and afterwards secretly caused his near kinsman Lucius Caesar to be murthered because he had both the mind and the meanes to withstand and prevent his intentions and Henry the 4 should have had good occasion to repent him of the clemency and mercy which he shewed unto the before named Dukes if the Eâ—rle of Rutland had not been constrained by his own folly to reveale unto the King their Treason and Conspiracy against him for which afterwards they were worthily executed Pitty therefore is commendable and best beseeming the Majesty of a Prince when as the same may be used without any danger unto his person or his State or his kingdom but when as he seeth manifestly that never a Province never a City never an house of his kingdom can or will long continue in good estate in dutifull obedience in naturall affection towards him and his Crown unles he do somâ—â—imes use to play the King to revenge wrongs and to punish Treasons hee must needs change his naâ—ure make a verâ—ue oâ— necesâ—iâ—ie and accommodate himself unto their manners and their merits with whom he hath occasion to deale France nâ—vâ—r had any King that was more gentle kinde and curteous then that Lewis who for his Curtesie and Clemency was â—irnamed The Meek And yet the same Lewis as you have already heard forgot that name and the qualities and conditions incident thereunto when it was in question whether he or his Nephew Bernard should rule and Reigne For then knowing that a Prince cannot live in any good assurance of his Estate and kingdom so long as another pretendeth Right and Title thereunto and having wrongfully been kept from the possession thereof he pluckt out his Eyes kept him in perpetuall prison and in thâ— end caused his head to be cut from his shoulders Who can then blame the late Kâ—ng of France if he chose rather to rule then to be ruled to kill then to be killed to murder the Duke of Guise then to endanger his whole Estate and Kingdom The Prince that 〈◊〉 not an Iniury that is done unto his Commonaltie or to a private person is in danger somtimes to lose his life or his kingdom â—as were the Romans and Philip King of Macedania he because he punished not Aâ—tilas at the request of Pau sanias and they because they sent not the French men those which in the battaile betwixt them and the Citizens of Chynsie forgeting the dutie of Ambassadors were found in the foremâ—st ranke of their Enemies fighting against the French men And is it necessary that a King shall punish or revenge a wrong done unto his Country or unto â— private man and shall it not be lawfull for him to take vengeance of the wrongs and Indignities which are done unto himself May he command a Juâ—g to proceed Defacto without taking full knowledg of the cause and every circumstance of the Subjects cause and shall it not be lawfull for him to use the like power and authoritie in his owne case The least and meanest Judg may he not sometimes give judgment hearing no other proof but very violent presumptions and shâ—ll it not be lawfull for the King from whom he same Judg receiveth such power and authoritie to do the like We say and confess that Theâ—e is manifest when the Theif is taken in the Fact and shall it not be lawfull for a Prince to take that Treason for notorious which the Traytâ—r hath Committed If a man finde a stolle â— thing about a Theef he is in danger of death and if a man finde a Traytor armed and all things else in a readiness to performe and execute his treacherous Attempts shall he not be reputed a Traytor The Law sayeth that whatsoever a King doth it seemeth to be done with great reason If he commeâ—deth any thing every one is bound to beleeve that he hath good occasion to commend the same His Actions are manifest but his thoughts are hidden and secret it is our dutie to tolerate the one and not to murmur against the other nor to enquire or demand the Causes Motives and Reasons of his Commandements his pleasure must be unto us as a Law and his Will hath the full force and strength of reason and when the cause of that punishment which it pleaseth him to inflict is notorious and manifest his Commandment although it be done in hast and without great advisement yet it carryeth no less force and moment then doth a sentence that was dulie examined wisely perused diligently considered and solemnly pronounced Why then shall the death of the Duke of Guise be thought unlawfull since the King commanded the same not for hatred to the Duke but for securitie of himself for love of the weal publique not without 〈◊〉 Justice but according to Law and Equitie because a Princes pleasure is held for Law not without example but with approbation and imitation of many who having had the like occasion have used the like punishment briefly not to revenge his particular quarrels and Jnjuryes but to preserve his Right and his Crowne upon which the wealth the life and the wellfare of all his good and loyall Subjâ—cts do depend He was Allied unto many great Princes which are displeased with his death and will not leave it unrevenged But if these Princes were the Kings friends before the Dukes death they will not take the same in evill part and if they were his Enemies he needs not to care for them or to feare their displeasure more then the universal ruine and destruction of his Subjects He was one of the Peers of France But honor may not be a Priviledg unâ—o any man to emboldeâ— him to offend the Laws but the more honor a Subject receiveth from his King the more he is bound to love and fâ—are him But grant that the King did evill in causing him to be murtherâ—d shall the Subjects be grieved therewith shall they seek Revenge thereof shall they bear Arms therefore against their Prince and their Country May the son arme himself to kill and murther his Mother And is he not held for an ungracious and wicked child which will be revenged of his Father although he have done him great wroâ—g And is not a King the Father of his Subjects and is not every Country the Mother of the naturall Inhabitants thereof Or may they war against their Prince wihout seeking the lamentable overthrow Ruine and destruction of their Country Are all alterations dangerous in every well governed State and can that alteration be without danger which transferreth the Crowne from the right heire unto an Usurper from the lawfull King to an ambitious Subjâ—ct But it is onely said and no way proved that the Duke of Guise had any such intâ—nâ—ion as to deprive his Sovereigne and to crown himself it may be suspected but it is not notorious This must appeare more manifestly then it doth or else all that is said will be to no purpose To manifest this therefore
think that the Spaniard desireth not her Kingdoms who sheweth many and manifest signs that he affecteth the Rule and Empire of all the world Why should she not envy and hate him who seeketh to encrease his power to the end he may be the better able to annoy her And how can she be too wary too circumspect too wathful over such a friend if he will needs be taken as a friend who watcheth and snatcheth every little and great secret and coulourable occasion to play her the part of a deadly and a mortal enemy Shall she take him for a friend that seeketh to murther her person to estrange her Subjects to destroy her Realms The first confirmed by the Treasons before mentioned The second proved by the pernitious and detestable Book published by Dr Allen wherein he exhorteth teacheth and licenseth her Subjects to rebel against her and had for his labour a Cardinalship procured by the Spaniard The last lately verified and manifested by the hostile attempt and violence of his invincible Navy gathered together in seven years space compounded of all Nations and reported to have conquered before it came to the place where it meant to conquer and yet by our Might and the Almighties assistance happily and speedily conquered It is truly written or wisely fained That Hercules a man exceeding common mens stature a man blessed with more then ordinary good fortune a man of rare vertues and of admirable force and strength went up and down the world walking with a mighty Club in his hand and wandring from place to place only to subdue and chastise Tyrants and this true History or wise Fiction tendeth to no other purpose is reported for no other cause but to signifie that oppression is hateful and oppressors hated that affliction craveth compassion and afflicted persons are worthy of mercy and that to subvert the one is laudable and to succour the other is lawful Then if as Cornelius Tacitus saith other men direct their counsels to things that they think may and will be profitable unto them but Princes are and must be of another condition because all their actions must tend to the affectation and purchasing of Fame and Renown The Prince that succoureth the oppressed and seeketh to supplant the oppressor worketh a deed of Charity an action of Piety a work of commendation and in working thereof bendeth his counsels and directeth his actions unto the attaining of true honour and everlasting fame Then if as Polibus saith he that hath not compassion of other mens harms must not hope that any man shall have pity of his miseries Princes because there is quaedam rerum vicâ—ssitudo and fortune was never at all times favourable although they be in the highest degree of felicity must not presume too much on their own good fortune nor condemn those that are in miseries lest that if they chance to fall no man will vouchsafe to help them up again Then if as Thucidides saith he is not only a Tyrant that enforceth his Subjects to live in bondage and servitude but he also that may withstand another mans violence and do not withstand the same Princes which see their neighbours violently oppressed and as idle lookers on yeild them no manner of reliefe and succour when they may conveniently help them and in danger to be esteemed and reputed Tyrants Then if as Zenophon saith it be not lawful to break faith with him that falcifieth his word and promise Princes that withhold not their helping hands from the oppressed because they have been and are in League with the Oppressor who hath violated his faith unto them and unto others are not to be condemned of wrong and iniquity Then if as Iosephus saith patience and long suffering of an injury maketh the wrong-doer most commonly ashamed of his actions the Prince that cannot be intreated to leave off his wrong doing may well be ashamed thereof Then if as Bartholomeus Facius saith women-kind the weaker and more fearful it is the readier it is to beleive any credible report her Majesty is not to be blamed for crediting the just complaints of the oppressed States unto which the late King of France did as you have heard give open ear and would as it is credibly reported have vouchsafed sufficient relief had he not been letted by domestical dissentions and wars nourished and maintained of purpose by the Spaniard because he should not be able to yeild them relief and succor Then though it belong unto private men to conserve and retain their own and unto Princes to contend and strive for other mens Goods as ambitious minds do affirm and desire yet must they remember that the desire of Rule passeth all other affections yet must they not forget that some things resembling vertues are scant commendable but rather hateful and odious as too too great and obstinate severity and a mind nothing flexible or relenting at the sight at the remembrance of another mans misery Then though Princes be of power to begin Wars and to oppress their Subjects yet ought they to consider that it is not always expedient to do all that a man may or can do that a wise man must first try all other means then use the tryal of Armes that as it is commendable to be valiant against the enemy so it is praise-worthy to use clemency and gentleness towards them that are meek and penitent that they which offend by force and not of purpose by constraint and not of free-will and use Armes for their liberty and not oâ— malice deserve pardon and not hard dealing favour and not cruelty life and liberty and not death and servitude Then to be short if every one of these reasons shall not be available unto the Queen of England and the oppressed Flemmings yet let all avail her and them so shall she and they be justified and the Spainiard condemned so shall their and her actions be approved and his doings be reprehended so shall no man have just occasion to envie their and her prosperity and all Princes good cause to fear and suspect his over-growing authority so briefly shall it appear that the Spaniards unkind dealing deserveth no kindness of her Majesty and that although she hath hitherto spared him yet she hath no occasion to favour â—im And now I will make it appear that not withstanding his many Kingdomes and great power it lay in her power long sithence to have overthrown him For if it had pleased her Highness to have sent greater strength in Flanders then she did and of late years to have aided the United Provinces with huger Armies then she ever sent thither those Countries which are now partly in hâ—s possession and partly freed from his bondage had all before this time rejected him for their Lord and not any of them ever returned to his Subjection But the fear which she had of him and his power at home the supplies which she sent into France and the upholding of her friends in
is the force of ambition and unsatiabâ—e are the desires of covetous Princes who having subdued one Country seek presently after anoâ—her and when they have conquered that labour to attain unto new Conquests and never leave to inlarge their over large Territories until a small peice of ground incloseth their dead and rotten bodies But it may be said the King of Spain is old but covetousness dieth not but increaseth in old age He is already Master and Lord of many Kingdoms and so many Countries But as I have said the more a man hath the more a man wanteth he being nigh unto deaths door thinks nothing of his death But every Prince before his death would be glad to make his name immortal his Dominions infinite He is a Catholick Prince therfore will hold his words and promises with Catholicks as he hath done hitherto But deceitful men keep touch in small matters to deceive the better in causes of great weight and consequence They may therefore justly fear that he who coveteth Kingdoms that are far from him is not without a great desire of States that joyn and border upon his Dominions and they may well think since he is descended as you shall hear anon of such Predecessors as were ready to take any occasion whatsoever just or unjust honest or dishonest commendable or reprehensible to enlarge their Dominions that he hath learned of them to have the like desires and use the like practises But grant they have no just occasion to distrust him what shall they gain by his friendship what profit shall they reap by aiding and assisting him He called them to help him But when forsooth when his ships were suâ—k bruised and broken some lost and never heard of and those which returned into Spain were so shaken and beaten with weather and Gun-shot that either they will be altogether unprofitable or hardly repaired without great and infinite charges and when his people were either drowned or so terrified that they will have a small desire and less courage to return in England But why implored he not their helps when he went for England with an assured hope and confidence of an happy Conquest of an honourable Victory He was loath to use their help because he thought himself able to aâ—tain his purpose without making them partakers of his glory and now that he hath failed of his purpose he calleth them unto a second voyage intended for a revenge of the dishonour received in his first journey and they must go to recover his credit and to revenge his quarrel who have not as yet righted many wrongs done unto themselves nor wiped away divers foul spots and stains which blemish their own credit And how must they revenge his quarrel Forsooth by sending their best Soldiers into a strange Country by dis-furnishing themselves of Ships and Artillery and by lending him Munition and Mariners who might do well to spare his own people and to reserve theirs to encounter with the common enemy of Christendom Their Ancestors bought peace with unreasonable conditions and at a great price and they shall go to Wars where they have no cause of War Their Predecessors when any Nation dwelling beyond the Alps intended to pass the Alps endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage and to keep them at home and they having not felt the forces of such Nations these many years shall for his sake now go about to provoke them Their Forefathers lived quietly at home with their own and they shall disquiet themselves and other men and endanger their own for his cause and his advantage Their Parents never suffered their ships or their Souldiers to depart out of Italy for fear left the great Turk in their absence should invade their Country and they must send their provision and their people to fight against the Heavens against the Windes against the Weather and the Sea for so they sight that fight against England Their hearts may tremble to think of it and that whâ—ch hath happened once may happen again If whilest their Forces shall be imployed in the Spanish kings service the Turk shall assail them at home shall they stay for their strengths until they come out of England Or shall they yeeld themselves unto his mercy and discretion For there is no other way to relieve them or to repel them But it may be said that the Spaniards credit and reputation will be their Buckler his greatness will restrain and repress their Adveâ—iaries Tell me you that think so Is he stronger then hâ—s Father was Hath he ever had better success in the Wars then he And yet in the prime and flower of his years and even when he thought himself free from all danger from all trouble and vexation of the Turks the Turks came to besiege Vienna which is the Emperors chief Seat and a City of as great strength as any other City of Europe They may consider that Armies that go far from home have as I have said seldom good success that enterprises which are unadvisedly and hastily taken in hand seldom fall out well that men being once deceived of their expeâ—ation in any thing that they undertake proceed faintly and fearfully in all that belongeth to that action that to hang good Souldiers and to imploy them in a bad cause and evil quarrel is but to tempt God and lastly that is more grievous that which a man hath already in possession then not to attain unto that which he would fain obtain All these being duly considered they may justly be afraid when they call to minde that their Navy which they shall send into England to help the king of Spain shall pass through many Seas Rocks with many contrary Winds in great Tempests and through manifest and dangerous parils and that their Souldiers shall be sometimes subject to hunger and thirst sometimes be Sea sick and in great danger of other diseases for where many be shut up close together there few can be in health long All this being duly considered they may well be dismayed when they shall remember that the Spanish Fleet which went out of Spain with an assured hope of victory returned with great loss and ignommy And they may be discomforted when they enter into cogitation that the Spanish Navy returning to that place where they were once well beaten and remembring what small relief they had when they were in distress will not onely lose theâ—r courage themselves but also discourage their Italian Souldiers not being accustomed to sight so far from home or on so dangerous and troublesome Seas and with so valiant a Nation as the English Sea and Subjects are They may again be dismayed when they consider that although they should conquer England yet they cannot keep it long because they have no just cause to fight against England And lastly they may be dismayed when it shall come to their mindes and remembrance that the small hope and confidence which they have
Their contracts bind them as much as Laws 19 20 R REmedies of Subjects against unjust Princes 26 S DOn Sebastian of Portugal intendeth to aid Muly Mahomet King of Morocco against his brother 28 Sforza Ursino and the Count de Terras Vedras and Emanuel Serradas unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 The Spanish liable to be depos'd for breaking the Laws of Aragon p. 17 He entreth into a League with Muly Malucco against his own Nephew Don Sebastian of Portugal 27 The Swedish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOME AFter that I had lived many years in voluntary exile and banishment and saw that the most happy and fortunate success which it pleased the Almighty to send unto my gracious Soveraign against the malicious and hostile Attempts which the Spanish Monarch both openly and covertly practised against her sacred Person and invincible State and Kingdom I began to despair of my long desired return into my native Countrey and to consider with my self with what price I might best redeem my sweet and inestimable liberty Sometimes I wished that her Majesty had as the Italian Princes have many confined and banished men abroad upon whose heads there are great Fines set to invite others to kill them in hope to receive those Fines in recompense of their murther But my wishes vanished as smoak in the wind and as long as I dwelt in those cogitations me-thought I did nothing else but build Castles in the Ayr then I applied my wits to think upon some other means of better hope and more probability and supposed that to murther some notable Traytor or professed enemy to my Prince and Countrey might be a ready way to purchase my desire But the great difficulty to escape unpunished the continual terror that such an offence might breed unto my conscience and the perpetual infamy that followeth the bloody Executioners of trayterous Murderers for I held it trayterous to kill my friend and acquaintance made both my heart and my hand to abhor any such action Martius Coriolanus seemed unto me a most happy man who when in revenge of a few mistaken injuries he had wrought his Countrey great despight and annoyance suffered himself with much difficulty to be intreated by his Wiâ—e his Mother and the Senate of Rome to return home and to become so great a Friend as he had been a Foe unto his country That day should have been more joyful unto me then the day of my birth and nativity wherein I might have seen a Letter from any of my friends with assurance of my pardon to call me home But I find my self so much inferiour to Coriolanus in good fortune as I come behind him in manly valour and other laudible qualities Whilest I lived in this perplexity I hapned by chance to meet with an honest and kind English Gentleman who was lately come out of Italy and meant to sojourn a few moneths in France and then to return into England He knew both me and my friends very well And although his License forbad him to converse with any Fugitives yet hearing by common and credible report that I was not so malicious as the rest of my Countrey-men but lived only for my conscience abroad he adventured now and then to use my company and with me and in my hearing to use greater liberty of speech then with any other of our Nation Whereupon I presumed that as I was trusted so I might trust him again and as he did conceal nothing from me so I might adventure to reveal to him the secret projects of my inward cogitations I therefore acquainted him with my eaâ—nest desire to return and with the great difficulty which I found to procure my return and he perceiving that my words agreed with my wishes and that my tongue uttered nothing but what my heart thought promised me faithfully to effect my desire if I would be content to grant his request I presuming that he would demand nothing but that which should be both honest and lawful gave him my faithful promise to satisfie his demand He accepted my offer and uttered his mind in this manner In my travel I have heard many things which I knew not when I came out of England and no more then I would and yet much more then I can be well able to answer when I come home if you will be as willing as I know you are able to frame me a good and sufficient answer to all that I have heard all the friends which I have in England shall fail me but that I will purchase your return home with credit and countenance And because your promise bindeth you to vouchsafe me this favour I will as briefly as I can possible shew you to what points I shall need and most desire your answer I heard Princes generally reprehend the Flomings perhaps more boldly then justly accused of rebellion the French men I know not how truly burthened with the same crime and our Sovereign in my poor opinion wrongfully blamed for aiding both the French and Flemish Nations I heard some men to maintain this strange opinion that the Turk had long before this day been utterly subverted or sorely weakned had not her Majesty holpen those two Nations which hindred both the French and Spanish Kings from imploying their united forces to the utter subversion of the Turk I heard some men charge us with vain-glory as men that had learned of the vain-glorious Souldier in Terence to brag of our valour and exploits in France where they could hardly believe that we ever obtained the tenth part of that which we boast to have atcheived And others who were better acquainted with our Histories and more affected with our conquests do wonder and marvell greatly howwe could lose in a very few years all that our Predecessors got with much effusion of blood and with great difficulty I heard the Spaniard our mortal and professed Enemy highly commended for that his Predecessors could of a mean Earl make themselves mighty Monarchs and because that he with his wisdom doth maintain and keep all that they got I heard his might magnified his Policy admired his Government extolled his Wisdom commended his Wealth feared and all his Actions justified I heard contrarywise our Portugal Voyage condemned the Cause thereof disliked the Success dispraised the Entertainment given unto Don Antonio disallowed and her Majesty accused to have given the Spaniard many and divers occasions of discontentment The death of the late Queen of Scots The intercepting of certain monies sent into the Low Countries The proceeding against Catholicks the expulsion of the Popes authority out of England the sending away of the Spanish Embassadour in some disgrace and our League and Amity with the United Provinces are the principal causes that displeased the Spaniard I heard it imputed unto her Majesty as a fault that her Grace continued in league with the late French King who was charged to
life and welfare of his Subjects but when the Prince casteth off humanity and the Subjects forget their duty when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed when he breaketh Laws and they desire to live under their ancient Laws when he imposeth new Tributes and they think themselves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old when he oppreseth and suppresseth such of the Nobility as favour the common people their ancient Lawes Priviledges and Liberties and they take the wrongs that are done unto their Favourers and Patrons to be done unto themselves and their Posterity Then changeth love into hatred and obedience into contempt then hatred breedeth disdain and disdain ingendereth disloyalty after which follow secret conspiracies unlawful assemblies undutiful consultations open mutinies treacherous practises and manifest rebellions The chief reasons whereof are because the common people are without reason ready to follow evil counsel easie to be displeased prone to conceive dislike not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a Prince when they see their private Estates impoverished by him or his Officers forgetful of many good turns if they be but once wronged more desirous to revenge an injury then to remember a benefit quickly weary of a Prince be he never so good if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable demands easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them commonly affecting time that is past better then the present briefly all liking what the most like all inclining where the greatest part favoureth all furthering what the most attempt and all soon miscarried if the most be once misled This natural disposition of the common people is proved by common experience observed by wise Polititians and confirmed by many examples not of one Realm but of many Nations not of one age but of many seasons not of barbarous people but of civil Realms not of Kingdoms alone but of other manner of Governments briefly not of Subjects living only under Tyrants but also under the best Princes that ever were for there is no Kingdom comparable unto France for antiquity or for greatness for strength or for continual race of good and vertuous Kings for absolute government of Rulers or for dutiful obedience of Subjects for good laws or for just and wise Magistrates and yet France that hath this commendation and these benefits hath many other times besides this and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth France to rebel revolted from her liege Lords and Soveraigns for proof whereof let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present Rebellion begun in the late Kings time and continued in this Kings days They that write thereof at large and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others affirm that this Rebellion began upon these occasions The Authors and chief Heads thereof saw Justice corruptly administred Offices appertaining unto Justice dearly sold Benefices and Ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated new Impositions dayly invented and levied the Kings Treasures and Revenues prodigally consumed old Officers unjustly displaced and men of base quality unworthily advanced they saw the late King carried away with vanities governed by a woman entred in League and Amity with their Enemies and fully resolved to follow his pleasure and to leave the administration and government of the whole Kingdom unto their mortal Enemies They saw him careless in the maintainance of their Religion unlikely to have any issue to succeed him not willing to establish any succession of the Crown after him and obstinately minded not to enter into League with them that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their Catholick Religion Lastly they saw that as long as he lived the King of Navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed and that as soon as he dyed the said King was likely to be his Successor which hapning they considered the desperate estate of their Religion the sure and certain advancement of the Protestants and of their cause and quarrel the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes And lastly the final and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves and of their Families Wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies and to prevent some of them and to redress and reform others they called a general Assembly of the three Estates implored the help of forreign Princes levied as great Armies as they could possibly gather together propounded means of Reformation to the King and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel they combined themselves against the Protestants his pretended and their open enemies seized upon greatest part of the Kings Treasure took possession of his best Holds and Towns of strength removed such Officers as disliked them and in all Affairs that concerned the advancement of their Cause imployed men fit for their humours made for their purpose brought up in their Factions practised in their Quarrels affectioned in their Cause and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures And because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late King and his Confederates unless they were also assisted by some forrain Princes they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the Grace and Favour of strange and mighty Potentates to recommend their Cause and Quarrel unto their protection and to joyn their Domestical power with their forrain Enemies They consider therefore that the Popes Holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto Protestants The King of Spain by the greatness of his Ambition and the Duke of Lorrain by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been and which is betwixt him and the House of Bourbon might easily be perswaded and induced to favour their party and further their Attempts and Enterprises The Duke of Guyse as chief Head and Patron of these Actions sendeth Messengers unto every one of these Princes beseeching them as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices so they would now that matters were grown to ripeness and secret Conspiracies to open resistance vouchsafe him and his Confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power In which Suit he findeth happy success and with promise of assured and sufficient aid is animated to proceed with courage and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy to win unto himself as many friends as he might possibly He therefore considering that for the better accomplishment of his designs it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the Court and there to draw unto himself as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain repaireth thither with all diligence And knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose unless he might effectually compass three things of special consequence he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them
by the on-set which he gave upon France and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world And seeing that Francis the first King of France had lately won Milan from the said Emperour they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth as secretly as they might possible You have heard before how Leo the tenth taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour at the Diet of Worms very kindly was moved thereby to leave the French party and to become one of the Emperours Faction Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion took it in so evil a part that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope that he commanded the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was encreased by three special Causes The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth King of England who was then fallen from that obedience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt lately divorced from the same King The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Dukedom of Milan nor make his Son Pier Lewis Duke of Parma and Placentia I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these but from these you may sufficiently gather that the wisest both Popes Emperors and Kings that ever lived of late years have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions especially if they found that any King or Emperour by reason of their League presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose went about to incroach upon other Princes and to make himself Lord of the world You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy and of their falling from France to Spain and again from Spain to France how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in Italy how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them and how careless negligent and secure they are now since they notwithstanding not as their predecessors always did before them the aspiring Ambition of the Spaniard Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of Charls the fifth what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed The which having left as an Inheritance to his Son with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his Father But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde the same desire the same ambition and the same purposes which were in his Father But the more careless other Princes are herein the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth who for better then these thirty five years hath as I have said often and cannot say too often mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action Neither may it be imputed to her Highness as a fault that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors but rather as he amongst private men is highly commended who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes before the iniquity of any League or confederacie Besides since that the League that was betwixt England and Burgundy was as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Nations rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy then with the Princes themselves her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces and being ready to do the like if the like occasion were offered with the other of the seventeen Provinces doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League but as her Predecessors have done before her as namely Edward the third and Richard the second her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign The which action being most commendable and such as might be approved by infinite Examples they do her Highness great wrong who not considering the indignities wrongs and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain to have risen from Spain blame her Majesty as the first breaker of that ancient League These men besides many other things which are already refuted or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty that about the year 1569. her Ships intercepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand Ducats which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal the which wrong gave as they affirm the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt Spain and England For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay and the Kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England nor remember that when the Spaniard complained unto her Majesty hereof that it was wisely and sufficiently answered That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova who being well able to spare the same and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much thought she might be so bold as the Spaniard had been to borrow the said money for a small time paying them as he did some yearly consideration for it Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain
his own laws made the Earl of Pembroke whose name was Odomar Valentinian Governor of Scotland and to the end they should have no Memory no Monument nor Testimony of a Royal Majesty he transferred a Seate of Stone whereupon their Kings were wont to sit at their Coronation out of Scotland into England and the same remainth at thâ—s day at Westminster Now to leave these and the like Testimonies because they carry the lesse credit for that they are reported by our own Historiographers I will come to the violent presumptions which may be gathered out of their own Histories First it cannot be denyed that God hath blessed us with many famous and notable Victories against the Scots Then it must be granted that we had alwaies wit enough to make our best advantage of those victories Next it is not likely but that we took the benefit of such advantageâ— And who will think that when we were so often provoked so many times deceived so throughly informed of our Right that we would not claime our Right Againe at the very time of this notable competency betwixt Iohn Balioll and Robert Bruce it is written that Ericus King of Norway sent certain Ambassadors wiâ—h Letters of Commissiâ—n from him to demand the Kingdome of Scotland in the Right of his Daughter Margaret sometimes Wife unto the King of Scots in which Letter he acknowledgeth our King to be Lord and Soveraigne of Scotland And why should there be found Bulls of Excommunication against the Kings of Scotland for not obeying our Kings Or why should it be recorded that two Kâ—ngs of Scotland Carried at severall times the Sword before King Arthur and king Richard at their Coronations Or why is it not probable that Scotland should be as well Subject unto us as Bohemia and Hungaria were unto the Empire Naples and Sicilie unto Rome Burgondy and Navarr unto France the Duâ—edom of Moscovia aâ—d the Marquisate of Brandiburge unto Polâ—nâ—a Portugall unto Spaine and Austria unto Bohemia Or lâ—stly why may it not be thought that as these Kingdoms and Dominions remaine still in their old Subjection and acknowledg their Ancient Soveraigne so Scotland ought to do the like Our Fortune seldome failed us against them They never used us so kindly nor our kings at any time behaved themselves so unwisely that they Resigned their Right and Title unto Scotland as other Princes have done But now to the like advantage of this kind of inferiority as a Frenchman contracting or bargaining with one of our Nation in England maketh himself by this contract and Bargaine a Subject unto our Laws so any man whatsoever offending within our Realm subjecteth himself by reason of his offence unto our Jurisdiction And this is so true that a very mean man being a Judge if a great personage remaining under his Jurisdiction who by reason of his greatness may seem to be freed from his Authority shall commit an offence worthie of Punishment during his abode there the same mean and Inferior Judge may lawfully punish his Offence Example will make this matter more cleer For Example sake then grant that a Bishop abideth a while within an Archdeacons Jurisdiction and there offendeth in some Crime that deserveth Punishment the question may be whether the Archdacon may punish this delinquent For the Negative it may be said that Par in parem non habet protestatem much lesse an Inferior against his Superior and that an Archdeacon is Oculus Episcopi and Major post Episcopum and therefore can have no Authority over a Bishop yet it is resolved that if the Bishop be a stranger and not a Bishop of the Diocesse the Archdeacon hath sufficient Authority and the power to Chastise and Correct his offence but he cannot meddle with him if he be his own Bishop and the reason of the diversity is because his own Bâ—shop is as it were the Archdeacons spirituall Father and it is not Convenient that the Son should have any manner of Authority over the Father Now since it is certaine that where there is the like reason there the like Law shall be I may boldly infer by this Law that the Scottish Queâ—n offending within her Majesties Dominion may be punished by her Grace although she were her farr better I might here before I come unto her voluntary and forcible Resignation of the Crown tell you that she committed many things both before and after her Imprisonment that made a plaine forfeture of her Kingdome But although when I tâ—uched the duties of Vassals in some part I promised to touch the same in this plâ—ce more largely yet for brevitie sake I must omit this large discourse and only tell you that as the French King called our King Iohn in question for the murther commited by him at his Instigation on the person of his Nephew Arthur and forfeited his States in France for his not Apperance or insufficient Answer unto that Crime so if the Scottish Subjects had not deprived their Queen for the Parâ—icide laâ—d to her charge our Queens most excellent Majestie might not only have taken notice thereof but also have punished the same For albeit the Fact was committed without her Highness Realm and Dominion yet the person who was murthered being her Subject and Kinsman her grace might ex eo capite in my simple opinion lawfully have proceeded against the Malefactor And I remember that I saw a man executed at Venice because he killed his own Wife in Turky and the reason why they proceeded against him was the hainousness of the Fact and for that his Wife although she were not so was their naturall Subject And yet I confesse that our Common Laws regard not offences commited without our Realm wherein me thinketh they have small reason For sithence that for a Bargain made beyond the Seas I may have my reâ—edy here why shall not have the benefit of Law for my Child and Kinsman or any other that is near and dear unto me murthered beyond the Seas since the life of a Subject ought to be of far greater value and worth then his goods And if in a Civill action of which the Cause and originall is given beyond the Seas they can 〈◊〉 the Bond and Obligation to be made at Lyons within some Shire in England when indeed the same Lyons which they meane and where the Bond was made is in France why may they not lawfully use the like Fiction in a Criminal Cause But now the third point that Argueth the late Scottish Queens Inferiority unto our Queen She was deposed and therefore no longer a Queen This point hath in it two very strange points It is strange to hear that a Man or a woman being borne a Prince should be deprived and that he which receiveth a Kingdom by his birth should lose the same before his death But because this point hath great affinitie which the third objection that is made against the unfortunate Queens Execution I will forbear to speak thereof untill
States and to crosse his Counsels and Intentions in the use of those means For doth he continue in credit by the General reputation and conceit that is had of his wealth Let it be shewed that he is poor and needy Holdeth he his Subjects and Towns of Conquest in awe by keeping Garisons in them Seeke either to corrupt those Garrisons or to perswade those Towns to expel them Borrows he money in his need and necessity of the Genowaies and other Merchants of Italie Counsel them to call for their old Debts and to lend him no more money before they be paid Doth our Nation and others inrich his Country by resorting thither Let them repair no more then they needs must to those Countries Fetcheth he yearly great wealth from the Indies Let that be intercepted more then it hath been Placeth he wise Governors and Magistrates in his Dominions to Containe his Subjects in obedience and his Neighbours in fear Send Fire-brands and Authors of Sedition amongst his Subjects as he doth amongst ours and think it as lawfull and easie to estrange the affection of his wisest and most trusty Deputies and Lieutenants as it was and is for him to allienate the hearts of some of the Nobility of France from their King Hath he married the now Duke of Parma so meanly that he can not be able to recover his right to Portugal Or hath he so weakned Don Antonio that he shall never be able to returne into his Country Provoke the one to be his Enemy in putting him in mind of his Fathers untimely death and by remembring the great wrongs that he suffereth and let many Princes joyn in heart and in helpe to set up the other against him and to strengthen and succor both rather then the one or the other should not annoy him Is France unable to hurt him because France is divided Reconcile them that are dissevered and revive the quarrels and pretentions that France hath against him Presumeth he that the Germans will rather help then hurt him because he is ally'd to some in Conjunction of blood and to others in league of amity dissolve his alliances and debase the mightiest of his kindred To be short are the Pope the Venetians and the other Princes of Italy either for feare or affection his friends encourage the Timerous and fearfull and alter and remove the love and affection of them that beare him best good will But some man will say This is sooner said then done and therefore I have said nothing unless I shew you how all this may bee well and conveniently done There is a generall meanes and there are diverse special waies to effect all this I will acquaint you with both because you shall bee ignorant of neither and I will be as brief as I may because I take it high time not to trouble you any longer It is grown unto a general use of late yeares and undoubtedly it was usual in times past when Princes undertake any great actions or enterprises that may perhaps seem strange and somwhat unreasonable unto other Princes whose favor and friendship they desire to publish the causes and reasons which induce them to enter into those actions and in those Declarations to omit nothing that either may grace and credit them or discredit and disgrace their Adversaries The States of the Low Countries when necessity inforced them to renew Wars against the Spaniards published certain Books containing the causes which moved them thereunto and caused those Books to be imprinted in seven several Languages in Latine in French in their own Tongue in High Dutch in Italian in Spanish and in English to the end that all the Nations of the World hearing the Justice and Equity of their quarrel mâ—ght either as Friends help and assist them or as Neutrals neither aid nor hinder them as their Adversaries The late Duke of Alenson because it might seem strange unto some that he being a Catholick Prâ—nce would aid men of a contrary Religion and reprehensible unto others that being in some manner allied and a supposed friend unto the Spanish King he would accept the Title of the Duke of Brabant and undertake the defence of the Low Countries against the Spaniards made it appaâ—ent unto the world by the like means that it was not any ambitious mind or greedy desire of advancement but a Princely clemency and commiseration of the distressed state of that Country too much oppressed by the Spanish Tyranny that moved him to receive them into his Protection and Patronage The like did the County Palatine Cassimer when as he came into Flanders with his Forces And the like have many other Princes done not in just causes only but in matters that had far greater affinity with injustice and dishonesty then with justice and integrity That Duke of Burgondy which more wickedly then justly murthered the Duke of Orleance fearing that his murther might justly purchase him the Kings heavy displeasure and the general harted of all France suborned a learned and famous Divine named Iohn Petie not onely to excuse but also to commend and allow the execution thereof in many publick Sermons and writ divers Letters unto the best Towns of France to declare and justifie the cause that moved him thereunto Henry the Fourth of England whom many Hâ—storiographers hold rather for a wrongful Usurper then a lawful King to make it known by what Title he took upon him to be King of England sent divers Ambassadors into Spain Germany and Italy with such instructions and so forceable reasons that he made a bad cause seem just and equitable That Pope of Rome which as you have heardâ— betrayed Frederick the Emperor most leudly unto the Great Turk and was the onely cause of his long and chargeable imptisonment finding that his unchristian treachery being happily disclosed did greatly blemish his name and reputation to give some shew and colour of Justice to a bad cause caused to be published that two notable Murderers had been taken at Rome who voluntarily confessed that the Emperor Frederick had hired and sent them thither of purpose to kill the Pope How the Duke of Bnckingham and the more learned the conscionable Dean Richard Shaw justified in the Guild-hall of London and at Pauls Cross the unlawful and tyrannical Usurpation of Richard the Third our Histories make it so manifest that I need not to trouble you with the recital thereof Since therefore not mean and Lay-men onely but Noblemen and great Divines havâ— both defended and furthered wrongful causes and with their deâ—ence and furtherance have brought to pass their lend and wicked purpose why should not men sufficiently seen in matters of State and throughly furnished with all good qualities requisite in a good and worthy Writer of which sort this Realm had rather some want then any great store depinct the Spainard and his tyranny so lively and so truly that their reasons their perswasions and their admonitions may may shake the affections
the same he and his subjects lived afterwards in great peace and tranquility Had Antonio Peres imitated this Bavilion the Spanish Kings honour had not been blemished as now it is Escovedo's children had not troubled him as they did Peres himself and his posterity had not endured the calamities which he and they suffer and Aragon had not tasted the miseries and inconveniences which fell upon Aragon In handling of the negative I may not altogether excuse Antonio Peres for I know and so must he that his reputation should have suffered less indignity his conscience less troubled and he should undoubtedly have less to answer for hereafter if he had imitated Bavilion but because it is hard in these days to find any Prince like unto the Duke of Britany few Counsellors or Ministers dare adventure to follow the footsteps of Bavilion For they remember that Hydaspes or Harpagus as before being commanded by Astyages to kill Cyrus saved the harmless innocent but his son smarted for his fathers offence and the father could not chuse but smart and sorrow in his sons death They remember that Cambyses his servant spared Croesus when they were commanded to kill him but he lived and his wife was the cause of their death and this remembrance maketh them fear the Princes displeasure and this displeasure putteth them in fear of their lives and this fear causeth them willing to obey and execute their hasty and furious commandments the rather because they see that although Princes somtimes chance to return to favour those persons whom they willed to be destroyed yet they always hate those ministers that would not destroy them at their commandment And Peres knew or might learn that a Princes Judges may command an ordinary or an inferiour Judge to execute his sentence and he upon whom he layeth this command is bound to execute the same although he knoweth that his sentence be unjust and if the ordinary or inferiour Judge shall refuse to obey his commandment the Delegate may inforce him thereunto by excommunication and ecclesiastical censure And this is so true that the Popes Legate who is an ordinary and one of the highest dignities that may be cannot impeach or hinder a sentence given by the Popes Delegate and the Delegate may if it please him both command and compel the Popes Legate to execute his sentence because that in the cause that is so committed unto him he is greater then the Popes Legate And if a Popes Legate may be constrained to obey a Judge Delegate how much more may an inferiour Judge or a common or a mean Ordinary be enforced to yeild him dutiful obedience The reason why this obedience is required because he unto whom the execution of sentence is only committed hath no authority to examine the equity or injustice thereof he must think that all is just that such a judge doth he must look upon the commission and commandment given unto him without making any further enquiry into the matter and he must presume that whatsoever might be said against that sentence hath been already said and duly considered Now if this obedience must be shewed unto a Judge delegate and for no other reason but for that he representeth the Princes person how much more ought a Kings commandment not to be disobeyed although he should will and command any man to hang one of his Subjects without acquainting him with the cause or examining the same cause before his commandment for the pleasure of a Prince is held for a sufficient cause and he hath no superiour who may presume to examine his will or his actions And this is so true that no manner of proof may be admitted against this general and infallible conclusion Again a Judges authority maketh that just which was otherwise unjust for although whatsoever is done by a false Guardian be not lawful especially if it be done to his prejudice that is under years yet if the Civil Magistrate shall ratifie such a Guardians action it shall be of full force Shall not a King from whom such authority is derived have the like power the like prerogative Again every superiours authority and commandment must be obeyed and he that obeyeth not must dye the death and may be lawfully called and chastised as a Rebel Now to apply all that hath been said unto Ant. Peres his case the resolution of the second question may be briefly this if he knew either because the King had acquainted him therewithal or that in conscience he was assured that the King would not command any unjust thing that Escovedo had deserved death he might boldly see him executed Or if it were doubtful unto him whether Escovedo had given the King just occasion to command his death he needed not fear to perform his commandment But if his secret conscience could tell him that the King had not just cause of death against Escovedo then undoubtedly it had been Peres his part not to have obeyed For as the Judge who is bound to judge secundum allegata probata if any thing be falsly proved before him and he not know that it is so shall do better to give over his office then to pronounce sentence against his own Conscience So Antonio Peres although it had been dangerous for him to refuse to obey and execute his Princes command yet if he knew that the same was repugnant to the Word of God which permitteth no man to be slain without just desert he should have done better to obey God then his King For although a King be called God's Minister and his judgements seem to proceed from God's own mouth yet when he doth wrong and breaks God's commandments he is not then God's minister but the divel 's and then he is no Judge no King because he leaveth God and fulfilleth not that charge which the Almighty hath laid upon him and he that obeyeth not his King in such commandments obeyeth God yea the subject against whom the King taketh such unlawful course may defend himself against his violence and oppression Betwixt God therefore and Antonio Peres his Conscience be it whether he proceeded against Escovedo in malice or in justice and if his conscience shall accuse him undoubtedly he shall one day finde that the fear of the Princes displeasure will be no sufficient warrant or lawful excuse and that it had been better for him to have said unto his King God commandeth me one thing and you another he biddeth me not to kill and you command me to murther he threatneth me if I obey not him and you menace me if I disobey you but you threaten me with imprisonment he with hell you with short pain and he with everlasting torment you with death and he with damnation and therefore good King give me leave to lean to him and leave you Now followeth the third question a matter the proof whereof must rest upon the Spanish King's Conscience