sent out two other Cohorts to succour them who making distance between them as they stood the court of guard retired it self in safety through that space into the Camp Otherwise we never find that the first battel made any retreat into the allies between the maniples of the second battel but when it failed in any part the second and third went presently to second them as appeareth in the battel following with Ariovistus and in divers others Concerning the use of this triple battel what can be said more then Lipsius hath done where he laieth open the particular commodities thereof as far forth as a speculative judgement can discern of things so far remote from the use of this age which never imitateth this triple battel but only in a march for then commonly they make three companies a Vangard a Battel and a Rereward but in imbattelling they draw these three Companies all in front making two cornets and the battel without any other troups to second them But let this suffice concerning Caesar his manner of imbattelling and his triplex Acies untill I come to the second book where I will handle more particularly the parts of a legion and the commondity of their small battalions THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Macedonian Phalanx is described by Polybius to be a square battel of Pikemen consisting of sixteen in flank and five hundred in front the souldiers standing so close together that the pikes of the fifth rank were extended three foot beyond the front of the battel the rest whose pikes were not serviceable by reason of their distance from the front couched them upon the shoulders of those that stood before them and so locking them in together in file pressed forward to hold up the sway or giving back 〈◊〉 the former ranks and so to make the assault more violent and unresistable The Graecians were very skilful in this part of the Art Militarie which containeth order and disposition in imbattelling for they maintained publick professours whom they called Tactici to teach and instruct their youth the practise and Art of all formes convenient for that purpose And these Tactici found by experience that sixteen in flank so ordered as they were in a Phalanx were able to bear any shock how violent so ever it charged upon them Which number of sixteen they made to consist of four doubles as first unitie maketh no order for order consisteth in number and pluralitie but unitie doubled maketh two the least of all orders and this is the double which doubled again maketh the second order of four souldiers in a file which doubled the third time maketh eight and this doubled maketh 16 which is the fourth doubling from a unite and in it they staied as in an absolute number and square whose root is four the Quadruple in regard of both the extremes For every one of these places the Tactici had severall names by which they were distinctly known But the particular description requireth a larger discourse then can be comprehended in these short observations He that desireth further knowledge of them may read Aelianus that lived in the time of Adrian the Emperour and Arianus in his historie of Alexander the great with Mauritius and Leo Imperator where he shall have the divisions of Tetraphalangia Diphalangia Phalangia unto a unite with all the discipline of the Grecians The chiefest thing to be observed is that the Grecians having such skill in imbattelling preferred a Phalanx before all other formes whatsoever either because the figure in it self was very strong or otherwise in regard that it fitted best their weapons which were long pikes and targets But whether Caesar termed the battell of the Helvetians a Phalanx in regard of their thick manner of imbattelling onely or otherwise forasmuch as besides the form they used the naturall weapon of a Phalanx which was the pike it remaineth doubtfull Brancatio in his discourses upon this place maketh it no controversie but that every souldier carried a pike and a target The target is particularly named in this historie but it cannot so easily be gathered by the same that their offensive weapons were pikes In the fight at the baggage it is said that many of the legionarie shouldiers were wounded through the cart-wheeles with tragulae and materae which are commonly interpreted Speares and Javelins and I take them to be weapons longer then common darts but whether they were so long as the Sarissas of the Macedonians I cannot tell Howsoever this is certain that the Helvetians have ever been reputed for the true Phalangitae next unto the Macedonians and that in their thick and close imbattelling they failed not at this time of the form of a Phalanx for they roofed it so thick with targets that Caesar saith they were sore troubled because many of their targets were fastened and tied together with piles darted through them Which argueth that their Phalanx was very thick thronged whatsoever their weapon was Chap. VIII Caesar sendeth away all the horses of ease exhorteth his men and beginneth the battell CAesar to take away all hope of safety by flight first caused his own and then all the private horses of ease to be carried out of sight and so using some motives of courage began the battel The souldiers casting their Piles with the advantage of the hill did easily break the Helvetians Phalanx and then with their swords betook themselves to a furious close THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe ancient Sages found it necessary to a faithfull and serious execution of such an action to prepare the minds of their men with words of encouragement and to take away all scruple out of their conceits either of the unlawfulnesse of the cause or disadvantage against the Enemie for if at any time that saying be true that Oratio plus potest quam pecunia it is here more powerfull and of greater effect For a donative or liberanza can but procure a mercenarie endeavour ever yielding to a better offer and do oftentimes breed a suspicion of wrong even amongst those that are willingly inriched with them and so maketh them slack to discharge their service with loyaltie yea oftentimes of friends to become enemies But inasmuch as speech discloseth the secrets of the soul and discovereth the intent and drift of every action a few good words laying open the injurie which is offered to innocencie how equity is controlled with wrong and justice controlled by iniquitie for it is necessary that a Commander approve his Cause and settle an opinion of right in the mind of his souldiers as it is easie to make that seem probable which so many offer to defend with their bloud when indeed every man relieth upon anothers knowledge and respecteth nothing lesse the right a few good words I say will so stirre up their minds in the ferventnesse of the cause that every man will take himself particularly ingaged in the action by the title of Equitie and the rather
novelties and contrarieties of actions continueth the same unto these times in the inhabitants of that country notwithstanding the alteration of customes and people or what else so long a time hath changed which argueth the unresistable power of celestiall influence establishing an uniformity of nature according as the site of the place lieth capable of their powerfull aspect The reason of the diversity in the temperature of nations which are differenced by North and South is not without apparent cause attributed to their propinquity or distance from the course of the sun which distinguisheth by heat and cold the Northern and Southern climates of the earth and separateth the inhabitants thereof by the dominion of their active qualities But the reason why two Nations which are both in the same climate and under the same parallel receiving the vertue of the celestiall bodies by the same downfall and rebound of their beams being differenced only by East and West are so much disunited in nature and so unlike in disposition is not so apparant whether it be as some have imagined forasmuch as the all-inclosing sphear which remaineth quiet and immoveable above the circuit of the first motor hath his parts diversly distinguished with variety of properties which by continuall reference and mutuall aspect are imprinted in the correspondent quarters of the earth and so keep a perpetuall residency of one and the same quality in one and the same place and make also the variety of fashions in such parts as otherwise are equall favourites of the heavens majesty by receiving an equall measure of light heat and vertue or whether the said quarters of the earth are in themselves diversly noted with severall qualities which appropriate the self-same influence to their particular nature and so alter it into many fashions or whether there be some other unknown cause I will leave every man to satisfy himself with that which seemeth most probable unto him and proceed to the discovery of this cholerick passion Wherein I will endeavour to shew how impatiency sudden resolution and desire of novelty are naturall adjuncts of this humour And if Caesar made use of this Philosophy in the managing of that war let it not be thought impertinent to the knowledge of a Generall to enter into the consideration of this learning Wherein first I must lay for a maxime that which long experience hath made authenticall that the motions of the mind are either quick or slow according as the complexion is tempered either with heat or cold for as the phlegmaticall humour is of a moist cold and heavy nature begetting weak and grosse spirits and benumming the instruments with a livelesse disability so is the motion of the internall faculties proceeding likewise after a slow manner according to the quality of the instruments whereby it moveth and therefore men of this waterish constitution are no way apt to receive an impression nor to entertain any sensible apprehension unlesse it be beaten into them with often and strong repetitions and then also they proceed as slowly in discoursing of the consequence and linger in the choice of their resolutions On the contrary part this flava bilis being of a hot piercing nature and resembling the active vertue of the fire doth so purify the instruments of sense and quicken the spirits with the vivacity of motion that they take the first impression as perfectly as if it had been oftentimes presented unto them with many strong circumstances And thence it happeneth that inasmuch as the Species is so readily received and possesseth the apprehending faculty with such facility of entrance that it moveth the other powers of the soul with as great efficacy at the first conception as if it had been brought in with troups of probabilities and strengthened with manifest arguments of undoubted truth It followeth therefore by reason of the subtile and fit disposition of the instruments which proceedeth from heat the chiefest quality in choler that the object is at the first moment so strongly setled in the first receiving faculty that the other powers of the mind with as great speed manifest their offices concerning the apprehension and deliver a sentence answerable to the strength of the first conception which maketh them so impatient of delay and so suddenly to alter their former resolutions not suffering the discoursive power to examine the substance thereof by conference of circumstances nor to give judgement according to the course of our intellectuall court It behoveth therefore every man in that unsteady disposition especially in matter of moment to be suspicious of his own credulity and not to give place to resolution before his judgement be informed by discourse of the strength or weaknesse of the conceived opinion But to leave these speculative meditations to Philosophers of learned conceit forasmuch as the right use of passions is either true wisdome or cometh nearest to the same I will only touch in a word what degree of choler best befitteth a souldier or how it availeth or disadvantageth in matter of war And first it cannot be denied that there is almost no passion that doth more eclipse the light of reason or sooner corrupteth the sincerity of a good judgement then this of anger which we now speak of Neither is there any motion that more pleaseth it self in his own actions or followeth them with greater heat in the execution And if the truth chance to shew it self and convince a false pretended cause as the authour of that passion it oftentimes redoubleth the rage even against truth and innocency Piso condemned a souldier for returning from forraging without his companion being perswaded that he had slain him but at the instant of the execution the other that was missing returned and with great joy of the whole Army they were carried to the Generall thinking to have much gratified him with the manifestation of the truth but he through shame and despight being yet in the torture of his wrath redoubled his anger and by a subtilty which his passion furnished him withall he made three culpable for that he found one innocent the first because the sentence of death was past against him and was not to be recalled without the breach of law the second for that he was the cause of the death of his companion and thirdly the executioner for not obeying his commandment Concerning matter of war as it consisteth of differenced parts so hath choler divers effects In case of discourse and consultation whenas the powers of the mind ought to be clear of all violent affections it greatly darkeneth the understanding and troubleth the sincerity of a good judgement as Caesar noted in his speech to the Senate concerning Catiline and therefore a Commander must by all means endeavour to avoyd even the least motions of so hurtfull a passion and season his affections with that gravity and constancy of spirit that no turbulent disposition may either hinder his understanding or withhold his will from following
equall conditions which happened by reason of the narrowness of the passages and a few of each side being slain Caesar took in such places as were most convenient for him fortified them in the night In this quarter of the Town was contained a little part of the Kings house wherein he himself at his first arrivall was appointed to lodge and a Theatre joyned to the house which was in stead of a Castle and had a passage to the Port and to other parts of Road. The daies following he increased these fortifications to the end he might have them as a wall against the enemy and thereby need not fight against his will In the mean time the younger daughter of King Ptolemey hoping to obtain the Crown now in question found means to conveigh herself out of the Kings house to Achillas and both joyntly together undertook the managing of that war But presently there grew a controversy between them who should command in Chief which was the cause of great largess and rewards to the souldiers either of them being at great charges and expences to gain their good wills While the Enemy was busied in these things Photinus the Governour of the young King Superintendent of the kingdome on Caesar's party sent Messengers to Achillas exhorting him not to desist in the business or to be discouraged Upon the discovering and apprehension of which Messengers Caesar caused him to be slain And these were the beginnings of the Alexandrian war OBSERVATIONS PHarus is a little Iland in the Sea over against Alexandria in the midst whereof Ptolemy Philadelph built a tower of an exceeding height all of white Marble It contained many Stages and had in the top many great Lanterns to keep light in the night for a mark to such as were at Sea The Architector ingraved thereupon this inscription Sostrates Gâ—â—idius the son of Dexiphanes to the Gods Conservatours for the safety of Navigatours It was reckoned for one of the seven Wonders of the world The first whereof was the Temple of Diana at Ephesus The second was the Sepulchre which Artemisia Queen of Caria made for her Husband Mausolus whose ashes she drank The third was the Colossus of the Sunne at Rhodes The fourth was the Walls of Babylon The fifth was the Pyramides of Aegypt The sixth was the Image of Jupiter Olympius at Elis which was made by Phidias and contained threescore cubites in height and was all of Ivory and pure Gold And the seventh was this Pharus FINIS A CONTINUATION of the VVARRES in GALLIA Beginning where Caesar left and deducing the History to the time of the CIVILE WARRES Written by A. HIRTIUS PANSA VVith some short Observations thereupon Together with The MANNER of our MODERN TRAINING or TACTICK PRACTISE LONDON Printed by ROGER DANIEL 1655. THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE VVARRES IN GALLIA Written by AULUS HIRTIUS CHAP. I. The Galles raise new troubles in divers places Caesar scattereth and wasteth the Bituriges and after that the Carnutes AFter that all Gallia was subdued forasmuch as Caesar had rested no part of the former Summer from warre he was desirous to refiesh his Souldiers after so great pains taken the rest of the winter season when news was brought him that many States at the self-same time did lay their heads together again about warre and make conspiracies Whereof there was reported a very likely cause in that it was known to all the Galles that there could not any power so great be assembled into one place as should be able to withstand the Romans neither if many States at once made war in divers places at one instant could the army of the people of Rome have sufficient either of aid or of time or of men of warre to pursue all at once and there ought not any State to refuse the lot of their misfortune if by the respite thereof the rest might set themselves at liberty The which opinion to the intent it should not settle in the minds of the Galles Caesar leaving M. Antonius the Quaestor with charge of his winter garrisons went with a strong company of horsemen the last day of December from Bibracte to his twelfth Legion which he had placed not farre from the borders of the Hedui in the countrey of the Bituriges and taketh thereunto the eleventh Legion which was next unto it Leaving two Cohorts to defend his stuff and carriages he led the rest of his army into the most plentifull fields of the Bituriges the which being a large countrey and full of towns could not be kept in aw with the garrisoning of one Legion amongst them but that they prepared for warre and made conspiracies By the sudden coming of Caesar it came to passe which must needs happen to such as are unprovided and scattered abroad that such as were tilling the ground without fear were surprised in the fields by our horsemen before they could get them into the Towns For at that time the common token of invasion which is wont to be perceived by burning of houses was by Caesar's commandment forborn lest they should either want forrage and corn if they were minded to make any further rode into the countrey or else that their enemies for fear of the fires should convey themselves out of the way After that many thousands of men had been taken the Bituriges being sore afraid such of them as could escape out of the Romans hands at their first coming upon confidence either of the old acquaintance and familiarity that had been privately between them by reason of resorting as guests one to another or of their mutuall agreement and partaking in the same devices fled into the next cities but all was in vain For Caesar by great journeys came so suddenly upon all places that he gave not any city leasure to think of the safeguard of other folks rather then of themselves Through the which speed he both kept his friends faithfull unto him and put the wavering sort in such fear that he compelled them to be glad to receive peace The matter standing in this case when the Bituriges saw that through Caesar's gentlenesse there was yet a way for them to return into his favour again and that the next States had delivered him hostages and were thereupon received to mercy without further punishment they themselves did in like wise Caesar because his men had patiently endured so great travell in the winter dayes through most cumbersome wayes in intolerable cold weather and continued most resolutely in the same to the uttermost promised to give to his souldiers two hundred sesterces apiece and to the Captains 2000 apiece in the name of a prey so sending his Legions again into their wintering places he himself returned to Bibracte the fourtieth day after his setting forth There as he was ministring of Justice the Bituriges sent messengers unto him desiring help against the Carnutes whom they complained to make warre upon them Upon the receit of this news when he had not
a Maniple was either a Hand or a Dragon a Wolf or a Sphinx as it appeareth besides the testimony of history by the Column of Trajan in Rome wherein the Ensignes are figured with such pourtraitures so that these Ensignes resembling the proportions of living creatures had their fore-parts alwayes carried that way which the legious were to march or where they were to fight And therefore in this history by the aspect and carrying of the Ensignes the front of the Army was commonly noted as in this place it is said that the Ensignes of the first and second battel were carried towards the hill whither the Helvetians had made their retreat and the Ensignes of the third battel looked another way towards the Boii and Tulingi which stood on the foot of the hill By which is signified how the legions were divided to resist the brunt of the double incounter THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the time of the day we are to understand that the Romans used not the same division of the day as we commonly do for they divided their artificiall which is the space between sun-rising and setting into twelve equall parts which the Astronomers called unequall or planetary houres The first houre of the day began alwayes at sun-rising the sixth houre was alwayes high noon and the twelfth houre was sun-setting And as the day waxed longer or shorter so these houres were either greater or lesse neither did they agree with equall or equinoctiall houres such as are now used but only at the Aequinoctium so that by this manner of reckoning Ab hora septima ad vesperum is meant the battel began about one of the clock according to our Computation and continued untill the evening The like we must understand throughout this whole history as often as there is mention made of the circumstance of time Chap. X. The Helvetians continue their fight at the carriages but at length they leave the field and march towards Langres IN like manner the fight was kept on foot at the carriages untill it was far in the night the place being fortified with Carts instead of a Rampier and the Enemy casting their weapons from the upper ground and with Darts and Javelins under the waggons and from between the wheeles did wound and gall many of our men After a long conflict our souldiers took their carriages and their Camp wherein Orgetorix daughter and one of his sons were taken There were saved out of that battel about one hundred and thirty thousand persons who marching continually all that night and making no stay in any place came the fourth day into the confines of the Lingones for by reason of the souldiers hurts and the buriall of the slain wherein there was spent three dayes there was no pursuit made after them OBSERVATION IF we consider the nature of the action and look into the true cause of their overthrow as far as the right sense of the history shall direct our judgement we shall find valour not to be wanting in the Helvetians but rather superlatively abounding in the Romans For that vehement opinion of their valiancy and manhood which carried them out of the starits of the Country to seek larger fortunes in other kingdoms was not so abated with the losse of the fourth part of their Host at the river Arar nor with the terrible fury of those veterane legions but it yielded this effect which Caesar in his estimate of valour thought memorable that for five houres space or more there was not one man seen to have turned his back Their manner of imbattelling had not the Romans been the enemy was unresistable For being cast into a Phâ—lanx which in the Plaines of Asia had made Alexander the great and the Macedomans famous they did as farr surpasse any other form of imbattelling supposing that the conveniency of the place did fit that disposition wherein the strength of the whole is divided into many particulars as the violence of a great body exceedeth the force and motion of his parts when it is divided into smaller cantons For as in a phalanx many particular souldiers are by a close and compact order incorporated into one entire body so their severall vertues are gathered into one head and are as parts united into one generall force which easily swalloweth up the ability of many other lesser quantities into which a greater strength is equally divided The advantage of the place which they got by retreat and the double charge wherewith they ingaged the Romans both in front and flank was able in an indifferent conflict to have made Fortune fugitive and bear armes on their side or at the least so to have stâ—â—med the swelling tide of victory which carried the Romans so violently in the chase that they might have been equall shaters in the honour of the day had it not followed from an Ocean of valour whose course could not be hindered with any stops and oppositions untill it came to that height which true valour and unexampled resolution affected And yet the height of this courage could not so allay the heat of the Helvetians fury but it brake forth into dangerous flames when it came to the place where their carriages were laid and cost much bloud and many mens lives before they quitted the place for they fought with that spirit and industry as though they meant to make triall whether their fortune would prove no better in the might then it had done in the day The overthrow of the Tigâ—râ—e Canton at the river Arar proceeded rather from want of good ducâ—tions which is the lesse to be marvelled at considering they had no chief Commander as we read of then from any defect of valour for the rules of Military government 〈◊〉 especiall care in passing over a water for then especially an Army is in greatest danger when it is disordered and divided And therefore the Romans atchieved this victory by the horrible vigilancy as Tully calleth it of their Commandeâ— who alwayes watched opportunitates reâ— bene gerendae as necessary and speedy meanes to overcome in all his wars Chap. XI Caesar after three dayes respite followeth after the Helvetians he taketh them to mercy and sendeth them back again to the Country Caesar sent Letters and Messengers to the Lingones forbidding to supply them either with Cornor any other thing which if they did he would esteem of them as of the Helvetians Himself after three dayes respite follwed after with all his forces The Helvetians pressed with the want of all necessary provisions sent Commissioners unto him to treat of their rendition Who meeting him on the way cast themselves at his feet and with humble words and tears desired Peace Being commanded to attend in the place they then were they accordingly obeyed Caesar being come up unto them required hostages together with their Arms and servants as also the fugitives that were sled unto them While those things were sought out and brought in the
an eminent evil which may either dispossess the soul of this earthly mansion or trouble the quiet wherein she resteth the spirits as it seemeth by the direction of their soveraign Mistresse retire themselves into the inner cabinets and secreter pavillions of the body where the chiefest part of the soul is most resident and so they leave the frontier quarters of her kingdome naked and ungarrisoned the better to strengthen that capitall City of the heart out of which the life cannot fly but to the utter ruine and destruction of the whole body For fear is not only a perturbation of the soul proceeding from the opinion it hath of some evil to come but it is also a contraction and closing up of the heart when the bloud and the spirits are recalled from the outward parts to assist that place which giveth life and motion to all the rest In this Chaos and confusion of humours and spirits when the multiplicity of faculties which otherwise require an ordinate distinction in their service and by the order of nature should be disposed into severall instruments and be dilated throughout the body are thus blended confusedly together the conceptions of the mind which presently rise from these advertisements are suddenly choaked with the disordered mixture of so many severall properties and are stifled as it were in the throng before they can be transported to our judgement or examined by reason for want of that ordinate uniformity of place which nature requireth in the powers of the mind And hence proceedeth that amazednesse and astonishment which so daunteth the hearts of men when they are taken with this passion that because the soul giveth no counsell the body can afford no motion but standeth forzen through the extremity of the perturbation benummed in sense and forsaken of the spirits So we read that Theophilus the Emperour in an overthrow which he had given him by the Hagarens was strucken with such an excessive fear that he could not betake himself to â—light Adeo pavor etiam auxilia formidat untill one of his chief Commanders shaking him by the shoulder as though he were to awake him out of a deep sleep threatned him with present death if he would not prevent the ruine of the Empire by using that means which was only left for his safety Again if in that turbulent consistory the spirits chance distinctly to receive any apprehension proceeding from the forgeing faculty of the soul they carry it presently to execution before it be examined by reason and follow the action with such vehemency that they leave no place for better advice and reknowledgement And this is the cause that oftentimes through extremity of fear to avoid one evil we run headlong into a worse and find a greater danger in the means we use to avoid a lesse because reason did not first try the apprehension before it was delivered to externall Agents And so we find in the battel between Germanicus and the Almans that two grosse troups of souldiers were driven into such an extasy of fear that taking contrary courses to avoid one the same danger they either of them fled to that place which the other had quitted neither could they be advised by each others flight that the places which they sought after afforded them no remedy And albeit reason be called to counsell when a parlee is summoned of composition yet it beareth so small a sway in the consultation that the will of it self concludeth to betray vertue to dishonour and so to purchase peace with the losse of the souls chiefest treasure which ought ever to be estimated at a higher rate then any other happinesse which can betide the mind For among all the sensible things of this world there is no creature that hath such a confused fear or is more amazed therewith then man is neither is there any misery greater or any bondage more shamefull servile or vile then this which maketh men very abjects of all other creatures to redeem the evil which the danger threatneth and then doth shame follow after so base a part and aggravate the burthen of the sin with loathsome disgrace and penitent discontentment adding oftentimes Aloes to Wormwood and making the end grievouser then the beginning And thus doth danger breed fear and fear yieldeth to dishonour and dishonour bringeth shame shame being alwayes mingled with wrath and anger revengeth it self upon it self and bringeth more peril then the first danger could threaten Whereby it appeareth that as the affections of the mind are bred one of another so on the contrary part some are bridled and restrained by others for as envy hatred and anger rise oftentimes of love so is joy lessened with grief envy with mercy and fear with shame But forasmuch as all such perturbations proceed of ignorance and inconsideratenesse whereby we think that the evil is greater then indeed it is let us consider what disposition of our judgement best moderateth the violent heat of these affections And first touching the passages whereby the soul receiveth her advertisements as they are of divers natures the chiefest whereof are the eye and the ear so are their avisoes different in quality and require a severall consideration to be rightly discerned The intelligence by the eye is more certain then that which cometh by the way of hearing forasmuch as the eye is a witnesse it self of every action whereof it taketh notice neither is it deceived in its proper object and therefore the judgement is not much troubled to determine definitively how great or how small the danger is when the relations carry alwayes that certainty And albeit the care in like manner be not deceived in her proper object for it faithfully giveth up that sense which sound hath delivered unto it yet forasmuch as the fantasy hath greater scope to coin her vain conceptions in regard of the absence of the action it is necessary that the discoursing faculty be called for an assistant before the judgement can truly determine and then it will appear that the truth doth not alwayes answer the report which is made thereof inasmuch as diseased spirits will not stick to dilate or qualify relations according to the key wherein they themselves are tuned And therefore this first cometh to be considered of in all such violent commotions by which of these two senses the first intelligence was received But concerning the judgement it self this is most certain that the more it is infected with the corruptions of the flesh the more violent are the affections of the soul And again the purer the judgement is and the higher it is lifted up from earthly natures being no further interessed therein then to hold a resolution of well doing the fewer and lighter are the affections which trouble and molest it for then it better discerneth the truth and falsehood good or evil that is in things To redresse this inconvenience Caesar betook himself to the fittest and most proper remedy which was
to hold it in as great reputation as any weapons whatsoever which may be thought worthy executioners of the deeds of Armes THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN the second place we may observe that there was no Nation so barbarous for I understand the Germans to be as barbarous in regard of the motions of religion as any known Nation of that time being in a Climate so near the North that it afforded no contemplation at all that could not make use in their greatest affairs of that superstition to which their mind was naturally inthralled and forge prophesies and divinations as well to stirr up as to moderate the irregular motions of a multitude according as they might best serve to advantage their proceedings Neither did Caesar let slip the occasion of making use of this their religion for understanding by their prisoners that their divinations forbad them to fight before the new Moon he used all the means he could to provoke them to battell that their religious opinion of mischieving might prejudice their resolution to return Conquerers Which may serve to prove that a superstitious people are subject to many inconveniences which industry or Fortune may discover to their overthrow It is recorded that Columbus being Generall of some forces which Ferdinando king of Castile sent to discover the West Indies and suffering great penury for want of victuals in the I le of Jamaica after that he had observed how the Ilanders worshipped the Moon and having knowledge of an Eclipse that was shortly after to happen he told the inhabitants that unlesse they would furnish him with such necessaries as he wanted for the time the wrath of their God should quickly appear towards them by changing his bright shining face into obscurity and darknesse which was no sooner happened but the poor Indians strucken with a superstitious fear of that which the course of nature required kept nothing back that might assist their enemies to depopulate and over-run their own Country Chap. XIX Caesar seeketh meanes to give them battel and the Germans dispose themselves thereunto THe next day Caesar left a sufficient Garrison in each of his Camps and forasmuch as the number of his legionary souldiers was small in respect of the multitude of the Germans he placed all the Auxiliarie troups for a shew before the lesser Camp and putting his legions in a triple battell he marched towards the Camp of Ariovistus And then at length were the Germans constrained to bring out their power setting every Tribe and people by themselves in like distance and order of battell as the Harudes Marcomans Triboces Vangiones Nemetes Sedusians and Swevians and environing their whole Army with Carts and carriages that there might be no hope at all left to save any man by flight And in these they placed their women that they by their out-stretched hands and teares moving pity might implore the souldiers as they descended by course to the battell not to deliver them into the bondage and thraldome of the Romans Caesar assigned to every legion a Legat and a Questor that every man might have an eye-witnesse of his valour and he himself began the battell with the right Cornet forasmuch as he perceived that part of Ariovistus Army to be the weakest THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe Romans even from the infancy of their state were ever zealous admirers of true honour and alwayes desired to behold with the eye to what measure of vertue every man had attained that the tongue with greater fervency of spirit might sound out the celebration of Macte virtute which imported more honour then any wealth that could be heaped upon them Neither was this the least part of their wisedome considering that the most pretious things that are lose much of their worth if they be not suted with other correspondent natures whose sympathy addeth much more excellency then is discerned when they appear by themselves without such assistance For how small is the beauty which Nature hath given to the eye-pleasing Diamond when it is not adorned with an artificiall form or what perfection can the form give without a foile to strengthen it or what good is in either of them if the light do not illuminate it or what avail all these where there wanteth an eye to admire it a judgement to value it and an heart to imbrace it Such a union hath Nature imprinted in the diversitie of creatures concurring to perfection and especially in morall actions in whose carriage there is a far greater exactnesse of correspondencie required to approve them honourable then was requisite to make the jewel beautifull And this did Caesar in all his battels amongst the rest that at Alesia is particularly noted in this manner Quod in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur neque recte aut turpiter factum celari poterat utrosque laudis cupiditas timor ignominiae ad virtutem excitabat And when Livie would expresse how valiantly an action was carried he saith no more but in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur which is as much as to say that forasmuch as the Romans were diligent observers of every mans worth rewarding vertue with honour and cowardise with reproch every man bent his whole endeavour to deserve the good opinion of his Generall by discharging that duty which he owed to the Commonwealth with all loyalty and faithfulnesse of spirit THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Romans had four formes of the front of their battell The first was called Acies Recta when neither the cornets nor the battell was advanced one before another but were all carried in a right line and made a straight front this was their most usuall manner of imbattelling The second forme of the front was called Obliqua when as one of the cornets was advanced nearer unto the enemy then the rest to begin the battell and this was commonly as Vegetius noteth the right cornet for the right cornet of an Army had great advantage against the left of the enemies in regard of their weapons and furniture But Caesar did it in this place because he perceived that the enemy was weakest in that part following a Maxime of great authority That the weakest part of an enemy is in the beginning to be charged with the strength of an Armie for so favourable are mens judgements to that which is already happened that the sequele of every action dependeth for the most part upon the beginning Dimidium facti qui bene coepit habet saith a Poet and not without great reason so forcible continually is the beginning and so connexed to the sequele by the nature of a precedent cause that the end must needs erre from the common course when it doth not participate of that quality which was in the beginning Neither can there be any good end without a good beginning for although the beginning be oftentimes disastrous and unluckie and the end fortunate and happy yet before it came to that end there was a fortunate beginning
for the bad beginning was not the beginning of a good but of an evil end And therefore that his men might foresee a happy end in a good beginning it behoved him with the best of his Army to assault the weakest part of the enemy The last form is called Gibbosa or gibbera Acies when the battell is advanced and the two cornets lag behind This form did Hannibal use in the battell of Cannae but with this Art that he strengthened his two cornets with the best of his souldiers and placed his weakest in the midst that the Romans following the retreat of the battell which was easily repelld might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets Chap. XX. The Battell between Caesar and Ariovistus THe sign of the battell being thereupon given our men charged upon the enemy very fiercely and they on the otherside returned so speedy a counterbuffe that the legions had no time to cast their piles and in that regard made hast to betake themselves to their swords But the Germans according to their manner putting themselves into a Phalanx received the force of their swords In the battell there were many legionary souldiers seen to leap upon the Phalanx and to pull up with their hands the targets that covered it and so to wound and kill those that were underneath and so the left Cornet of the enemy was overthrown and put to flight Now while the right Cornet was thus busied the left Cornet was overcharged with an unequall multitude of the Germans which young Crassus the Generall of the horse no sooner perceived having more scope and liberty then any of the Commanders that were in the battell but he sent tertiam Aciem the third battell to rescue and aid their fellows that were in danger by means whereof the fight was renewed and all the enemy was put to flight and never looked back untill they came to the Rhene which was about fifty miles from the place where they fought Where some few of them saved themselves by swimming others found some boats and so escaped Ariovistus lighting upon a little Bark tied to the shore recovered the other side and so saved himself the rest were all slain by the horsemen Ariovistus had two wives one a Swevian whom he brought with him from home and the other of Norica the sister of King Vocion sent unto him by her brother into Gallia and married there both these perished in that fight His two daughters likewise being there one was slain and the other taken As Caesar pursued the German horsemen it was his chance to light upon Valerius Procillus as he was drawn up and down by his Keepers bound in three chains which accident was as gratefull to him as the victory it self being so fortunate to recover his familiar friend and a man of sort in the Province whom the barbarous enemy contrary to the law of Nations had cast into prison Neither would Fortune by the losse of him abate any thing of so great pleasure and contentment for he reported that in his own presence they had three severall times cast lots whether he should be burned alive and that still he escaped by the fortune of the lots And M. Titius was found in like manner and brought unto him The same of this battell being carried beyond the Rhene the Swevians that were come to the banks of the Rhene returned home again whom the inhabitants neare upon that river pursued finding them terrified and distracted and slew a great number of them Caesar having thus ended two great warres in one Summer brought his Army into their wintering Campes somewhat sooner then the time of the year required and leaving Labienus to command them himself returned into the hither Gallia to keep Courts and publick Diets THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proved to be the right Macedonian Phalanx but we are rather to understand it to be so termed by reason of the close and compact imbattelling rather then in any other respect and it resembled much a testudo as I said of the Helvetian Phalanx Secondly I observe that Caesar kept the old rule concerning their discipline in fight for although the name of Triaries be not mentioned in his history yet he omitted not the substance which was to have primam secundam tertiam Aciem and that prima Acies should begin the battell and the second should come fresh and assist them or peradventure if the enemy were many and strong the first and second battell were joyned together and so charged upon the enemy with greater fury and violence but at all adventures the third battell was ever in subsidio as they termed it to succour any part that should be overcharged which was a thing of much consequence and of great wisdome For if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers or the casualty of Fortune what could be more added to their discipline in this behalf then to have a second and a third succour to give strength to the fainting weaknesse of their men and to repair the disadvantage which any accident should cast upon them Or if their valour were equally ballanced and victory stood doubtfull which of the two parties she should honour these alwayes stept in being fresh against weary and over-laboured spirits and so drew victory in despight of casualty unto themselves THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning use of lots it shall not be amisse to look into the nature of them being in former times so generall that there was no Nation civil or barbarous but was directed in their greatest affairs by the sentence of lots As we may not refuse for an undoubted truth that which Salomon saith in the sixteenth of Proverbs The lots are cast into the lap but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord through the knowledge whereof Josua was directed to take Achan the Marriners Jonas and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias So whether the heathen and barbarous people whose blindnesse in the way of truth could direct them no further then to senselesse superstition and put them in mind of a duty which they owed but could not tell them what it was nor how to be performed whether these I say were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries which directed the action to the decree of destiny and as the Gods would have it it remaineth doubtfull Aristotle the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall nameth that event casuall or proceeding from Fortune of which the reason of man could assign no cause or as he saith which hath no cause So that whatsoever happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workman was termed an effect of Fortune or chance of hab-nab For all other effects which depended upon a certainty and definite cause were necessarily produced and therefore could not be casuall or subject to the inconstancy of chance And because many and sundry such chances daily happened which like terrae filii
the Province which being speedily dispatched as soon as the time of the year would permit him he came into Gallia The Veneti and the rest of the confederacy understanding of Caesars arrivall and considering how hainous a fact they had committed in detaining the Ambassadours and casting them into irons whose name is held sacred and inviolable amongst all nations prepared accordingly to answer so eminent a danger and especially such necessaries as pertained to shipping and sea-fights THE OBSERVATION FRom hence I may take occasion briefly to touch the reverent opinion which all nations how barbarous soever have generally conceived of the quality and condition of Embassadours and what the grounds are of this universally received custome which in all ages and times hath held authenticall And first we are to understand that all mankind as indued with the same nature and properties are so linked together in the strict alliance of humane society that albeit their turbulent and disagreeing passions which in themselves are unnaturall as proceeding from corruption and defect drive them into extream discord and disunion of spirit and break the bonds of civile conversation which otherwise we do naturally affect yet without a necessary entercourse and traffick of society we are not able to keep on foot the very discord it self in terms of reason and orderly proceeding but all parts will be blended with disordered confusion and go to wrack for want of these mutuall offices performed by messengers so streight are the bonds of Nature and so powerfull are the laws which she enacteth And therefore if it were for no other end which might sort to the benefit of either party as there are many good uses thereof yet to hold up the quarrell and keep it from falling making war according to the grounds of reason the entercourse of messengers is not to be interrupted nor their persons to be touched with hatefull violence but that which the common reason of nations hath madâ— a law ought as religiously to be observed as an Oracle of our own belief Secondly forasmuch as the end of war is or at the least should be peace which by treaty of mutuall messengeâ—s is principally to be confirmed to the end that no people may seem so barbarous as to maintain a war which onely intendeth bloud and proposeth as the chiefest object the death and mortality of mankind no way respecting peace and civile government such as refuse the entercourse of messengers as the means of amity and concord are justly condemned in the judgement of all nations as unworthy of humane society Last of all it is an injury of great dishonour and deserveth the reward of extream infamy to revenge the master his quarrell upon a servant and punish Embassadours for the faults of their State considering that their chiefest duty consisteth in the faithfull relation of such mandates as they have received which may as well tend to the advancement and honour of that City to which they are sent as to the dishonour and ruine of the same whereof the messengers take no notice And therefore whether we desire war or peace the free liberty holy order of Embassadours is reverently to be respected and defended from brutish and unnaturall violence CHAP. V. The proceedings of either party in the enterance of this warre THe Veneti conceived great hope of their enterprise by reason of the strength of their situation forasmuch as all the passages by land were broken and cut off with armes and creeks of the sea and on the other side navigation and entrance by sea was so troublesome and dangerous in that the Romans were altogether unacquainted with the channels and shelves of the coast and there were so few ports Neither did they think that the Roman Army could long continue there without corn which was not to be had in those quarters And if it happened that the course of things were carried contrary to this probable expectation yet they themselves were strong in shipping whereas the Romans had none at all Neither had they knowledge of the flats and shallows Ports and Islands of that coast where they were to fight And to conclude they should find the use of Navigation in that narrow sea to be far different from that which they were accustomed unto in the vast and open Ocean In this resolution they fortified their townes stored them with provision and brought all their shipping to Vannes against whom Caesar as it was reported would begin to make war taking the Osismi Lexovii Nannetes Ambialites Morini Menapii Diablintres as consorts and partakers in this quarrell Notwithstanding these difficulties many motives stirred up Caesar to undertake this war as namely the violent detaining of the Roman knights their rebellion after they had yielded themselves by rendry and given hostages of their loyalty the conspiracy of so many Cities which being now neglected might afterward incite other nations and States to the like insolency And therefore understanding that almost all the Galles were inclining to novelty and alteration and of their own nature were quick and ready to undertake a war and further considering that all men by nature desired liberty and hated the servile condition of bondage he prevented all further insurrections of the other States with the presence of the Roman forces in severall places at once and sent Titus Labienus with the Cavalry unto the Treviri that bordered upon the Rhene to him he gave in charge to visit the men of Rhemes and the rest of the Belgae to keep them in obedience and to hinder such forces as might peradventure be transported over the river by the Germans to further this rebellious humour of the Galles He commanded likewise Pub. Crassus with twelve legionary cohorts and a great part of the horse to go into Aquitane least there might come any aid from those nations such considerable forces joyn together He sent also Q. Titurius Sabinus with three legions unto the Lexovii Curiosolitae and Unelli to disappoint any practice which rebellioks minds might intend And making D. Brutus chief Admirall of the navy of those French ships which he had got together from the Pictones Santones other provinces which continued quiet obedient he gave him in charge to make towards Vannes with what speed he could and he himself marched thitherward with the foot forces THE OBSERVATION IN the first book I observed the authority which the Roman Leaders had to undertake a war without further acquainting the Senate with the consequence thereof in this place let us observe the care and circumspection which the Generals had who did not undertake a troublesome and dangerous war upon a humour or any other flender motion but diligently weighing the circumstances thereof and measuring the perill and hazard of the war with the good and consequence of the effect informed their judgements of the importance of that action and so tried whether the benefit would answer their
narrownesse of the place and from their own disorder then from the Enemy And to conclude they did not remember the common chances and casualties of warre wherein oftentimes very small causes either of false suspicion or of sudden fear or out of scruple of Religion do inferre great and heavy losses as often as either by the negligence of the Generall or the fault of a Tribune the Army is misordered But as though they had overcome by true force of their prowesse and that no alteration of things could after happen they magnified that dayes victory by Letters and report throughout the whole world THE FIRST OBSERVATION SOmetimes we may think to repair a losse and thereby hazard a greater misfortune For albeit the saying be common that a man must seek his coat where he lost it as Dicers do yet there is alwayes more certainty in seeking then in finding For the circle of humane affairs being carried round in a course doth not suffer happinesse to continue with one Party And thereupon it was That Pittacus dedicated a Ladder to the Temple of Mitylene to put men in mind of their condition which is nothing else but going up and down The life of a souldier is a mere Hermaphrodite and taketh part of either sex of Fortune and is made by Nature to beget Happinesse of Adversity and mischances of Good hap as if the cause of all causes by intermixing sweet with sower would lead us to his Providence and consequently to himself the first Mover of all Motions The diversity of these events are so inchained together as one seemeth to have relation to the other For this task admitted not of veni vidi vici I only came and saw and overcame nor went on with Alexander marching over the Plains of Asia without rub or counterbuffe but the businesse was disposed here to receive a blow and there to gain a victory And so this losse at Dyrraechium made the battel at Pharsalia the more glorious and beautified the course of this warre with variety of chances The best use of these Disasters is that which Câ—oesus made of his crosse fortunes Mei casus et si ingrati mihi tamen extitere disciplina My mishaps though they be unpleasing enough yet they have still taught me something THE SECOND OBSERVATION AS the Mathematâ—cks by reason of their certainty do admit demonstration as well from the conclusion to the principles as from the principles to the conclusion so in the actions of mans life it is not hard to assign the precedent causes by the sequele the event being oftentimes an understanding Judge of things that are past And although it do no where appear what was the cause of Labienus leaving Caesar yet his insolent carriage towards these Captives may make at least a probable conjecture that his revolt proceeded from his own disposition rather then from any cause on Caesar's behalf For where a man hath once done an injury he will never cease heaping one wrong after another and all to justify his first errour whereas on the other side a noble spirit free from all desert will demean himself answerable to his first innocency CHAP. XXV Caesar speaketh to the souldiers concerning this miâ—hap and forsaketh the Place CAesar being driven from his former purposes resolved to change the whole course of the warre so that at one and the same time omitting the siege and withdrawing the Garrisons he brought all the Army into one place and there spake unto the souldiers exhorting them not to think much at those things that had happened nor to be amuzed therewith but to counterpoise this losse which was in a mediocrity with many happy and fortunate battels they had gained Let them thank Fortune that they had taken Italy without blow or wound that they had quieted and put in peace both the Provinces of Spain full of warlike men and directed by skilfull and practised Commanders that they also had subdued the fertile bordering Provinces and likewise that they should remember with what facility they were all transported in safety through the midst of the Enemies fleets not only the Havens and Ports but all the coast being full of shipping If all things fell not out prosperously Fortune was to be helped by their industry The losse which was received might be attributed to any man rather then unto him for he had given them a secure place to fight in had possest himself of the Enemies Camp driven them out and overcome them in fight But whether it were their fear or any other errour or Fortune herself that would interrupt a victory already gained every man was now to labour to repair the damage they had sustained with their valour which if they did endeavour he would turn their lesse into advantage as it formerly fell out at Gergovia where such as before were afraid to sight did of their own accord offer themselves to battel Having ended his speech he disgraced and displaced some Ensign bearers The Army thereupon conceived such a grief of the blow that was given them and such a desire they had to repair their dishonour that no man needed the command either of a Tribune or Centurion every man imposing upon himself as a punishment for his late fault greater labours then usuall and withall inflamed with an earnest desire of fighting insomuch as many of the higher Orders thought it requisite to continue in the place and refer the cause to a battel But contrariwise Caesar was not assured of the terrified souldiers and thought it expedient besides to interpose some time for the settling of their minds fearing likewise least he should be straightned through scarcity of Corn upon the leaving of his fortifications And therefore without any farther delay giving order for such as were wounded and sick assoon as it was night he conveighed all the carriages secretly out of the Camp and sent them before towards Apollonia forbidding them to rest untill they came to their lodging and sent one legion withall to convoy them That being done he retained two Legions within the Camp and the rest being led out at divers ports about the fourth watch of the night he sent the same way And after a little pause for the observing of Military order and to the end his speedy departure might not be discovered he commanded them to take up the cry of trussing up their baggage and presently setting forward overtook the former troup so went speedily out of the sight of the Camp Pompey having notice of his purpose made no delay to follow after but aiming at the same things either to take them incumbered in their march or astonished with fear brought forth his Army and sent his horsemen before to stay the Rereward But Caesar went with so speedy a march that he could not overtake them untill he came to the River Genusus where by reason of the high and uneasy banks the Cavalry overtook the tail of the
labour And thus we find the reasons particularly delivered that moved Caesar first to undertake the Helvetian war and then the causes which drew him on to the quarrell with Ariovistus then followeth the necessity of that war with the Belgae and now the motives which induced him to this with the maâ—itime Cities of Bretagne and so consequently of his passage into Germany or what other enterprise he attempted which he layeth down as the grounds and occasions of those wars and could not be avoyded but with the losse and dishonour of the Roman Empire Further let us observe the means he used to prevent the inclination of the Galles and to keep them in subjection and peaceable obedience by sending his men into divers quarters of that Continent and so setling the wavering disposition of the further skirts with the weight of his Army and the presence of his legionary souldiers which he sent ready to stifle all motions of rebellion in the beginning that they might not break out to the prejudice and diminution of the Roman Empire and the good successe of his proceedings besides the advantage which he gained in the opinion of the Enemy whom he so little feared concerning the upshot of that quarrell that he had dispersed tâ—e greatest part of his Army upon other services the rest being sufficient to end that war CHAP. VI. The manner of their shipping and their sea-sight THe situation of almost all these Cities was such that being built in points promontories they could not at ful sea which happened alwayes twice in 12 houres be approached by foot-forces nor yet with shipping for again in an ebbe the vessels were laid on the grounâ— and so left as a prey to the enemy And if the Romans went about to shut out the sea with mounts which they raised equall to the walls of the town and were at the point of entering and taking it yet the townsmen having such store of shipping would easily convey both themselves and their carriages into the next towns and there help themselves with the like advantage of place And thus they deluded Caesar the greatest part of the sommer for the Roman fleet by reason of continuall windes and foul weather durst not adventure to put out of the river Loire into so vast a sea wherein the havens and roads were few and farre distant one from another and the tides great The shipping of the Galles was thus built and rigged the keel was somewhat flatter then the Romans shipping the better to bear the ebbes and shallowes of that coast the fore-deck was altogether erect and perpendicular the poupe was made to bear the hugenesse of the billowes and the force of the tempest And in a word they were altogether built for strength for the ribs and seats were made of beams of a foot square fastned with iron pinnes of an inch thick in stead of cables they used chaines of iron and raw hides and skins for sailes either for want of linen or ignorant of the use thereof or because sailes of linen would hardly serve to carry ships of that burthen or endure the tempestuousnesse of those seas and the violence of the winds The meeting and conflict of the Roman navy with this kind of ships was such that they only excelled them in celerity and speedy nimblenesse with force of oars but in all other things either concerning the nature of the place or the dangers of the foul weather were farre inferiour unto them for the strength of them was such that they could neither hurt them with their beak-heads nor cast a weapon to any purpose into them by reason of their altitude and high-built bulkes And if any gust chanced in the mean time to rise that forced them to commit themselves to the mercy of the weather their shipping would better bear the rage of the sea and with greater safety shelter it self amongst flats and shallowes without fear of rocks or any such hazard of all which chances the Roman navy stood continually in danger OBSERVATION ANd here let it not seem impertinent to the argument which we handle considering the generall use which we Islanders have of navigation briefly to set down the most eminent causes of the flowing and ebbing of the sea as far forth as shall seem necessary to the knowledge of a souldier which albeit they may fall short of the true reasons of this great secret yet forasmuch as they stand for true principles of regularity and well-approved rules in our Art of navigation let us take them for no lesse then they effect and give them that credit in our imagination which tract of time hath gained to those forged circles in the heavens that albeit their chiefest essence consisteth in conceit and supposall yet forasmuch as they serve to direct our knowledge to a certainty in that variety and seeming inconstancy of motion we esteem of them as they effect and not as they are Considering then the globe of the world as it maketh a right sphear for in that position the Naturalists chiefly understand celestiall influence to have operation in this liquid element of the water it is divided by the Horizon and Meridian into four quarters the first quarter is that between the east horizon and the noon meridian which they call a flowing quarter the second from the noon meridian to the west horizon which they make an ebbing quarter the third from the west horizon to the midnight meridian which they likewise call a flowing quarter and again from the midnight meridian to the east horizon the second ebbing quarter And so they make two flowing quarters and two ebbing quarters of the whole circuit of heaven The instruments of these sensible qualities and contrary effects are the sun and the moon as they are carried through these distinct distinct parts of the heaven And although experience hath noted the moon to be of greatest power in watry motions yet we may not omit to acknowledge the force which the sun yieldeth in this miracle of nature First therefore we are to understand that when the moon or the sun begin to appear above the right horizon and enter into that part of the heaven which I termed the first flowing quarter that then the sea beginneth to swell and as they mount up to their meridian altitude so it increaseth untill it come to a high floud And again as those lights passing the meridian decline to the west and run the circuit of the ebbing quarter so the water decreaseth and returneth again from whence it came Again as they set under the west horizon and enter into the second flowing quarter so the sea beginneth again to flow and still encreaseth untill they come to the point of the night meridian and then again it refloweth according as the sun and moon are carried in the other ebbing quarter from the night meridian to the west horizon And hence it happeneth that in conjunction or new of the moon when the