sign of the Cross to give to the Church the Tenths of their Gain or Possessions to avoid r Mortal Sins i. e. More heinous and notorious Guilts for tho' no Sin be so venial and trivial Bellarm. de amiss grat statu p c l. 1. c 4. Matt. 5. 22. 7. 5. 1 Jo. 5. 16. Gal. 3. 10. Ezek. 8. 4. Featly Ser. p. 653. Field of the Church p. 148 277. as the Romanists teach with one Consent as neither to offend God nor deserve Damnation in its own Nature and so only subject them to temporal Punishments yet all Protestants disallow a Stoical Parity and equality of Sins and hold that some are
is evident that he was not Bishop of Constantinople when the Council began no Author says He was Deposed or Expelled for that Heresie neither is it probable that it was the cause of his leaving his See seeing George who was put in his room was also a Monothelite Secondly Put the case Theodorus had been condemned by the Council how is it likely that he durst have ventured to falsifie the Acts of the Council it self And tho' he durst do it it had been enough for him to cross out his own Name without substituting that of Honorius and put even the case he could have taken that resolution can it be thought that he could have brought it about How could he falsifie all the Copies of the Acts of this Council sent out to all the Patriarchal Sees How could he bring the Emperor the other Patriarchs and all the Bishops to consent to this Cheat Why did not the Legates and the Popes complain of this falsification Why did they acknowledge after that Honorius was condemned in the 6th Council Why did they not discover this Imposture by the Copy of the Acts of the Council which the Deputy of the Holy See brought and which the Popes Agatho's Successors communicated to the Western Bishops and which he sent into Spain If they were corrupted when he brought them why did he suffer that Corruption And why did the Popes use them If they were not corrupted why did they not use them to discover the Fraud of the Enemies of the Holy See Thirdly Honorius is found condemned in some places where they could not have spoken of Theodorus In the 13th Action his Letter to Sergius is particularly censured as contrary to the Apostolick Doctrine and the Definitions of the Councils It cannot be said this was spoken of Theodorus In the 14th Action his Letter to Sergius is again condemned as perfectly agreeable to the Doctrines of the Hereticks In the 18th Action his Letter is condemned to be burnt as containing the same Heresie and Impieties as the other Writings of the Monothelites In the same Session he is condemned together with Sergius Anathema to Sergius and Honorius and after Anathema to Pyrrhus and Paul If Theodorus's Name had been put in the room of Honorius's they would not have placed him before Pyrrhus and Paul but after them Lastly He is almost every where called Bishop of Rome All this shews there is nothing more unwarrantable than Baronius's conjecture Fourthly 'T is a plain matter of Fact that Honorius was condemned in the 6th Council And of this we have proofs more than sufficient The Council it self owns it in its Letter to the Pope the Emperor in his Edict declares it Agatho who was one of the Notaries testifieth it in a relation which is in the end of a Manuscript of the 6th Council Leo the Second Agatho's Successor asserts it in Three of his Letters the whole Church of Rome acknowledges it in the forms of the Oath which the Popes newly Elected are to take and in her Ancient Liturgy the Two General Councils following look upon this condemnation as true Lastly No Body ever questioned it and consequently Baronius's fancy must pass for a matchless piece of rashness You will yet be more sensible of it when you shall see the weakness of the proofs whereon he founds his bold conjecture The first is a place of Pope Agatho's Letter which says the Apostolick Church of Rome did never swerve from the way of the Truth and that his Predecessors did always confirm the Faith of their Brethren This Letter says he having been read and approved in the Council how is it likely that after this they durst have condemned one of Agatho's Predecessors as an Heretick or favourer of Heresie If this Popes Letter had contained but that one point or it had been read in the Council to justifie Honorius this Objection might have some strength But this being said but by the by in Agatho's Letter containing a long Exposition of the Faith of the Catholick Church and a very great number of the Fathers Testimonies and Reasons against the Error of the Monothelites and the Council having caused it to be read on purpose only to know the Doctrine of the Holy See and the Western Churches It is evident their approbation does not fall upon this particular place of his Letter but upon the Exposition of Faith and the Doctrine it contained And tho' we should suppose that the Council had taken notice of the Commendation which Agatho maketh of his Church and his Predecessors and had perceived that it was not absolutely and strictly true they ought not upon this account to have refused their approbation of his Letter nor excepted against this place of it It were a silly thing to imagine that a Council called to decide a Question of Faith should busie it self to wrangle about a Commendation slipt in by the Pope in his Letter in behalf of his Predecessors But Pope Agatho's praises of his Predecessors in general ought not to be taken in a strict sense for if we understand them so all the World will see that they cannot be true because it cannot be denied but Liberius and Honorius did but weakly defend the Faith as well as tolerate Error they must then be understood in general of almost all Agatho's Predecessors and not of all in particular so that no exception could be made to it Besides it were an easie thing to retort Baronius's Argument upon himself For if the commendations of Agatho's Letter ought to be taken strictly as also the Council's approbation of it so that it was not lawful for them to condemn those whose Religion and Piety he commends How durst Baronius charge the Emperor Justinian with Heresie Perfidiousness and Impiety since he is commended in Agatho's Letter as a most Religious Orthodox and Godly Prince whose Memory is had in Veneration among all Nations But I stand too long upon so weak an Objection He makes one more which is not harder to solve How is it possible saith he that the Pope's Legates who were present in this Council should say nothing to vindicate Honorius But why would he have them to engage in a bad cause Honorius had approved Sergius's Letter had consented that they should speak neither of One nor of Two Operations had asserted but One Will in Christ had silenced Sophronius who would have defended the Faith These Facts were evident by the very reading of his Letter there is enough for his condemnation and they could not stand up in his defence without furnishing their Adversaries with Arms. The same Reasons which they should have used to justifie him might have been urged also to justifie Sergius and the rest therefore in forsaking Honorius they took the right course they did the same thing in the Roman Council under Martin the 1st for when they read Paul's Synodical Letter who defends his own Error by the Authority of Honorius neither the Pope nor any of
Iconoclasts HEre are some Authors of whose Works we will speak more at large when we treat of the Acts of the seventh Council Some Greek Authors Tarasius Photius's great Uncle who from the Emperor's Secretary was made Patriarch of Constantinople anno 785. and died in 806. wrote a Circular Letter about Images two Letters directed to Pope Adrian and an Apologetick Oration upon his Election Epiphanius Deacon of Catana in Sicily recited a Panegyrick in the seventh Council Basil of Ancyra offered a Confession of Faith to the same Synod Theodosius Bishop of Ammorium made a Writing upon the same Subject ELIAS Cretensis THis Author made some Commentaries upon S. Gregory Nazianzen's Works which are printed in the second Volume of that Father's Works He hath done the same also upon the Works Elias of some other Greek Fathers which are found Manuscript in Libraries He wrote Answers to Dionysius the Monk's 8 Questions which are extant in Greek and Latin in the fifth Book of the Greek and Roman Law l. 5. p. 194. GEORGE SYNCELLUS and THEOPHANES GEORGE SYNCELLUS of the Patriarch Tarasius made a Chronicon from the Creation of the World to the Reign of Maximinus and Maximinianus anno 300 which hath George c. been continued by Theophanes a Monk to the Reign of Leo Armericus anno 813. they are printed the one at Paris 1652. and the other 1655. Councils held in the Eighth Century The Assembly of Barkhamstead in the Kingdom of Kent WIGHTHRED King of Kent held an Assembly Anno 697. which Birchwald Bishop of Canterbury assisted at and Gebmond Bishop of Rochester with Assembly of Barkhamstead several of the Clergy and Laity which made some Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws The 1st ordains That the Church shall be free and enjoy her Courts of Justice Revenues and Pensions that they shall pray for the Prince and voluntarily submit to his Orders The 2d That the Fine for infringing the Justice of the Church shall be 50 Pence as that of the King's Justice is The 3d ordains That the Adulterers of the Laity shall be put to Penance and they of the Clergy shall be deposed The 4th That Foreigners guilty of that crime shall be expelled the Realm The 5th and 6th That those of the Nobility overtaken in that sin shall be fined in 100 Pence and the Peasant in 50. The 7th permits an Ecclesiastical Person guilty of Adultery if he break off that habit to continue in the Priesthood provided that he have not maliciously refused to administer Baptism or that he be not a Drunkard The 8th imports That if one with the Tonsure that is a Monk do not keep his Rule he shall retire into an hospitium with permission The 9th That the Slaves affranchised before the Altar shall enjoy their liberty and be capable of Succession and of the other Rights of Free Persons The three next Canons punish with pecuniary Mulcts those who set their Slaves to work or to go a Journey on a Sunday The four following appoint Corporal Punishments or Fines against those who sacrifice to Devils The 17th imports That the Bishop's and the King's word ought to be believed without any Oath The 18th That Abbots shall swear as Priests do and that the Priests shall swear before the Altar by saying simply I speak the truth in Jesus Christ and I lie not that the Deacons shall take the same Oath The 19th That other Clerks shall take four persons more with them to clear themselves by Oath and that they shall lay one of their hands upon the Altar The 20th That strangers shall not be obliged to bring other persons with them The 21st That the Peasants shall present themselves with four persons more and shall bow the head before the Altar The 22d declares That the Causes of the Bishops Clients belong to the Ecclesiastical Court The 23d ordains That if any body impeach a Slave his Master may purge him with his bare Oath provided he take the Eucharist but if he taketh it not he must put in Bail or submit to the Penalty The 24th That a Clergy-man shall purge his Slave with his bare Oath The 25th That he that kills a Robber is not liable to pay any Sum for that Death The 26th That he that shall be catched carrying something away shall be punished with Death Banishment or Fine according to the King's will That he that got hold on him shall have half the Fine but if he kills him he shall be fined in 70 Pence The 27th That he that helps the flight of a Slave who hath robbed his Master shall be fined in 70 Pence and he that killeth him shall pay the worth of him The 28th That the Strangers and Vagabonds which run up and down the Country without blowing the Horn or crying aloud shall be used as High-way-men These Laws are followed with some Canons concerning the Pecuniary Compensation of the Wrongs done to the Church or the Priesthood They were found in the same Monument but it is not known whose they are nor at what time they were written Councils held in England about the matter of Wilfrid FEW Men have been more molested and cross'd in their Life than Wilfrid Abbot of Rippon and afterwards Bishop of York He was a Native of Northumberland born towards the year Councils of England 634. He left his Country to go to Rome where he was instructed in the discipline of that Church Thence he returned to Lyons and there he received the Tonsure from Delphin Bishop of that City who was murder'd soon after by Ebroin's order After his death Wilfrid was called home by Alfrid eldest Son of Oswi King of Northumberland who gave him the Monastery of Rippon founded by him in the Bishoprick of York He was ordain'd Priest by Hagilbert Bishop of Dorcester He was present at the Conference held at Streneshall before the King about the difference between the Church of Rome and the ancient British and Irish Churches about Easter-day and there he maintain'd the usage of the Roman Church against Colman an Irish Man Afterward he was nominated to the Arch-bishoprick of York and passed over into France to get himself ordain'd there being then but one Bishop in England He was consecrated by Angilbert Bishop of Paris and Eleven Bishops assisted at that Ceremony During his absence they that stood for the usage of the Irish Churches perswaded King Oswi to put into the Church of York Ceadde Abbot of Listinguen who was consecrated by one English and two British Bishops S. Wilfrid after his return did immediately retire into his Monastery and after that he was called out into Mercia where the King gave him Lichfield to erect a Bishoprick or a Monastery there After the death of Adeodatus Bishop of Canterbury he perform'd for some time the Episcopal Functions in that Church till Theodorus obtained that See This Man re-established S. Wilfrid in the Arch-bishoprick of York and deprived Ceadde who did very patiently bear
this contest of Image Worship tho' of less note in the Greek Church as Sergius called Confessor by Photius who wrote an History against the Iconaclasts of which we have nothing but the Name and the Judicious Censure of Photius of it in his Biblioth Co. 67. 2. Michael called Syncellus who endured much for Image-Worship with Theodorus Studita and Nicephorus he hath left nothing in the defence of the Cause for which he suffered but hath two Pieces extant viz. An Encomium of Dionysius the Areopagite which is among the Works of Dionysius Tom. 2. And an Encomium upon the H. Angels and Arch-Angels of God put out in Greek and Latin by F. Cornbefis in his Auctuar Nov. Tom. 1. p. 1525. Claudius Archbishop of Turin besides the Treatise of Images of which we have already spake Claudius Bishop of Turin hath composed several other Works We have a Comment of his upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Galatians Printed at Paris in 1542. and inserted into the Biblioth Patrum Tom. 14. p. 134. Two Prefaces put out by F. Mabillon in Analect Tom. 1. of which the first is to his Commentaries on Leviticus and the other to those of his Epistle to the Ephesians Tritherius makes mention of several other Commentaries of this Author upon many other Books of the Bible viz. The Penteteuch Joshua Judges Ruth and all S. Pauls Epistles His Comment upon Leviticus is in MS. in the Library of S. German de Prez His Comment upon the Gospel of St. Matthew is a MS. in the Jesuits College at Paris and in the Library at the Cathedral Church of Laon. His Comments upon S. Pauls Epistle to the Romans and 2d to the Corinthians are in the French Kings Library That upon the Epistle to the Ephesians is in the Library of the Abby of Fleury and upon Ruth in the Abby of Good-Hope F. Labbs hath Published a short Chronicon attributed to this Author Altho Jonas Bishop of Orleans makes no great account of this Authors Commentaries yet we may truly say that in his Comment upon the Galatians he explains the literal sense in a familiar and easie manner agreeing with the true sense of the Apostle without mixing any Allegories and invented Senses far from the Subject Jonas of Orleans and Dungal accuse him of reviving not only the Errors of Eustathius and Vigilanthius touching the Relicks and Honour of the Saints and that of Faelix Orgelitanus about the Incarnation but also that of Arrius about the Trinity yet Jonas owns that it doth not appear by his Writings but that he received it from Persons worthy of Credit Dungal besides his Treatise against Claudius of Turin hath a Letter directed to the Emperor Dungal Charles the Great about two Eclipses in the Year 810. 'T is extant in the 10th Tome of Dacherius's Spicilegium The End of the Controversy about Images CHAP. II. A Relation of the Dispute concerning GRACE and PREDESTINATION OF all the Questions that were Debated in the Ninth Age there was none that was managed with more heat and noise than this of Predestination and Grace Gotteschalcus a German The beginning of the Controversie about Predestination and Grace Born was the first Broacher of it He was brought up and Instructed in the Monastery of Augia the Rich or Richenou and was Sirnamed Fulgentius He made Profession of a Monastick Life in the Monastery of Orbez in the Diocess of Soissons and was Ordained Priest at forty years of Age not by his own Bishop but by Rigboldus Suffragan of the Church of Reims which made his Ordination to be suspected Hincmarus describes him to us as an ill-bred turbulent and fickle Man and assures us that this was the sense which the Abbot and Monks of his own Monastery had of him Nevertheless they could not but say but he was an Ingenious Studious and Subtile Man but very troublesome and over-reaching About the Year 846 he had a Mind to leave his Monastery Hincmarus accuses him of doing it without the leave or consent of his Abbot and go to Rome to visit the Holy Places there From thence he went into Dalmatia and Pannonia where some say under a pretence of Preaching the Gospel to the Infidels he began to spread his Doctrine of Predestination But however this was at his return he tarried some time in Lombardy in an Hospital Founded by Count Eberard and had a Conference in 847 with Notingus Bishop of Vienna concerning the Predestination of the Saints to Glory and of the Wicked to Damnation Notingus offended at this Opinion of Gotteschalcus not long after being come to meet Lewis King of Germany at a Town of Switzerland told Rabanus Archbishop of Mentz who promised him to confute this Error of Gotteschalcus in Writing by the Authorities both of H. Scriptures and Fathers which promise he not long alter performed in a Rabanus's Book against Gotteschalcus Treatise which he sent with two Letters one to Notingus and the other to Count Eberard both against the Error of Gotteschalcus In his Treatise he accuses this Monk of teaching that Predestination is so made That every Man that is Predestinated to Life can't be Dâ—nm'd and every Man Predestinated to Damnation can't be Sav'd He chiefly opposeth this last assertion and shews That such a Predestination is contrary to the Goodness and Justice of God who desires the Salvation of all Men because nothing is more Unjust than to Damn a Man who can't avoid Sin He owns that Predestination is asserted in H. Scripture but in this sense That all Men being fallen by the Sin of the first Man into a State of Damnation can't be delivered but by the Grace of Jesus Christ who was provided and Predestined from all Eternity That those who are freed from the State of Damnation and to whom both their Original and Actual Sins are Pardoned by Baptism are afterwards Damned for the Sins that they commit wilfully and freely And that it is by the foresight of their Evil Will that they have been Predestined But that the Predestination of God whether to Good or Evil hath no influence upon Man to necessitate him either way That God Predestines things only because he foresees after what manner they will happen That he doth not Predestine Evil but foresees it only whereas he both foresees and Predestines Good That out of the whole Mass of Mankind he through meer Grace accepts those whom he pleaseth to Salvation and leaves others yet not Ordaining them to Damnation but for their Sins which he foresees they will commit freely These are the Doctrines which Rabanus lays down against Gotteschalcus in his Treatise to Notingus which he endeavours to prove by Texts of Scripture and Testimonies of S. Austin Fulgentius and Gennadius whose Book concerning the Doctrines of the Church he cites under the Name of S. Austin He repeats the same thing in his Letter to Eberard and exhorts that Lord not to suffer any contrary Doctrine to be Taught in
Bishop and Exhorts them to receive him joyfully Lastly He gave Rothadus a Letter directed to him in which he restores him to his Dignity and Revenues forbids all Men to trouble him Exhorts him to take care of his Bishoprick and execute his Episcopal Functions diligently upon condition nevertheless that if after he is restored any one shall accuse him before the H. See he shall be ready to defend himself and Pronounced a Sentence of Excommunication against them who after three Admonitions would not restore any Goods that belong to the Church of Soissons which they had invaded and against them who communicated with such This Letter is Dated January Indict 13. An. 866. These Epistles of Pope Nicolas with many other are Printed in one Collection at Rome 1542. and in Tom. 8. of the Councils p. 268 480 514 and 563. Rothadus furnished with all these Letters returned into France The Bishops of that Kingdom seeing The Conclusion of the business of Rothadus the Pope so earnest in that Affair would not contend with him but for Peace sake restored Rothadus altho' they were perswaded that the Pope did not act according to the Canons which appoint that Bishops should be Judged in the Province and that their Causes should not be carried to Rome but he ought to send Commissioners to the places And this they did so much the more willingly because the Person who had been put in his place was Dead as Hincmarus Bishop of Reims observes in the 5th Article against his Nephew Hincmarus Bishop of Laon. CHAP. IV. A Relation of the Contest between Hincmarus and Wulfadus and other Clerks Ordained by Ebbo who had been Archbishop of Reims HIncmarus had no better success in the Contest with Wulfadus and some other Clerks Ordain'd by Ebbo after the Deposition of him from his Archbishoprick than he had in the former with Rothadus The Story is this Hincmarus then Archbishop of Reims having observed that there were some Clerks in his Diocess Ordain'd by Ebbo after he was Degraded would not permit them to Execute their Office of Priest in the Church nor acknowledge them as Clerks Lawfully Ordained These Men seeing this Appealed to the Council held at Soissons in The Council of Soissoâ—â— the Monastery of S. Medardus in April 853 in which Hincmarus presided with Wenilo Archbishop of Sens Paul Bishop of Rouen and Amauri Bishop of Tours and at which also Thierri Bishop of Cambray Rothadus Bishop of Soissons Lupus Bishop of Chalons Immo Bishop of Noion Erpuin Bishop of Senlis Hermenfridus Bishop of Beauvais Pardulus Bishop of Laon Hilmeradus Bishop of Amiens Hubert Bishop of Meaux Agius Bishop of Orleans Prudentius Bishop of Troyes Herimarus Bishop of Nevers Jonas Bishop of Autun Godefaldus Bishop of Chalon upon the Saone Dodo Bishop of Anger 's Gontbertus Bishop of Eureux Hildebrandus Bishop of Seez Erloinus Bishop of Coâ—tance Balfredus Bishop of Baieux Herrardus Bishop of Lizieux Ansegaudus Bishop of Auranches Breindigus Bishop of Maion Lauâ—us Bishop of Angouleme Roitbol Suffragan of Reims several Priests Abbots Deacons and Clerks were present with Carolus Calous himself These Prelates being Assembled and treating about several Matters Sigloardus who supplied the place of the Archdeacon of the Church of Reims told them That there were several Clergy-men standing at the Door and desired admittance They asked him their Names who told them That they were Rodoaldus Gislaldus Wulfadus Fredebertus Canons of the Church of Reims Sigismund a Monk of the Monastery of S. Thierri and three other of the Monastery of S. Remigius The Council and Prince ordered them to come in and Hincmarus immediately asked them their business They answered That they came to desire that they might be restored to their Priestly Function to which they had been admitted by Ebbo but had been Suspended from the Exercise of it by Hincmarus Hincmarus asked them whether they had a Petition in Writing They answered No. Whereupon he told them that in Ecclesiastical Affairs 't is usual to use Instruments and Records That the Catechumeni gave in their Names in Writing when they required Baptism That the Elections of Bishops were confirmed by an Instrument Signed by the Electors That a Bishop when he was Ordained received Letters Testimonial of his Ordination That all Accusations Judicial Sentences Excommunications and Admission to Communion were performed by publick Records and so they ought to prefer their Petition subscribed by their Hands that they may determine about their demands Therefore they drew up a Petition immediately and presented it to the 3 Archbishops the Presidents of the Council Hincmarus reading it over and perceiving that Wulfadus his Name was not to it because he understood he was sick in the Monastery he sent a Request to him by his Messengers to sign it as the others had done which he did When it was brought back Hincmarus said that if their Complaint had been made against any Bishop it had belonged to him to judge of it but being made against that Sentence which he had passed upon them the determination ought to be referred to Judges chosen by both Parties according to the Canon of the Council of Africk confirmed in the first Book of the Synodal Articles of the Emperor Charles the Great Chap. 43. Whereupon he delivered a Writing in which he declared that he chooses for his Judges in that Cause Wenilo Arch-Bishop of Sens Amauri Arch-Bishop of Tours and Pardulus Bishop of Laon who should have his place in the Judgment without any prejudice to the Primacy of the Church of Reims to his own Rights and the Respect due to the Apostolick See After which he retired and Pardulus took his place The Complainants were then allowed to choose either the same Judges or others or to add whom they pleased to them Whereupon they chose the same adding only Prudentius Bishop of Troyes against whom Hincmarus had nothing to object Wulfadus also consented to this Election and so the first Action or Session of this Synod ended In the Second the Judges declared first of all that if Ebbo had Ordained these Clerks before he was deposed or since his Deposition was declared unjust and his Restoration Canonical there had been no dispute but that they ought to exercise their Priestly Office But since those that Ordained Hincmarus have proved that Ebbo was justly deposed and that he never was Canonically restored and that he had the boldness to Ordain these Clerks after his Deposition it is evident that they neither can nor ought to exercise their Function Then Thierri Bishop of Cambray presented the Acts of the Deposition of Ebbo by which it appears that he was deposed after he had owned his fault that he had himself consented to his Degradation and had notice given him not to exercise any Episcopal Function It was also set down in the Book of these Acts that Pope Sergius had confirmed his Condemnation and ordered him to be allowed only a Lay-communion that since
less then his own He also recommends him for the same reason to Hincmarus Archbishop of Reims and Herard Archbishop of Tours in private Letters to them He commands this last to give Actardus an Abby which he had heretofore in his Diocess and tells him that he had written to Solomon Duke of the Britans and his People to exhort them to do him Justice and desires him to be fully assured that if they should send any one to Rome on their part they should not obtain any thing to prejudice his Rights He grants by another Letter the Pall to Actardus to comfort him for the loss of his Diocess Thus ended the Contest between Hincmarus and Wulfadus with the other Clerks Ordained by Ebbo These Letters of Pope Adrian are Printed among his other Epistles which are 26 in all in Tom. 8. of the Councils p. 896. The End of the Fourth Contest CHAP. V. An History of the several Contests that Hincmarus Archbishop of Reims had with his Nephew Hincmarus Bishop of Laon. HIncmarus engaged in another business against his Nephew Hincmarus Bishop of Laon which The Original of the discontents between Hincmarus Archbishop of Reims and his Nephew H. Steward of the Palace The Contests between the Bishop of Laon and Charles the Bald. had no better effects than the former He had by his Interest and favour made this Nephew Bishop of Laon which is subject to his Metropolis in 859. This Man instead of being subject and devoted to the will of his Uncle would govern according to his own humour and being grown into favour at Court accepted an Office there and obtained an Abby This displeased the Arch-Bishop of Reims who did all he could to oblige him to quit them and reproved him for leaving his Diocess to go to his Abby without his permission although it was forbidden by the Canons to Bishops to leave their Province without the consent of their Metropolitan The Bishop of Laon fearing the Presence of his Uncle dare not be at the Synod of Bishops met at Cambray for the Ordination of a Bishop although he was summoned In 868 Hincmarus Bishop of Laon engaged himself in a Business with Charles the Bald. Having some Contests with certain Lay-men about the Estate of the Church and principally with a Lord called Normannus to whom the King had given a Benefice i. e. some Lands belonging to the Church of Laon with the consent of this Bishop Hincmarus himself who had himself sollicited him and procured it for him as one of his Friends but afterwards repenting of what he had done and being desirous to get it again had Excommunicated that Lord. He began to discuss the Affair privately before the Commissioners among whom were some Bishops but it happened that the Son of Luido accused the Bishop of Laon before the King and the Lords of his Council of having deprived him of a Benefice of his Fathers i. e. of a certain Mannor belonging to the Church which had of ancient times been possessed and enjoyed by his Father although to retain the possession and enjoyment of it he had paid a Fine to the Church and had gotten a grant of him The King complaining of these Actions to Hincmarus Bishop of Laon he answered his Majesty with so much Impudence that the Prince fell into a great passion against him and gave him many ill words He then summoned him to his Council but Hincmarus humbly shewed him that he could not appear and at the same time sent a Letter to Rome to accuse Normannus and to request the Pope to take this Matter upon him and procure that he might come to Rome Hincmarus hereupon was condemned for his Default by the Kings Council and all the Revenues of his Bishoprick were seized on The King also put him out of his Office at Court and his Abby And although Hincmarus Arch-Bishop of Reims was very angry with him yet he endeavoured to assist him on this Occasion and wrote a smart Letter to Charles the Bald in which he affirms that what he had done against Hincmarus was altogether unjust That it was never heard of that a Christian Prince should confiscate the Revenues of the Church Whereupon he recites several Laws of the Emperors and Decrees of the Councils and Popes to prove that 't is not allowable for any Man to invade the Church Revenues Then he presented to the King a Memoir which contained several Canons to shew that Bishops ought not to appear before Lay Judges in Matters Ecclesiastical The King answered that the Kings his Predecessors had compelled the Bishops to give an Account before the Lords of his Council of the Benefices they would put their Officers out of Hincmarus replied by another Writing that that Custom was an Abuse which was reformed by the Capitularies The King being at Pistis in Normandy he held a Council there Hincmarus Bishop of Laon presented a Petition to the Bishops assembled requiring them to settle him in his Revenues or suffer him to shift for himself at Rome but the Matter was accommodated by Hincmarus Arch-Bishop of Reims and the Bishop of Laon was restored to his place after he had begged the Kings pardon and so he retreated immediately into his Diocess Charles the Bald commanded him several times to come to him but he would not obey the Order but designed to fly into the Kingdom of Lotharius who had promised to receive him into his protection He had also the boldness to write to King Charles that he had rather live out of his Kingdom than to be represented such an ill Man as he was reported to be in it The King then commanded his Domestick Servants to come to him some obeyed but he detained the rest After this the King a second time sent two Bishops to him and some of his Guards to bring them either by perswasion or force Hincmarus Bishop of Laon having heard that some Soldiers were coming to him pronounced Excommunication against those that did meddle with the Revenues of his Church The two Bishops which Charles the Bald had sent having put Hincmarus in mind of the Oath which he had made to the King could not perswade him to go with them to him and therefore returned after they had obliged such Persons of his Family as were freed by an Oath to appear Hincmarus of Laon holding on his course issued out an Excommunication against several Persons in the Arch Bishoprick of Reims and in other Archbishopricks and Diocesses not sparing the King Charles himself which was a Cause of great Scandal to the whole Church and Kingdom Nevertheless Hincmarus Arch-Bishop of Reims found out a way to compose this Matter and to hinder the Bishops who were provoked from bringing it before a Synod and to reconcile his Nephew with those he had Excommunicated but this did not put an end to this Business for Hincmarus of Laon a Man of an untractable temper enraged King Charles again who thereupon called Wâ—rmâ—ria an
the Pope subscribed by Ignatius and the other under the Pope's Name to Photius Whence he took occasion to Impeach Ignatius for keeping Correspondence in the West and Writing thither against the Emperour Whereupon Ignatius was Apprehended who remained in Custody till the Letter-bearer was manifestly proved to be an Ill Man and an Impostor After this he had some Respit till Bardas frighted by a Dream in which he saw the Patriarch imploring the Pope's Assistance against him kept him under so strict a Guard that he could not so much as say Mass or speak to any Man At last Bardas was slain in April Anno 866. by the Emperour's Order who set up Basilius Caesar in his place the 26th following being Whitsunday Photius resolved to be revenged of the Pope exasperated as much as in him lay the Emperour The Council of Photius against the Pope against him and perswaded him to call a Council in order to Condemn the Pope as the Pope had Condemned him He Summoned to Constantinople all the Bishops of his Patriarchate and set up others who pretended themselves to be sent as Deputies from the other Patriarchs Pope Nicholas was Accused before this Council his Deposition pronounced and his Person Excommunicated This done Photius sollicited the Emperour Lewis King of Italy and the Princess Ingelberg to declare themselves against the Pope promising to procure him the Imperial Crown of the East should they but Expel that Pope from his See The Acts of this Council he sent into the West by Zachary But soon after this Michael the Emperour was slain by Basilius his Order who thereupon was Declared Emperour Sept. 23d 867. The first Thing Basilius did after he had settled himself upon the Throne was the Explusion of Ignatius Re-instated Photius and Restauration of Ignatius He sent Orders for Zachary to Return banished Photius into a Monastery sent for Ignatius to Constantinople and Reinstated him in his See Novemb. 23d in the same Year This is Observable in the Life of this Patriarch that he came now into his Church whilst the Priest Offering the Sacrifice was Singing these Words in the Quire Giving Thanks unto the Lord. Ignatius being in Possession of his See Excommunicated presently Photius those that had been Ordained by him all his Followers and such as held Communion with him He likewise begged of the Emperour that he would Summon a General Council to remedy those Evils the Church did lie under And several Deputies were immediately dispatched to the Pope at Rome John Bishop of Pergos from Ignatius Peter of Sardis from Photius and an Officer Named Basilius from the Emperour Peter of Sardis perished by a Ship-wrack in the Gulf of Dalmatia the other two had better luck and came safe to Rome Where they found Pope Nicholas dead and Adrian raised into his Place who received them very graciously They shewed him the Acts of the Councils held by Photius against Ignatius and Pope Nicholas I. Adrian called a Synod which Condemned them to be Burnt and Excommunicated Photius a second time Next he presented to them two Bishops by Name Donatus and Stephen for his Legates to Act in his Name in the Council to be held at Constantinople This Council was Summoned by Basilius the Emperour in the Third year of his Reign and the Second of that of Constantine Ind. 3. Anno 869. of the Common Account They met in the The Council of Constantinople being the VIII General Council Church of S. Sophia on the right side where the Catechumeni were commonly instructed In the midst of the Assembly were placed the Holy Gospels with a Cross. It began the Fifth of October and ended the last day of February following During which time they had Ten distinct Sessions As to the Number of Bishops assisting thereat it vary'd very much At first it consisted onely of the Pope's Legates viz. Donatus Bishop of Ostia Stephen Bishop of Nepi and Marinus a Deacon Thomas Arch-bishop of Tyre representing the Patriarch of Jerusalem and Ignatius Patriarch of Constantinople With them did 12 Bishops sit by their Order who had firmly adhered to Ignatius his Cause and Interest In the Second Session they admitted Ten Bishops who begged Pardon for having sided with Photius The Third consisted onely of 23 Bishops and the Fourth of 21. In the Fifth there was Two Metropolitans to wit of Ephesus and Cyzicus who had not been in the former but on the other side some of the Bishops that had been in the former did not appear in this The Sixth consisted of Thirty seven Bishops their Number increasing as the Bishops that had stood for Photius came in and subscribed a Writing whereby they rejected him and owned Ignatius The next Two were not more numerous But the Ninth at which Joseph was present as Deputy from the Patriarch of Alexandria was composed of above 60 Bishops and the last of above â—00 who all subscribed to the Decisions of the Council At all their Sittings there were Senators Noblemen and Officers of the Emperour with Bahanes at the head of them who spoke to the Bishops in the Name of all The Emperour was there in Person at the Sixth Seventh and Eighth Sessions Constantine came thither with him at the Ninth at which were present also Anastasius the Library-Keeper and Eberard as Ambassadors from Lewis Emperour of Italy besides Two Ambassadours from the King of Bulgaria Almost all the Bishops were of Asia Thracia and Greece The first time they sat was October the 5th The Pope's Legates Ignatius Patriarch of Constantinople a Deputy from the Patriarch of Jerusalem Thomas Metropolitan of Tyre representing the Patriarch of Antioch that See being then Vacant and the Noblemen being met they sent for the Bishops in who had been persecuted for the Cause of Ignatius being 12 in Number viz. Five Metropolitans of Greece and Seven Bishops who accordingly took their places in the Council Then Bahanes the Chief of the Noblemen Read aloud the Emperour's Exhortation to the Council wherein he declared That having purposed to put an end to the Differences that troubled the Peace of the Church he had sent for Legates from the Bishop of Rome and Deputies from the other Patriarchs to hold an Oecumenical Council that he exhorted the Bishops to come with a Spirit of Peace and to seek out Remedies for the present Evils Whereupon Bahanes turning to the Pope's Legates desired them in the Bishop's Name to declare unto them whence they came and what Power they had They answered That it was never done before in any Synod to examine the Power of the Pope's Legates To which Bahanes reply'd That what he did was not for want of Respect to the Holy Apostolick See but because the late Legates Radoaldus and Zachary had deceived them by abusing their Power This Reason being allowed of they presented the Pope's Letter to the Emperour which was Read in Latin by Marinus the Deacon one of the Legates and turned into Greek by Damian
Monastery but the enjoyment of them only in common with the other Monks In the 53d Epistle he presses King Charles vigorously to restore him this Revenue and the better to engage him to it he informs him That his ancient Monks have observed and heard of their Predecessours that all that have ever done any considerable damage or wrong to their Monastery have been punish'd either by the loss of their Estates their Health or their Lives He exhorts him to perform the Vows he has made and moreover threatens him with the Judgments of God if he doth not In the 55th Letter to Marcuadus Abbot of Provins he entreats this Abbot to come to Court to assist him in obtaining the Restitution of the Revenue of S. Josse He informs him that he came thither the last of November and has continued there with a great deal of expence and trouble That the King endeavours to elude his Demands and always delays him because that Odulphus who then was possest of St. Josse was absent and sick as he was inform'd but not very grievously says he so that this sickness may serve to humble and correct him Nor so dangerously as to be the cause of his death for which he should be sorry because 't is certain he would be damn'd if he should die in the unjust possession of the Revenue of the Church At length Lupus after many delays and put offs obtain'd the Restitution of the Revenue of S. Josse as it appears by the 61st and 62d Letters The 64th Letter is an Instruction to King Charles concerning his duty The 79th contains an Extract of a Letter written to Hinomarus by which he recommends his Kinsman Hilmeradus to him who was named by the King to be Bishop of Amiens affirming that tho' he had not much Learning yet he might be made serviceable to the Church by following his directions And that if he was not well fitted for Teaching the Word of God yet he might do Works that might save him and those that should imitate him M. Balusius in his Notes declares himself of a different Opinion with his Author and says That in this he has hearkned more to the Sentiments of Nature than the Principles of Reason The 81st Letter is written in the name of Wenilo Archbishop of Sens and Count Girard who were sent to Amolo Archbishop of Lions by the King's Orders to command him to Ordain Bernus Bishop of Autun They represent to him That 't was not a new thing for the King to make Courtiers Bishops of the principal Churches That Pepin had had in the like Case the Consent of Pope Zachary in a Synod where Boniface Bishop of Mayence assisted They also desired the same thing of him for Godeseldus named by the King Bishop of Chalons The 82d Letter is written to Wenilo in favour of a Priest Accused and Suspended from the Exercise of his Function Lupus desires Wenilo to give him liberty to exercise his Duty till a Synod were call'd in which he hoped to clear himself of the Charge brought against him The 84th is a Synodical Epistle of a Council held in the Year 849 consisting of the Metropolitans of Tours Rheins Rouen and about twenty of their Suffragans whose names are set down at the beginning of this Letter directed to Nomenoius Duke of Breton about the Disorders he had committed They reprove and blame him for having laid waste the Lands belonging to the Christians for having destroy'd pillag'd and burnt several Churches together with the Reliques of Saints for seizing upon the Revenues of the Church which are the Vows of the Faithful the Satisfaction of Sins and the Patrimony of the Poor for having taken away rich Mens Estates and kill'd and enslaved a great number of Christians Of driving the Bishops from their Churches and robbing them of their Goods c. But principally for having slighted the many Letters of Leo the 4th Successor to S. Peter to whom God hath given Supreme Power over all the Church Of having entertained Lambert Count of Nantes a Rebel against the King They exhort him to do Penance and to satisfie that which the Pope write to him about And finally they declared those Excommunicate that shall Communicate with Lambert The 93d is an Instruction to King Charles to whom he proposes Trajan and Theodosius as two Patterns worthy of his Imitation In the 94th he shows That Afflictions and Sufferings are advantageous to good men The 98th is a Letter written in the name of the Cathedral Church of Paris of the Abbies of S. German S. Dennis S. Geneva S. Maurus des Fossez and other Monasteries to Wenilo Archbishop of Sens and to the other Bishops of that Province acquainting them that after the death of their Bishop Ercanradus they had chosen Aeneas who had been nam'd to them by King Charles whom they desired them to Ordain as soon as they could This Letter is followed by an Answer written in the name of the Bishop of Sens and his Suffragans testifying their approbation of their Election of Aeneas The 100 Letter is an Admonition to the People wherein they are exhorted to do Penance to avoid Rebellions and Factions to embrace a Peace to sorbear Robberies and Plunder to think of nothing but Publick Good and to live in Union with one another The 101st is a Letter of Recommendation written in the name of Wenilo to the Bishops of France and Italy in favour of two Monks of Ferrara who went to Rome desiring them to afford them an Hospitable Reception by the way This is followed by a Letter written in the name of Lupus upon the same account By the 103d Letter he recommends these two Monks to Pope Benedict to whom he sent them He entreats him to Instruct them in the Customs of the Church of Rome and to send him the Commentaries of S. Jerom upon Jeremiah from the sixth Book to the end being not able to find them any where in France He adds to this the Book of Cicero's Book of Oratory Quintilian's Institutions and Donatus's Commentaries upon Terence c. In the 105th he promises to receive and deal mercifully with a Monk that had quitted his Habit and Order provided he would amend and behave himself better for the future In the 108th he thanks Lotharius for sending him this converted Monk And excuses himself for not letting him be his Secretary because there was no likelyhood that a Monk who had not all imaginable diligence would ever be able to do his duty in the midst of the affairs and hurries of the World Quoniam propositum nostrum vix mediocriter intrà Claustra Monasterii custoditur ne dum inter tumultus Mundanos à quolibet praesertim non satis cauto valeat adimpleri The following Letter is also about the return of this Monk It is to be noted that Lupus says in the first Letter upon this Subject that he could not receive him without the consent of his Brethren In the
he would have no Obsequies bestowed upon them nor any Sacrifice or Prayer offer'd for them In the 99th he permits such to be buried in the Church as have liv'd well The 100th approves of the Custom of carrying dead Bodies into their own Countries In the 101st he commends Alms. In the 102d he forbids doing violence to Pagans to convert them In the 103d he command them to burn the Books of the Sarazens The 104th is concerning the validity of Baptism administred by a Jew who had no Religion Nicholas the first answers That such ought not to be Re-baptized if he did confer it upon them in the name of the Trinity In the 105th he speaks of those that preach'd a Doctrine contrary to that of the Apostles He answers that they ought not to be heard But that it doth not belong to the Bulgarian Lay-men to judge whether the Doctrine be true or not In the last he exhorts them to take Instructions from none but the Church of Rome which always delivers the Truth to such as desire it These are the Decisions or Answers of Nicholas the first in this Work This Pope was a great Canonist He wrote readily and with Authority He often quoted the Canons and Decretals of the Popes He maintain'd the Grandeur of his See with vigour and manag'd the most difficult Matters he was concern'd in with Honour M. de Marca observes That he had done some Injuries to the Discipline and Liberties of the Church by maintaining that it was not lawful to assemble a National Synod without the consent of the Pope In attributing to himself the Appeals of the Clergies Cases determined in National Synods and also after a Review brought in Citing the Persons and Causes to Rome to be there determined anew instead of appointing Judges on the places and affirming that the Causes of Bishops wholly belong'd to his Cognizance But these Pretensions have not been acknowledg'd by the Church and particularly by that of France who have always kept to their Liberties without the least diminution of Respect and Submission due to the Holy See These Epistles are all put out in Tome VIII of the Councils After the death of Nicholas the first which hapned the 13th of November in the year 867. Adrian Adrian II. the second who was about 76 years of age was chosen in his place He was a Roman the Son of Talanius related to the Popes Stephen the fourth and Sergius the younger Gregory the fourth Ordained him Priest and gave him the Title of St. Mark His Liberality gained him a great repute in Rome and he was proposed to be chosen Pope after the death of Leo the fourth and Benedict the third And after the death of Nicholas he obtain'd it both by the Votes of the People who lov'd him and by the joynt consent of both Parties of Grandees Lewis the Emperour approved of his Election and he was Ordained the 14th of December He was at first suspected not to favour much the Memory of his Predecessor Nicholas the first because he seem'd not so severe towards Lotharius and Waldrada as he had been But he freed himself from this suspicion and re-united those to him that before had forsaken his Interest upon this account The beginning of his Pontificate was disturb'd by the Invasion of Rome which the Duke of Spoleto seiz'd on and harrass'd with Robberies and Plundering of his Soldiers But Rome was deliver'd both by the Authority of the Emperour who depriv'd the Duke of Spoleto of his own Dominions and the Thunderbolts of Excommunication which the Pope sent out against these Robbers A Peace was no sooner granted to the Church of Rome but the Affair of Photius was brought before Pope Adrian The Emperour Basilius having restored Ignatius sent some of his Officers to Rome to accompany the Deputies of Ignatius and Photius Those of Photius's side were drown'd for the most part and there appear'd in his behalf but one inconsiderable Monk call'd Methodius who durst not maintain his Cause and who suffer'd himself to be cited thrice and was at last condemn'd for Non-appearance But the Officer of the Greek Emperour and John Metropolitan of Caesaria in Cappadocia having presented to Pope Adrian the Transactions of the pretended Council which Photius had assembled against Pope Nicholas the first he caused them to be examined and condemned in a Council which pronounced an Anathema against Photius and had the Book burnt which he wrote against Pope Nicholas After this Adrian sent Legates to Constantinople to assist in his name at the eighth General Council They had at first all the satiâ—…ction they could wish but after the Council they enter'd upon the Affair of Bulgaria and after it was debated in their hearing judged that it ought to be subject to the Patriarch of Constantinople which troubled the Legates extreamly Wherefore having protested against and declared this Judgment null they immediately left the City dissatisfied And being but very meanly accompanied they fell into the hands of the Sclavonians who robbed them and took them Prisoners They soon after made an escape and came to Rome at the end of the year 870. There are five Letters of this Pope concerning the Affair of Ignatius and Photius in the Version of the Acts of the eighth Council done by Anastasius The three which follow relate to the Affairs of France and the Churches of Brittany to Lotharius and Weldrada Actardus Wulfadus and the other Clergy-men Ordained by Ebbo To the Kingdom of Lotharius on which Charles the Bald seiz'd after his death and which Adrian would have had been left to Lewis the Emperour To the pretended Privileges of Caroloman and to the Quarrel of Hincmarus Bishop of Laon with his Uncle It is not necessary to give any Extracts of these Letters in particular having spoken of them particularly elsewhere Adrian dyed the first of November in the year 872. He was naturally good and well temper'd zealous for Peace and for the welfare of the Catholick Church His Letters are written in a Style mixt with Gravity and Modesty Zeal and Humility he maintaining in every part of them his Authority without Affectation or Contempt of any Body He behaves himself towards those he had Business with according to the Rules of Honesty and Charity not Flattering them by a base Complaisance or Offending them by high Words nor Enraging them by his extraordinary Claims John the VIII was Arch-Deacon of Rome when he was rais'd to the Holy See it was in December 872. that he came to this Dignity at a time when all Italy began to be very much molested by the inroads of Barbarians and Divisions between the Dukes and Lords He was obliged to make a Treaty with the Sarazens to hinder their Invasions After the death of the Emperour Lewis the II. he set the Imperial Crown upon the Head of Charles the Bald in the year 875. and supported himself by his Protection as long as this Prince lived But having
written by a more ancient Author who put them out under Damasus's Name But the latter are Anastasius's who reviewed them and put them in that Form they now are in and concluded them with the Life of Nicholas I. for I take the Lives of the five following Popes to be written by William who succeeded Anastasius in the Office of Library-keeper in the Church of Rome Nevertheless Anastasius might write the Life of Adrian II. for he certainly outliv'd him And perhaps he lived long enough to write the Lives of the four following Popes He wrote tolerable good Latin and was a learned Man for his Time He was a good Polititian and studied the Interest of the Church of Rome There remains only the Author of the Treatise called Liber Synodicus whose Name is The Anonymous Author of the Liber Synodicus unknown His Work is An Abridgment of the first Councils commonly called The little Synodical Book It ends with the Council held by Photius in 877. which is accounted the VIII General Council which makes it probable that he lived about the end of the IX Age This Work hath been Printed at Strasburg in 1601 in quarto and since is put by F. Labbe into the last Collection of the Councils It is a very short and plain Abridgment and contains nothing considerable or extraordinary about the History of the Councils The number of the Historians of this Age which have written the Lives and Panegyricks Michael Syncellus of the Saints is very great The chief of them are these that follow Michael Syncellus of the Patriarch Nicephorus and after his Death designed for his Place by the Empress Theodora But he refused to accept that Dignity He wrote the Life of S. Dionysius the Areopagite and made a Panegyrick in Honour of the Holy Archangels and Angels In which after he hath invoked them and distinguished their several Orders he speaks of their good Offices which they perform to Men and relates several Examples to prove it out of Holy Scripture Lastly he makes several Exclamations by way of Encomium There is an Hymn at the end of this Discourse published by F. Combefis in his Auctuar Nov. Tom. 1. p. 1525. and is found in the Biblioth Patr. The Style of it is lofty full of great Words and affected Epithets Methodius preferr'd to the Patriarchate of the Church of Constantinople in 842. is also the Author of S. Dionys's Life which is extant at the end of the Works of that Father printed Methodius at Antwerp in 1634. Tom. 2. 'T is also printed alone at Florence 1516. Paris 1562. Some Fragments also of two Sermons printed by Gretzer in his Tom. 2. de Cruce are attributed to him The one is concerning the Benefit of the Death of Christ and the Reasons why he would dye upon the Cross. The other is against those that are ashamed of the Cross of Christ. To these we may add The Encomium of S. Agatha translated into Latin by F. Combefis in his Biblioth Concionat Patr. and is said to be in MS. in the Library of S. Mark at Venice Some also attribute to him a Sermon upon S. Simeon and another upon the Sunday called Dominica in Ramis or Palm-Sunday which is the Sunday before Easter-day which F. Cambefis hath printed among the Works of the elder Methodius who flourished in 290. at Paris in 1644. although it be very doubtful whether they be so ancient as we have observed in speaking of the Elder Methodius He dyed in 847. in Balsamon's Collection of the Greek Canon we meet with some penitential Canons attributed to Methodius but the Learned judge them not to be his To Methodius we may joyn Hilduinus the Patron of the Fable of S. Dionysius the Areopagite's coming into France He was Abbot of S. Medard at Soissons of S. German and Hilduinus Abbot of S. Medard at Soissons S. German and S. David S. Dionys near Paris and chief Chaplain to the Emperor Lewis the Godly He made a Reformation in the last of these Monasteries in 829. and settled Monks there instead of the Canons formerly there He took Lotharius's part against his Father and was banished into Saxony But he was again restored and after his Restauration he wrote his Book of the Areopagite by the Command of Lewis the Godly In it he undertakes to prove That Dionysius the Apostle of France was the Areopagite But this Work is full of abominable Falsehoods and gross Forgeries He proves his Opinion by Records of so small Authority That his Writing discovers the weakness of the Cause he maintains and his own inability to do it This Work was printed at Cologn in 1563. and is put by Surius among the Lives of the Saints Octob. 9. with a Letter from Lewis the Godly to him and his Answer Hilduin dyed according to the Opinion of some in 838. and of others in 842. David Nicetas surnamed Paphlago because he was a Bishop in Paphlagonia altho' he was David Nicetas Paphlago also Patriarch of Constantinople was a great admirer of the Patriarch Ignatius and wrote a long History of his Life which is extant with the Acts of the VIII Council at Ingolstadt 1604 quarto and Tom. 8. of the Councils p. 1179. He hath also composed several Panegyricks in honour of the Apostles and other Saints viz. S. Mark S. Mary S. Gregory the Divine S. Hyacinthus Eustatheus Agapius and Theopistus printed by F. Cambesis in his last continuation of the Biblioth Patrum at Paris in 1672. His Style is elegant and pleasant his Relations are simple and plain without being tedious He often turns his Speech to the Saints he commends and makes Acclamations in their Honour according to the Custom of his Time Leo the Wise Emperor of the East may be reckoned among the Panegyrists of the Saints Leo the Wise Emperor of the East He succeeded his Father Basilius in 886. and reigned till 911. He took great pleasure in composing Sermons Baronius hath published a List of 33. ad Annum 911. numb 3 which are found in a MS. in the Vatican Library Gretzer hath published 9. printed at Ingolstadt in 1600. and since F. Cambesis hath inserted 10 in the first Tome of his Auctuar Biblioth Patrum Besides these we have a Discourse upon the Life of S. John Chrysostom among the Works of that Father Tom. 8. of Savil's Edition and a Sermon upon S. Nicolas Bishop of Myra printed at Toulouse in 1644. and some Predictions viz. 17 concerning the State of Constantinople Printed by Codinus at the end of his Antiquities at Paris in 1655. Baronius mentions other Works of Leo which are in MSS. in the Vatican Library viz. several Discourses Moral Precepts Riddles or mystical Sayings Constitutions and †They are Printed at Basil in 1554. and Leyden in 1612. and 1613. his Tacticks or a Treatise of the manner of Ranging an Army in Battalia The Sermons printed by F. Cambefis are upon the Nativity Purification
and judg'd in a full Synod which was an Action without all Precedent In this Article is forbidden all such usage for the future because a dead body cannot be cited into a Court of Judicature since 't is impossible he should answer the Accusations laid to his charge The second grants a full pardon to the Bishops Priests and other Clergy-men who out of fear of being ill treated themselves assisted at that And Orders that for the future no such constraints shall be used but that the Bishops when they convene shall be left to a perfect Liberty and Freedom The third imports that since Formosus had been translated from the Bishoprick of Oporto to that of Rome purely out of necessity no person could make it a Precedent for the future and it shall not be allow'd to promote any person to any higher degree of Dignity who has been declar'd to have forfeited an inferior Order unless he has been re-establish'd canonically as the people had done in advancing Boniface I. who had been depos'd from the Subdeaconship and afterwards from Priest's Orders The fourth restores those Clerks to their Orders who were ordain'd by Pope Formosus and had been depos'd in a passion The fifth renews the Canon of the African Council against Re-ordinations Re-baptizations and Translations and prohibites the ordinary Bishops in those Churches which were provided with Bishops unless those who were in possession had been depos'd according to the Canon The sixth confirms the consecration of Lambert for Emperor and condemns that of Berenger The seventh condemns the Acts of the Council of Rome against Formosus to be burnt The eighth declares Sergius Benedict and Marinus Priests and Leo and Pascal and John Deacons to be lawfully condemn'd and separated from the Church and anathematizes those who should acknowledge them as Clergy-men or should endeavour to re-establish ' them The ninth excommunicates the persons who had dug up the body of Formosus and cast it into the Tiber. The tenth for the prevention of those Violences and that scandal which sometimes happen'd in the Election of Popes ordains that for the future none should be made but what were elected by an Assembly of the Bishops and Clergy in pursuance to the Desires of the Senate and People and in the presence of the Emperor This Canon likewise forbids the exacting of unreasonable Oaths and Promises The eleventh is levell'd against an abuse very prevalent at that time of robbing the Pope after his Decease not only of his Patriarchal Seat but of all others which belong'd to him in Rome or thereabouts The twelfth was against another abuse which prevail'd at Rome The secular Judges apprehended such Women as were suspected to be bad Livers and by the severity which they us'd to them oblig'd their Masters or their Relations to redeem them at a dear price and afterwards those who had redeem'd them whether Clerks or Laicks thought they might freely enjoy them without the fear of a Reprimand since the publick censure was pass'd upon them which was the cause of a very great disorder The Council to put a stop thereto granted the taking cognisance of and passing Judgment on these offences to the Bishops with a power of citing the Refractory before the civil Magistrates Some time after the Pope being come to the Emperor Lambert at Ravenna they there conven'd a Council of 74 Bishops who confirm'd what had been done in the Council of Rome and approv'd of the ten following Institutions By the first it is ordain'd that the Canons of the Holy Fathers and what is contain'd in the Registers of Charlemagn and his Successors concerning Tenths should be observ'd Afterwards the Emperor propos'd two Articles By the first all persons whatsoever are forbidden to arrest or offer any injury to those who should make their Appeals to his Imperial Majesty By the second the Emperor confirms the Ancient Priviledges granted or confirm'd by his Predecessors to the Church of Rome The Pope afterwards propos'd the following Articles First A confirmation of what was enacted in the Council of Rome in favour of Formosus Secondly The punishing of the Outrages committed on the Territories of the Church of Rome which had oblig'd him to have recourse to the Emperor Thirdly A Renewing of the Treaty made between the Holy See and the Emperor Guy Lambert's Father Fourthly That the Edicts which were not conformable to the conditions of this Treaty should be repeal'd Fifthly That the Estates granted by the Letters Pattents of the Prince to the prejudice of that same Treaty should be restored to the Church Sixthly That the Emperor shall break off the Leagues which the Romans the Lombards and the French had made together contrary to the Interests of the Holy See and the Empire Lastly That the Emperor shall protect the Church of Rome prevent its being disturb'd and use his utmost care to restore to it its ordinary Revenues which were now wasted These Articles being approv'd by the Bishops the Pope recommended to them the Appointing a Fast and solemn Litanies upon their Return to their Respective Diocesses The four Letters of Pope John IX and his Acts of the two Councils are extant Concil Tom. IX p. 483. John X. WE have three Letters of John X. which relate to the Affairs of France The two first The Letters of John X. are about the Affair of Hilduin whom Charles the Simple had turn'd out of the Bishoprick of Leige This Hilduin being supported by Giselbert who held part of Lorrain against Charles the Simple and by Henry the Fowler King of Germany was ordain'd Bishop of Tongres or Liege by Herman Archbishop of Cologne plac'd into the possession thereof and rifled the effects of it Charles the Simple nominated Richerus to this Bishoprick and caus'd him to be elected by a party of the Clergy and Laity of Liege who were come to him to complain of the extravagances of Hilduin This Prince thereupon wrote a Letter to all the Bishops of his Kingdom wherein he made it appear by the Registers and Canons that Hilduin was not fit to be a Bishop 1. Because he was a Rebel and Traytor The Letters of Charles the Simple about Hilduin against his Prince 2. Because he procur'd himself to be ordain'd by Faction and Violence 3. Because he rifled the Treasures of the Church of Liege to bestow on those who were the Instruments of his Ordination 4. Because he had pretended that the King had conferr'd on him the Bishoprick of Liege 5. Because being cited thrice by Herman to make his appearance before the Synod he had not complied therewith After this remonstrance Charles exhorts the Bishops of his Kingdom to joyn with him in turning this Usurper out of the Bishoprick of Liege 'T is very probable that he wrote likewise to Pope John X. upon this very subject and that this gave occasion to that Pope to write to Herman citing him and Hilduin and Richerus to come to Rome that he might
not have been any The Council of Treves other Bishops of Germany and Lorrain Marinus asked Artaldus and the rest of the Bishops how Hugh the White had behav'd himself since the last Synod and whether the Letters which cited him before the Synod had been deliver'd to him They reply'd That he still persisted in his Rebellion and Robberies that one of their Letters had been deliver'd to him and that the other had been intercepted by his Party Upon this Reply It was asked whether any one was come on his behalf and none appearing the Assembly was adjourn'd till the morrow On that day there appear'd no Deputy in behalf of Count Hugh and tho' the Clergy and Nobless cry'd out that he ought to be Excommunicated yet that was put off to the third day In the mean time they consulted about the Affair of the Bishops who had been cited before the Synod or who had any hand in the Ordination of Hugh The Bishop of Soissons begg'd Pardon and obtain'd it the Bishop of Terouane was found to have no hand in the Ordination and the Bishop of Noyon was excus'd by reason of his Sickness On the third day High the White was Excommunicated till such time as he should come and ask the Legat and the Bishops Pardon for what he had done and in case he should defer that he enjoyn'd him to go to Rome for Absolution There were likewise two Bishops Excommunicated who were ordain'd by Hugh the one of Amiens the other of Senlis and a Clerk who had instituted and inducted the Latter Hildegairus Bishop of Beauvais was cited before Marinus or to Rome for assisting at their Ordination and lastly the young Count Hebert Brother to Hugh was likewise summon'd to make Satisfaction for the wrong he had done the Bishops All these things were transacted in the Year 948. and from that time forward Artaldus remain'd in possession of the Arch-bishop of Rheims which was made sure to him by the Peace concluded between Lewis d'Outremer and Hugh the White in the Year 953. In the same Year this Archbishop held a Council of five Bishops at S. Thierry wherein he Excommunicated Count Reginald who had seiz'd upon the Revenues of the Church Artaldus dying the last day of August in the Year 967. after he had been Archbishop of Rheims The death of Artaldus thirty years several Bishops propos'd the Re-establishing Hugh The Affair was debated in a Council held in a Village of the Diocess of Meaux upon the River Marne consisting of Thirteen Bishops of the Provinces of Rheims and Sens. The Bishops of Laon and Chalons very strongly oppos'd his Restitution and the Case was referr'd to the Arbitration of his Holiness He gave them to understand by Bruno Archbishop of Cologne that Hugh had been Rejected and Excommunicated by the Councils of Rome and Pavia and that there was no thinking of him again Whereupon they elected a Clerk of the Church of Rheims call'd Odalric the Son of a Count nam'd Hugh who was supported Odalric Archbishop of Rheims Adalberon Archbishop of Rheims by King Lotharius by the Queen-Mother and by Bruno He enjoy'd the Archbishoprick very peaceably for the space of Seven years and dy'd in the Year 968. His Successor was Adalberon or Alberon Brother of Count Henry who govern'd the Church of Rheims for Nineteen years with a great deal of Prudence and Candor Under his Episcopacy a Council was held at Rheims in the Year 975. whereof Stephen Deacon of Pope Penedict VII was President In this Council Thibold was Excommunicated for having unlawfully seiz'd upon the Church of Amiens In the Year 972. he held another Council at St. Mary's Mount wherein he procur'd a Ratification of an Order he had made of putting Monks into the Monastery of S. Mouzon instead of Canons who were there After Arnulphus Archbishop of Rheims the death of this Archbishop Hugh Capet laid hold on this opportunity of taking into his Interests Arnulphus the Bastard Brother of Charles Duke of Lorrain the last of the Carolignian Race Clerk of the Church of Laon by procuring him to be elected Archbishop of Rheims in the Year 989. who immediately took of him an Oath of Fidelity But within six Months after his being in possession of the Archbishoprick of Rheims his Brother Charles was introduc'd into that City and became Master of it by means of a Priest nam'd Adalger Which was brought about as 't is suppos'd by the Intelligence he had from the Archbishop who however was carry'd by his Brother to Laon and cast into Prison for forms sake Arnulphus notwithstanding issued out a Sentence of Excommunication against those who had made an unlawful Seizure of the Revenues of the Church of Rheims and the Bishops of the Province met at Senlis and passed a Decree against Adalger whereby they Excommunicated him and all others who had any hand in the Usurpation made upon the Churches of Rheims and Laon. This Excommunication was sent to all the Bishops and Complaints were made to the Holy See who took part with Arnulphus But Hugh Capet who had always suspected his Treachery having discover'd that his Suspicion was not groundless and that he was in the Interests of his Brother wrote against him to Pope John XV. and caused the Bishops of the Province of Rheims to write to him likewise who accus'd Arnulphus and desir'd he might be Condemn'd After this Hugh becoming Master of the City of Laon and having Charles in Custody he took Arnulphus and brought him to Rheims where he call'd a Council to proceed against him It consisted of six Suffragans of the Archbishoprick of Rheims viz. Guy Bishop of Soissons Adalberon The Council of Rheims against Arnulphus of Laon Herveus of Beauvais Gotesman of Amiens Ratbode of Mayon and Eudes of Senlis besides them were Debert Archbishop of Bourges Sigwin Archbishop of Sens Gautier Bishop of Autun Bruno of Langres Milo of Mascon Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans and Hebert of Auxerre with several Abbots of several Diocesses Sigwin was President thereof and Arnulphus of Orleance Prolocutor In the first Session held the sixteenth of June in the Church of Bazol Arnulphus Archbishop of Rheims was accus'd for having betray'd his Trust to King Hugh and being the chief Cause of the taking that City Sigwin Archbishop of Sens alledg'd that he would not permit a Process to be made on this Charge till he was sure that Arnulphus should not be put to Death in case he were Convicted of High Treason and moreover cited the Thirty first Chapter of the Council of Toledo which imports that Bishops shall not proceed to the Determination of such Matters till they had engag'd the Princes upon Oath to remit the Punishment of the Offenders Herveus shew'd that it would be of worse consequence if the Prince should take cognizance of the Case and deprive the Bishops of the right of doing it Bruno declar'd that he was most concern'd in this Affair that upon
Stephen Patriarch of Constantinople dying Trypho is substituted in his room till Theophylact the Emperor's Son came to full age   934 IV. XXIV XVI Hildegarius ordained Bishop of Beauvais by Artoldus Bishop of Rheims in the Council of Chateau Thierry Fulbert made Bishop of Beauvais by the same Archbishop A Council at Chateau Thierry under Artoldus Arch-bishop of Rheims  935 V. XXV XVII  A Council at Fismes against the Usurpers of Chuâ—eh Revenues  936 VI. John XI dies and Leo VII succeeds him I. XXVI XVIII Henry the Fowler dies and leaves his Dominions to his Son Otho I. Odo Abbot of Cluny is sent for to Rome by the Pope to procure Peace among the Princes of Italy by his Mediation      I. The death of Raoul K of France Jan. 15. Lewis IV. sirnam'd d'Outremer is crown'd K. of France June 20.    937 II. XXVII I.   Eutychius compleats his Chroâ—…con 938 III. XXVIII II. Otho is crown'd K. of Germany Hildebert Archbishop of Metz crowns Otho I. Gerard Archbishop of Lorch is made the Pope's Vicar in Germany Odo Abbot of Cluny returns to Rome to endeavour to reconcile the Princes of Italy   939 IV. Leo dies and Stephen VIII succeeds him I. XXIX III.    340 II. Alberic causes the Pope to be abus'd XXX IV. Artoldus is oblig'd to resign the Arch-bishoprick of Rheims and Hugh is put in possession of it  The death of Eutychius Patriarch of Alexandria Flodoard Canon of Rheims 941 III. XXXI V. Hugh is ordain'd a Bishop of Rheims A Council at Soissoins for the deposing of Artoldus Archbish of Rheims and the Ordination of Hugh  942 IV. XXXII VI. Odo Abbot of Cluny goes a third time to Rome to be the Mediator of a Peace between the Italian Princes  The death of Odo Abbot of Cluny 943 The death of Stephen Marinus II. succeeds him I. XXXIII VII    944 II. XXXIV VIII The deposing of Trypho Patriarch of Constantinople and the Ordination of Theophylact. The Council of Constantinople A Council in England under King Edmund The History of our Saviour's Image sent to K. Abgarus and other Pieces of Constantine Porphyrogenneta 945 III. XXXV IX Hugh King of Italy expell'd by Berenger the son of the Marquess of Ivrea and Lotharius substituted id his room Atto made Bishop of Verceil   946 IV. Marinus dies Agapâ—tus II. succeeds him XXXVI X. Artoldus re-establish'd in the Arch-bishoprick of Rheims The death of Edmund K. of England who leaves his Brother Elred to succeed him   947 II. XXXVII XI Tetbaud Arch-deacon of Soissons is made Bishop of Amiens by Hugh Archbishop of Rheims who likewise ordains another for Senlis which causes an Information to be drawn up against him in the Councils A Council held near the River of Cher. A Council at Verdun held in the Month of Novemb.  948 III. XXXVIII XII Luitprand is sent Ambassador to Constantinople Artoldus confirm'd in the Archbishoprick of Rheims and Hugh declar'd an Intrâ—der and Excommunicated in the Council of Ingelheim Guy Bishop of Soissons gives Satisfaction to K. Lewis in the 2d Council of Mouzon for ordaining Hugh Archbishop of Rheims and begs pardon in the Council of Trier for performing that Ordination Bernerus a Monk of Rheims is sent to re-establish the Monastical Discipline in the Monastery of Humblieres A Council held at Mouzon in the month of January A Council at Ingelheim June 7. A Council at Trier in favour of Artoldus A Council at London under Elred K. of England  949 IV. XXXIX XIII The death of Lotharius King of Italy Berenger causes himself to be crown'd K. of Italy with his Son Adalbert  A Council at Rome which confirm'd that of Ingelheim in favour of Artoâ—dus  950 V. XL. XIV Adelaida the Widow of Lotharius invites Othâ— into Italy The Decree of Pope Agapetus in favour of the Church of Lorch  Siâ—…on Metapâ—rastes Atto Bishop of Verceil Luitprand Bishop of Cremona Utho Bishop of Strasburg Gerard Deaâ— of S. Medâ—rd at Soissons 951 VI. XLI XV.   Joannes Caâ—…ata 952 VII XLII XVI Berenger Adalbert submit to Otho and are re-establish'd in the Kingdom of Italy  A Council at Augsburg Hildebert Archbishop of Mentz Durand Abbot of Cartres John Monk of Cluny Odo Archbishop of Canterbury Bernerus Monk of S. Remy at Rheims 593 VIII XLIII XVII Bruno the Brother of the Emperor Otho is ordain'd Archbishop of Cologn Ratherius is made Bishop of Liege The Council of S. Thierry Bruno Archbishop of Cologn 954 IX XLIV XVIII Lewis King of France dies Octob. 15. and Lotharius his Son succeeds him The death of Alberic who was Governor of Rome William the Son of Otho the Great is elected Archbishop of Mentz  William Archbishop of Mentz 955 X. The death of Agapetus Octavian Son of Alberic gets possession of the See of Rome and is nam'd John XII XLV XIX Lotharius K. of France gives the Dutchies of Burgundy and Aquitain to Hugh the white Duke of France the Father of Hugh Capet Ratherius turn'd out of the Bishoprick of Liege and Baudry set in his place The death of Elred King of England whom Edwin the Son of Edmund succeeds and after him his Brother Edgar   956 II. XLVI XX. The death of Hugh the white Duke of France Theophylact Patriarch of Constantinople dies and a certain Monk nam'd Polyeuctes is substituted in his room  S. Ulrie Bishop of Augsburg Edgar King of England 957 III. XLVII XXI    958 IV. XLVIII XXII    959 V. XLIX XXIII Hugh Capet declar'd D. of France by King Lotharius who also gives him Poitou    960 VI. L. Constantine dies and his Son Romanus succeeds him I. XXIV   Nico preaches in Armenia and composes a Treatise of the Religion of the Armenians Thierry or Theodoric Archbishop of Trier The death of Attâ— Bishop of Vâ—â—ceil 961 VII II. XXV Otho marches into Italy and Berenger being abandon'd retires to certain Forts The death of Artoldus Archbishop of Rheims The Election of Odalric to that Arch-bishoprick  The death of Odo Archbishop of Canterbury S. Dunstan Arch-bishop of Canterbury 962 VIII III. XXVI Otho enters Rome in the end of the year and is crown'd Emperor by John XII Ratherius is restor'd to the Bishoprick of Verona and holds a Synod for the Instruction of his Clergy A Council held in the Diocess of Meaux Witichindus a Monk of Corbie in Saxony Abbo Abbot of Fleury Adso Abbot of Luxueil 963 IX John XII revolts against Otho is depos'd in a Council at Rome and Leo VIII is substituted in his room Some time after the Romans take up Arms against Otho but he reduces them to his Obedience I. IV. Romanus dies Nice-phorus Phocus is proclaim'd Emperor by the Army I. XXVII  A Council at Rome held in the Month of August
Consequence Gregory VII does not enter into the particulars of the Privileges of the Arch-bishop of Lions but only says in general that the Ecclesiastical Affairs of any Consequence ought to be brought before him and that it belongs to him to confirm and disannul the Judgments of the Ordinaries and to judge the Causes of Bishops and the Affairs of Importance but without prejudice to the Holy See Before Gregory VII was Pope Manasses was Arch-bishop of Rheims That Prelate being very powerful thought that the Monks of the Abby of S. Remy of that City ought to pay an entire Submission to him He was for giving them such an Abbot as he thought fit and took The Cause of Manasses Arch-bishop of Rheims part of their Revenues into his Possession These Monks having preferr'd their Complaints to Alexander II. that Pope wrote to Manasses and admonished him to put an end to these Complaints and to give Orders that that Abbey should be provided with a regular Abbot who should have the Administration both of Spirituals and Temporals in his own hands Gregory VII continued the same Remonstrances But being inform'd that Manasses notwithstanding all the Promises which he had made by his Deputies to give him satisfaction continu'd his Abuses to those Religious and enjoy'd their Revenues He wrote a Letter to him full of Invectives wherein he threatens to shew him the utmost severity if he did not immediately cause a Regular Abbot to be put into that Abbey and if he did not give such Orders as that the Religious might have no farther Reason to complain of him And at the same time he orders Hugh Abbot of Cluny to convey that Letter to him and to learn his Answer These are the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Letters of the first Book dated June the 29th 1073. and the first which Gregory wrote after his Ordination Manasses obey'd the Pope's Orders and caus'd William Abbot of S. Arnulphus of Metz to be elected also Abbot of S. Remy of Rheims The Pope approv'd of the Choice of the Person but he thought it hard that one Man should have the Charge of two Abbeys However he permitted William to hold or relinquish that of Remy as he thought fit He held it for some time but not being able to endure the Tyranny and Oppression of Manasses he resign'd that Abbey The Pope wrote to Manasses to order another Abbot to be elected and gave at the same time notice to Herman Bishop of Metz that Abbot William was willing to reside in the Abbey of his Diocess This is the Subject matter of the Fifty second and third Letters of the first Book dated March the 14th 1074. The next year the Pope by the Fifty sixth Letter of the second Book dated March the 4th committed to Manasses the Execution of the Sentence pass'd against the Bishop of Chalons who had been depos'd for not appearing before the Synod of Rome to which he had been cited upon the account of some Differences between Him and his Clergy And by the Fifty eighth dated the 5th of the same Month he orders him to cause the Bishop of Noyon to restore to the Bishop of Utrecht a Church which he had unlawfully seiz'd upon Hugh Bishop of Dia Legat of the Holy See in France having cited Manasses to a Council which he had call'd at Autun that Arch-bishop thought it beneath him to appear there which caus'd the Legat to Condemn him Manasses went immediately to Rome to clear himself and by the Pope's order waited there three Months together for Hugh of Dia. But when that Bishop came not the Cause of Manasses was argu'd in a Council between Him and the Deputies of Hugh of Dia. Manasses having no Body to Accuse him did with ease justify himself and having affirm'd that it was not in contempt of the Holy See that he did not appear before the Council of Autun the Sentence pass'd against him in that Council was declar'd invalid upon condition that he would appear before the Pope's Legat whenever he should be Summoned But he declar'd that he would not admit the Bishop of Dia to be his Judge The Pope ask'd him whom he was willing should be his Judge Manasses reply'd The Abbot of CLUNY Whereupon the Pope deputed that Abbot to be the Judge in the Cause of Manasses after he had made him promise that if he were call'd to any Synod by the Holy See or to any by that Legat he would not fail to make his Appearance Manasses being return'd to France was Summond in the Name of Hugh of Dia and the Abbot of Cluny to a Council to be held at Troyes he went thither with part of his Clergy But the Clerks who accus'd him not daring to come thither he was countermanded and the Legats of the Pope were not at that Council Manasses appeard there notwithstanding the Orders to the contrary and thought he had discharg'd the Promise which he had made to the Pope He pretended likewise that according to the Promises he made he was oblig'd to appear before none beside the Pope or before the Roman Legats sent immediately from the Holy See and not before the Bishops on the other side the Mountains He wrote to the Pope about it and at the same time complain'd of the Arch-bishop of Vienna who had depos'd and re-establish'd several Priests of the Diocess of Rheims and of the Bishops of Laon and Soissons his Suffragans who had ordain'd a Bishop of Amiens without consulting him and even whilst he was at Rome Gregory reply'd to him by the Second Letter of the sixth Book dated August the 22d 1078. That he ought to acknowledge the Legats nam'd by the Holy See upon the place as well as those who were sent immediately from Rome and that he ought forthwith to clear himself of the Things laid to his Charge before Hugh of Dia and the Abbot of Cluny and that they should do him Justice with respect to the Complaints which he had made This is what he acquaints the Bishop of Dia with by the next Letter dated the same day In the mean time Hugh of Dia caus'd Manasses to be Summon'd twice to a Council to be held at Lions to answer to the Accusations which Count Manasses and several Clerks of the Church of Rheims preferr'd against him The Arch-bishop of Rheims refus'd to come to that Council and publish'd an Apology or Manifesto wherein he alledges several Reasons for his not appearing The first is Because there is no mention made of the Abbot of Cluny in the Order by which he was Summon'd to that Council The Second Because that Council was held in a City which was not in that part of France wherein he ought to be Judg'd The Third Because the Province which lay between that of Rheims and that of Lions and through which he must pass was engag'd in a War so that he could not come without danger of being made Prisoner The Fourth Because he understood
Tours dated the First of March 1077. The Pope was deceived in the Choice of the Man whom he had ordain'd to the Church of Dol. He soon receiv'd Complaints of his bad Conduct And after he had examin'd the Accusations brought against him he was just ready to depose him when he received a Letter from William King of England who interceded for him This caus'd the Pope to supersede the Execution of that Sentence till he should send upon the Place Hugh Bishop of Dia and two other Legats to inform themselves more fully about that Affair This appears by the Seventeenth Letter of the Fourth Book written to the King of England and dated March the 2d in the Year 1077. He committed the Determination of that Affair to Hugh of Dia to the Abbot of Cluny and to two other Clerks by the Two and three and twentieth Letters of the Fifth Book dated May 22d 1078. At last the Contest between the Churches of Tours and Dol for the Right of Metropolitanship having been debated in the Council held at Rome the beginning of the Year 1080. And the Archbishop of Tours having made it appear by good Titles That Bretagne belong'd to his Metropolitanship whereas the Bishop of Dol not being able to produce such Authentick ones was pleas'd to say That he had forgot behind him several of his Titles The Pope granted him a farther time and declar'd that he would send Legats upon the Place to determine that Affair And that if it appear'd that the Bishop of Dol had sufficient Titles whereon to ground his Exception he should still remain in Possession of it if not that then the Bishop of Dol and the other Bishops of Bretagne shall be subject to the Archbishop of Tours as to their Metropolitan upon Condition however that the Bishop of Dol shall still enjoy the Privilege of wearing the Pall. This is what he intimates to the People of Tours and Bretagne by the Fifteenth Letter of the Seventh Book dated March 8th in the Year 1080. The Bishop of Toul having refus'd to one of his Clerks a Church which he pretended to The Cause of the Bishop of Toul belong to his Prebendship and having absolutely suspended him that Clerk was incens'd against him and accus'd him of selling Benefices and Sacred things of holding a shameful and dishonorable Commerce with a certain Woman and of having bought his Bishoprick The Bishop's Friends to avenge his Quarrel threaten to be even with that Clerk if ever they could catch him Whereupon that Clerk not thinking himself secure absconded and the Bishop immediately caus'd all that he had to be sold. That Clerk having made his Complaints thereof to Rome Gregory VII by the Tenth Letter of the second Book dated October the 14th 1074. Commission'd the Arch-bishop of Treves and the Bishop of Metz to Try this Cause He enjoyns them in the first place to put that Clerk into the Possession of his Benefice afterwards to make enquiry into the Life of the Bishop If he were Innocent to punish the Clerk who had scandaliz'd him and if he were Guilty to depose him William Duke of Aquitain and Count of Poitiers having Marry'd one of his Relations The Cause of William Duke of Aquitain the Legat of the Holy See and the Arch-bishop of Bordeaux call'd a Synod to oblige him to part from her Isembert Bishop of Poitiers disturb'd that Assembly and offer'd violence to those who were there However the Duke of his own accord parted from his Wife Gregory no less pleas'd with his Submission than he was offended at the Action of the Bishop of Poitiers complimented the Duke upon it by the third Letter of the second Book and cited the Bishop to the Council of Rome by the second Letter of the same Book threatning to depose and excommunicate him and by the Fourth of the same Book advises the Arch-bishop of Bordeaux to come to Rome or to send some body thither to accuse Isembert These Three Letters are dated September the 2d 1074. Isembert not appearing at the Synod the Pope not only confirm'd the Suspension which his Legat had pronounc'd against him but likewise excommunicated him till such time as he should come to the Synod to be held at Rome the beginning of Lent as appears by the Three and Four and twentieth Letters of the same Book dated November the 16th in the same Year The Letters of Gregory are full of Instances of Bishops whom he cited to Rome to give The Causes which Gregory VII hear'd and try'd at Rome an account of their Conduct or condemn'd for not appearing or absolv'd when they did appear or depos'd or enjoyn'd to do Pennance We may consult beside those already mention'd the Fifty sixth Letter of the first Book by which he Summons the Bishop of Chalons to come and clear himself at Rome The Fifty seventh by which he orders the Bishop of Pavia to come to him with the Marquiss Aso accus'd of Incest with that Bishop's Sister This Woman's Name was Matilda which gave occasion to some Authors to think her to be the same with the Princess Matilda the Wife of Godfrey But she was quite another Woman for she whom we speak of was the Sister of William Bishop of Pavia who had Marry'd her Kinsman Aso before the Death of Godfrey the Princess Matilda's Husband The Pope wrote to her by the Thirty sixth Letter of the second Book to part from Aso till such time as she should prove in the Synod of Rome that the Marquiss was not her Kinsman And by the Thirty fifth Letter he likewise cited William Bishop of Pavia upon the same account These two Letters are dated December the 16th 1074. Sometimes Gregory VII Commission'd Bishops upon the places to pass a definitive Sentence Causes referr'd by the Pope to his Legats upon the Affairs in dispute Thus he committed to the Arch-bishops of Bourges and Tours the Determination of the Process between the Monastery of Dol and the Abbey of S. Sulpicius by the Ninth Letter of the second Book To Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens by the Twentieth Letter of the same Book the correcting of Lancelin who had injur'd the Arch-bishop of Tours By the Sixteenth Letter of the fourth Book he referr'd to Hugh Bishop of Dia the Tryal of the Difference which was between the Clergy of Romagne and the Arch-bishop of Vienna In the Twentieth of the same Book he referr'd to Josefroy Bishop of Paris the Absolution of several Persons excommunicated by the Arch-bishop of Rheims and granted him power to Absolve them in case he found them innocent if that Arch-bishop would not do it In the One and twentieth he referr'd to Herman Bishop of Metz the Tryal of the Process between the Bishop of Liege and the Abbot of S. Lawrence who having been turn'd out of his Monastery by the Bishop had Appeal'd to the Holy See In the Fourth Letter of the sixth Book he referr'd to the Arch-bishop of Treves and
the Bishop of Metz the Cause of one who complain'd that he had been unjustly excommunicated by the Bishop of Liege In the Fifth of the same Book he advises Herman Bishop of Metz to assist the Bishop of Toul whom he had order'd to call a Council of six Bishops to clear himself Cononically of what had been laid to his charge By the Thirty ninth of the same Book he referr'd to the Bishop of Cumae the Tryal of the Election of the Bishop of Pergamo By the Eight and twentieth Letter of the seventh Book he committed to the Bishop of Benevento and the Abbot of Mount Cassin the Tryal of an Armenian Heretick By the Nineteenth Letter of the ninth Book he referr'd to the Arch-bishop of Lions the Tryal of the Cause of an Abbot who produc'd a Grant of Alexander II. which prov'd that he had been falsly accus'd By the Two and twentieth of the same Book he referr'd to a Council of the Province to be held in the presence of his Legats the Tryal of the Count of Angiers excommunicated by the Arch-bishop of Tours upon the account of a Concubine which he kept He referr'd to the same Arch-bishop by the Thirty second Letter of the same Book the Cause of the Bishop of Terrouanne who being favour'd by the Count of Flanders had broke open the Church and offer'd several Violences You may consult on this Subject the Thirteenth Two and thirtieth Three and thirtieth and Four and thirtieth Letters of the ninth Book and the First of the eleventh By the Thirty first of the same Book he referr'd to a Bishop the Tryal of the Difference which was between the Clergy of Autun and the Monks of Fleury about a Privilege which the latter pretended to To conclude there were scarce any Controversies in the Diocesses between the Bishops The Causes cited to and Judg'd at Rome by Gregory VII and their Clerks or Monks and even Laicks themselves which Gregory VII was not minded to take Cognizance of to try at Rome and to oblige the Bishops to put his Sentence into Execution as may be seen by a great many Letters about several Subjects In the Fifty fourth of the first Book he orders against the Bishop of Poitiers that the Canons of that City shall observe their usual Custom concerning their Stations upon the Feasts of S. Hilary and All-Saints In the One and twentieth of the second Book he enjoyns the Abbot of Beauieu to be obedient to the Arch-bishop of Tours and that if he thought he had any Reason not to be subject to him he should come to Rome and make his Pretensions good In the Two and twentieth he enjoyns Hugh Knight of S. Maur to restore to the Arch-bishop of Tours the Revenues of his Church which he had taken away from him And in case that he thought that they belong'd to him to come to Rome to demand Justice in the case In the Five and twentieth he orders the Bishop of Cologne to Try the Difference which was between the Bishop of Osnabrux and the Abbot of Corbey in Saxony upon condition that if he could not determine it he would send them to his Synod of Rome In the Thirty third he reproves the Bishop of Turin for not coming to the Synod of Rome and for having offer'd an Injury to the Monastery of S. Michael By the Sixty fourth and Sixty fifth Letters of the second Book dated March the 25th in the Year 1075. he orders that the Accusation which the Monks of S. Dennis in France had brought against their Abbot shall be Try'd by his Legats or in a Synod of Rome He likewise call'd to Rome by the Sixty ninth the Contest which was between the Bishop of Turin and the Monks of the Monastery of S. Michael this Letter is dated April the 9th in the same year By the Thirteenth Letter of the third Book he determines a Difference which was between the Church of Roscelle and the Church of Piombino in favour of the former There was at that time a great Contest in the Church of Orleans concerning a Deanery The Cause of Everard Dean of Orleans between the Bishop and his Prebendaries The Cause having been brought before Pope Alexander he had determin'd it in favour of Josceline whom the Prebendaries were for and excommunicated Everard whom the Bishop had favour'd Notwithstanding this Sentence the Bishop of Orleans had still supported Everard and was likewise accus'd of having receiv'd Mony for the Collation of a Prebendship the Revenue whereof was appropriated to the maintenance of the Poor Gregory VII being inform'd of it in the first place cited Everard to Rome by the Fifty second Letter of the second Book dated March the 1st 1075. and afterwards having confirm'd the Sentence pass'd by his Predecessor against him he wrote to the Bishop of Orleans to turn him out to put Josceline into Possession of the Prebendship then in question and to suffer the Poor to enjoy the Revenue of that Prebendship which belong'd to them if not he threatned to excommunicate him and at the same time he order'd Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens to do it if he did not submit These two Letters are the Sixteenth and Seventeenth of the third Book dated in April 1076. The Bishop of Orleans returning no answer to Gregory that Pope wrote a second time to the Arch-bishop of Sens ordering him to thunder out the Excommunication against that Bishop unless he assur'd him upon Oath that he had not come to the least knowlege of the Pope's Letter and he order'd him to come to Rome along with the Parties concern'd in that Affair He likewise by this Letter Commissions Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens not only to take Cognizance of this but also of several other Matters which concern'd the Churches of France This is the Subject Matter of the Ninth Letter of the fourth Book dated November the 2d in the same year The Bishop of Orleans did not much regard all these Menaces of the Pope and caus'd the Person who brought his Letters to be apprehended Gregory enrag'd at this proceeding wrote to the Arch bishop of Sens and Bourges ordering them to cite him before them at a place which they should appoint him and if he continu'd Refractory to depose him and put Sanzon in his place He likewise advertiz'd the Bishop of Orleans that he had given this Order These are the Eighth and Ninth Letters of the fifth Book dated October the 6th 1077. This Sanzon was elected in pursuance of this Order and the Pope by the Fourteenth Letter of the same Book dated January the 28th in the Year 1078. orders the Clergy and Laity of Orleans to acknowldge him However by another Letter dated April the 24th which is the Twentieth of the same Book he writes to Rainier who was the depos'd Bishop of Orleans ordering him to appear at the Synod which should be appointed by Hugh Bishop of Dia and Hugh Abbot of Cluny in order to receive a
final Sentence Lastly By the Three and twentieth of the sixth Book dated March the 5th 1079. he acquaints the People of Orleans that he approv'd of the Election of Sanzon but that he could not confirm him in Form till such time as he should send Legats upon the place Robert Abbot of S. Euphemia in Calabria had been nominated by the King of France to The Cause of Robert nominated to the Bishoprick of Chartres the Bishoprick of Chartres Gregory VII who lik'd not such sort of Nominations and look'd upon them as Simonaical charg'd him by his Legat to quit his Bishoprick But Robert was not very forward to obey whereupon the Pope declar'd him to have forfeited his Title to it order'd the People of Chartres to elect another Bishop and enjoyn'd Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens and his Suffragans to see this Order put in Execution You may consult the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Letters of the Fourth Book dated March the 4th 1077. However by a Letter directed to Hugh of Dia which is the Eleventh of the Fifth Book he gave that Bishop orders to examine into that business and to make his Report thereof to him Stephen Bishop of Annecy had the same fortune Hugh of Dia the Pope's Legat excommunicated The Cause of the Bishop of Annecy him and Gregory ratified his Sentence by two Letters the one written to the Clergy of Annecy and the other to the Bishops of France which are the Eighteenth and Nineteenth of the Fourth Book dated March the 23d in the Year 1077. The Arch-bishop of Roan being grown infirm and uncapable of governing his Diocess Gregory VII sent him one Hubert a Subdeacon to enquire whether things were so or no and to perswade him to give his Consent that another be put in his place if he were capable The Cause of the Arch-bishop of Roan of giving such a Consent and in case he were wholly infirm to cause another to be elected This is what he acquaints the King of England with by the Nineteenth Letter of the fifth Book dated April the 4th 1078. The Canons of the Castle of S. Paul and S. Omer having sent Deputies to Rome to complain The Cause of the Canons of S. Omers of the Counts Hubert Guy and Hugh who had seiz'd upon some Revenues which belong'd to them the Pope wrote to these Counts ordering them to make Restitution according as it had been enjoyn'd in a Council held at Poitiers by Hugh of Dia or else to justify their Pretensions to these Revenues before that Legat within the space of forty Days If they would not obey he order'd the Defenders of the Church to re-enter upon the Premisses and the Canons of Terrouanne to see that this Sentence be put in Execution This is the Subject Matter of the Eighth and Ninth Letters of the sixth Book dated November the 25th 1079. In the Seventh and Eighth Letters of the sixth Book he approves of the Election which Cardinal Richard elected Abbot of Marseilles The Letters of Gregory VII concerning Discipline the Monks of Marseilles had made of Cardinal Richard for their Abbot He declares to them that he wish'd that that Monastery were united to the Monastery of S. Paul We will conclude the Account of the Letters of Gregory VII with several Points of Ecclesiastical and Monastical Discipline which he decided and of which we have had no opportunity of speaking In the Fifth Letter of the first Book directed to Rainier Arch-bishop of Florence he determines that a Woman who had Marry'd one of her Kinsmen and was become a Widow ought not to receive her Dowry from any part of her Husband's Revenue nor to have any advantage of that Marriage which was in its own nature Null In the Four and twentieth Letter of the first Book he recommends to the Bishop of Verona a constant Submission to the Holy See and promises him the Pall provided he would come in his proper Person to Rome Because his Predecessors had order'd that the Pall should be bestow'd only on Persons who were present This Letter bears date September the 24th 1073. In the Four and thirtieth Letter of the same Book directed to the Bishop of Lincoln he determines that according to the Opinions of the Fathers a Priest who had been guilty of Homicide ought no longer to attend at the Service of the Altar but he is willing that in case he be truly Penitent a Subsistence should be allow'd him out of the Ecclesiastical Contributions Afterwards he gives that Bishop Absolution of all his Sins In the Seven and fortieth of the same Book he exhorts the Princess Matilda to frequent Communion and to bear a due Respect and Devotion to the blessed Virgin In the Eight and fortieth he enjoyns that a Woman accus'd by her Husband of Adultery shall be admitted to justify her Innocence In the Sixty fifth he reproves the People of Ragusa for having first apprehended Vitalius their Bishop and then elected another in his room He enjoyns them to set him at Liberty and to suffer his Cause to be try'd by the Arch-bishop of Siponto whom he had Commission'd for that very purpose with a Charge that if it could not be determin'd upon the place they should send to Rome their old Bishop and him whom they had newly elected that so he might decide the Controversy between them In the Seven and fortieth of the second Book he acquaints the Lord Rainier that he had order'd the Bishop of Chiusi to turn out of the Provostship of a Church a Priest who had been Condemn'd by his Predecessor Alexander and whom that Bishop would re-establish in defiance to the Authority of the Holy See In the Eight and fortieth he orders two of his Legats to prevent a Man who had kill'd his Brother from Marrying till he had done Pennance By the Fiftieth he determines that one who is not Born in lawful Wedlock cannot be advanc'd to the Episcopacy because 't is contrary to the Canons He likewise therein declares that he would not accept of the Resignation of the Bishop of Arragon who had desir'd to relinquish his Bishoprick because of his Infirmities He says that he had advis'd him to make use of an Ecclesiastick to take care of the Temporalities of his Diocess and to apply himself wholly to Spiritual Affairs with the assistance of his Neighbouring Bishops and that if his Infirmities continu'd upon him longer than an Year and he were no longer capable of discharging his Episcopal Functions one might with the Consent of the Clergy of that Church accept of his Resignation and ordain in his stead the Person who should be elected to assist him in the Government of his Diocess if he were fit for that Dignity This Letter is directed to Sancho King of Arragon and bears date January the 25th 1075. In the Seventy seventh Letter of the same Book directed to Gebehard Arch-bishop of Salzbourg he advertises that Arch-bishop that he ought not to detain
the Faithful were obliged to receive the Holy Communion at Easter and it was still usually administer'd in all the Churches under both Kinds However in some the consecrated Bread was steept in the Wine and perhaps the Canon of the Council of Clermont which ordains That both the Species should be receiv'd separately was made against that Custom The general Commemoration of all the Dead the next day after the Festival of all Saints was instituted in the end of this Century Odilo Abbot of Cluny enjoyn'd it to his whole Order and this Custom was introduc'd into the Church a little while after It was ordain'd in the Council of Clermont That the Office of the Virgin Mary should be said every Saturday and there arose Disputes about the Festival of her Annuntiation viz. whether it ought to be celebrated on March 25. or on December 18. but it was usually referr'd to the former Some other Questions of less importance were likewise started and hotly debated particularly That about the Apostolical Dignity attributed to St. Martial The Benedictins of the Abbey of Fleury and those of Mount Cassin had a long Contest for the Body of St. Benedict the Founder of their Order and the Monks of St. Dennis and of St. Emmeran at Ratisbon in like manner contended for that of St. Dionysius or Dennis the Areopagite The Monastick State receiv'd very considerable Accessions and advantages in the Eleventh Observations on the Monastick Life Century The Congregation of Cluny was much augmented by a vast number of Monasteries newly founded and by the great Revenues with which it was endow'd but the encrease of Riches occasion'd Remisness of Discipline caus'd Ambition to be predominant and immers'd the Monks in Secular Affairs A serious reflection on these Irregularities induc'd many Persons to embrace a more austere sort of Monastick Life and more conformable to that which is enjoyn'd in St. Benedict's Rule and gave occasion to the founding of several new Orders who all made profession to follow the same Rule made by St. Benedict altho' they had their peculiar Customs Thus St. Romuald founded that of the Camaldolites in Italy in the beginning of the Century He became a Monk A. C. 971. at the Age of 20 Years The Order of Camaldolites in the Abbey of Clasee in the Diocess of Ravenna but perceiving the Disorders in which his Monastery was involv'd and considering that the engagement of the Monks in Secular Affairs was the cause of their Irregularity he put himself under the tuition of a certain Reverend Hermit nam'd Marinus who resided in the Territories of Venice and embrac'd the Hermetick Life which he re-establish'd in the Western Countries Thir Institution was not to live alone as the ancient Hermits but to dwell together in the same place separated from other Men and in distinct Cells under the Government of the same Superiour and observing the same Rule These sorts of Monasteries were anciently call'd Laur and St. Romuald founded a very great number of them in Italy One of the most famous was that which was built on Mount Apeâ—…in near Arezzo in a Place which was given them by a certain Person nam'd Mandol from whence the Order took the name of Camaldoli St. Romuald liv'd 100 Years after he had taken upon him the Vows of Religion and saw his Order in a flourishing Condition Peter Damian in like manner instituted a Congregation of Hermits of the same kind These Hermits practis'd great Austerities and are reputed to have done very extraordinary things John Gualbert of Florence having likewise quitted his Monastery to lead a more regular course of Life retir'd to Vall'Ombrosa and their laid the Foundation of a new Religious Society The Order of the Carthusians was instituted A. D. 1086. by Bruno a Native of Colen The Order of Carthusians and Canon of Rheims who repair'd with Six of his Companions to the Solitude of Chartreuse which was assign'd to them by Hugh Bishop of Grenoble Some time after two Gentlemen of Vienne nam'd Gaston and Girond having devoted their Persons and Estates to the relief of those who being seiz'd with the Distemper commonly call'd St. Antony's Fire came to implore the Intercession of St. Antony at Vienne where the Body of that Saint was translated from Constantinople by Jocelin D'Aâ—bon in the time of King Lothaire the Son of Lewes D'Outremer gave occasion to the Institution of the Order of St. Antony which was The Order of St. Antony compos'd at first of certain Lay-men and afterward of Monks who made Profession of St. Augustin's Rule In the Year 1098. Robert Abbot of Molesme retired to Cisteaux in the The Cistertian Order Diocess of Challon sur Saone with 21 Monks of his Convent to practise St. Benedict's Rule with greater strictness His design being approv'd by Gautier Bishop of Challon and by Hugh Arch-bishop of Lyons he built a Monastery in that Place which was endow'd by Eudes Duke of Burgundy but he had not long the Government of it for Pope Paschal II. enjoin'd him the next Year to return to Molesme The other Monks continu'd at Cisteaux under the tuition of Alberic and this Resorm was approv'd by the Pope A. D. 1100. Stephen Hardingue who succeeded Alberic in 1109. brought this Order to its full perfection insomuch that it became very numerous and obtain'd great Reputation About the same time Robert D'Arviselles Arch-deacon of Rennes having receiv'd a Mission from Pope Urban II. to Preach to the People by that means gather'd together a great multitude of Persons of both Sexes and caus'd many Cells to be built for them in the Forest of Frontrevrault at the distance of three Leagues from Saumur Afterward he shut up the Nuns in a separate Apartment and in the Year of our Lord 1100. made a great Monastery which was govern'd by him till the end of his Life but before he died he caus'd Petronilla de Chemille to be chosen Abbess A. D. 1115. and conserr'd on her both the Government of the Nuns and of the Monks of that Order The regular manner of living in common peculiar to the Canons which was instituted in the Ninth Century was now almost every where abolish'd nevertheless some Bishops Of the regular Canons reviv'd it in their Chapters and it was re-establish'd in the end of the Century in another form For then certain Religious Houses were founded in which Clergy-men who were desirous to lead a more regular course of Life retir'd thither to live in common without having any manner of private Property These last Canons were different from those of the Ninth Century 1. In regard that the former had Benefices annex'd to Churches and were oblig'd to officiate in them whereas there were many among these who had not any peculiar Church-Living 2. Because the former were wont to live in common of the Church-Revenues but they might also retain those of their private Patrimony whereas these were oblig'd to renounce them as
the Bishop's Consent 72 73. Chastity the means of preserving that Vertue 97. Children of their Duty to their Parents 92 Their Death being look'd upon as a special Favour of God ibid. H. Chrism of its Consecration 117. and Distribution ibid. Chunegonda the Empress crown'd with the Emperor her Husband 23. Church See Greek Church and Latin Church Churches Of their Consecration 123. Whether the Bishop ought to wear a Chasuble or a Cope whilst he officiates in performing that Ceremony 15. Bishops forbidden to exact any thing for the Benediction of Churches 58. The Consecration of them by a Bishop found guilty of Simony declared null 71. Of the Tithes appropriated to the Maintenance of Churches 123. A Constitution about the maintaining of Churches granted to Monks ibid. A Prohibition to get Induction into Churches by the Presentation of Laicks 27. and to hold two Churches at once ibid. Of the founding of new Churches 123. Incumbents forbidden to leave a small Church in order to get possession of a greater 65. Church-yards a Prohibition to hold Civil Assemblies in them 120. And to build any other Houses on that Ground than those that belong to the Priests ibid. Cincius the Son of the Prefect of Rome Of the Outrages committed by him against Pope Gregory VII 37. Cistercians the Institution and Progress of that Order 128. Clergy-men or Clerks Of their Functions 88 89 and sequ Obliged to wear Cloaths of one single Colour and to have their Heads shav'd in form of a Crown 123. That their Ignorance and Negligence are the Source of the principal Disorders of the Church .96 as well as their Covetousness and Concupiscence ibid. They cannot carry on Law-Suits in Quality of Attorneys or Solicitors nor sit as Judges in Criminal Causes 123. That those Clergy-men who put themselves into the Service of Noble-men to obtain Benefices are more guilty of Simony than those who give Money to procure them 95 96. That 't is not lawful to cite them before secular Judges 65. That their Causes never ought to be decided by Force 88. A Penalty imposed on those who leave a Church of a small Revenue to get another of a greater 65. Clerks subject to the Jurisdiction of their Bishop 3 124. Those who misuse them excommunicated 3. A Sentence of Excommunication denounc'd against those who take them Prisoners 65. How they ought to be qualified for Admittance into Orders 112 and 124. They cannot serve a Church without a Licence from the Bishop 112. Neither can they be translated from one Church to another ibid. The Custom of Acephali or exempt Clerks abolish'd 72. A Prohibition to receive foreign Clerks without Letters Dimissory from their Diocesan 73. Whether their Sons may be admitted into Holy Orders 58 61 71 and 112. The Sons of Clergy-men declared Vassals of the Church for ever 23. Such Clerks who are the Vassals of the Church not allow'd to purchase or to enjoy a private Estate ibid. Those who quit their Profession ought to be separated from the rest 112 115. After what manner they are to be depos'd 117. Whether those who have committed the Sin of Uncleanness may be restor'd to their Functions 95. Constitutions against Clergy men found guilty of Simony 26 27 28 29 30 31 33 34 35 44 57 58 66 69 71 72 73 74 76 85 93 and sequ 95 and 96. Other Constitutions against married or incontinent Clerks 23 27 28 29 30 31 34 35 47 58 66 71 73 74 75 93 123. Those who fall into Faults may be restor'd 126. Cluny-Abbey Bulls publish'd by Popes in Favour of it 23 and 26. A peculiar Privilege granted to the same Monastery 31. Communion An Exhortation to the frequent receiving of it 65. The Custom of Communicating with the same consecrated Host for Forty Days 2 and 127. An Explication of that Custom ibid. 2. The Communion under both kinds in use 127. Sometimes under the Species of Bread steep'd in that of the Wine ibid. An Ordinance to receive it under both kinds 74. An Obligation to communicate on the Festival of Easter 127. See Eucharist The Conception of the Virgin Mary the Opinion of an Author later than St. Anselm about the Festival of her Conception 95. Concubinage liable to Excommunication 63 and 73. A Priest who keeps a Concubine forbidden to say Mass 58. Confession of the Secrecy of it 16. That the Confession of publick Offences ought to be made to Priests and that of secret Sins to all sorts of Clergy-men and even to Laicks according to Lanfrank ibid. The Custom of making Confession one to another very common among the Faithful in the Eleventh Century 17 Those who hear the Confessions of others ought not to punish or chastise them publickly ibid. When 't is sufficient to confess our Sins to God alone according to Lanfrank ibid. A Form of Confession exhibited in Writing follow'd by another of Absolution in a Letter 23. Confirmation with what Ceremony it ought to be perform'd 117. A Father who stands as God-father to his Son at Confirmation oblig'd to leave his Wife 4. Conrad Emperour of Germany when chosen and Crowned 23. Conrad the Son of the Emperor Henry IV. revolts from his Father 70. Constantinople Deputies sent by the Greeks to obtain of that Pope that the Church of Constantinople should be styled the Catholick or Universal Church 23. The Prelates who oppos'd that Design ibid. Corbie-Abbey One of its Privileges confirm'd by the Pope 31. The Bishop of Amiens oblig'd to make Satisfaction to one of the Abbots of that Monastery ibid. Corporals or Chalice-cloths ought not to be thrown into the Fire to stop a Conflagration 120. Corfu the Pretensions of the See of Rome to that Island 54. Creed the Addition of the Particle Filioque to the Apostles Creed disapproved 81 and 82. Crusade the Project of one form'd in the Council of Placentia 73. Publish'd in that of Clermont 70 73 74. The putting that Crusade in Execution 70 74. The Badges of the Persons liâ—â—ed 74. The Indulgences granted to them ibid. Curates oblig'd to give an Account of their Ministerial Functions to the Bishop 58. Cyriacus Archishop of Carthage deliver'd up to the Saracens by some of his Diocesans 55. The Pope's Remonstrance about that Treachery ibid. D DAlmatia that Kingdom conferr'd by Pope Gregory VII 51. Daughters not to be given in Marriage till they have attain'd to the Age of twelve Years 65. Dead what may afford Refreshment to the Souls of deceased Persons 96 A Prohibition to honour their Memory without the Bishop's Authority 123. Deanries of the collating of them 74. Death A Prayer for Persons at the Point of Death 92. Decretals of the Popes frequently corrupted in the Eleventh Century 84. Demetrius King of Ruâ—â—ia his Son invested in that Kingdom by Pope Gregory VII 51. St. Denis where his Body lies interr'd 26. The Privileges of the Abbey of St. Denis confirmed by the Pope 30 Denmark Pope Gregory VII 's Admonitions to the Kings of Denmark 51.
for him recommends him to the Popes mercy for absolution The CXXXVIth Letter is to Adela Countess of Chartres telling her that if his inclinations were for War and broils he had the offer of such potent succours as might Enable him to create her great disturbance but Peace he had always desir'd and thought it had been firmly setled between them till he had the News of her Son William's rash Oath to ruin him and his Church that out of respect to her he had hitherto forborn to Excommunicate him and hoped she would contrive some means to prevent all such irregularities for the future The CXXXVIIth is to the Chapter of Beauvais concerning one of their Canons who was prosecuted by an Action of Law in the King's Court of Justice Ivo minds them that by the orders of the Church no Clergyman is to be Cited before any but the Ecclesiastical Judges and that if they have Courage enough they ought to endure any thing rather than the loss of their Rights and Privileges but if they cannot resolve to suffer in defence of them he can only advise them to submit to what they cannot remedy and assist them by his Prayers for their prudent Behaviour and good Success The CXXXVIIIth Letter to Volgrin and Steven Arch-Deacons of Paris is occasion'd by the great contests among the Clergy of that City about the Election of a Bishop Ivo declares he will never consent to any Election that is not made by the unanimous consent of the Clergy and People and Confirmed by the Metropolitan and his Suffragans he admonishes them not to be sway'd by hatred or Ambition and wonders at their consenting to a hearing of this cause before the King In the CXXXIXth he puts Daimbert Arch-Bishop of Sens in mind that the contest about the Election of a Bishop of Paris ought to be determined by him in Consistory and that he should Convene the Bishops his Suffragans for that purpose when and where he pleas'd In The CXLth he Asserts that no Man-ought to Scruple assisting at Divine Service or receiving the Sacrament from the hands of a Priest suspected of Scandal or notorious for an ill Life In The CXLIst he assures Richard Bishop of Albane and Legat of the Holy See that he should as heartily rejoyce at King Philip's absolution as he had griev'd at his being Excommunicate if it might be for the Honour of God and of the Holy See to grant it that though he somewhat doubts of the Sincerity of the King's Conversion yet he will not oppose his being Absolv'd but advises that the Ceremony be perform'd as publickly and Solemnly as is possible and rather at any other place than at Sens He tells him moreover he would willingly appear at the Council he Summons him to if he will obtain for him the King's Passport without which he dares not venture abroad his Majesty having been incens'd against him for these Ten Years past This Letter was written in the Year 1104. The CXLIId is a Letter of Thanks to Mathilda Queen of England for the Bells she had given to the Church of Chartres and her promise of repairing and New-Adorning that Church The CXLIIId carries Ivo's acknowledgments to Robert Earl of Meulan for the kind reception he gave to Richard Abbot of Preaux and Prays him to hasten the Restitution of the goods of his Monastery The CXLIVth informs Pope Paschal of what was done in the Assembly of Bishops call'd together at Baugency by his Legat Girard Bishop of Albane to be witnesses of the Separation of King Philip and Bertrade He tells him they were both ready to Swear upon the Holy Evangelists that they would Forbear all Carnal knowledge of each other the Legate would have had the Bishops have given judgment upon them but they declin'd it and so the whole came to Nothing Ivo therefore prays the Pope to put an End to this matter and dispense with the King as far as he can He acquaints the Pope also that Gualon not finding it possible to get possession of the Bishoprick of Beauvais because of King Louis's Oath against admitting him he hopes he may be Transfer'd to the See of Paris to which he has been also Elected by the Clergy and People of that City In The CXLVth he intreats Manasses Arch-Bishop of Rheims to determine as speedily as may be whether Gualon shall continue Bishop of Beauvais or not In The CXLVIth he acquaints Daimbert Arch-Bishop of Sens that the Clergy and People of Paris have unanimously Elected Gualon for their Bishop and that since no Bishop can be Translated to another See without Leave from his Metropolitan and the Popes Dispensation he prays him to use his interest at Rome to obtain one for Gualon In The CXLVIIth he intercedes with Pope Paschal to dispense with the Oath taken by the Chapter of Chartres not to admit into their Fraternity the Sons of such as had been Servants to any one so that they may hereafter be allow'd to admit the Sons of any of the Earl of Chartres Domesticks or the Officers of the King's Revenues and assures his Holiness that without abating of the Rigour of that Oath the Church of Chartres could never enjoy any Peace In The CXLVIIIth to Hildebert Bishop of Mans he determines that a certain Man who as he writes had promised Marriage to his Concubine in her Sickness was bound by the Law of God to acknowledge her afterwards for his Wife In The CXLIXth he exhorts William Arch-Bishop of Rouen to Expel out of the Diocess of Lisieux the Sons of Count Ranulf Flambard who had seiz'd upon it and to substitute in their place the Arch-Deacon of Eureux In the CLth he excuses himself to Pope Paschal for not coming to the Council held by him in the Month of March of which he had not Notice time enough before hand In The CLIst he complains to Walter Bishop of Beauvais of his having Consecrated Odo Abbot of St. Quintin in that City without his consent and contrary to the Opinion and desires of the Fraternity of that House In The CLIId he Stirs up Ledger Arch-Bishop of Bourges to Vindicate a certain Earl of his Country who had formerly shewn himself his true Friend from the abuses he suffers under In the CLIIId he Earnestly exhorts William Arch-Bishop of Rouen and Gilbert Bishop of Eureux to drive out of the Bishoprick of Lisieux Ranulf Bishop of Durham in England and his two Sons who had possess'd themselves of that Diocess In The CLIVth he advises Robert Earl of Meulan to petition the King of England not to countenance the usurpations of Ranulf In the CLVth to Odo Arch-Deacon of Orleans Ivo Treats of this Question if a Woman who has commited Fornication and is great with Child may Marry and concludes that in strictness no great Bellied Woman ought to have Carnal knowledge of any Man but considering the infirmity of the Flesh St. Paul advises Men to use their own Wives for avoiding
the Antipope was us'd after the same manner whom they dug up Six Years after his Burial and cast his Bones to the Common-Shore to insult over his Memory After the Death of the Emperor Henry IV. those Princes and people who had continu'd firm to his The Council of Guastalla in the Year 1106. Interests were oblig'd to submit to the New Emperor The Pope was invited into Germany and left Rome with that Design In the way on the 19th of October in the Year 1106. he held a Council at Guastalla a Town of Lombardy situated on the Po therein to regulate what concern'd the Churches of Germany and Lombardy which had been engag'd in the Schism He therein declar'd that the Bishops the Priests and the other Clerks who had been Ordain'd during the Schism should still keep their Orders provided they had not procur'd them by Simony or by force nor were conscious to themselves of being guilty of any other Crimes He therein renew'd the Decrees of his Predecessors against Investitures and prohibited the Alienation of the Church Revenues He took away from the Metropolis of Ravenna the Towns of Aemilia that is Placenza Parma Reggio Modena and Bologne to punish it for its Rebellion The Decree against Investitures was dislik'd by the Emperor whereupon Paschal instead of going to The Contest between the Pâ—pe and the Emperor concerning Investitures The Reasons alledg'd by the Emperor's Deputies for the Investitures Mentz as he had design'd retir'd into France and after he had spent the Christmas Holy-days in the Abbey of Clugny he went to implore the Protection of King Philip. However the German Nobles and Bishops being conven'd at Mentz resolv'd upon sending Deputies to the Pope to let him know that the power of Creating Bishops had been granted by the Holy See to Charlemagne and his Successors and that therefore he could not divest that Prince of it These Deputies enter'd into a Conference with the Pope at Chalons and the Arch-Bishop of Treves being their Prolocutor after he had told the Pope that the Emperor wish'd him all manner of Prosperity and profer'd to serve him to the utmost of his Power so long as it did not prejudice the Rights of the Empire he declar'd that from the time of St. Gregory the Great the Emperor had notice given him of the person to be chosen that after he had given his Consent the Election was publickly made that then he who was Elected was Consecrated and that after the Consecration he waited upon the Emperor to receive from him the Investiture for the Royalties by the Ring and Pastoral Staff by which at the same time he did Homage and swore Allegiance to the Emperor That this custom seem'd to be very reasonable because without it the Bishops could not enjoy the Cities Castles Territories Fiefs or any other Revenues depending on the Empire The Pope reply'd by the Bishop of Placenza that the Church being redeem'd by the Blood of Jesus The Reasons alledg'd by the Pope's Deputies for the Investitures The breaking up of the Conference about Investitures The Council of Troyes in the Year 1107. Christ was free and therefore ought not to be put into Bondage That if it could not chuse its Prelates without the Consent of the Emperor it would become his Vassal and that if these Prelates after their Election were oblig'd to receive the Investiture from him by the Ring and Pastoral Staff this would be an Usurpation on the Prerogative of God himself That lastly it was unbecoming and beneath the Sacerdotal Order and Unction that Hands Consecrated by the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ should be put into Hands stain'd with Blood-shed The Emperor's Deputies withdrew being very much dissatisfied at this reply threatning to put an end to this Debate at Rome with their Swords in their Hands The Pope would willingly have renew'd the Business with Adelbert the Emperor's Chancellor but they could not come to an agreement in any one point and the Emperor's Deputies return'd back into Germany The Pope on his part Assembled a Council at Troyes in Campagne about Ascension-day in the Year 1107. wherein after he had made several Institutions about Church Discipline he propos'd to renew the Decrees of his Predecessors against Laicks concerning themselves with Ecclesiastical Dignities The Emperor who had spent the Easter Holy-days at Mentz made his approaches towards the Council and sent thither his Ambassadors to acquaint them that the Popes had formerly granted to Charlemagne the Right of making Bishops and that if they would not consent thereto to declare that he would prevent the determining of that Affair in a strange Countrey Upon this remonstrance the Council granted the Emperor a Years time that he himself might come in person to Rome there to plead the Cause in a general Council which should determine it The Emperor put off his Journey till such time as he had fully regulated the Affairs of the Empire after which in the beginning of the Year 1110. he held a Convention at Ratisbone wherein he declar'd The Emperor's Journey into Italy that he had resolv'd to go to Rome there to receive the Imperial Crown and to adjust the differences betwixt the Pope and him He order'd the Princes of the Empire to prepare to wait upon him and to raise an Army by August At that time he set out according to his former resolution His Army consisting of 30000 Horse was divided into two Bodies He put himself at the Head of the one at Yurea and the other stay'd for him at Novara and joyn'd him near Milan where he was Crown'd King of Lombardy by Arch-Bishop Chrysolaus Afterwards he cross'd the Po and came to Placenza where and at Parma he stay'd for some time whilst he sent his Deputies to adjust matters with the Princess Mathildis whom he continu'd in her Dominions upon Condition that she should not oppose his passage The Season being very far gone he lost a great many Sumpter Horses in crossing the Appennine Mountains which oblig'd him to stay some time at Florence where he spent the Christmas Holy days From thence he marched to Sutri after he had in his Passage demolish'd the Town of Arezzo which oppos'd his March The Embassadors which he had sent to the Pope waited upon him at this place with the Legates of his Holiness and they agreed that the Pope should Crown Henry and that this Prince should The Treaty between the Pope and the Emperor allow the Churches their Liberty and grant no more Investitures to Bishops upon condition that he should retain the Dutchies Counties Marquisates Territories the Rights of Money Justice and Marches the Revenues Fiefs and other Estates which they held of the Empire This agreement seem'd at first sight to be very advantageous to the Church but in reality stripp'd the Bishops of their Estates and Dignities for a Chimerical Honour and reduced them to extream Poverty The Emperor foreseeing that one of these two
of Monks and the Shepherds of Souls Or who would not be apt to take them rather for Governours of Cities and Provinces Why tho' the Master be Four Leagues off must his Train of Equipage reach to his very Doors One would take these mighty Preparations for the Subsistence of an Army Or for Provisions to Travel thro' a very large Desert Cannot Wine and Water be pour'd Undefil'd out of the same Cup Cannot a Candle Give Light but in a Gold or Silver Candlestick Cannot you sleep upon any other Bed but one of Tissue Will not one Servant suffice to guide the Horse serve at Table and make the Bed If you tell me it is to save charges in an Inn that you carry so many things then will I ask you why every one does not carry hisown Provisions He also does not spare the Monks in their Buildings But all this says he is little or nothing Let us proceed to matters of greater Consequence and so much the greater as by how much they are more Common I shall not take Notice of the Dimensions of our Churches of their Stately Heighth of their Excessive Length and Superfluous Breadth of their Sumptuous Ornaments and Curious Pictures which attracting the Eyes of the Congregation do not a little I fancy divert their Devotion and which seem to me not much more allowable than the Ceremonies of Ancient Judaism As for my part I would have all Devotion and Places of Worship tend to the Glory of God I would feign Ask the Monks for I am a Monk my self a Question which a Pagan heretofore demanded of Pagans Tell me ye Priests says he what has Gold to do in Holy Places Now I would make use of his Sence tho' not of his words Tell me Poor Souls then say I if you may be call'd Poor Souls what has Gold to do in the Sanctuary I do not speak of Bishops and their Churches for they may take a greater Liberty but I speak of the Churches of Monks We know that Bishops are endebted both to Wise Men and Fools and must be allow'd to stir up Devotion in the People by Images and other such Sensible objects which they could not raise by their Preaching But we that are now no more of the World that have forsaken all the Pleasures and Riches of Life for Jesus Christ his Sake who have cast at our feet all that Glitters in the Eyes of the World and have fled from Concerts of Musick Fragrant smells and Feasting our senses shall we I say Interrupt our Devotion by these Bawbles which we have left for its sake What can we expect if we should Acquiesce in all these Vanities The Admiration of Sots or the satisfaction of Fools Is it not the Commerce we entertain'd with the World that causes us to offer Incense to it's Idols and to speak more plainly Is not Avarice the Cause the very worst of Idolatries Is it not true that we have greater regard to the Peoples Riches than their Salvation If you ask me how comes this to pass I will discover the wonderful Secret to you There is a certain Art to multiply Riches by Exhausting them and like a River to make them encrease while they flow for here Profuseness is the Cause of their Abounding Here the Eyes and minds of the spectators are so seduc'd by these costly Vanities that instead of Offering their Hearts to God they Sacrifice their Purses to Man Thus you may see how Riches swallow up Riches and how the Money of the Monks proves a bait for that of Fools for Men have I know not what Inclinations to throw Water into the Sea and to heap Riches upon those that have 'em in Abundance The Monks cover the Relicks with Rich Artire and the Pilgrim for fear of being dazled approaches them with shut Eyes and an Open Purse The best Adorn'd of these Images are ever the most Holy Men crowd to pay them Devotion but first they must be Consecrated with the Holy Water and after are led to the Image where they for the most part Admire the Ornaments more than the Thing it self Next the Church is hung round not with Crowns of Thorns but Rows of Pearls The Lights of the Lamps are heightned by the Lustre of Diamonds and instead of Candlesticks you see great Branches of Brass mounted whose weight and Work-man-ship are equally to be Admir'd What do you think can be the cause of all these fine things Are they more to put you in mind of your Sins than to move your Admiration No Certainly O Vanity of Vanities But this is not so much a Vanity as Folly The Church shines in its Walls and Suffers in its Poor It covers its stone with costly Garments and leaves its Children the Misfortune of being Naked Here the Eyes of the Rich are fed with the Bread of the Poor The Curiosity of Men is Indulg'd when the Miseries of the Indigent are Neglected Nevertheless if we are Insensible of the Wants of Men we ought to have more respect to the Images of our Saints than to Pave our Churches with them What shame is it for us to Spit in the Mouth of an Angel and Tread on the face of a Saint But all this while if we have an Indifference for the Carving why do we not spare the Beauty of the Painting Why do we paint with our Hands what we intend to deface with our Feet Why do we take so much pains in embellishing what we Intend to defile the next Moment What signify so many fine stroaks when they are immediately to be cover'd with Dust In a word what occasion is there for all these Vanities among Poor Monks who have renounc'd the World unless we have a mind to Answer this Pagan Poet with David Lord I have been all Enflam'd with Zeal for the Honour of thy House and the Tabernacle of thy Glory Well then I Agree with you I consent to these Excesses in the Church the simplicity and Devotion of Prayers may possibly sancitify that that would be a Crime in a Prodigal but in Cloisters to what purpose are those Paintings Cawings before people who weep for their Sins Towards the End of this Treatise he makes an Apologue for what he had said before I hope in God says he that no body will be Offended at what I have writ for I do not question but that in Reproving Vice so severely I have a little grated the Ears of some that Practise it But it may be if God is so pleas'd to have it that even those whom I may be thought to have anger'd may not be so But this cannot possibly happen unless they cease to be what they are unless they cease to Calumniate every day according to Custom to Judge ill of their Brethren by reason they do not visibly lead so austere a Life and if on the contrary those that are less mindful of exteriour Rigour do not take care to retrench all their superfluities Lastly he
as Sutri to meet Frederic who was arriv'd in Italy accompany'd him to Rome and set the imperial Diadem on his Head A little while after he made Peace with William King of Sicily and granted him the Royal Style of King of both Sicilies In writing to the Emperor Frederick about the Affair of the Bishop of London he incurr'd the displeasure of that Prince by infinuating that the Empire was a Donation receiv'd by him from the Holy See insomuch that the Pope was oblig'd to explain himself in a second Letter and to say that he meant only with respect to his Coronation and Consecration However this did not fail to set them at variance and their Quarrel was inflam'd because his Holiness refus'd to confirm a certain Person whom the Emperor had nominated to be Arch-bishop of Ravenna 'T is also reported that the Pope design'd to excommunicate the Emperor if he had liv'd longer but he died of a Quinsie in the City of Anagnia September 1. A. D. 1159. But his Body was translated to Rome and interr'd in St. Peter's Church After the solemnization of his Funeral Obsequies 23 Cardinals met together and chose at the end of three Days Roland Cardinal Priest with the Title of St. Mark and Chancellor Alexander III. of the Church of Rome who was nam'd ALEXANDER III. But there were three Cardinals viz. Octavian John of St. Martin and Guy of Crema who undertook to carry on another Election and Octavian having obtain'd the Suffrages of the two others assum'd the Quality of Pope and the Name of Victor III. Afterwards he caus'd himself to be Cloathed in the Pontifical Habit took possession of St. Peter's Church by force and set a Guard of Senatours over Alexander and his Cardinals who were confin'd in the Fort during nine Days The latter was remov'd to a Castle on the other side of the Tiber and after having been shut up therein three Days the People began to raise a Mutiny insomuch that he was conducted with divers Bishops and Cardinals a-cross the City to a Place call'd Nero's Victory and there Consecrated The Emperor Frederick was then in Italy besieging Cremona and the two Competitours having made application to him to get their Interest maintain'd he order'd them both to repair to Pavia to take their Trial in a Council Alexander not thinking fit to go thither retir'd to Anagnia and the Emperor in the mean while caus'd the Parties to be summon'd to the Council which he had conven'd The former refus'd to appear but Octavian presented himself according to Order Then the Emperor after having inform'd the Bishops that the Right of calling Councils belong'd to Princes referr'd the Decision of that Quarrel to their Judgment The Council was compos'd of fifty Arch-bishops and Bishops and of a great number of Abbots Victor who was present there without an Adversary carry'd the Cause without any difficulty upon making Proof that he was first invested with the Pontifical Mantle put in possession of the Holy See and acknowledg'd by the Clergy Thus his Election notwithstanding its irregularity was confirm'd by the Council and that of Alexander declar'd null The next Day the latter and his Adherents were solemnly excommunicated We have still in our possession the Acts of that Council held A. D. 1160. with the Synodical Letter of the Fathers assembled therein that of the Emperor that of the Bishop of Bamberg and that of the Canons of St. Peter at Rome concerning the Election of Victor and the Judgment pass'd in his favour They accuse the Cardinals who chose Alexander of having met together even in Pope Adrian's Life-time to substitute Roland in his room and of having carry'd on the last Election in a tumultuous manner Alexander being inform'd of what was transacted against him in the Assembly of Pavia excommunicated the Emperor Frederick The other Princes of Europe were ready to do more Justice to Pope Alexander for Henry II. King of England and Philip II. King of France being persuaded by their Prelates of the equity The Declaration of the Kings of England and France in favour of Alexander of their Cause favour'd him under Hand but not to do any thing rashly in an Affair of that importance they call'd Assemblies of the Prelates of their respective Kingdoms viz. the former at Newmarket in England and the other at Beauvais in France It was agree'd in those Conventions that Alexander's Right was most preferrable but the Princes before they openly declar'd their Sentiments sollicited Frederick to own him as Pope and to abandon Octavian But perceiving him to be altogether inflexible to authorize their Declaration to the best advantage they call'd a general Assembly of the Prelates and Noble-men of their Kingdoms in which the Legates of the two Competitors were also present in order to take a full cognizance of the Cause and afterwards to declare for him who should be acknowledg'd as lawful Pope in that Assembly for hitherto out of respect to the Emperor they did not think fit publickly to espouse Alexander's Cause altho' they were well inform'd of the validity of his Right The matter being debated for some time in the Council it evidently appear'd from the Relation of the Cardinals the Testimony of many Witnesses and even the Confession of those of Victor's Party That the latter seiz'd on the See of Rome by force was Cloath'd in the Pontifical Vestments by Lay-men without any Canonical Form was excommunicated before his Consecration and was chosen by three excommunicated Persons On the other side That Alexander was elected by all the other Cardinals that he might have been immediately invested with the Pontifical Ornaments if he had not at first refus'd to accept of them thro' Humility that he afterwards assum'd them in a solemn manner and receiv'd Consecration from the Hands of those who had a right to administer it It was also made appear That the Emperor declar'd for Octavian a long time before the meeting of the Assembly of Pavia that that Convention was not compos'd of 153 Bishops as his Imperial Majesty gave it out but only of 44 that the Prelates had taken a Resolution to suspend their Judgment and not to own either of the two Competitors as Pope till a general Synod were call'd consisting of the Prelates of divers Kingdoms or till they knew which of them was approv'd by the sound part of the Church that they agreed to give the same Advice to the Emperor but that he could not be induc'd to follow it and that on the contrary he had compell'd the Bishops to confirm him whom he had already receiv'd except 24 among whom was the Bishop of Pavia in whose City that Assembly was held Therefore the Prelates of England and France being well satisfied with these Reasons acknowledg'd Alexander as lawful Pope at the same time Excommunicating Octavian with his Adherents and the two Kings in like manner follow'd the Judgment of the Council The Emperor being inform'd of the
of Rome That the said Lord should restore what he had taken from him that he should cause satisfaction to be made by those of his Vassals who were excommunicated that he should make a due presentation of a Priest to govern that Church and People under his Authority as belonging to his Diocess The Nobleman offer'd Arnulphus to present a Priest to him by the Hands of Hugh Arch-bishop of Rouen but Arnulphus reply'd to that Arch-bishop who made him the Proposal That if matters were so order'd it might be taken for granted that the possession of that Place was not adjudg'd to him but only resign'd by way of sequestration which would be prejudicial to his Right when the †Petitoire Claim should come to be debated Besides that 't was not sufficient to present a Priest to him but that 't was requisite that every thing which was ordain'd should be effectually put in Execution Lastly as for the rest that if they were willing to come to such an Agreement as would entirely put an end to the Difference he would readily take such Measures as should be judg'd most expedient but that 't was not reasonable for him to supply his Adversary with Arms who was preparing with all his might for the Encounter The Schism that happen'd in the Church of Rome after the Death of Pope Adrian IV. between Alexander III. and Octavian gave occasion to Arnulphus to write many Letters the First of which is directed to Alexander III. to congratulate his Election He assures him in that Letter That God who never abandons his Church altho' he suffers it to be sometimes Persecuted would give him the Victory over his Enemies and put him in the peaceable possession of the Holy See as he had done Pope Innocent altho' he had a more formidable and a more potent Antagonist than Octavian He expresses the great Joy he had at his Promotion and gives him to understand that he had taken care to prepossess the King his Master meaning Henry II. King of England with respect to that Affair and to make him sensible of the validity of his Election and of the Deficiency of that of his Adversary That upon his Testimony that Prince had declar'd for him and had promis'd with a great deal of satisfaction that he would not acknowledg any other Pope That having afterwards receiv'd a Letter from the Emperor who entreated him to defer the declaring in his favour he had superseded the publishing of his Declaration but that he still persisted in his former Resolution and that whatever course the Emperor might take he would not follow him if he did not find it expedient Pope Alexander reply'd to Arnulphus That he was very sensible of the Affection that he express'd towards him in his Letter that he had caus'd it to be read publickly as a proof of the sincerity of his Intentions and of his Eloquence that he was not ignorant by what means an end was put to the Schism which arose in the time of Pope Innocent that he hop'd that thro' the divine Assistance the Storm which at present disturb'd the tranquillity of the Church of Rome would ere long be dispers'd that he gave Thanks to God that King Henry continu'd strenuously to maintain the Unity of the Church that he entreated him to use his best Interests with his Majesty to hinder the frequent sollicitations of the Emperor from obliging him to alter his Mind and that to that purpose he thought fit to nominate him his Nuncio in the Court of that Prince with Authority over the Bishops of his Dominions He acquaints him That the Emperor Frederic never ceas'd since his accession to the Imperial Crown to persecute and oppress the Church of Rome that in Adrian's Life-time he caused the Prelates who were returning from Rome to be taken Prisoners that he misus'd the Legates of the Holy See that he seiz'd on the Revenues belonging to the Church of Rome and that he us'd his utmost efforts to expel Adrian and to cause Octavian to be made Pope in his stead That what he was not able to put in execution whilst that Pope was yet living he endeavour'd to compass after his death by favouring the intrusion of that Man who attempted to get possession of the Holy See and whose usurpation was abetted only by three Prelates to the prejudice of the Canonical Election of himself which was carry'd on by the others in due Form That to maintain it he call'd an Assembly of the Prelates at Pavia and that Octavian resign'd the Marks of the Papal Dignity in his Presence That the Emperor afterwards restor d 'em to him invested him with the Pontifical Habits and Ornaments particularly with the Ring and Crosier-staff and by force constrain'd the Bishops of that Council to own him as Pope Lastly he further informs Arnulphus that he had actually excommunicated Frederic and his Adherents Arnulphus having receiv'd this Letter wrote one to the Arch-bishops and Bishops of England to make 'em sensible of the Justice of Alexander's Cause He says That if the Persons of the two Competitours be compar'd it will appear that Alexander is endu'd with all the accomplishments of Learning and Vertue that can be wish'd for in a Prelate whereas his Adversary has no other personal Merits to recommend him but his Quality and if the two Elections be duely examin'd one may be soon convinc'd that that of Alexander is regular solemn and reasonable and that that of the other on the contrary is rash and altogether unreasonable For can it be affirm'd says he that an Election manag'd by a single Bishop and two Cardinals ought to be set up in opposition to the Authority of the whole Church Or that a precarious Consecration made by a few private Persons ought to be preferr'd to that which was perform'd with the requisite Solemnities and with the general approbation of all the People Can Octavian's Proceedings be justify'd who assum'd the Pontifical Habits who by an unheard of rashness plac'd himself in St. Peter's Chair and seiz'd on the Palace whilst Alexander chosen with an unanimous Consent refus'd thro' Humility and Modesty to accept of that Dignity Or can the violence that Octavian afterwards offer'd in besieging Alexander and his Electors with armed Men give him any manner of Right or Title Or could he under that pretence averr that he was in possession of the Holy See nine Days before Alexander Indeed the latter was chosen by the Senate and conducted to the Ward-robe where the Pontifical Habits were kept He was also ordain'd by the Bishop of Ostia to whom the Right of consecrating the Popes legally belongs he was acknowledg'd by the Legates who resided in different Countries and the whole Church would have continu'd in Peace if his Adversary had not fled for refuge to the Emperor whom he knew to be ready to afford him his Assistance He adds That that Prince was glad to meet with so fair an opportunity which
Arnulphus wrote a very smart Letter to him on that Subject in which he remonstrates That he had no Authority thus to abolish an Institution made by his Predecessors under colour that they could not impose Laws on their Successors He maintains That that Maxim is false and that it tends to the ruin of all the Establishments of the Saints That the Privileges of the Popes of Rome are as it were Testaments which are not made void but rather confirm'd by the death of the Testators That 't is true indeed that the Errors of Predecessors may be corrected by their Successors and that the latter may make some alteration for the better in the Sanctions of the others when 't is requisite for the publick Advantage and when it may be done without any detriment to Religion That for that very reason Secular Canons may be chang'd into Regular because the Order of the latter is more perfect but a more strict Institution cannot be chang'd into one less perfect by which means Remissness in Discipline would be authoriz'd And lastly that there are some Persons so prodigal of Dispensations that they retain nothing as an unalterable Law and Sacrifice every thing to the Interests and inordinate Passions of private Men. He reproves the Pope for not shewing sufficient Constancy in maintaining the Rights of the Church and gives him to understand that he had scandaliz'd it by revoking the Sentence of Excommunication denounc'd by his Predecessors against Laicks who shall attempt to get themselves admitted into the Chapter of Seez by adjudging to a Lay-man all the Revenues of the Arch-deaconry that the Regular Canons enjoy'd in Common and part of which they distributed to the Poor and by permitting a Man adorn'd with gorgeous Apparel to take place amongst the Canons cloath'd in Sack-cloth He adds That 't is further to be fear'd lest the Arch-deaconry should be left vacant by reason that it is already appointed for another young Nephew when he shall be of Age That in the mean while the Bishop has turn'd out the Prior of the Canons and substituted a Person of no Repute in his Place to the end that he might make himself Master of the Church-Revenues Therefore he exhorts the Pope to revoke what was extorted from him by surprize in order to re-establish the Rule in that Chapter and to put an end to the Complaints and Murmurings occasion'd by that Innovation The four following Letters are directed to the same Pope and contain an account of particular Affairs In the last he accuaints him That the King of England was dissatisfied with his Holiness because he deny'd him those Favours he su'd for at Rome He congratulates in another Gilbert Bishop of London in regard that the Pope had ordain'd that his Cause should be decided without an Appeal and observes that Appeals to Rome often put false Accusers in a Capacity to oppress innocent Persons and give them an opportunity to avoid the Punishment due to their Crimes In another Letter he reproves a certain Abbot for leaving his Monastery to sollicit Law-suits at Court and enjoyns him to return thither In a Letter that he wrote to Henry Cardinal Bishop of Pisa sending him the Works of Ennodius he passes a very disadvantageous Judgment on that Author In his Letter to the Bishop of Angoulesme he determines that the Engagements that a certain Child was under whom his Uncle had bound to a Clerk upon Payment of a Sum of Money ought not to be ratify'd and that that Bishop cannot suffer the said Child to be detain'd by him In a Letter written to Arnold Abbot of Bonneval he treats of the Usefulness of the Sacrifice of the Mass. Nothing says he can be offer'd up more precious than JESUS CHRIST nothing more efficacious than this Sacrifice nothing more advantageous both to him who offers it and to him for whom 't is offer'd if the unworthiness of the Persons doth not render it unprofitable 'T is requisite that he who offers it have pure Hands and that he for whom it is offer'd should know the Value of it by Faith that he should earnestly desire it and that he should embrace it with a perfect Charity Oh how great is this Benefit which is sufficient for the Person who receives it and for him that administers it For how extensive soever the Priest's Charity may be towards certain Persons this Sacrifice remains altogether entire for every one in particular It is communicated to many so as its Efficacy is not diminish'd with respect to every Individual and altho' different Persons partake of it yet it does not suffer any Division Quoscunque enim Sacerdos effusa charitatis latitudine complectatur totum simul omnium totum uniuscujusque est Sigillatim nec integritatem dividit communicatio plurium nec soliditatem minuit participatio diversorum He has also inserted amongst his Letters a Discourse that he made in the Council of Tours A. D. 1163. in the presence and by the Order of Pope Alexander III. In the beginning of it he says that there are three Qualities requisite in a Preacher viz. Sanctity of Life to procure respect for what he delivers a perfect Knowledge to be capable of teaching the necessary Truths and Elcquence to cause them to be approv'd to the end that his Sermons may be Holy Learned and Sublime In the Body of this Sermon he treats of the Unity and Liberty of the Church shewing that those two Qualities are necessary therein and that the Ministers ought to use their utmost endeavours to maintain them more especially at a time when both are attack'd that is to say the former by the Ambition of Schismaticks and the other by the Oppression of Tyrants That nevertheless 't is impossible that either should compass their Design For although the former separate themselves from the Communion of the Church yet it is not divided by that means but the Chaff is only separated from the Wheat and although the latter seizes on the Temporal Revenues of the Church nevertheless it does not cease to be free and to exercise its Power with Spiritual Authority However that the Bishops ought to make use of all possible means to re-unite the former to the Communion of the Church and to oblige the others to quit their unjust Claim to the Ecclesiastical Revenues This is the Subject of a long and very pathetical Exhortation made by him to the Bishops of the Council and in the sequel of the same Discourse he wishes that the Emperor would humble himself under the Almighty Hand of God that he would acknowledge that the Dominion of the Church is above his and that he would submit to the See of Rome which conferr'd the Empire on his Predecessors He observes that Bishops may possess large Revenues provided they do not take themselves to be the Proprietors but only the Dispensers of them and are persuaded that the Patrimony of JESUS CHRIST is the Inheritance of the Poor which ought to
first they were not consign'd to such Persons to the end that they might make any Advantage of them but that they might be re-established and improv'd Afterwards Covetousness being cloked with this specious Shew the Emperors and Patriarchs began to grant Monasteries and Hospitals to Laicks to gain profit by them The Patriarch Sisinnius oppos'd this Abuse which prevail'd from time to time and which is at present so great that almost all the Monasteries of Monks and Nuns are in the possession of Lay-men nay even of those that are married The Patriarch of Antioch condemns the said Custom in the remaining Part of this Treatise alledging the following Reasons viz. 1. That the very Title of Donation imports a kind of Blasphemy in regard that a Monastery or Church which bears the Name of our Saviour of the Virgin Mary or of the Saints is given to a meer Man 2. That the Donor has no Propriety in such Possessions 3. That the Monasteries are Places of Retreat for Persons who are desirous to serve God where his Praises are sung and the Revenues of which are appointed for the maintenance of the Saints and of the Poor 4. That the Government of the Church is subverted by such irregular Proceedings when Secular Persons are substituted in the room of Monks 5. That Monasteries which are thus made over to Lay-men are soon ruin'd or demolished and that under Pretence of enfranchising them under the protection of some Lord they are made subject to the Jurisdiction of such as are ready to pillage and ruin them treating the Priors and Monks as Slaves and allowing them only a very small Portion of the Revenues and that too grudgingly and as it were out of â—ure Charity Besides that these Patrons cannot be perswaded to keep their Monasteries in repair nor to give Alms neither do they take care that Divine Service be celebrated therein nor that a regular Course of Discipline be duly observ'd But on the contrary they apply the Revenues altogether to prophane Uses That without having any regard to the Monastick Rules and Constitutions which import that whoever presents himself in order to be admitted to the Profession shall undergo a Probation of Three Years they usually nominate Monks at their Pleasure and enjoin the Priors to admit them by vertue of their Mandamus Lastly that the Monks who are placed there after so irregular a manner generally make no scruple to live as dissolutely eating Flesh inordinately committing Outrages upon the Laicks setting forth publick Shews driving Trades haunting Ale-houses or Taverns and making their Monasteries common Receptacles for all sorts of Secular Persons 6. That greater Disorders were occasion'd on that account in the Convents of Nuns the Ladies to whom they are consign'd often usurping their Revenues That they take up their abode and cause Houses to be built within the Bounds of the Monasteries and that they introduce Secular Persons and entirely subvert the Monastick Discipline From all these Arguments he concludes that it is a very high Misdemeanour and a kind of Impiety equal to Heresy to put Monasteries into the hands of Laicks and that 't is a mortal Sin for such Persons to take possession of them and that they who die in that State without doing Pennance for their Offence which frequently happens incur Damnation The Name of Charistochairi was then usually impos'd among the Greeks on those Lay-men who had any Abbeys consign'd to them Theodorus Balsamon in his Remarks on the 13th Canon of the Seventh Synod and Matthaeus Blastares are of a different Opinion from this Author and approve the Donations of Monasteries which are made by Bishops provided they be done on good Grounds There are extant Two Homilies of GERMANUS Patriarch of Constantinople viz. one published by Gretser on the restauration of Image-worship under the Empress Irene an annual Commemoration Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople Arsenius Andronicus Camaterus of which was made on the First Sunday in Lent and the other by Father Combefis on the Burial of the Body of Jesus Christ. Arsenius a Monk of Mount Athos compos'd in the Year 1150. a compendious Collection of Canons which is inserted in M. Justel's Library of the Ancient Canon Law ANDRONICUS CAMATERUS Governour of the City of Constantinople and the Kinsman of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus wrote at the same time a Treatise against the Latins in form of a Dialogue between the Emperor Manuel and certain Cardinals of Rome concerning the Procession of the Holy Ghost This Book was afterwards refuted by Veccus Andronicus is also the Author of another Tract written by way of Conference between the same Emperor and Peter Patriarch of the Armenians and of a Treatise of the Two Natures in Jesus Christ. These Works are not as yet printed but 't is reported that they are in the Library of Bavaria GEORGE Archbishop of Corfu was sent into Italy by the Emperor Manuel Comnenus to assist in a Council held at Rome but he did not pass beyond Brundusium where he fell sick However George Archbishop of Corfu being recall'd by the Emperor he was present in a Patriarchal Council conven'd at Constantinople He wrote a Treatise of Purgatory and another against the Latins in vindication of the use of leaven'd Bread in the Eucharist Allatius makes mention of both these Works which are in Manuscript in the Library of Barberino Baronius has also published in Latin a Monodia compos'd by this Archbishop in honour of the Abbot Nectarius with several Letters in his Annals ANTONIUS sir-nam'd MELISSUS by reason of his singular Eloquence a Greek Monk Antonius Melitius apparently liv'd in this Century He compil'd a Collection of Common Places or Maxims taken out of the Writings of the Greek Fathers on the Vertues and Vices which are divided into Two Books and were printed in Greek and Latin at Basil A. D. 1546. as also at Geneva in 1609. and in Latin at Paris in 1575. and 1589. They are likewise inserted in Latin in the Bibliotheca Patrum BASIL OF ACRIS Archbishop of Thessalonica being importun'd by Arian IV. to come to an Basil of Acris Arch-bishop of Thessalonica Accommodation with the Church of Rome wrote a Letter to that Pope to shew that the Greek Church is not Schismatical and that the Roman is not superiour to it Baronius published this Letter with that of Adrian in Anno 1155. of his Annals It is also extant but somewhat different in Greek and Latin in the Collection of the Greek and Roman Law with an Answer by the same Archbishop to certain Questions about Marriage LUCAS sir-nam'd CHRYSOBERGIUS promoted to the Patriarchal See of Constantinople A. D. 1148. or 1155. held a Council in that City in 1166. and died the Year following In the Lucas Chrysobergius Patriarch of Constantinople Collection of the Greek and Roman Laws are contain'd Thirteen Statutes by this Patriarch relating to Ecclesiastical Matters among others one to prohibit Marriages between Relations to the
Days the Chaplains shall absolutely abandon the Place They are also order'd to retire in Three Months if they be charg'd with any manner of Servcies and enjoyn'd to get Information when the Booty is brought in whether any of it belong to the Churches or be claimed by Clergy-men All the Vicars and Chaplains are requir'd to take an Oath to observe these Injunctions By this Canon the Inn-keepers and Inhabitants of Towns or Villages are forbidden to entertain excommunicated Persons Church-yards and Ecclesiastical Revenues are exempted from all manner of Rent-charges and Assessments The Excommunication to be inflicted on those who misuse Clergy-men is reviv'd with a Reservation of that Cause to the See of Rome All manner of Converse or Correspondence is prohibited with Persons who lie under a Sentence of Excommunication The â—eans are enjoyn'd to take care that these Ordinances be duly put in execution and to give notice to the Bishop or Arch-deacon of the Trespasses that shall be committed upon them The Abbots Monks Priors Abbesses and Prioresses are likewise free'd from all manner of Rent-charges and Impositions Lastly an Anathema is denounced against Clergy-men and Laicks who shall presume to buy or to sell any Revenues or Possessions which they know to belong to the Church The Council of Cassel in Ireland IN the Year of our Lord 1172. Henry II. King of England having made himself Master of The Council of Cassel in Ireland held A. D. 1172. Ireland call'd a Council at Cassel compos'd of the Prelates and other Clergy of Ireland in which the following Canons were established The First imports That all the Faithful in Ireland shall be oblig'd not to inter-marry with their near Relations but to contract Lawful Marriages The Second That all the Children shall be made Catechumens at the Church-door and shall be baptized in the Church The Third That all the Faithful shall pay to their respective Parish-Churches Tithes as well of Cattel and of the Fruits of the Earth as of their other Revenues The Fourth That all the Church-Revenues shall be exempted from all manner of Taxes and Impositions The Fifth That when a certain Sum is made up that is to say stipulated or agreed to be paid for the Murder of a Person the Clergy-men who are the Heirs of the deceased Party shall not be oblig'd to pay any part of the Fine The Sixth That all the Faithful when faln Sick shall make their last Will and Testament in the presence of their Confessor and that they who have a Wife and Children shall divide their movable Goods into Three Parts One of which shall be allotted to the Wife another to the Children and the Third for the Funeral Expences That if they have no Children they shall leave one Moiety of their Goods to their Wives and if they have no Wife their Children shall have a Moiety The Seventh That a Mass and * A sort of Service for the Dead Vigils shall be said for those who die after having made Confession and that the accustomed Duties shall be paid to them The Eighth That Divine Service shall be celebrated in all the Churches according to the Rites and Customs of the Church of England The Council of Avranches held in the Year 1172. THirteen Canons were published in the Council which was held at Avranches A. D. 1172. by The Council of Avranches in 1172. the Cardinals Theoduin and Albert for the giving of Absolution to Henry II. King of England The First forbids the conferring of Benefices with the Cure of Souls on Children The Second is a Prohibition to bestow on the Sons of Priests the Churches that were possessed by their Fathers The Third is likewise a Prohibition to give part of the Offerings to Laicks The Fourth prohibits the appointing of Churches to be serv'd by annual Vicars The Fifth obliges the Curates of large Parishes to provide a Vicar when they have means to do it By the Sixth the Ordination of Priests without a Title is prohibited The Seventh forbids the letting out of Churches to farm for a Year The Eighth prohibits the depriving the Priests who perform their Functions therein of a third Part of the Tithes belonging to them The Ninth grants a Licence to those Persons who are in possession of Tithes to bestow them on such Clerks as they shall think fit on condition that they shall afterwards return to the Church to which they belong of very good Right The Tenth forbids a Husband to turn Monk whilst his Wife remains in the Secular State unless they be both too old to get any Children The same Thing is forbidden with respect to the Wife The Eleventh advises Fasting and Abstinence during the time of Advent The Twelfth prohibits the placing of Clergy-men as Judges in the Civil Courts of Judicature The Thirteenth determines nothing as to the Estates of excommunicated Persons the Perquisites claimed for the Benedictions of Marriages and Baptism and for the giving of Absolution to those who lye under a Sentence of Excommunication by reason that the Bishops of Normandy refus'd to admit that Decree The Council of London held in the Year 1175. THE Two Henries Kings of England being arriv'd at London met with Richard Archbishop The Council of London in 1175. of Canterbury and the rest of the Prelates of the Realm who held a Council on the Sunday preceding the Festival of the Ascension in which the Archbishop Richard published the following Nineteen Canons The First ordains That they who have enter'd into Holy Orders and keep a Concubine whom they refuse to expel shall be depriv'd of all manner of Ecclesiastical Office and Benefice That the Clerks who are in Orders below the Degree of a Sub-deacon and are married shall not be divorced from their Wives but shall no longer enjoy their Spiritual Livings That they who are Sub-deacons or in superior Orders and contract Marriage shall be compell'd to part with their Wives And lastly That the Sons of Priests shall be uncapable to succeed their Fathers in the Churches possessed by them The Second forbids Clergy-men to enter Victualling Houses to eat or to drink there except when they are travelling on the Road. By the Third Clerks who are in Orders are forbidden to assist at Tryals in Capital Cases The Fourth ordains That the Arch-deacon shall oblige those Clergy-men who wear long Locks of Hair to cut them off and that they shall be cloath'd modestly By the Fifth Bishops are prohibited to ordain the Clergy of another Diocess by reason of the Inconveniences that may arise from that Practice The Sixth forbids the Tryal of Criminals to be manag'd in Churches or in Church-yards The Seventh and Eighth renew the Prohibitions to exact any Thing for the Administration of the Sacraments for the burying of the Dead or for admittance into Orders or the Monastick State The Ninth in like manner forbids the making over of Churches to any Person under Pretence of endowing them as also the exacting of
San Donino to obey the Bishop of Parma The four hundred and fourth is written to his Commissioners about the Letters of the Pope being charged with an Error He says That he who made the Charge to put off the Judgment of the Suit and then could not make it good ought to lose his Cause The four hundred and fifth is about the validity of a Mandate for a Canonship in the Church of St. Juvenca of Pavia granted by the Pope to a Person whom they pretended to be unworthy of it the Pope commissions Judges to see him put in possession if they could not prove his unworthiness In the four hundred and sixth to the Archbishops of Embrun Arles and Aix and their Suffragans he recommended it to them to make some order in their Provincial Councils for the Provision of some Relief for the Holy Land In the two next he invited an Earl to go to that War The four hundred and ninth is written to a Legate who had raised Mony for the Holy Land about the use which he should make of it The four hundred and tenth is an Act whereby he acknowledges Frederick King of Sicily upon condition that he should pay Homage and Fealty to the Holy See and likewise some acknowledgment In the two following he regulates the manner of choosing Bishops in the Kingdom of Sicily according to what followeth The Episcopal See being vacant the Chapter shall give notice to the King of the Bishop's death It shall then proceed to an Election and shall ask the consent of the Prince for the Person it shall choose who shall not be enthronized till the King have agreed to it nor shall perform his Office till the Pope have confirmed him In the four hundred and thirteenth he order'd all the Prelates of the Kingdom of Sicily to obey his Legate The four hundred and fourteenth is written against a Clergyman who had Pluralities in the Church of Naples In the four hundred and fifteenth he declared That an Oath taken by a Person always to observe judiciary Forms doth not take place in such Causes where one is not obliged to observe those Forms In the four hundred and sixteenth he forbad the alienation of the Possessions of the Monastries of Naples without leave of the Archbishop and he declared in the next Letter that the Archbishop of Naples might sell the Goods of the Church to pay its debts In the four hundred and eighteenth he order'd the execution of a Mandate for a Canonship of Poictiers which the Chapter of this Church would not obey In the four hundred and nineteenth he confirmed the Primacy of the Archbishop of Lunden over the Churches of the Kingdom of Sueden In the four hundred and twentieth he order'd the Prelates of Jutland to reestablish the Canonical Doctrine in their Country and to put down that Custom which had been introduced of paying but one piece of Mony for satisfaction for all sorts of Crimes The four hundred and twenty first is a Mandate directed to the Archbishop of Lunden In the four hundred and twenty second he confirmed that Custom of giving Estates to the Church which was used in Denmark by laying a little piece of the Land upon the Altar in the presence of Witnesses In the four hundred and twenty third he confirmed the Collation of the Provostship of Strand in Denmark and in the following order'd the Goods which had been taken from that Church to be restored it By the four hundred and twenty fifth he confirmed the Privileges and Donations of the Abbey of Sora. The four hundred and twenty sixth is an Act by which he takes the City of Todi into the Protection of the Holy See and confirmed its Privileges In the four hundred and twenty seventh he gave Judgment in a difference between the Abbey of Calana and that of Mont-sacre and declared that the Abbey and Religious of the former of these should lay down all Pretensions to any right they might have on that of Mont-sacre on condition that that should give them up a Church and pay them every year an acknowledgment of Olives The three next are written about the Election of a Bishop of Cambray It was said that he whom the Chapter had chose was crooked and had married a Widow by whom he had had a Son that succeeded him immediately in the Provostship of St. Peter of Douay The Pope wrote upon this to the Chapter and commissions the Bishop of Paris and Arras to examine if matters were really so and in case they were he declares this Election null By the four hundred and thirty first he nominated the Archbishop of Senlis to defend the Privileges of the Abbey of Compiegne In the five following Letters he condemns the undertaking of the Archbishop of Canterbury who would build a Church notwithstanding all the Pope's Commands to the contrary and order'd that he should restore to the Monastry of Canterbury all that he had taken from it to endow this new Church with By the four hundred and thirty seventh he takes Almeric King of Jerusalem into the Protection of the Holy See By the four hundred and thirty eighth he exhorted many Princes of the East to assist the King of Cyprus against the Saracens In the four hundred and thirty ninth he order'd that those who had been dispensed with for performing their Vow of going to Jerusalem in person should pay a sum of Mony towards the defraying of the Charges of the Holy War In the four hundred and fortieth he forbids the augmenting the number of Canons in the Church of Acre in the East By the four hundred forty first he puts the King and Kingdom of Portugal under the Protection of the Holy See In the two next he forbad the Chapter of Auranches and the Archbishop of Rouen to proceed against the Theologal of the Church of Auranches to the prejudice of the Appeal which he had put in to the Holy See In the four hundred and forty fourth he order'd the Archbishop of Upsal to hinder Bastards being admitted into Orders or any Ecclesiastical Preferment By the four hundred and forty fifth he empowered the Bishop of Perigeux to make what Orders he should think fit for his Diocess and Abbey and to see them put in execution notwithstanding any Appeal He order'd him by the next to make the vagabond Monks return to their Monastries In the four hundred and forty seventh he wrote to the Archbishop of Tours that only the Pope could give leave to Bishops to remove to another Bishoprick In the four hundred and forty eighth he puts the King of Portugal in mind of paying the Tribute which he owed the Holy See and by the next he order'd Rainier to oblige him to do it In the four hundred and fiftieth he order'd the Archbishop of Lunden to see that Men of no scandalous and ill lives were employed in the Church for receiving the Alms towards the War in the Holy Land In the four
was in good esteem that Age and the next and is quoted with an Encomium by Gerson who says That this Author did not heap together stuff out of his own head but took what he wrote from the bottom of the Holy Scriptures and that if one should go to compare the new Fancies of some with this Doctrine he would soon see that they had neither solidity nor truth on their side This Sum has been printed a great many times and among others at Venice in 1492 and 1497 and Basil in 1497 at Lions in 1551 and at Paris in 1629. He likewise was the Author of many Sermons and 't is not without reason thought that those which go under the name of William of Paris belong to this Author Trithemius mentions a Work of his for the Instruction of Religious This Author was contemporary with William of Paris and St. Thomas of Aquino and died as 't is thought in the year 1275. THOMAS of Chantprè born at Leuwe or Loo near Brussels was at first a Regular Canon Thomas of Chantprè in the Monastry of Chantprè near Cambray whence he removed into the Order of Preaching Friars and after having studied at Cologn under Albert the Great about the year 1255 he was made Subprior and Reader of the Dominicans of Louvain and lastly consecrated Bishop to serve as a Suffragan and Assistant to the Bishop of Cambray The year of his Death is not certainly known Justus Lipsius places it on the 15th of May 1263. Others some years after The principal Work of this Author is a Book intituled The Universal Good or The Bees because he therein makes use of the Figure of Bees to give us Precepts about the Carriage and Duty as well of Superiours as Inferiours This Work was printed at Douay in 1597 1607 and 1627. The last of these Editions published by George Colvenerius a Dominican Doctor and Chancellor of the University of Douay is the perfectest In this Work Thomas makes mention of another Work of his about the nature of things in composing which he spent fifteen years He likewise wrote the Lives of St. Christina of St. Lutgarda and of St. Mary of Oâ—gnies related by Surius in the 16th and 23d of the Month June and that of St. Margarita of Ypres printed by it self at Douay in 1618. 'T is said that he understood the Greek and that he made a Latin Version of the Works of Aristotle at the desire of St. Thomas of Aquino who made use of it for his Commentaries upon that Philosophy but others will have the Version which St. Thomas used to be more antient Be it how it will 't is a very vitious Translation and some believe it was not made from the Greek of Aristotle but from a Greek Translation from an Arabick Translation of him ROGER BACON of an illustrious Family born about the year 1206 at Ilchester in the Roger Bacon County of Somerset in England was sirnamed The Admirable Doctor for his extensive Knowledg and penetrating Wit But tho he was a Religious of the Order of Minor Friars yet he applied himself more to the study of the Mathematicks Physicks and Chymistry than of Divinity and had entred so far into the Secrets of them that he was more than once accused for a Conjurer and thereupon referred to his General who condemned him in 1278. He was likewise next year put in prison by order of Pope Nicholas IV. He is the Author of a great many Works of which some are in print and the rest in Manuscript but as they are all Physical or Mathematical except one Abridgment of Divinity not printed 't will be of no use to make a Catalogue of them here He died in 1284. PETER de VIGNES a German Secretary of State and Chancellor to Frederick II. Peter de Vignes defended bravely the Rights of the Empire and the Cause of his Prince against the Assaults of the Popes he was deputed by his Master to the Council of Lions in 1245 and there did his utmost to hinder his Condemnation but his Services were but scurvily rewarded for being accused the next year of unfaithfulness Frederick put out his Eyes and kept him in prison at Capua where he died in 1249. We have six Books of Letters written by him to divers Persons about the Business of the Empire printed at Basil in 1566 and at Augsburg in 1609 and a Discourse containing the Complaints of the Emperor Frederick for his Deposition against the Pope and Cardinals composed in 1230 and printed at Haguenau in 1539. HUMBERT Sirnamed of Romans from the place of his Birth a Town of Dauphine Humbert took his Degrees in the University of Paris and made profession in 1225 in the Convent of Jacobines of that place where he taught Divinity He was in 1254 chosen fifth General of his Order voluntarily resigned that Charge in 1263 and retired to Lions where he died a simple Monk in 1277. He is Author of the following Works The Mirror for Religious or six Books of spiritual Instructions for a religious Life printed at Louvain in 1575 and at Paris in 1622. A Letter about the three Vows of Religion and the Virtues that ought to accompany them printed with Sermons at Haguenau in 1508 and at Venice in 1603. A Commentary upon the Rule of St. Augustin printed at Cosma in 1605 and at Mons in 1645. Two hundred Sermons printed as we said before at Haguenau and Venice Two Books for the instruction of Preachers which Trithemius calls the Preachers Sum printed at Vicenza in 1604 and at Barcelona in 1607. Some attribute to him the History of the Rise and illustrious Men of the Order of the Preaching Friars intituled The Lives of the Brothers But this Work belongs to GERARD de FRACHET Gerard de Frachet a Native of Limoges a simple Monk who composed it by the Order of Humbert his General This Work was printed at Douay in 1519 Gerard de Frachet likewise composed a Chronicle from the beginning of the World to the Coronation of Charles King of Sicily that is to the year 1266 which may be seen in Manuscript in many Libraries He died the 4th of October 1271. BARTHOLOMEW of Bresse Professor and Interpreter of the Canon Law who flourished Bartholomew of Bresse about the year 1240 composed divers Treatises of the Law namely A Repertory of the Decree divided into three Books five Books upon the Decretals divers Letters and a Chronicle of the Cities of Italy We have none of these Works He died in the year 1258 being 84 years old GODFREY the Bald Archbishop of Bourges is Author of the Life of St. William Bishop Godfrey the Bald. of St. Brieux related by Surius in the 29th of July He flourished about the year 1240. WILLIAM a Monk of St. Martin of Tournay made about the year 1246 a Collection William of St. Martin of Sentences or Flowers taken out of the Works of St. Bernard printed at Paris
Wax-Tapers In the Eighth 't is order'd That the Jews shall be distinguish'd from the Christians by some Mark In the Ninth The Clerks who have Benefices are prohibited from Exercising the Functions of Advocates in a Lay-Court In the Tenth The Monks and Regular Canons are prohibited from receiving any Salary for their Preaching In the Eleventh The Regular Canons are order'd to live according to the Rule of St. Augustine to Eat in Common in one and the same Refectory and to Wear a Habit agreeable to their Condition The Twelfth is against an Abuse which was then Practised by the Knights-Templars who being themselves and their Servants exempted from the Jurisdiction of Ordinaries bestow'd that Quality on several Clerks who still retain'd their Habit that so they likewise might be exempted from the Jurisdiction of their Bishop This Council orders That the Exemption shall only extend to those who are really of that Order and that the others shall be subject to the Correction and Jurisdiction of the Ordinaries In the Thirteenth 't is order'd That Religious Persons shall be settled in the Hospitals to take care of them The Fourteenth imports That no Credit shall be given to the Deeds by which the Bishops raises Money unless seal'd with his own Seal In the Fifteenth The Monks are prohibited from admitting Laicks into their Churches on Sundays or Holy-Days and from Preaching in the time of the Parochial Divine Service In the Sixteenth The Penitentiaries who are sent into Parishes to Absolve Men in such Cases as are reserv'd to the Bishop are enjoin'd not to hear any Confessions but in such Cases and to refer them in other Cases to the Curate The Seventeenth is against those who use any force to keep their Relations or Friends in Benefices or to cause them to be Elected into them The other Canons of this Council are lost The Council of Cognac in the Year 1260. PEter de Roscidavella who in the Year 1259 succeeded Gerard de Malemort in the Arch-Bishoprick The Council of Cognac in 1260. of Bourdeaux Held a Provincial Council in the Year 1260 at Cognac wherein the following Decrees were Publish'd The First prohibits the Holding of Nocturnal Assemblies call'd Vigils in the Churches and Church-Yards because several Lewd things were committed in them and sometimes Murder which oblig'd them to send for the Bishops to Reconcile those Churches However it permits Luminaries and other Acts of Devotion which were us'd to be observ'd The Second Abolishes the Balls which were us'd to be kept in Churches on Innocents-Day and the Custom of chusing on that Day one of the Company on whom they Conferr'd the Title of Bishop The Third orders That the Revenues of Vacant Churches shall be reserv'd for the Successors The Fourth That the Commendams and Collations of Vacant Benefices shall belong to the Bishop or Arch-Bishop The Fifth prohibits the Curates from Marrying of Women of another Parish without the consent of their Curate The Sixth prohibits the admitting of Priests of another Diocess to the Celebration of the Holy Mysteries The Seventh prohibits Cock-fighting which was a kind of Sport practis'd in Schools The Eighth is a Revival of the Orders about the Habits of Ecclesiasticks The Ninth prohibits the giving the Holy Chrism to Exempt Persons who will not Pay to the Bishop of their Diocess what they owe him and from Administring the Sacraments to those who are under their Jurisdiction The Tenth orders the Benefic'd Clergy who are absent for their Studies or for some other lawful Cause with the Leave of their Bishop to put Vicars into their Benefices to whom they shall allow a sufficient Pension for their Maintenance The Eleventh enjoyns the Patrons to allow convenient Salaries to the Curates who depend on them The next Canon orders That those who have Priories shall maintain two Monks in each The Thirteenth prohibits the Priests from holding Cures by Lease The Fourteenth revives the Prohibitions against laying New Pensions on Churches The Fifteenth and Sixteenth prohibit the Interring any Corps out of the Parish The Seventeenth orders That the Curates shall have a particular House of their own The Eighteenth and Nineteenth renew the Constitutions of the former Councils concerning Tithes and enjoyn the Curates to take Possession of the Tithes under pain of Excommunication and Forfeiture of their Benefices The Council of Lambeth in the Year 1261. BOniface Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Held a Council the beginning of May 1261 at Lambeth wherein The Council of Lambeth in 1261. he made several Constitutions for the maintenance of the Immunities Privileges and Liberties of the Church of England There are likewise several about the Ecclesiastical Judgments and Officers about Confession and Pennance and about the Clerical Tonsure and Crown The Council of Cognac in the Year 1262. PEter de Roscidavella Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux in the Year 1262 Held a Council at Cognac wherein The Council of Cognac in 1262. he order'd 1. That the Places where any Clerks are detain'd by force shall be Interdicted 2. That those who molest the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction shall be Excommunicated 3. That the Lords shall be engag'd by Ecclesiastical Censures to force those who slight Excommunications to re-enter into the Communion of the Church 4. That they shall not Absolve the Excommunicated till they have made Satisfaction and Restitution 5. That during the Interdiction the Parishioners shall be prohibited going to Divine Service in any Interdicted Church 6. That the Arch-Deacons Arch-Priests and Curates shall not cause their Benefices to be Serv'd by Vicars 7. That these Constitutions shall be Publish'd every Year in the Synods The Council of Bourdeaux in the Year 1262. THE same Arch-Bishop made several other Constitutions of the like Nature in a Synod Held the The Council of Bourdeaux in 1262. same Year at Bourdeaux The First imports That the Excommunicated shall be esteem'd such till they have receiv'd Letters of Absolution from their Bishop The Second That those who shall continue in a State of Excommunication during a Year shall be deem'd Heretical The Third That a Curate shall not Bury one of another Parish The Fourth That the Curates shall Exhort those who are of Age to present themselves to receive Confirmation at the time of the Bishop's Visitation The Fifth That those who shall Contract Clandestine Marriages both the Ministers and Witnesses shall be Excommunicated and Suspended ab Officio Beneficio and that those Marriages shall be reckoned Clandestine which are not Contracted by the proper Curate or Pastor of the Husband or the Wife with the consent of the other Curate The Sixth That each Curate shall have in his Parish a List of the Excommunicated The Seventh That Absolution from Excommunication cannot be granted but by the Judge who Issu'd out the Excommunication and that in Case the Excommunicated Person happen to Die after his Death Absolution shall be requir'd of that Judge The Council of Nants in the Year 1264. VIncent de Pilenes
and such as obtain them shall enter into Holy Orders The 13th That Priests shall celebrate their first Mass within three Months after their Ordination and afterwâ—…s as often as they can at least once a Year The 14th That â—…ates shall teach the form of Baptism three times a Year to their Parishioners The 15th prescribes a Form of Confession to be used at the Introites of the Mass. The 16th That the Clergy shall Fast and give Alms three Days before they hold Provincial Councils The 17th Renews the Punishment against Detainers of Ecclesiastical Revenues The 18th Excommunicates the Secular and Regular Clergy which keep back the Profits which belong to the Table of Bishops Monasteries or Chapters The 19th forbids to pronounce the Sentences of Interdict or Excommunication for mere Money-matters The 20th recalls the Permissions given Monks to publish and preach Indulgences The Council of Ravenna in 1317. The Council of Ravenna in 1317. LAstly This Archbishop who always applied himself to his Duty and Reformation of Discipline called a Council at Ravenna Octob. 27. 1317. in which he confirmed the two former and published new Rules in 22 Articles He orders in the First that Bishops should appoint Stewards to manage the Revenues of Vacant Churches The 2d orders That no Man shall enter into the Ministry of the Church who has not received his Mission from the Bishop The 3d. That those who have gotten Benefices shall enter into Holy Orders within a Year as their Benefices require The 4th renews the Rules concerning the Habits and Conversation of Clergymen and imposes Pecuniary Mulcts upon such as shall contradict them The 5th forbids receiving a Canon of a Cathedral or a Monk out of a Monastery without the Special License of the Ordinary The 6th That none shall be received into a Monastery upon the Credit of Lay-men The 7th That Notice shall be given to the Metropolitan of Ravenna what Benefices are faln to him The 8th That the Number of the Canons of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches shall be regulated if not already done and the Number reduced to a proportion of the Revenues The 9th is against Beneficed Persons that do not reside The 10th orders That there be daily Distributions in Cathedral Churches and One Table for the Canons The 11th concerns the Taxes and Impositions that Churches ought to bear The 12th appoints that the Glergy be present at Solemn Masses and that Private Masses shall not begin in the Churches till the solemn One is finished The 13th forbids Archbishops Provosts and inferiour Bishops the Knowledge Instruction or Judgment of what concerns the Persons of Clergymen The 14th forbids all Christians to lett out their Houses to the Jews The 15th lays down divers Cautions to prevent Usury The 16th ordains that the Restitutions of such Goods as the Owners are not known shall be made by the Bishops Order and they shall be obliged in their Wills to specifie the Cause of such Legacies The 17th forbids Clergymen or Monks to Hunt The 18th ordains That Clergymen taken carrying Arms committing any Crime shall be put into the hands of the Bishop without defaming Reflections on them The 19th That only One Punishment shall be inflicted for One Crime The 20th leaves it to the Liberty of the Bishops to dispense with the Age and Qualifications which such as are to be ordained ought to have by the Canons of the former Councils provided that the Persons whom they ordain be capable The 21st imposes a Punishment upon the Chapters who do not give notice of the Death of their Bishop to the Bishops of the Province The 22d gives the Ordinaries a Power to Absolve such as offend against the Rules of this Council but this Archbishop reserved for the future the Punishment of the Breakers of the Canons to himself and the Power to moderate or interpret the Laws of these Councils And by virtue of this Power he added two Articles to these 22 Rules In one of them he allows the Nuns to speak through a Lattice to Persons not Suspicious and in the second he sets down a Table of the Dues which Notaries and Secretaries ought to take The Council of Paris in 1314. The Council of Paris in 1314. PHILIP de MARIGNY Archbishop of Sens celebrated a Council of the Bishops of his Province at Paris on Tuesday before the Translation of S. Nicholas in 1314. and four days after in which he published three Rules The 1st appoints That the Curates should admonish such as unjustly detain the Goods of their Churches to restore them and if they do not do it to Excommunicate them The 2d That Ecclesiastical Judges shall no longer grant General Citations in these terms Summon all those whom the Bearer of these Presents shall appoint c. and if they do grant any they shall be of none effect The 3d. That no Person shall be Summoned for having kept Company with an Excommunicate Person unless the Person cited has been admonished first and unless the Person that requires the Citation will Swear that he knows that the Persons he would have cited have knowingly accompanied with Excommunicate Persons in the Cases which are not permitted by the Law The Council of Saumur in 1315. The Council of Saumur in 1315. THIS Council was held by JEFFREY de la HEYE Archbishop of Tours and made up of the Bishops and Abbots of his Province In it were published four Canons The First orders That all those Laymen which hereafter shall detain any Ecclesiastical Goods shall be Excommunicated and those who have held them for 40 Years past shall be thrice admonished to restore them and if they do not do it they shall be Excommunicated The 2d declares all those ipso fâ—ctâ— Excommunicated who hinder the Execution of Ecclesiastical Judgments and lays an Interdict upon the Lands of those Lords whose Bailiffs Stewards or other Judges make Attempts upon the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction The 3d. forbids Arch-Deacons and others entrusted with the Examination of such Clerks as are ordained or provided of Benefices to take any thing of them upon Pain of Suspension if they are Priests or Excommunication if they are not The 4th says That Land cannot be interdicted before any thing is ordained against the Person of the Lord or Bailiff and reserves to Bishops the Absolutions of Excommunications and the taking of the Interdicts imposed by this Council The Council of Nogarol in 1315. The Council of Nogarol in 1315. AMANAEUS d'ARMAGNAC Archbishop of Ausche held a Council of his Province in 1315. at Nogarol in which he published five Rules The 1st forbids under Pain of Excommunication Temporal Lords to invade the Goods of Vacant Churches The 2d declares the Children of such as have contributed to lay Taxes upon the Clergy incapable of receiving Holy Orders to the 4th Generation and deprives their Family of Christian Burial The 3d. forbids to deny the Sacrament of Penance to Persons Executed at their Death The 4th Excommunicates
not to mention the Knights of the Fleece set up by the King of France and the Knights of the Garter by Edward III. King of England which were very different from the Military Orders A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY Of the Fourteenth AGE of the CHURCH Years of Christ Popes Emperors and Kings of the West Emperors of the East Ecclesiastical Affairs Councils Ecclesiastical Authors 1300 Boniface VIII the sixth year of his Papacy ending Dec. 24. Albert of Austria Emperor of the West the third year of his Reign III. Philip the Fair King of France the 16th year of his Reign Ferdinand King of Castile from 1295. James II. King of Arragâ—â— from 1291. Dionysius King of Portugal from 1279. Edward I. King of England from 1272. Andronicus Senior the 17th year of his Reign XVII Ottoman the first Emperor of the Turks whose Reign is counted from 1297. The Publication and Opening of the Jubilee Boniface appeared at Rome in his Pontifical Habits with this Inscription Ecce duo gladii i. e. Lo here are two Swords He published a Crusado and sent Bernard de Saisset Bish. of Pamiez into France who was there Arrested The Council of Melun held in January The Synod of Colon under the Archbish. Wichboldus The Synod of Bayeux The Council of Auch Dinus de Mugello Engelbert Abbot of Admont Jacobus Caietanus Cardinal Henry de Garret is made Bishop of Lucca Steven de Salagnac Andreas Novocastrensis Ramerius de Pisâ flourished 1301 VII IV. XVIII The Bishop of Pamiez set at Liberty Decemb. 4. Boniface suspended the Graces and Privileges granted the Kings of France and hindered the Levy of a Subsidy upon the Clergy He declares himself Supreme in things Spiritual and Temporal The Council of Compeigne held in November William de Nangis finished his Chronicle Jacobus de Benedictis Justus à Cisterts an Abbot Joannes Duns Scotus Richard of Sienna Peter de Dacia flourished 1302 VIII V. XIX A Petition presented to K. Philip the Fair against Boniface VIII by Will. Nogaret March 12. An Assembly of the States of France against the Pretensions of Boniface Apr. 10. The Writings and Proceedings on both sides upon that Subject The Publication of the Bull Unam Sanctam Nov. 16. An Assembly at Paris April 10. The Council of Pennafiel May 13. Joannes Monachus Cardinal founded a College bearing his Name at Paris Petrus de Boseo A nameless Author of the Treatise against the Authority of the Pope flourished 1303 IX The Death of Boniface Octob. 12. Benedict XI chosen the second of the same Month. VI. XX. The Appeal of the K. of France to the next Council The Proceedings against Boniface He is Arrested at Agnonia Sept. 8. illuded by Sciarra Colonna and dyes sometime after his deliverance An Assembly at Paris June 13. The Council of Nogarol held in December Ptolemaeus Lucensis finishes his Ecclesiastical History The Death of Dinus de Mugello 1304 I. The Death of Benedict July 8. The Holy See remained vacant till the next year VII XXI Pope Benedict revokes his Bulls published against France Joannes Parisiensis broaches an erroneous Opinion concerning the Eucharist It was condemned by the Bishop of Paris who silenced that Monk The Council of Compeigne held the Friday after the Feast of Circumcision Joannes Parisiensis a Dominican is made Licentiate of Divinity at Paris and a little after composes his Treatise of the Eucharist Aegidius Romanus wrote his Question about the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Powers Alvarus Pelagius enters into the Order of Grey-Friars Thomas Wiche finishes his Chronicles of England 1305 I. Clement V. is chosen Pope June 5. He is crowned at Lions Nov. 11. and resides in France VIII XXII Pope Clement revokes the Bulls of Boniface against France particularly Unam Sanctam The Templars are threatned and K. Philip the Fair undertakes to proceed against them  Henry Stero finishes his History of the Emperours of Germany Everardus finishes his Continuation of the Annals of Stero Vitalis de Turno wrote his Moral Mirror upon Scripture Joannes de Janduno Thomas Joyce is made a Cardinal Philip a Cystertian Abbot is made Bishop of Aichstat Bernardus Guidonis is appointed Inquisitor against the Albigenses 1306 II. IX XXIII The Pope promises by his Bull Aug. 23. to inform against the Templars  The Death of Joannes Parisiensis the Dominican Sept. 22. The Death of Jacobus de Benedictis Sept. 25. 1307 III. X. XXIV The Templars are arrested through all France October 5. Informations brought against them at Paâ—is by Gulielmus Parisiensis and in other places by others  Sustridus a Priest of Misnia finishes his Chronicle Aâ—so a Premonstratensis finishes his History of his Voyage into the Holy Land Nicholas Trivet finishes his Chron. 1308 IV. The Emperor Albertus is slain by one of his Nephews May 10. Henry of Luxenburgh succeeds him Nov. 1. The Death of Edward I. K. of England to whom Edward II. succeeds XXV The Pope calls the Cause of the Templars to the Holy See The Judgment of the Divines of Paris about the Templars The Pope questions the Templars who are put into his power and gives leave to the Inquisitors and Bishops to draw up a Process He appoints Commissioners to proceed against their Order Dulcinus the Heretick who had drawn many Persons after him is arrested near Verceil is carried burnt in that City his followers dispers'd The Council of Auch held Novemb. 26. Gulielmus Parisiensis a Dominican Joannes de S. Geminiano flourished The Death of Joannes Duns Scotus Novemb. 8. 1309 V. I. Robert the Son of Charles II. was King of Naples and powerful in Italy XXVI The Popes Commissioners form a Process against the Templars The Council of Presburg in Hungary held Nov. 10. Beringarius de Fredol was made Cardinal and Bishop of Frescati and his Nephew succeeds him in the Bishoprick of Beziers 1310 VI. II. XXVII The Templars are condemned in a Provincial Council at Paris and several put to Death in May. Informations thro' all Christendom against the Templars The Pope causes the Errors of John Oliva to be examined by Vitalis de Furno a Grey-Frier The Council of Saltzburg The Council of Colen The Council of Paris begun in May. The Council of Ravenna The Council of Salamanca July ult A Synod at London A Council at Mentz Jacobus de Viterbo Alexander de Alexandria Joannes de Friburg Bishop of Osnia Malachas a Grey Frier flourished Gulielmus Durandus Bishop of Menda composed his Treatise of the manner of celebrating a General Council Ubertinus de Cassalis wrote that year in favour of Petrus Oliva The Death of Thom. Joyce Cardinal The Death of Joannes de Janduno about this year 1311 VII III. XXVIII A solemn Revocation of all that Boniface had done against France by the Bull of Apr. 27. The Council of Ravenna held June 21. The General Council of Vienna which was opened Octob. 16. William de Mandagot is made Cardinal Raimundus Lullus composed his Treatise intitled
there falling into the Acquaintance of John Galeas he was made by his Interest Bishop of Vicenza and afterwards Archbishop of Milan then Cardinal and at last Pope He was of a generous and liberal Disposition and lov'd to make good Entertainments at his Election he was Seventy Years Old Balthazar Cossa the Cardinal Deacon who held the City and Country of Bononia in the quality of Legat from the Holy See had a greater share than any Man in all the Transactions at the Council of Pisa by his Interest he procur'd him to be chosen Pope but did himself really in effect govern during his Pontificat He made no Reformation but on the contrary he granted extraordinary Favours to all sorts of Persons created new Officers in his Court gave Dispensations contrary to Order united and disunited a great many Benefices and permitted some to possess a great many of them tho' they were incompatible Theodorick de Niem who gives us this Testimony of him adds That he was not a fit Man for Business or managing Affairs and upon that account he scarce ever heard the Advocates plead in the publick Consistories as the Popes had usully done That he had such a fondness for the Clergy that were about him that instead of distributing the Petitions among the ordinary Officers of Chancery to make an Abridgment of them he gave them to these Clergy-men that they might have the profit of them and because they understood nothing of these Matters many Errors were committed during his Pontificate which threw the Dataries Office into great Confusion The same Author observes also That this Pope favour'd the Friars Minors after an extraordinary manner by giving them publick and gainful Offices and bestowing upon them vacant Bishopricks and Benefices as much as he could He renew'd in their Favours the Priviledges of Preaching and Confessing granted to the Mendicant Orders by Boniface the 8th and John the 22d and condemn'd some Propositions that prejudic'd and diminish'd their Power by his Bull dated October the 10th 1409. which made a great noise in the University of Paris who threatned to cut off the Mendicant Orders from their Body unless they would renounce this Bull against which Gerson made a publick Discourse at a General Procession Alexander V. was acknowledg'd for Pope by all Christendom except Apulia and some part of Italy which had not yet abandon'd Gregory and the Kingdoms of Arragon Castile and Scotland and the States of Count Armagnac who acknowledg'd Benedict Germany was divided for Robert King of the Romans oppos'd the owning of Alexander for Pope because in many of his Letters he gave the Title of King of the Romans to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia tho' he himself had Possession of the Estate But Alexander V. found a means to gain the Archbishop of Mayence by making him Legatus Natus * i. e. One whose Legantine Power was annex'd to his Office of Archbishop to the Holy See in his own Province and the other Prelates of Germany he gain'd to his side by granting them all the Favours and Benefices they desir'd of him as also the German Lords by granting them any Dispensations for Marriage that they had a mind to As to Italy Rome was still under the Power of Laodislaus when Alexander V. was chosen but Balthazar Cossa having sat down before it with an Army in September 1409. strengthned the Party of Paul of Ursini gain'd the Governor of the Castle of St. Angelo and so order'd Matters That the Officers of Laodislaus were driven away and the City of Rome in appearance was reduc'd to the Obedience of Alexander but in effect was under the Government of Paul of Ursins The Court of Pope Alexander was then at Pistoya and he thought himself oblig'd to go to Rome where the Romans expected him But Balthazar Cossa would carry him to Bohemia under pretence that he was oblig'd to bring him thither but really upon Design as 't is thought that himself might be chosen Pope after his Death which he foresaw would quickly happen the Cardinals being then in a City whereof he was Master Howsoever this was 't is certain the thing happen'd after this manner for Alexander V. dying at Bohemia May the 3d 1410. Balthazar Cossa who besides his own Interest had a Recommendation from John the 23d Pope Louis of Anjou King of Sicily was chosen Pope a few Days after and took upon him the Name of John XXIII This Pope was of a considerable Family in Naples he had been Cardinal and was appointed Legate of the Holy See at Bohemia by Boniface the 9th He amass'd together great Riches in this Employment by the Exactions and Tyrannies which he exercis'd in the City and Country of Bohemia which he govern'd as an absolute Sovereign He contributed very much to the Meeting of the Council of Pisa and the Election of Alexander V. and govern'd in his Name during his Pontificate The first Design which John XXIII undertook after he was advanc'd to the Holy See was War between Laodislaus and John the 2â—d to deprive Laodislaus of the Kingdom of Naples which he had had a great mind to do for a long time because Laodislaus had been the cause of condemning his Brethren to Death and to put Louis Duke of Anjou in Possession of that Kingdom For this end he rais'd an Army and having join'd it with the Troops of this Prince he march'd towards Capua Laodislaus met them with an Army and gave them Battle in May 1411. The Forces of Laodislaus were beaten but the Conquerors being diverted with gathering the Spoil and Booty gave an opportunity to Laodislaus to escape into a Castle and to the remainder of his Forces to make a Retreat In the mean time John XXIII returning Triumphantly into Rome and to show his Contempt of his Enemies he caus'd their Ensigns which he had taken to be dragg'd thro' the Dirt after a Solemn Procession which he made But Louis of Anjou was no sooner return'd into France than Laodislaus repair'd his Losses and strengthned his Interest by gaining to his Party the principal Commanders of the Pope's Army and then he sent an Army in the time of Harvest to the very Gates of Rome which was beat back at the first Onset But John XXIII despairing of reducing Laodislaus by force resolv'd to gain him by Money And therefore he entred upon a secret Treaty with him which being concluded Laodislaus gave Order to Angelus Corarius to depart out of his Dominions He was forc'd to obey and therefore he fled to Marca Ancona to shelter himself under the protection of Charles Malatesta who was the only Person that continued faithful to him The War being quickly kindled again between Laodislaus and John XXIII the former John the 23d driven from Rome came with an Army to the Gates of Rome in May 1413. which meeting with no Resistance entred into the City for the Romans hated the Pope who had drawn great sums of Money
scarce begun but it was put off to another time Gregory XII and John XXIII held to that which was decreed in the Council the former The Sequel of the Council died at Recanati even before the Council was ended the second having brib'd his Guards with Mony deliver'd himself out of Prison and came to Florence to cast himself at the Feet of Martin V. and implore his Mercy The Pope receiv'd him very courteously made him Cardinal and Dean of the Sacred College and gave him a Place more eminent than the rest He enjoy'd but a little while this Consolation for within six Months after being weary of leading a private Life he died at Florence where a sumptuous Funeral was made for him There remain'd now only Benedict XIII who was shut up in the Castle of Paniscole where he The obstinacy of Benedict XIII preserv'd still the Name and the Ensigns of the Papal Dignity being accompanied with four Cardinals Martin V. sent the Cardinal of St. Eusebe a Florentine his Legat in Arragon to enjoin him under the Penalty of Ecclesiastical Censures to resign The Cardinals that were with him remonstrated to him That he ought to do it for the Benefit of the Peace He answer'd them after his usual manner That he would personally confer with his Competitor to see what he would do about it Upon this Answer two of his Cardinals forsook him and there remain'd only two with him whereof one was a Carthusian and the other was call'd Julian of Obla Then all Spain acknowledg'd Martin the Scots quickly follow'd the Example and at last the Subjects of the Count of Armagnac so that all the Authority of Benedict was confin'd to the Castle of Panischole Nevertheless some time after King Alphonsus being exasperated against Martin the Pope because he had invested Louis III. Duke of Anjou in the Kingdom of Naples had a mind to revive the Pretensions of Benedict and sent an Ambassador to the Council which was to be held at Siena to endeavour that Benedict might be own'd and Martin rejected which was one Cause wherefore Martin put off the Council to another time At last Benedict dying in his Contumacy in the The death of Benedict Year 1424. the Cardinals that remain'd about him chose for Pope Gillio de Munian a Canon of Barcelona a Spaniard who took upon him the Name of Clement VII created Cardinals and did all the Acts of a Pope But some time after Martin V. having accommodated the Difference The Election of Clement VII with the King of Arragon and appointed the Cardinal of Foix for his Legat in Spain Clement was forc'd to resign into his Hands all his pretended Rights and that he might do it with some Show of Germany that he would refer the Choice of it to the Pope's Legates Philibert Bishop of The Openiâ—g of the Council of Pavia and iâ—s Translation to Siena Amiens said as much in the name of the Deputies from France who were six in number Richard Bishop of Lincoln consented to it also in behalf of those from England who were a much greater number and declar'd That for the present he would approve of that place which should be chosen by the Legates There were no Deputies from the Nation of Spain nor any other Italians but the Pope's Legates The next Day Andrew Bishop of Posnania having said Mass the Archbishop of Toledo read a Writing which contain'd That the General Council being lawfully Assembled at Pavia chang'd this City because of the Pestilence which was there and in its room made choice of the City of Siena as a place fit and sufficient for the Continuation of this Council The Archbishop of Crete answer'd in the name of the Nation of Italy That he lik'd it well altho' he had no Power over it The Deputies of the Nations of Germany and England consented also to it There is nothing said of what was done by those of the French Nation but only 't is observ'd That they had not seen the Writing which was read by the Bishop of Posnania By Vertue of this Decree the Council was adjourn'd to Siena by the same Prelats and The Council bâ—gun at Siena some others who came thither They began there with making a Decree wherein they renew'd the Penalties of Law against those who should give any assistance to the Wiclevites and Hussites and a Plenary Indulgence was granted to all those that would prosecute them and labour to ruin this Heresie By a second Decree the Sentence of Condemnation was confirmed that had been given in the Council of Constance against Peter de Luna and the Fault of all those was aggravated who should continue or maintain the Schism after his Death By a third Decree the Ordinaries and Inquisitors were enjoin'd diligently to intend the seizing condemnation and punishing of Hereticks or their Favourers under the pain of Suspension for four Months in case of Negligence Afterwards the Affair of the Greeks was treated of in the Council and the Relation of the Embassy of Antony Massanus was read there the Proposals he had made to the Emperor of the Greeks and the Answer that was given to them Before the Council took any Resolution in this Affair and consider'd of the Reformation of the Church which had been propos'd Martin V. fearing lest the Ambassador of the King of Arragon should attempt something against him and lest the Council should make Orders about the Reformation contrary to the Interest of the Court of Rome contriv'd to adjourn the Council to another Time and Place under pretence of the small number of Prelats that were come to the Council of the Wars wherewith the Emperor was distracted and the Disputes which had been between the Prelats of the Council Pope Martin had given a Power to his Legates to translate the Council with the Advice of The Dissolution of the Council â—t Siena and the Appointment of that of Basil. the Prelats By Vertue of this Power they resolv'd to put an end to the Council at Siena and to appoint another and caus'd some Deputies of Nations to be nam'd to agree about the place These Deputies after many Debates made choice of the City of Basil for holding the Council seven Years after according to a Decree of the Council of Constance by their Consultation on the 19th of February 1424. which was afterwards approv'd in full Council First by the Pope's Legates and after them by the principal Prelats of each Nation except the Archbishop of Toledo who would not consent to it in behalf of his Nation because as he said he had no Power but only as Archbishop and Primate of Spain This design'd Dissolution of the Council displeas'd the greatest part of the Prelats who complain'd loudly That the Pope hindred the Reformation of the Church which oblig'd his Legates to Protest That by this Translation the Council of Sienna should not be accounted wholly dissolv'd but that the Presidents
forbear to repeat some part of his Office that he might have more time to read and study and about the Books which he should read answers this Regular in Eighteen Propositions whereof the Twelve first tend to shew that the Design of this Regular is dangerous and irregular and the Six last to inform him in the Studies he should follow Upon this occasion he refers him to his Book about the Examination of Doctrins advises him to read Spiritual Books as most agreeable to his Profession among the rest the Works of St. Bernard the Morals of St. Gregory the Spiritual Works of Richard and Hugo of St. Victor and of Bonaventure In another Tract he notes the Books which must be read with Precaution among which are the Works of the Abbot Joachim of ' Ubertin of Casal of Raimund Lully and among the Ancients the Ladder of John Climacus In another Treatise he gives the Signs for discerning between true and false Visions the First is Humility the Second Submission the Third Patience the Fourth the Truth of all the Predictions and Things which are said to be reveal'd and the Fifth Charity The Trilogue of Astrology Theologiz'd is a Dogmatical Work wherein he treats of the Heaven the Stars their Influences of the Angels and establishes Principles for confuting Judicial Astrology In the next Treatise he opposes the superstitious Opinions of those who believ'd certain Days to be happy or unhappy and in two other Treatises the Superstition of two Physicians of Montpelier whereof one made use of a Medal whereon was engraven the Figure of a Lyon for curing Diseases and the other would not make use of his Remedies but on certain days In a fourth Treatise about this Matter he confutes the Errors of the Magical Art by very solid Principles and proves that this Art is equally false and criminal He relates at the end of this Treatise a Censure of the Theological Faculty at Paris made the 19th of September 1398. against 27 Propositions which tend to justifie the Practice of Magick A Regular of the Order of Friars Preachers nam'd Matthew Grabon of the Convent of Weimar in the Diocese of Mersbourg in Saxony having asserted some Propositions which advanc'd the State of the Regulars so far above that of the Seculars that he affirm'd there could be no Perfection out of the Religious Orders and that the Evangelical Counsels and the Vertue of Poverty could not be practis'd in the World This Doctrin was condemn'd by the Cardinal of Cambray about which Gerson relates his own Opinion and founds it upon six Propositions First That the Christian Religion can only be properly call'd a Religion Secondly That it does not oblige Men to the Observation of the Evangelical Counsels Thirdly That it may be perfectly observ'd without a Vow which obliges to the practice of these Counsels Fourthly That particular Rules are not necessary for the more perfect Observation of the Christian Religion Fifthly That 't is an improper Speech to say That Religious Orders instituted by Men are a State of Perfection Sixthly That the Pope Cardinals and Prelats ought to observe the Christian Religion more perfectly than the Regulars From these Principles he draws Conclusions contrary to the Propositions of Friar Matthew Grabon This Affair being examin'd in the time of the Council of Constance this Regular was forc'd to Retract and his Retractation follows afterwards in the Treatise of Gerson against these Errors The next Treatise is against the Sect of Whippers and the publick Whippings He observes at first that the Law of Jesus Christ ought not to be burden'd with servile Works nor mingled with Superstitions that its Vertue proceeded from Mercy and the Grace which is produc'd by the Sacraments from whence he concludes that the Whippers who maintain that Whipping is of more Vertue for Remission of Sin than Confession and who equal it to Martyrdom are in an Error He says 't is to be fear'd lest this Effusion of the Blood of Ecclesiastical Persons and in holy Places should make the former fall into Excommunication or some Irregularity and profane the latter that when it is forbidden to impose publick Penance upon Clergy-men it is much less lawful to chastise them publickly with Whippings which are contrary to Modesty and Decency that to make these Whippings lawful they should be impos'd as a Penance by some Superiour that 't is convenient they should be us'd by the hand of another with Moderation without Scandal without Ostentation and Effusion of Blood as it is practis'd in some approv'd Convents and by devout Persons that publick Whippings are a dangerous Novelty condemn'd by the Church and are the cause of infinite Mischiefs as the contempt of Priests and Sacraments the Idleness the Robbery the Lewdness c. From whence he concludes That a stop must be put to this Practice lest it should revive and prevail by opposing it with Preaching with Laws and by Chastising the Disobedient and besides as it is not lawful to cut off any Member unless it is for the Health of the Body so neither does it seem to be lawful to draw Blood out of the Body by Violence unless it be by the way of Medicine After this Treatise follows a Letter address'd to St. Vincent Ferrier of the Order of Friars Predicants which does not so vigorously oppose this Usage but rather recommends the Care of it to him and desires him to come to Constance there to procure the Condemnation of this Sect of Whippers These things were written in the Year 1417. The next Treatise against the Proprietors who make Profession of the Rule of St. Austin is falsely attributed to Gerson This is the last Piece of the first part of his Works The second part consists of Moral Writings The first is entitled Moral Rules and is a Collection of many Axioms and Maxims upon different Subjects which appear not to have Gerson's Style as neither has the next Treatise which is an Abridgment of Speculative and Moral Theology The Tripartite Work wherein he treats of the Precepts of the Decalogue of Confession and the Art of dying well was found so useful that the Bishops of France made choice of it in their Synods to serve for an Instruction to Priests and to the Faithful of their Diocesses recommended it to the Curates to be read in their Exhortation and inserted into the Rituals The first part contains an easie Exposition of the Articles of Faith and a very useful Explication of the Precepts of the Decalogue the second the different Sins of which one may accuse himself in Confession and the third Exhortations and Prayers to assist a Man at the time of Death These things are handled in this Piece after a plain but solid and instructive manner The Treatise of the Difference between Venial and Mortal Sins was written in French by Gerson and translated into Latin by some Person at the same time To distinguish between these two Sins he lays down as a Principle That
Bishops Parish-Priests and other Priests do also molest the Regulars being perswaded that these Regulars seduc'd their Parishioners from their Parishes by telling them That they may freely come to their House on Festival Days to hear Divine Service That they are the proper Priests and Rectors to whom they ought to make Easter-Confession That the Parish-Priests maintain also That Confessions made to Regulars ought to be reiterated That these Disputes being the Cause of Scandal Hatred Divisions and Scruples he ordains both one and the other to put an end to these Contests and each to continue within the same Bounds which of Right belonged to 'em without attempting to invade the Right of others or to enlarge their own Pretensions For which end he renewed the Clementine Dudum revok'd the Enlargements which might be made of it and all such Privileges which may have been granted beyond what is contained in that Bull which he declares null and condemns the Propositions which were advanc'd as well by the Regulars to seduce the Parishioners from their Parish as by the Seculars against the Privileges granted to the Mendicants by this Decretal Sixtus IV. without any regard to this Revocation of Callistus reviv'd in 1473. the Bulls of Alexander V. and Eugenius IV. and gave the same Power which the Mendicants had of administring the Sacraments of the Eucharist and Extream Unction to those whom the Curates refused without a lawful Cause But he was aftewards forc'd to explain himself upon Occasion of the Differences which arose in Germany between the Mendicants and the Parish-Priests and declared by his Bull dated June the 17th in 1478. 1st That the Orders of Mendicants were very advantageous to the Church 2d That the Friars Mendicants ought not to preach That the Parishioners were not obliged to hear Mass in their Parishes on Festivals and Sundays 3dly That neither the Regulars nor the Mendicants ought to solicit the Laity to chuse their place of Burial among them because in this they ought to be left to their Liberty 4thly That the Mendicants ought no more to preach That Parishioners are not obliged to confess themselves at least at Easter to their Parish-Priests because the Parishioners are bound of Right to confess themselves at Easter to their proper Priests That in the mean while the Friars Mendicants are not excluded by this from hearing Confessions and imposing Penances according to common Right and the Privileges which were granted them 5thly That the Usage shall be observed as to the Hours of Divine Service That the Regulars shall not seduce the Parishioners from their Parishes and that the Parish-Priests shall not hurt the Mendicants that so there may appear to be a perfect Union and Charity between them This Decision of Sixtus did wholly remove the Difficulty about the Easter-Confession and plainly decided the Question in favour of the Parish-Priests The new Religious Societies instituted in this Century are the Society of Canons Regulars of St. Saviour founded near Siena by Stephen a Regular Augustin who had leave of the Pope The Institutions of new religious Orders to change the Habit and was approved by Gregory XII in 1408. to which the Church of St. Mary of Escoupetto of Florence was united from whence the Monastery was called Scopetto and the Canons Scopettines the Order of Mount Olivet which was a Reformation of the Hieronymites who followed the Rule attributed to St. Jerom which was compiled by Loup a Brother to St. Vincent Ferrier and approv'd by the Popes Gregory XII and Martin V. the Society of Canons Regulars of George of Alga founded in 1407. by Lawrence Justinian the Patriarch of Venice The Congregation of St. Justina of Padua which was a Reformation of the Benedictine Order in Italy made by Lewis Barbe a Venetian Canon of the Congregation of St. George of Alga in 1409. which was approv'd by Eugenius IV. and John XXIII and honoured with many Privileges by the Popes The Congregation of Bursfeld which is a Reformation of the Benedictines in Germany that was begun by John Rhodes who passed from the Order of Carthusians to that of St. Benedict and was made Abbot of the Abbey of St. Matthias near Treves and finished by John Abbot of Bursfeld who united many Monasteries into one Congregation The Order of Minims whose Author was St. Francis of Paule who built about the Year 1467. a little Monastery of Regulars near that City under a Rule which was approved by Sixtus IV. Alexander VI. and Julius II. At first they bore the Name of the Hermits of St. Francis and afterwards that of the Minims because they called themselves in Humility Minimi fratres Eremitae The Order of the Nuns of the Blessed Virgin Mary which was instituted at Toledo by Beatrix at Sylva a Portuguese Woman and approved in 1489. by Innocent VIII upon the Prayer of Isabella Queen of Spain While Beatrix liv'd they followed the Rule of the Cistertians after her Death they assum'd that of St. Claire in 1494. The Military Orders founded in this Century are that of the Annunciade instituted by Amideus The Military Orders V. Count of Savoy in 1420. That of St. Maurice instituted by Amideus VII who was afterwards chosen Pope That of the Golden Fleece instituted in 1431. by Philip the Good Duke of Burgundy That of the Knights of Luna by Renatus Duke of Anjou King of Sicily in 1464. That of the Knights of St. George by Frederick III. Emperor That of St. Michael by King Louis XI in 1469. That of St. Stephen by Cosmus of Medicis which was approv'd in 1561. by Pius IV. and some others that are less famous A DISSERTATION ABOUT THE Author of the Book CONCERNING THE Imitation of JESUS CHRIST Wherein the Contests that have arisen upon this Subject are Related and the Reasons which have been alledg'd in favour of those to whom it is Attributed the Manuscripts the Editions and Testimonies which are made use of to maintain the Right of each Pretender are Examin'd and upon the whole an Equitable and Impartial Judgment is given THERE never was a Book in the World whose Author was Contested with more heat and about which more Pieces have been Written than about the Book of the A Dissertation about the Author of the Imitation of Jesus Christ. Imitation of Jesus Christ. This Question which appears not to be of any great Consequence nor to be worthy of the pains of Learned Men is now become Famous by the contrary Pretensions of two great Religious Societies about it by the different Judgments which Learned Men have given of it by the Curious Enquiries which have been made on both sides by the great number of Reasons and Authorities which have been alledg'd by the Learning and Eloquence of the Contenders and by the noise it has made in the World All these Reasons have oblig'd us to search this Matter to the bottom in this Dissertation wherein we have Collected together all that has been done
and of John of Tambach Regent of the University of Prague and the Bull of a Legat publish'd at Vienna in 1448. 'T is written on Paper and has this Title in Red Letters Incipit Tractatus Joannis de Canabaco de Imitatione Christi contemptu omnium vanitatum mundi dividitur in quatuor libros The Bull dated in 1448. written with the same hand shews that it could not be written before this Year The Name of Canabaco was added some time after and above the Line but still it is done by the same hand in the same Writing and with the same Vermilion Mr. Naude and the Assembly in 1671. are in this of the same Opinion Mr. Naude judg'd that the Writing of the Manuscript was no older than 1480 or 1500. The Assembly gave no Judgment of its Antiquity This Surname of Canabacum given to John the Author of the Book of the Imitation has been differently explain'd Some say That Canabacum was the place of the Birth of this John whom they suppose to be the same with Gersen and since Canabacum is a Place unknown they have interpreted it Cavaglia which is a Borough in the Country of Verceil This was the Opinion of Quatremaires and Walgrave Father Delfau and those who have written since seem to have forsaken this Opinion and durst not maintain that Canabacum was the Country of John Gersen and that this Place was Cavaglia And so it is not known what the Surname is from whence it was taken nor what gave occasion to mention it here Some may conjecture that the Writer of this Manuscript having copied it from another wherein de Gersonio was ill written wrote Canabaco for Gersonio or rather that lighting upon a Manuscript wherein there was Cancellario abbreviated as Canâ—lrio he read it Canabaco Howsoever this be it cannot be prov'd by any Place that this Joannes de Canabaco is the same who is call'd Joannes Gersen in the other Manuscripts The seventh is the Manuscript of Cave upon which it is written Iste Liber est Congregationis Cassinensis and a little after asservatur in Monasterio Cavae The Book of the Imitation in this Manuscript is written upon Parchment in fair Characters and has no Name of the Author nor any Date of the Time being imperfect at the end But in the first Letter Q there is the Image of a Benedictine Monk having a Cross in his hand some think that this is the Pourtraiture of Gersen Afterwards 't is said That the Words of ch 56. B. 3. gave occasion to this Picture I have receiv'd from your hand a Cross and I will carry it until Death It may indeed be that this Sentence gave occasion to him who wrote this Manuscript to make this Picture at the beginning But upon what grounds can it be thence concluded That the Book of the Imitation was therefore written by a Benedictine Monk All that can be thence conjectur'd is That the Writer of this Manuscript was a Benedictine The last Piece which is produc'd is a Copy of some Works printed at Venice in 1501. among which is the Book of the Imitation of Jesus Christ under the Name of John Gerson Chancellor of the University of Paris at the end whereof are to be found these Words written upon Design Hunc librum non compilavit Johannes Gerson sed D. Johannes This Word Johannes has been mended by the Confession of Father Delfau and that which follow'd has been raz'd out in the room whereof there is still a blank space and after it there are these Words Abbas Vercellensis After which there is yet more Writing raz'd out and then at last follow these Words Ut habetur usque hodie propria manu scriptus in eadem Abbatia This Copy being one of those which were presented at Rome in 1641. to Sieur Naude he judg'd that this Manuscript Observation had been falsified and pretends That Johannes had been made of the Name Thomas after so gross a manner That the Sieur Vincent Galeotti when he came to read this Writing read Thomas for Joannes This Copy was not produc'd at the Assembly in 1671. tho' it was at Paris and Father Delfau gave no other Reason for it but that it was in the Library among the printed Books without his knowledge If this had been the only Reason which hindred the Benedictines from producing it then they would certainly have shewn it in the Assemblies in 1674. and 1687 But they had Reason to suppress it because they truly judg'd that this Manuscript Note was of no Authority First Because 't is well known that 't is much later than 1501. but 't is not known at what time it was written nor who is the Author of it Secondly Because the Name of Johannes being foisted in and that of Gersen or Gessen being not there it was unserviceable to their Cause Thirdly Because this Note however very late yet was falsified by a Forger who put into it all that he pleas'd Fourthly Because the space might be fill'd up with any other Name besides that of Johannes Gersen or even that of Thomas a Kempis that perhaps he might be call'd Abbas Windesemensis or perhaps even Abbas Vercellensis because there was one Thomas a Canon-Regular of St. Victor Abbot of St. Andrew of Verceil whom some make a Canon-Regular upon the Credit of an ancient Register of Burials of St. Victor's and others a Benedictin according to the Picture of a Monk which is said to be upon his Tomb Fifthly Because 't is not certain whether these Words Abbas Vercellensis are the Forgers or his who first wrote this Note And thus the Title of the Abbot of Verceil which is given to John Gersen being founded only upon this Note is a meer Chimaera since Gersen is not at all nam'd there and the Name of John is foisted in and therefore no regard ought to be had to a Piece of this Nature There are two Abbies at Verceil that of St. Stephen and that of St. Andrew This latter was founded at the Expence of Henry II. King of England after the Murder of Thomas of Canterbury Whereof the first Abbot in 1227. was Thomas Gallas a Canon-Regular of St. Victor or according to others an English Benedictine He was Abbot till the Year 1260. Upon which account John Gersen is made Abbot of St. Stephen of Verceil and not of St. Andrew This Monastery is more ancient and was of the Order of St. Benedict until Paul III. in the Year 1536. gave it to the Canons-Regular after which it was destroy'd in 1581. But no ancient Author speaks of this Abbot John Gersen Francis Augustin a Clergy-man hath indeed plac'd him in the Edition of his Chronicle at Piemont in 1648. among the Abbots of Verceil and ascrib'd to him the Imitation of Jesus Christ but 't is only upon hear-say from some Benedictine since the Contest of Cajetan and he durst not mention him in his History of Verceil There is also cited a Manuscript History of
assuring them that the Eastern Bishops would rather separate than condemn the Memory of Theodorus Whereupon S. Cyril wrote to Proclus That though he believed the Works of Theodorus to be full of Impieties and Blasphemies yet he thought it more convenient for Peace sake and to prevent a separation of the Eastern Bishops not to speak of him chiefly because he dyed in the Communion of the Church Proclus wrote on his part to Maximus that he disapproved his Carriage that he ought to be obedient to his Bishop and not trouble the East and that he would send his Deacon back again when his Writing is Signed and the Propositions annexed at the end of it be rejected John Bishop of Antioch and the Eastern Bishops could not hold their Peace seeing the Memory of a Bishop who was of so great reputation among them to be assaulted Being assembled therefore at Antioch in 436 or 437 they wrote three Letters for the defence of Theodorus the one to the Emperor Theodosius the other to Proclus Bishop of Constantinople and the third to S. Cyril In the Letter to Theodosius they humbly represent to this Emperor that it is unjust and prejudicial to the Church to quarrel at the Writings or Memory of Theodorus that this great Man Facund l. 2. c. 2. for five years together was a professed Enemy and Opposer of Heresie That he was commended admired by all the World and highly esteemed by Theodosius the Great That he was the Scholar of Flavian and S. Chrysostom That having Written a great deal it is likely he may have Ibid. l. 8. c. 3 5. l. 11. c. 14. some Expressions which may give some ground for the Accusations brought against him That the Ancient Fathers have used the same Modes of speaking which are reproved in the Works of Theodorus Lastly That those who bring this Accusation are troublesome Persons who are delighted in nothing but disturbances and confusion In the Letter to Proclus they commend his Book blame those that were the Authors of the Division who accuse their Bishops and not content to raise Sedition against the Living desire to do it against the Dead and make their attempts to condemn Theodorus Theodorus who in his Life-time never received any reproof who was always commended and esteemed by the Emperor and Bishops who ever opposed himself against the Heresies and wrote 10000 Volumes to confute them They conclude this Letter by maintaining that we may find an infinite number of such like passages as those of Theodorus in Ignatius Eustathius S. Athanasius S. Basil Flavian Diodorus S. John Chrysostom S. Ambrose and Atticus From whence they infer that if we condemn Theodorus we must also do the same to them because there is none of them out of which the like passages may not be taken especially if we sever them from what goes before and follows after as they have done in those that are extracted from the Writings of Theodorus Lastly in the Letter to S. Cyril they say that being Assembled upon the account of Proclus's Letter they thought it needless to enter into a new contest concerning the Writings of Theodorus Fac. l. 1. c. 1. l. 8. c. 4 5. l. 11. c. 1. 8. all things being at peace That it is possible that there may be in the Works of that Author some places which are capable of an ill sense but there were others where he delivers his Judgment plainly in a very Orthodox manner That we may meet with the like Expressions in the Holy Fathers particularly in S. Athanasius Theophilus and Proclus's Letter That it is very dangerous to blemish the Memory of a Man who served and defended the Church for several Years and so much the more because by condemning him we must involve several of the Fathers in the same Fate That 't was this that made the Defenders or Nestorius so victorious who were amazed to see themselves cursed with the such Bishops as dyed in the Communion of the Church and in so great esteem That Theodorus having opposed the Hereticks was obliged to reject their Errors more plainly and to make use of such terms as might seem to favour the Opposite Errors The Emperor made answer to John and his Synod That he had heard by Proclus what a stir some Persons began to make in the East and exhorts him to provide for the Peace and encounter Collect. of Lupus c. 29. those who are the promoters of the Disturbance That his Intention is that all those that are under his Gouernment should live in Peace and chiefly the Church That they might be confident of this and therefore be more active to further and secure the Peace of the Church Proclus also gave them a very civil Answer declaring to them That when he wrote his Book he had no design to condemn Theodorus That his Deacon Theodorus had no Order to do it and Facund l. 8. c. 22. that he was contented to reject these Propositions which seemed to him False or Erroneous without naming the Authors Lastly Although S. Cyril openly declared himself against the Writings of Theodorus of Mopsuesta yet he wrote to John Bishop of Antioch as he had before done to Proclus That he approved that for the Peace of the Church they should content themselves to condemn the false Propositions taken out of the Books of Theodorus without meddling with his Memory This Letter is recited in the Fifth Council where it is accused of Falshood because they pretend that it doth not Act Conc. 5. Coll. 5. agree with the other Letters of S. Cyril but if they consider them well they are not contrary to this In it he condemns the Writings of Theodorus and Diodorus and reproves those that commend the Doctrine of these Authors but he doth not pronounce Anathema against their Persons on the contrary in his Letter to Proclus he is of the same Opinion as in this It cannot be proved that he changed his Judgment or that he ever was against the Peace in which he had engaged himself We would here make an end of the Council of Ephesus but before we pass to the History of the Council of Chalcedon it is necessary to add something by way of Illustration upon such points of the History as do admit of some difficulty And first It is demanded who it was that called the Council of Ephesus It is evident that it was Theodosius the Younger The Cardinals Baronius and Bellarmine both agree in this but they pretend that this Emperor did it by the Pope's Authority and following his Judgment and Advice This supposition is groundless and indeed it is easie to prove by the course of the History that it was impossible that the Emperor should take the Pope's Advice when he called the Council Saint Caelestine having examined the Cause of Nestorius referred to his Council by both Parties wrote to S. Cyril that he should certifie Nestorius That if he did not change his Opinion within ten
Days after the Declaration of this Sentence to him that he was Exccommunicated and Deposed and that they would put another Person in his place This Letter is dated Aug. 11. Anno. 430. The Pope speaks nothing here of celebrating a Council but on the contrary he supposeth it needless to call one and that it was not yet mentioned The Pope's Letter was carried to Alexandria by Possidonius Saint Cyril called a Council of Bishops there to signifie the Pope's Judgment to Nestorius The Letter of the Synod is dated Novem. 3. of the same year The Letter for the assembling the Council of Ephesus bears date Nov. 19. By this 't is evident that the Emperor had not resolved to call this Council till he knew what the Synod of Alexandria had decreed Now it is manifest that it was not possible in so small a time as passed between the holding of this Council and the Date of his Letter to write to Rome and receive Advice from thence Therefore the Council of Ephesus was called by the Emperor and the Pope knew nothing of it the Pope having passed his Judgment before Yea moreover it seems that the Emperor's design in calling the Council was to weaken or rectifie the Pope's Sentence Lastly the Pope was called to it as other Bishops and he acknowledges in his Letter written to Theodosius That it was the Emperor who ordered the calling of a Synod The Question concerning the Presidency is of greater difficulty It is beyond Controversie that S. Cyril did preside in this Council but some enquire whether it was in the quality of Legat of the Holy See or in his own Name It is certain that the Pope had entrusted him wholly with the Execution of the Sentence which he had given against Nestorius but it doth not appear in the least that he had any Commission to assist at or Preside over the Council of Ephesus in his Name but on the contrary he sent his Legats on purpose to it who had strict orders to do nothing but with the concurrence of S. Cyril but he doth not say that S. Cyril shall assist with them at the Council in his Name nor that he continues the same power to him which he lately gave for this purpose And indeed in the relation which the Council gives the Emperor the time which went before the Council is distinguiâ—hed from that which followed and it is said that S. Caelestine had Commissioned S. Cyril before the Council but after he sent the Bishops Arcadius and Projectus and the Deacon Philip on purpose to supply his place in the Council Nevertheless S. Cyril in the Subscriptions of the First Second and Third Action takes the Title of The Deputy of Caelestine Liberatus and Evagrius gives him also the same Title Some pretend that it hath been added to the Subscription by some Scribe or that it ought to be understood of the time which went before the Council I rather believe that S. Cyril having born that title before the Council held it in the Council it self though he had it not then but it doth not follow from thence that he presided in the Pope's Name or in the Quality of his Deputy for if he had presided under that Title it is certain that upon his default the other Legats of the Pope ought to have presided in his place and had the first Seat Now 't is evident That not they but Juvenal Bishop of Jerusalem presided in the Fourth and Fifth Action in which Saint Cyril became a Petitioner Wherefore 't was not under the Title of Legat to the Pope that S. Cyril presided since in his absence Juvenal was preferred before the Pope's Legats 'T was because he was the first of the Patriarchs who were present in Person at the Council There are several Objections made against the Nature of this Council and the management of it Some say that it ought to be accounted no better than a tumultuous and rash Assembly where all things were carried by passion and noise and not for an Oecumenical Council That S. Cyril held it against the consent of the Commissioners whom the Emperor sent to call them together That not only Nestorius and his Party but also several other Orthodox Bishops opposed it That he scorned to wait for the Eastern Bishops who would have soon arrived and who desired him to wait for them That he did not stay for the Legats of the Holy See nor any of the Western Bishops That his Synod was made up of the Aegyptian Bishops and some Bishops of Asia who were wholly devoted to his Will That it was he that did all and ordered all in the Council Although he was Nestorius's Enemy and one whom he had objected against for his Judge because he looked upon him as his Enemy Had not Nestorius therefore the same reason to Object against him The manner in which he acted against Nestorius and the rashness he was guilty of in condemning him make it Credible that he was animated by nothing but Passion He caused Nestorius to be Summoned twice in a day Nestorius Answered That he was ready to appear when the Eastern and Western Bishops were come and the Council was full That they refused not to be Judged but he would not be judged by his Enemies only These excuses appeared Reasonable St. Chrysostom alledged the like to exempt him from appearing before the Synod of Theophilus Nevertheless S. Cyril imitating his Uncle and Predecessor Theophilus accepted the Accusation proceeded against him and was the first that gave his Voice against him and caused him to be Condemned This S. Isidore of Damaita reproved S. Cyril for telling him That several Persons laughed at him and at the Tragedy which he had Acted at Ephesus That it was said openly that he sought nothing but revenge upon his Enemy That in this he imitated his Uncle Theophilus and although there was a great deal of difference between the Person accused the carriage of the Accusers was much the same That he had better have been quiet and not revenged his private quarrels at the expence of the Church and so raise an eternal discord among Christians under a pretence of Piety These are the very words of Isidore which he speaks to him in kindness Gennadius Bishop of Constantinople compares this conduct of S. Cyril's to Theophilus's and calls him the second Scourge of Alexandria The Proceedings in the Judgment seem to prove it more clearly that S. Cyril and the Bishops of his Party were hurried by Passion That they greatly aimed at the Condemnation of Nestorius and were afraid of nothing more than of the coming of the Eastern Bishops for fear they should not be able to do what they pleased for in their first Session they cited Nestorius twice read the Testimonies of the Fathers S. Cyril's Letters and twelve Chapters Nestorius's Writings and all gave their Judgments Was ever any business concluded with so much haste The least matter of this nature require
Ep. 30. Of the Apostolick Sees EUlogius Patriarch of Alexandria had written many things to St. Gregory in favour of the See of St. Peter St. Gregory observes to him in his Answer that they were the more grateful to him because they were written by one who sits also in the Chair of St. Peter himself and that he had done an Honour to himself by endeavouring to do one to the See of Rome That he should know that the Church was solidly founded upon the Firmness of the Prince of the Apostles from whence he had his Name of Peter and that to him the Truth it self said I will give thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven to whom he also said when you are Converted strengthen your Brethren without forgetting these other words Simon Son of Jona lovest thou me feed my sheep That upon this account though there were many Apostles yet there was but one See of the Prince of the Apostles which was raised in Authority above the rest because of the Primacy which he founded That this See is in three places at Rome the place where he finish'd his Course at Alexandria whether he sent his Evangelist St. Mark to supply the place and at Antioch where he continued seven years but that these three Sees are but one See which belongs to St. Peter on which three Bishops now sit which are in effect but one in him who pray'd That they may be one as I am in the Father and the Father in me B. 6. Ep. 37. The Form of Ecclesiastical Decisions HEre follow the principal Rules observ'd by St. Gregory in Ecclesiastical Decisions He Judg'd in the first place the Bishops of Italy Sicily and the Neighbouring Isles which immediately depended upon Rome as their Metropolis as for Example he cites Januarius Bishop of Calaris to Rome to come and purge himself of the Accusation charged upon him B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 36. He causes the Bishop of Syracusa to come to Rome B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 12. He cites Maximus Bishop of Salone B. 5. Ep. 3 25. Having depos'd the Bishop of Naples he writes to the Clergy and People of that City to choose another Bishop in his room B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 3. He requires his * The Defensores of St. Peter's Patrimony were certain Officers appointed by Popes in the Provinces for maintaining and taking care of the Patrimony of the Roman Church which Officers were afterwards appointed for Parochial Churches and are now call'd Churchwardens Spelm. Gloss. Warden in Sicily to send to Rome the Bishop of Messina and his Accusers B. 11. Ep. 32 33. The Bishops of the Vicariate of Rome were oblig'd to come every year to his Synod As to those of Sicily they came thither once in three years and St. Gregory assures them that he will be satisfied if they come but once in five years B. 6. Ep. 19. Yet to facilitate the dispatch of Affairs he makes Maximian Bishop of Syracuse his Legat into Sicily to whom he gives Power to judge of smaller Affairs on condition that he should reserve to him such as were of greater Consequence He Commissions the Bishop of Syracuse and four other Bishops to judge the Cause of Mellitus Bishop of the Isle of Malta B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 63. As to the other Bishops of the West who did not depend upon his Metropolis he would have them judged by a Synod of the Province without an Appeal to the Holy See He affirms that a Bishop of Afric should be judg'd by a Synod held in Afric B. 1. Ep. 82. He remits Paulinus of Tegesta to the Judgment of Columbus B. 10. Ep. 32. He affirms That a Bishop ought never to be Depos'd till his Cause has been first heard in a Synod B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 8 9. In case of an Appeal or where recourse is had to the Holy See he commonly commissions Judges upon the place whereof here follow some Instances Florentius Bishop of Epidaurus which is now Ragousa had been condemn'd by his Metropolitan without being judg'd or convicted in any Synod but St. Gregory declares that his Deposition ought not to take place but the Cause ought to be re-heard and decided in a Council He commissions Antonius to be present at this Decision B. 1. Ind. 4. Ep. 8 9. He remits to Columbus Bishop of Numidia the Judgment of two Bishops of Afric B. 5. Ep. 36. B. 10 Ep. 32. He Commissions one of his Wardens at Rome to draw up a Process and Judge the Bishop of Malaga B. 11. Ep. 52 53. The Judgment of this Deacon is related in the Letter 55 wherein he declares by virtue of his Commission that Januarius Bishop of Malaga was unjustly forc'd away He nulls all that had been done against him altho it was null in it self He ordains that the other Bishops who were guilty of this bold Invasion of another's Right shall be shut up in a Monastery to do Penance there that he who was Ordain'd in the room of Januarius shall remain depriv'd of the Priesthood and all Ecclesiastical Orders and that Januarius shall re-enter upon the Possession of his Bishoprick This Deacon pronounc'd the Sentence in the presence of the four Gospels and according to the Memorial of the Imperial Laws about the Decisions of Bishops St. Gregory remits to the Bishop of Vienna the Judgment of an Abbot of Cesena who was forsaken by his Bishop B. 12. Ep. 1. He Commissions Sigibert Bishop of Autun to determine the Differences between the Bishop of Turin and Tarentasia about the Parishes of their Diocese B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 120 121. He pretends also to have a Right of Reviewing the Causes which were decided in the East even after an Appeal The Affair of Hadrian Bishop of Thebes in Thessaly is too remarkable to be pass'd over here in silence This Bishop had been condemn'd by the Bishop of Larissa upon a Civil Affair and he had brought his Appeal but having recourse to the Emperors he was sent back to be judg'd before the Bishop of Corinth yet he was afterward forc'd to acquiesce in the Judgment of the Bishop of Larissa Some time after two Deacons who had been depos'd one for his Uncleanness and the other for Embezelling the Revenues of the Church accus'd Hadrian of suffering a Deacon of an ill Life altho he knew of his Disorders and of suffering Infants to die without Baptism The Bishop of Larissa condemn'd him now for a Criminal Affair as he had done before for a Civil Matter be appealed from this Sentence the Emperors caused the Informations to be communicated to Honoratus a Deacon who found none of these things true which they charged upon Hadrian Yet his Cause was remitted to the Metropolitan of the first Justinienna Primat of Illyria and Vicar of the Holy See This Bishop without exâ—…ing the Cause judicially confirm'd the Sentence of the Bishop of Larissa upon the 〈◊〉 of some Witnesses who declar'd that they had
heard from the Deacon Demetrius the things which were charg'd upon Hadrian altho this Deacon deny'd it so stifly that he could not be made to confess it by putting him to the Torture Hadrian had recourse to St. Gregory who null'd the proceedings at Larissa and those of the Bishop of the first 〈◊〉 as contrary to the Laws and the Canons and as null in themselves even tho there had not been any Appeal He cuts off the Bishop of Justinâ—… from Comâ—… for thirty days threatens to Excommunicate him of Larissa takes from him all his Jurisdiction over the Bishop of Thebes orders him to restore the Effects of the Church of Thebes and remits the Cause in his own right only to his Residents at Constantinople B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 6. 7. He believed also that the Holy See could call Causes of great Consequence to Rome and judge them Thus he judged and acquirred at Rome John a Priest of Chalcedon who was accused of Heresie and condemned by the Bishop of Constantinople B. 5. Ep. 15 16. And he alledges this Example to prove to the Bishop of 〈◊〉 thâ—… he could examin and judge at Rome the Cause of Claudus the Abbot who had a Difference with the Church of Ravenna B 5. Ep. 24. He acquits also a Priest of Isauria who was accused of Heresie B. 5. Ep 64. But he rarely made use of his Jurisdiction And the Metropolitans 〈◊〉 it with him Paul a Bishop of Afric came to Rome to purge himself Witnesses are sent thither who are 〈◊〉 insufficient Paul desires to be sent back to Constantinople the Pope allows him to go thither with two Bishops B. 6. Ep. 2. As to the ordinary Causes between the 〈◊〉 Clergy of the Bishopricks depending upon the Metropolis of Rome he left them to the Decision of the Bishops and would not have his Wardens to meddle in them nor to diminish the Jurisdiction of the Ordinary For says he if we do not preserve the Jurisdiction of each Bishop we 〈◊〉 the Order of the Church which we should maintain Nam si unicuique Episeâ—… sua jurisdictio non 〈◊〉 quid aliuâ— agitur nisi ut per nos per quos Ecclesiasticus ordo custoâ—… debuit 〈◊〉 B. 9. Ep. 32. Yet he punish'd a Priest of a Parish in the Diocese of another Bishop B. 2. Ep. 16. As to the Informations about the Disorders committed in the Person of a Bishop he observes that they should be made by a Clergy-man together with the Judge B. 2 Ind. 11. Ep. 1. He would not have a Bishop detained a long time in Prison He says that he must be Deposed if he be guilty or set at Liberty if he be innocent B. 1. Ep. 32. The Custom for a Man to purge himself by Oath when there was no Conviction of him was in use in the time of St. Gregory which he approves and makes use of B. 2. Ep. 23. B. 9. Ep. 12. Against the Title of Universal Patriarch ST Gregory does not only oppose this Title in the Patriarch of Constantinople but he maintains also that it cannot agree to any other Bishop and that the Bishop of Rome neither ought nor can assume it John the younger Patriarch of Constantinople had taken upon him this Title in a Council held in 586 in the time of Pope Pelagius which oblig'd this Pope to null the Acts of this Council St. Gregory wrote of it also to this Patriarch but this made no impression on him and John would not abandon this fine Title B. 4. Ep. 36. St. Gregory address'd himself to the Emperor Mauritius and exhorted him earnestly to employ his Authority for redressing this Abuse and to force him who assumed this Title to quit it He remonstrates to him in his Letter That although Jesus Christ had committed to St. Peter the Care of all his Church yet he was not called Universal Apostle That the Title of Universal Bishop is against the Rules of the Gospel and the Appointment of the Canons that there cannot be an Universal Bishop but the Authority of all the other will be destroy'd or diminish'd That if the Bishop of Constantinople were Universal Bishop and it should happen that he should fall into Heresie it might be said that the Universal Church was fall'n into destruction That the Council of Chalcedon had offer'd this Title to St. Leo but neither he nor his Successors would accept it lest by giving something peculiar to one Bishop only they should take away the Rights which belong to all the Bishops That it belongs to the Emperor to reduce by his Authority him who despises the Canons and does injury to the Universal Church by assuming this singular Name B. 4. Ep. 32. These Remonstrances had no effect for the Emperor would not meddle in this Affair and had even authorized John the younger and therefore the Pope complain'd of it to the Empress Ep. 34. of the same Book He wrote also to other Patriarchs who were it seems concern'd to oppose this new Title But they did not take the Matter so heinously as St. Gregory and suffer'd the Patriarch of Constantinople to enjoy this Title which did them no prejudice Nay Anastasius the Patriarch of Antioch had the boldness to remonstrate to St. Gregory that he must not be angry for a Matter of so little consequence But St. Gregory gave him to understand that he did not take the Matter to be so Cyriacus succeeding to John in the See of Constantinople continued to assume the same Title yet he wrote to St. Gregory immediately after his Promotion This Pope would not refuse his Letter but he gave him notice that he should quit that Ambitious Title of Universal Patriarch if he would prevent a Rupture between them and wrote to the Emperor that his Legat should not Communicate with Cyriacus till he had parted with this vain Title B. 6. Ep. 4. 5. 23 24 25 28 30 31. He exhorts the Bishop of Thessalonica not to approve this Title B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 70. Yet Cyriacus would not quit it and St. Gregory was also oblig'd to write to him about the end of his Pontificat B. 11. Ep. 43. Of the Rights and Authority of the Metropolitans ST Gregory desires that in Afric a Primate should be chosen rather with respect to his Merit then the Dignity of the See and that he should recide in a City B. 1. Ep. 72. Yet he permits the Bishops of Numidia to observe their ancient Customs even as to the appointing of Primates provided notwithstanding that they suffer none who have been Donatists to ascend to that Dignity B. 11. Ep. 75. St. Gregory in naming his Deputies preserves the Rights of Metropolitans Singulis quibusaue Metropolitis secundum priscam consuetudinem proprio bonore servato B. 4. Ep. 50. i. e. Saving to each Metropolitan his peculiar honour according to ancient Custom About the Pallium ST Gregory sent the Pallium to many Bishops To Anastasius of Antioch B. 1. Ep.