sober countenance better conceiveth and reteineth the good things uttered and withall hath more leasure to marke observe and discerne that which is either unprofitable or false He sheweth himselfe besides to be a lover of the trueth and is not taken for a litigious quareller a rash wrangler or abitterbrawler And therefore some there be who not unaptly say That we ought no lesse but rather more to void out of the minds of yoong men that presumption and foolish opinion which they have of their owne selves than to rid and exclude the winde and aire out of leather bagges or bladders wherewith they are puft and blowen up if we meane to infuse and put any good thing into them for otherwise if they be still full of that swelling winde of arrogancie and overweening of themselves they will never receive and admit any goodnesse Moreover envie accompanied with a maligne eie and ill will is good in no action whatsoever where it is present but as it is an impediment and hinderance to all honest causes so it is the woorst counsellor and assistant that he can have who would be an auditor making all those things that be profitable and for his benefit to seeme odious unpleasant harsh to the eare and hardly admitted for that the nature of envious persons is to take more pleasure in any thing else than in that which is well spoken And verily whosoever repineth and is vexed at the heart to see others rich beautifull or in authoritie is onely envious for greeved he is at the welfare of others but he that taketh discontentment in hearing a wise and sententious speech is offended with the good of his owne selfe for like as the light is a benefit to them that see even so is speech unto the hearers if they will embrace and entertaine the same As for those kinds of envie which arise in regard of other things there be some naughtie passions and vitious conditions of the minde besides that breed and ingender them but that maner of envie which is conceived against them that speake excellently well springeth from a certeine important desire of vaine glorie and unjust ambition which will not suffer him that is so indisposed to give eare and attend unto the words spoken but troubleth disquieteth and distracteth the minde and understanding both to consider at one instant his owne state and sufficiencie whether it be inferior to the conceit and eloquence of the speaker and also to regard and looke upon the countenance of other hearers whether they take contentment and are in admiration of him that maketh the speech yea and withall is happly he be praifed the same minde is woonderfully galled and amazed angrie and ready to fall out with all that be present in case they approove his speech with applanse Herewith it letteth slip also and rejecteth the matter and good sayings that were delivered already for that the remembrance thereof is unsaverie and unpleasant and still he is disquieted and wotteth not what to do hearing out the rest with feare and trembling list haply they should be better than the former never so desirous that the speakers should hasten to an end and have done as when they discourse and speake best Now when the Sermon is ended and the auditorie dissolved what doth this envious spirit then not ruminate be you sure nor consider of the reason and matter delivered but he stirreth the affections and opinions striaghtwaies and gathereth voice as it were in a scrutinie of the audience If he meet with any that give out good words to the praise of the Preacher them hee avoideth and fleeth from as if he were in a furious fit of madnesse hapneth he upon such as finde fault and be ready to misconstrue and prevert the words that were spoken to the woorst sense these are they whom hee loveth a life to them he runneth and with them hee sorteth and keepeth companie But say that he finde none of that disposition so as he can not wrest any words to a wrong construction then he falleth to make comparisons and to set against him others yoonger than he who of the same theame have discoursed better with more plausible utterance and greater sorce of eloquence he never ceaseth nor giveth over corrupting misinterpreting and disgracing the whole speech untill he have made the same altogether unprofitable and without any edificat at all to his owne selfe It behooveth therefore that he who desireth to heare take truce for the time with ambition to the end that hee may give eare with patience and mildnesse unto him that maketh an oration or sermon and cary himselfe no otherwise than if he were admitted to some sacred and festival banket or an invited guest to the first frmits of a solemne sacrifice praising his eloquence when he hath spoken well and sufficiently to the piint in any matter accepting favourably and in best part his good will to deliver and communicate to others such things as he knew and to perswade his hearers with those reasons and motives which had induced and perswade himselfe Neither must our auditours make this reckoning and conclusion That whatsoever hath beene singularly well delivered by the speaker ought to be ascribed to chance and fortune as if he hada let fall his words at aventuer but impute the same to his diligence labour and art yea and he ought to imitate the same with a kinde of zeale and admiration But whereas he hath faulted and done amisse it is the part of an hearer to bend his minde and consider well and circumspectly what might the cause and occision be of such errour For like as accoding to Xenophon good houshoulders know how to make profit and use aswell of their enemies as their friends even so they that be vigilant and attentive hearers take good not onely by them that speake well but by those also that misse and faile of their purpose for barren triviall and stale invention improper vaine and unsignificant words forced and follish figures abrupt fond and unseemly breakings foorth with joy to some praise and such like impertinences or defects which often times besall unto them that speake in publike place are sooner espied by us that are hearers than observed by themselves who are the speakers And therefore we are to transferre the inquisition and correction of any such fault from them to our selves by examining whether we also may not fault like wise before we be aware For there is nothing in the world more easie than for a man to blame and reprehend his neighbour but such a reprehension verily is vaine and unprofitable unlesse it have a reference to correct and amend the like errours in himselfe In which regard every one ought to be ready in this case according to the advertisement of Plato to say into himselfe Am not I also such an one or doe not I the semblable otherwhiles For even as we see our owne eies shining within the ball or apple or
he had in flouting and reviling others and even the verie comicall Poëts in old time exhibited and represented to the Theaters many grave austere and serious remonstrances and those pertaining to policy goverment of State but there be scurrile speeches intermingled among for to moove laughter which as one unsavorie dish of meate among many other good viands marre all their libertie of speech and the benefit thereof so as it is vaine and doth no good at all And even so the Authors and Actors of such broad jests get nothing thereby but an opinion and imputation of a malicious disposition and impure scurrilitie and to the hearers there accreweth no good nor profit at all At other times and in other places I hold well with it and grant that to jest with friends and moove laughter is tolerable enough but surely the libertie of speech then ought to be serious and modest shewing a good intention without any purpose to gall or sting And if it do concerne weightie affaires indeed let the words be so set and couched the affection so appeere the countenance be so composed and the gesture so ordred and the voice so tuned that all concurring together may win credite to the speech and be effectuall to moove But as in all things els fit opportunity overslipt and neglected doth much hurt so especially it is the occasion that the fruit of free speech is utterly lost in case it be omitted and forgotten Moreover this is evident that we must take heed how we speake broad at a table where friends be met together to drinke wine liberally and to make good cheere for he that amid pleasant discourses and mery talke mooveth a speech that causeth bending and knitting of browes or others maketh men to frowne and be frowning he doth as much as overcast faire weather with a blacke and darke cloud opposing himselfe unto that God Lyaeus who by good right hath that name as Pindarus the Poet saith For that the cord he doth untie Of cares that breed anxietie Besides this neglect of opportunitie bringeth with it great danger for that our minds and spirits kindled once with wine are easie enflamed with cholar yea and oftentimes it falleth out that a man after he hath taken his drinke well when he thinketh but to use his freedome of tongue for to give some wholesome advertisement and admonition ministreth occasion of great enmitie And to say all in few words it is not the part of a generous confident and resolute heart but rather of a craven kind and unmanly to forbeare plaine speech when men are sober and to keepe a barking at the boord like unto those cowardly cur dogs who never snarle but about a bone under the table And now of this point needlesse it is to discourse any longer But forasmuch as many men neither will nor dare controll and reforme their friends when they do amisse so long as they be in prosperitie as being of opinion that such admonition can not have accesse nor reach into a fortunate state that standeth upright and yet the same persous when men are falling are ready to lay them along and being once downe to make a foot-ball of them or tread them under feet or else keepe them so when they be once under the hatches giving their libertie of speech full scope to run over them all at once as a brooke-water which having beene kept up perforce against the nature and course thereof is now let go and the floud-gates drawen up rejoicing at his change and infortunitie of theirs in regard as well of their pride and arrogancie who before disdained and despised them as also of themselves who are but in meane and lowestate it were not impertinent to this place for to discourse a little of this matter and to answere that verse of Euripides When fortune doth upon men smile What need have they of friends the while Namely that even then when as they seeme to have fortune at commaund they stand in most necessitie and ought to have their friends about them to plucke downe their plumes and bring under their haughtinesse of heart occasioned by prosperitie for few there be who with their outward felicitie continue wise and sober in mind breaking not foorth into insolence yea many there are who have need of wit discretion and reason to be put into them from without to abate and depresse them being set a gog and puffed up with the favors of fortune But say that the Divine power do change and turne about and overthrow their state or clip their wings and diminish their greatnesse and authoritie then these calamities of themselves are scourges sufficient putting them in minde of their errors and working repentance and then in such distresse there is no use at all either of friendsto speake unto them frankly or of pinching and biting speeches to molest and trouble them but to say a truth in these mutations It greatly doth content our minds To see the face of pleasant friends who may yeeld consolation comfort and strength to a distressed heart like as Xenophon doth write that in battailes and the greatest extremities of danger the amiable visage and cheerefull countenance of Clearchus being once seene of the souldiors encouraged them much more to play the men and fight lustily whereas he that useth unto a man distressed such plaine speech as may gall and bite him more doth as much as one who unto a troubled and inflamed eie applieth some quicke eie-salve or sharpe drug that is proper for to cleere the sight by which meane he cureth not the infirmitie before said neither doth he mitigate or alay the paine but unto sorrow and griefe of minde already addeth anger moreover and doth exasperate a wounded heart And verily so long as a man is in the latitude of health he is not so testie froward and impatient but that he will in some sort give eare unto his friend and thinke him neither rough nor altogether rude and uncivill in case he tell him of his loosenesse of life how he is given too much either unto women or wine or if he finde fault with his idlenesse and sitting still or contrariwise his excessive exercise if he reproove him for haunting so often the baines or hot-houses and never lying out of them or blame him for gourmandise and belly cheere or eating at undue houres But if he be once sicke then it is a death unto him and a griefe insupportable which doth aggravate his maladie to have one at his bedside sounding ever in his eares See what comes of your drunkennesse your idlenesse your surfetting and gluttony your wenching and leacherie these are the causes of your disease But what will the sicke man say againe Away good sir with these unseasonable words of yours you trouble me much and do me no good iwis I am about making my last will and testament my Physicians are busie preparing and tempering a potion of Scammonie or a drinke
powreth not she downe with great violence stormes of haile-stones out of the clouds upon the fertile corne-fields was it not vice and malice that stirred up Melitus Anytus and Callixenus to be sycophants and false accusers is it not she that bereaveth folke of their goods empeacheth and disableth men for being commanders and leaders of armies and all to make them unhappie nay she it is that maketh them rich and plentifull she heapeth upon them heritages and possessions she accompanieth them at sea she is alwaies close unto them and neer at hand she causeth them to consume and pine with lusts and desires she enflameth and setteth them on fire with choler and anger she troubleth their minds with vaine superstitions and draweth them away after the lusts of their eies HOW A MAN MAY PRAISE HIMSELFE WITHOUT INCURRING ENVIE AND BLAME The Summarie IMpossible it is during the time that we sojorne in this life that our spirit which knoweth not how to be still and at rest should not stirre and moove the tongue to speakeof the actions either of other men or of our owne whereby we cannot choose but incurre marvellous daungers of flatterie slander or els of selfe-praise insomuch as not without good cause that man hath beene called perfect who knoweth well to moderate this little member which is at it were the bit and bridle of the whole bodie of man and the verie helme and sterne of that ship or vessell in which we row and hull to and fro in the sea of this world Requisite it is therefore that morall philosophie should speake to the end that it may teach us for to speake We have seene before in many discourses the dutie of everie one towards his neighbours as well in words as in deeds but in this treatise Plutarch sheweth the cariage of a man towards himselfe and above all in that may which is most slipperie to wit in the question of our owne praises then after hee hath laide this for a ground and foundation That it is an unseemely thing for a man to make himselfe seeme great by vaine babble and alledged the reasons wherefore he setteth downe one generall exception to wit that a vertuous man may praise himselfe in certeine cases annd occurrences the which after he hath taxed the ambition of those who set up a note of their owne praises to be chaunted aloud by others he particularizeth upon these points to wit if he be driven to answer unto some false slaunderer if a man be in any distresse and adversitie or if he be blamed for the best deeds that he hath done After this he enterlaceth certeine advertisements or corrections to wit that a man ought to mingle his owne praises with those of other men that he ascribe not the whole honor of a woorthy deed to his own selfe that he utter only those things which be chiefe and principall and stand upon that which is most commendable and that he give a certeine luster thereto by the foile of confessing his owne imperfections which done he proceedeth to declare what kinde of men they ought to bee who are allowed to praise themselves to what this praise ought to be referred and have respect and wherefore they should enter into it moreover at what time and for what occasion he ought to make head unto a third who would do sufficiently and for a finall conclusion he proposeth an excellent meanes to avoid the troubles and inconveniences that might arise from importunate praise willing that the partie who speaketh of his owne good parts should flie all ambition not please himselfe in rehearsing and recitall of his owne exploits take heed how in selfe-praising hee feigne praises and neverthelesse in blaming his neighbour to be content for to be praised of another without putting himselfe betweene and speaking in his owne behalfe In summe since there is nothing so odious as to see and heare a man speake exceeding much of himselfe he concludeth that in no wise a man ought so to do unlesse there accrew therby great profit and commoditie to the hearers HOW A MAN MAY PRAISE himselfe without incurring envie and blame TO speake much of ones selfe in praise either what he is in person or of what valour and power among others there is no man friend Herculanus but by word of mouth will professe it is most odious and unbeseeming a person well borne and of good bringing up but in very deed few there be who can take heed and beware of falling into the inconvenience and enormitie thereof no not even those who otherwise do blame and condemne the same as for Euripides when he saith If words were costly men among for to be bought and sold No man to praise and magnifie himselfe would be so bold But now since that each one may take out of the aire so large As much as will his minde suffice without his cost and charge Well pleas'd are all men of themselves to speake what comes in thought As well untruth as what is true for speech them 〈◊〉 nought doth use a most odious and importune vanterie especially in this that he would seeme to interlace amongst the passionate accidents and affaires of Tragicall matters the speech of a mans selfe which is not befitting nor pertinent unto the subject argument semblably Pindarus having said in one place To brag and vaunt unseasonably Sound 's much of 〈◊〉 and vain-folly ceaseth not neverthelesse to magnifie his owne sufficiencie in the gift of poetrie as being in trueth worthy of right great praise as no man can denie But those who are crowned with garlands in those sacred plaies and games are declared victours and conquerours by the voice of others who thereby ease them of that odious displeasure that selfe-praise carrieth with it And in very deed our heart riseth against that vaine glory of Timotheus in that he wrote himselfe as touching the victorie which he atchieved against Phrynis Oh happy man thou Timotheus at what time as the herald proclamed with a loud voice these words Timotheus the Milesian hath conquered Ionocamptes that sonne of Carbo for surely this carrieth with it no grace at all but is a meere absurditie and against all good fashion for a man to be the trumpeter of his owne victorie for true it is according to Xenophon That the most pleasant voice that a man can heare is his owne praise delivered by another but the most odious thing unto others is a man commending himselfe for first and formost we esteeme them to be impudent who praise themselves considering that they ought rather to blush and be ashamed even when others fall to praise them in their presence secondly we repute them unjust herein for that they give and attribute that to themselves which they should receive at the hands of others thirdly either if we keepe silence when we heare one to praise himselfe it seemeth we are discontented or do beare envie unto him or if we feare that compelled we are
good and fit a time appeased the tumult and repressed the sedition and insurrection that was like to grow For like as a learned and expert physician after hee hath taken away a great quantitie of corrupt blood from his patient giveth him anon some little nourishment that is good and holsome even so a discreet and well advised ruler of a popular State when he hath put the people by some great matter which tended to their shame and losse will againe by some light gratuitie and pleasure which he is content to graunt cheere and recomfort them yea and allay their moode when they bee readie to whine and complaine And otherwhiles good pollicie it is of purpose to withdraw them from some foolerie unto which without all sense and reason their minde and affection standeth to draw and leade them unto other things that be good and profitable like as Demades his practise was at what time as he had the receit of all the revenues of the citie under his hands for when the people of Athens were fully bent to send foorth certeing gallies for to succour those who had taken armes and rebelled against Alexander the great and to that effect commaunded him to disburse money for the charges hee made this speech unto them My masters there is money ready for you for I have provided so that I purpose to deale among you at this feast of Bacchanales that everie one of you may have halfe a Mua of silver now if you list to employ the fame money to the setting out of a fleet you may doe what pleaseth you with your owne use it or abuse it at your pleasure it is all one to mee by this cunning device having turned them from the rigging and manning of the armado which they purposed to set out and all for feare they should lose the benefit of the foresaid dole or largesse which hee promised and pretended he staied them from offending king Alexander that he had no cause to finde himselfe greeved with them Many such fits and humors are the people given unto both hurtfull and dammageable unto them which it were impossible to breake them of going directly to worke but a man must go about with them by turnings windings compasse them to his mind like as Phocion did upon a time when the Athenians would have had him in al haste to make a road invade the countrey of Boeotia for he caused incontinently proclamation to be made by sound of trumpet That all citizens from fourteene yeeres of age upward unto threescore should shew themselves in armes and follow him upon which proclamation when there arose a great noise and stirre among the elder sort who began to mutine for that he woulde force them at those yeeres to the warres What a strange matter sirs is this quoth he I my selfe am fourescore yeeres of age and you shall have me with you for your captaine By this meanes a politicke governour may put by and breake the ranke of many unseasonable and needlesse embassages namely by joining many of them in commission together and those whom he seeth to be unfit altogether for such voiages thus may he stay the enterprises of going in hand with many great buildings unnecessary and to no purpose in commanding them at such times to contribute money thereto out of their owne purses also hinder the processe of many uncivill and undecent sures namely by assigning one and the same time for apparance in court and for to be emploied in solliciting causes abroad in forren parts for to bring these things about he must draw and associate unto him those principall authors who have drawne out in writing any such bils to be proposed or have incited the people and put those matters in their heads and to them he shall intimate those crosse courses abovesaid for either if they start backe and keepe out of the way they shall seeme themselves to breake that which they proposed or if they accept thereof and be present they shall be sure to take part of the trouble and paines that is imposed upon them Now when there shall be question of any exploit to be done of great consequence and tending much to the good of the State which requireth no small travell industrie and diligence then have a speciall regard and endevour I advise you to chuse those friends of yours who are of most sufficiencie and of greatest authoritie and those among the rest which are of the mildest and best nature for such you may be sure will crosse you least and assist you most so long as they have wit at will and be withall voide of jealousie and contention And heerein it behooveth a man to know wel his owne nature and finding that whereunto he is lesse apt than an other to chuse for his adjuncts those rather whō he perceiveth to be better able to go through with the businesse in hand than such as otherwise be like unto himselfe for so Diomedes being deputed to go in espiall for to view the campe of the enimies chose for his cōpanion the wariest best advised person of all the Greeks let passe the most valiant souldiours By this meanes all actions shall be counterpoised best lesse jealousie and emulation will grow betweene them who are desirous to have their good parts valor seeme indifferent in vertues qualities If you have a cause to plead or be to go in embassage chuse for your companion assistant if you find your selfe not meet to speak some man that is eloquent like as Pelopidas in the like case chose Epaminondas If you thinke your selfe unmeet to enterteine the common people with courtesie affability and of too high and loftie a minde for to debase your selfe and make court unto them as Callicratidas the captaine of the Lacedemonians was take one unto you who is gracious and can skill to court it and give enterteinment If your bodie be weake or feeble and not able to endure much paines have one with you who hath a stronger bodie and who can away with travell as Nicias did Lamachus For this is the reason that Geryones was so woonderfull because that having many legs many armes and many eies yet hee with all them was ruled and governed by one soule But wise governors if they accord and agree well may conferre and lay together not onely their bodies and goods but also their fortunes their credits and their vertues and make use of them all in one affaire in such sort that they shall compasse and execute fully whatsoever they enterprise much better than any other whatsoever and not as the Argonautes did who after they had left Hercules were constrained to have recourse unto the charmes sorceries and enchantments of women for to save themselves and to steale away the golden fleece Certeine temples there be into which whosoever did enter must leave without doores all the gold that they had about them and as for iron they
ceremonies for them as others are wont to do for the dead the reason is because they have no part of earth nor earthly ly affections neither doe they keepe about their tombs and sepulchres nor lay forth the dead corps abroad to be seene of men nor sit neere unto their bodies for our lawes and statutes doe not permit and suffer any mourning at all for those that so depart in their minoritie as being a custome not holy and religious for that wee are to thinke they passe into a better place and happier condition Which ordinances and customes since it is more dangerous not to give credit unto than beleeve let us carie and demeane our selves according as they command for outward order as for within all ought to be more pure wise and uncorrupt HOW IT COMMETH THAT THE DIVINE IUSTICE DEFERRETH OTHER-WHILES THE PUNISHMENT OF WICKED PERSONS The Summarie FOr asmuch as the order of all considerate justice importeth and requireth that goodmen should be mainteined and cherished but contrariwise wicked persons repressed and punished for their leud acts the Epicureans drunken into xicate with false supposals seeing in the conduct of this worlds affaires some that be honest and vertuous distressed and oppressed by divers devices and practises whereas others againe who be naught and vicious continue in repose without any chastisement at all for their misdemeanors would needs take from God the dispose and government of humane affaires holding and mainteining this point That all things roll and run at a venture and that there is no other cause of the good and evill accidents of this life but either fortune or els the will of man Now among other arguments which they have to confirme themselves in this unhappie and impious opinion the patience and long suffering of the divine justice is one of the principall concluding thereby very fondly that considering malefactors are thus supported and seene to escape all chastisement there is no Deitie or Godhead at all which regardeth men either to reward them for vertue or to punish and do vengeance for their iniquity and transgression Plutarch therefore having to deale in his time with such dangerous spirits confuteth them in this treatise which of all others is most excellent and deserveth to be read and 〈◊〉 over againe in these wretched daies wherein Epicurisme beareth up the head as high as at any time ever before True it is I confesse that Theologie and Divinitie is able to furnish us with reasons and answeres more firme and effectuall without comparison than all the Philosophie of Pagans whatsoever howbeit for all that there is here sufficient to be found as touching this point for to stoppe the mouthes of those who have any remnant of shame honestie or conscience behinde in them This present treatise may very well be divided into two principall parts in the former Epicurus being brought in to dispute against divine providence and so departing without stay for answere other Philosophers deliberate to be resolved of this point in his absence and before that they resute his objection two of them doe amplifie and exaggerate the same at large which done our outhour taketh the question in hand and by seven sorcible arguments or firme answeres refelleth the blasphemie of the Epicureans proving by sundry arguments enriched with similitudes sentences examples and notable histories that wicked persons never continue unpunished but that the vengeance of God accompanieth quickly and continually their misdeeds In the second part they debate a certeine question depending of the precedent objection to wit Wherefore children be chastised for the sinnes of their fathers and ancestors and there was a certeiue Philosopher named Timon who handled this matter taxing after an oblique maner the justice of God which Plutarch mainteineth and defendeth shewing by divers reasons that whatsoever Timon had alledged was meere false and that God did no injurie at all unto those children in withdrawing his grace and favour from them and chastising them so together with their parents finding them likewise culpable for their part But in this place our authour answereth not sufficiently and to the purpose as being ignorant of originall sinne and the universall corruption of Adams children which enwrappeth them all in the same condemnation although some are farther gone in sinfull life according as they be growen to more yeeres and so augment their punishment 〈◊〉 as we may well marvell at this that a poore Pagan hath so farre proceeded in this point of Theologie and Christians have so much greater occasion to looke unto themselves in the mids of this light which directeth them considering how this man could see so cleere in darkenesse which appeareth sufficiently in the end of this discourse where he intermedleeh certaine fables as touching the state of our soules after they be parted from the bodies HOW IT COMMETH THAT the divine justice deferreth otherwhiles the punishment of wicked persons AFter that Epicurus had made this speech ô Cynius and before that any one of us had answered him by that time that we were come to the end of the gallerie or walking place he went his way out of our sight and so departed and we woondering much at this strange fashion of the man stood still a pretie while in silence looking one upon another and so we betooke our selves to our walking againe as before then Patrocleas began first to moove speech and conference saying in this maner How now my masters if you thinke so good let us discusse this question and make answere in his absence to those reasons which he hath alledged aswell as if he were present in place hereupon Timon tooke occasion to speake and said Certes it were not well done ofus to let him escape so whithout revenge who hath left his dart sticking in us for captaine Brasidas as it appeareth in the Chronicles being wounded with the shot of a javelin drew it out of his bodie his owne selfe and therewith smote his enemie who had hurt him so as he killed him outright as for us we need not so greatly to be revenged of those who have let flie among us some rash foolish and false speeches for it will be sufficient to shake the same off and send them backe againe before our opinion take holde thereof And what was it I pray you quoth I of all that which he delivered that moved you most for the man handled many things confusedly together and nothing at all in good order but kept a prating and babling against the providence of God facing and inveighing most bitterly and in reprochfull tearmes as if he had bene in a fit of anger and rage Then Patrocleas That which he uttered as touching the long delay and slacknesse of divine justice in punishing the wicked in my conceit was a great objection and troubled me much and to say a truth their reasons and words which he delivered have imprinted in me a new opinion so as now I am become a novice and
a little troubled at this chalenge but after he had paused and thought upon the matter a while in the end he spake to this effect It is an ordinary thing quoth he with Plato to play with us many times merrily by certeine devised names that hee useth but whensoever hee inserteth some fable in any treatise of the soule he doth it right soberly and hath a deepe meaning and profound sense therein for the intelligent nature of heaven he calleth a Chariot volant to wit the harmonicall motion and revolution of the world and heere in this place whereof we are now in question to wit in the end of the tenth booke of his Common-wealth he bringeth in a messenger from hell to relate newes of that which he had there himselfe seene and calleth him by the name of Era a Pamphylian borne and the sonne of Armonius giving us covertly by an aenigmaticall conveiance thus much to understand That our soules are engendred by harmonie and so joined to our bodies but when they be disjoined and separate from them they runne together all into aire from every side and so returne againe from thence unto second generations what should hinder then but this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was put downe by him not to shew a truth whereof he spake but rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a probable speech and conjecturall fiction or else a thing spoken as it should seeme to a dead bodie and so uttered vainly and at a venture in the aire for Plato alwaies toucheth three causes as being the philosopher who either first knew or principally understood how fatall destiny is mingled with fortune and againe how our freewill is woont to bee joined with either of them or is complicate with both and now in this place before cited hee sheweth excellently well what power each of these causes hath in our humane affaires attributing the choice and election of our life unto free will for vertue and vice be free and at the commaund of no lord and tying to the necessitie of fatall destinie a religious life to God-ward in them who have made a good choise and contrariwise in those who have made a choise of the woorst but the cadences or chaunces of lots which being cast at a venture and lighting heere and there without order befall to every one of us bring in fortune and preoccupate or prevent much of that which is ours by the sundry educations or governments of common-weale wherein it hapneth each of us to live for this I would have every one of you to consider whether it bee not meere folly and without all reason to seeke for a cause of that which is done by fortune and casually for if lot should seeme to come by reason there were to be imputed no more to fortune or adventure but all to some fatall destinie or providence Whiles Lamprias delivered this speech Marcus the Grammarian seemed to count and number I wot not what upon his fingers to himselfe apart but when he had made an end the said Marcus named aloud all those soules or spirits which are called out in Homers Necya Among which quoth he the ghost onely of Elpenor wandering still in the middle confines is not reckoned with those beneath in another world for that his bodie as yet is not interred and committed to the earth as for the soule of Tiresias also it seemeth not to bee numbred with the rest To whom now dead Proserpina above the rest did give This gift alone right wise to be although he did not live as also the power to speake with the living and to understand their state and affaires even before he had drunke the bloud of sacrificed beasts If then quoth hee ô Lamprias you subtract these two and count the rest you shall finde that the soule of Ajax was just the twentieth of those which presented themselves to Ulysses and heereto alluded Plato as it should seeme by way of mirth joining his fable together with that evocation of spirits otherwise called Necyra in Homers Odyssea THE SIXTH QUESTION What is covertly meant by the fable wherein Neptune is feigned to have beene vanquished as also why the Athenians take out the second day of the moneth August NOw when the whole company were growen to a certeine uprore Menephyllus a Peripateticke philosopher calling unto Hylas by name You see quoth he now that this question was not propounded by way of mockerie and contumelious flouting but you my good friend leaving this froward and mal-contented Ajax whose name as Sophocles saith is ominous and of ill presage betake your selfe unto Neptune and side with him a while who is wont to recount unto us himselfe how he hath beene oftentimes overcome to wit in this city by Minerva at Delphi by Apollo in Argos by Juno in Aegina by Jupiter and in Naxus by Bacchus and yet in all his repulses disfavors and infortunities he bare himselfe alwaies mild and gentle carying no ranckor or malice in his heart for proofe heereof there is even in this city a temple common to him and Minerva in which there standeth also an altar dedicated to Oblivion Then Hylas who seemed by this time more pleasantly disposed But you have forgotten quoth he ô Menephyllus that we have abolished the second day of the moneth August not in regard of the moone but because it was thought to be the day upon which Neptune and Minerva pleaded for the scignorie of this territorie of Attica Now I assure you quoth Lamprias Neptune was every way much more civill and reasonable than Thrasibulus in case being not a winner as the other but a loser he could forget all grudge and malice A great breach and defect there is in the Greeke originall wherein wanteth the farther handling of this question as also 5. questions entier following and a part of the 6. to wit 7 Why the accords in musicke are devided into three 8 Wherein differ the intervals or spaces melodious from those that be accordant 9 What cause is it that maketh accord and what is the reason that when one toucheth two strings accordant together the melody is ascribed to the base 10 What is the cause that the eclipticke revolutions of sunne and moone being in number equall yet we see the moone oftner ecclipsed than the sunne 11 That we continue not alwaies one and the same in regard of the daily deflux of our substance 12 Whether of the twaine is more probable that the number of starres is even or odde Of this twelfth question thus much remaineth as followeth Lysander was wont to say That children are to be deceived with cockall bones but men with othes Then Glaucias I have heard quoth he that this speech was used against Polycrates the tyrant but it may be that it was spoken also to others But whereby do you demaund this of me Because verily quoth Sospis I see that children snatch at such bones the Academiques catch at words for it
out of the field saying Great Jupiter and other gods immortall now doe know Whose destiny it is to die upon his overthrow For he wist well enough that the covenants of combat were capitulated and accorded upon this condition and therefore it was that a little while after Hector saith God Jupiter aloft in heaven who sits upon his throne The covenants sworne hath not perform'd which were agreed and sworne For as yet the combat remained unatchived and unperfect neither had it a certaine and doubtlesse conclusion considering neither the one nor the other of the champions was slaine so that in mine opinion there is no contrarietie heere at all because the former articles and conditions were comprised in the second for no doubt he that killeth hath overcome but it followeth not that he who vanquisheth hath killed his enemie but to say a truth wee may well plead thus That Agamemnon did not reverse or anull the chalenge or defiance pronounced by Hector but explaned and declared it neither altered he it but added rather the principall point thereof setting downe expresly him for victour who killed his enemie for this indeed is a complet and absolute victory whereas all others have evasions pretended excuses and oppositions such as this of Menelaus who wounded not his enemie nor so much as pursued and followed after him like as therefore in such cases wherein there is an evident contradiction of lawes indeed the judges are wont to pronounce award and sentence according to that which is most expresly and 〈◊〉 set downe leaving that which is doubtfull and obscure even so in this present case now in question that covenant which hath an evident conclusion and admitteth no tergiversation at all we ought to esteeme more firme and effectuall furthermore that which is the chiefe and most principall point of all even he himselfe who is supposed to be the victour in that he retired not backe nor gave over seeking for him that fled but went up and downe to and fro among the troupes searching all about If haply of this gallant knight Sir Paris he might have a sight testified plainly that his victory was imperfect and of no validitie considering that his concurrent was escaped out of his hands which put him in minde of the words which himselfe a little before had said The houre of death to whether of us twaine Is come let him lie dead upon the plaine As for the rest see every one apart And that with speed you home in peace depart And therefore it stood him upon necessarily to seeke out Alexander to the end that having slaine him he might accomplish the entire execution of the combat and gaine the end thereof whereas neither killing him out of the way nor taking him prisoner without all right he demanded the prize of victorie for in very trueth he did not so much as vanquish him if we may gather presumptions and conjecturall arguments even out of his owne words complaining as he doth of Jupiter and lamenting to himselfe that he missed of his purpose in these words O Jupiter in heaven above no God there is againe More spightfull than thyselfe to me nor cruell to be plaine I made account and so gave out of Paris in this place Reveng'd to be for all his wrongs and working my disgrace But now my sword in hand is burst my javelin 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 With force of armes hath done no hurt nor wrought him any paine For himselfe confesseth that it was to no purpose that he pierced thorow his enemies shield and tooke away his armet that fell from his head unlesse he had wounded him therewith and slaine him outright THE FOURETEENTH QUETSION As touching the Muses and their number certeine points not after a vulgar and common maner handled THis discourse being thus finished we performed our oblations and libaments to the Muses and after we had sung an hymne to Apollo the leader and conductour of the Muses we chanted also to the found of the harpe as Eraton plaied there upon those verses which 〈◊〉 wrote concerning the generation and birth of the Muses when our song was ended Herodes the thetorician began his speech in this wise Listen lordings quoth he you that would distract and plucke from us Calliope they say forsooth that she converseth with kings and not with those who can skill of unfolding syllogismes or who propose difficult questions to such as speake big and are of magnificent speech 〈◊〉 those rather who do and effect great matters the works I meane which concerne orators politicians Statesmen and as for Clio of all the Muses she 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 the encomiasticall orations wherein are conteined the praises of other artizans for that in old time our ancestours called praises Clea and Polymneia enterteineth historie which is nothing els but the memoriall or remembrance of many antiquities and it is reported that in some places and namely in Chios they name all the Muses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say memories as for me I challenge also to my selfe some part of Euterpe if it be as 〈◊〉 saith that she it is who hath allotted unto her the gift to enterteine meetings and conferences with pleasure delectation and grace for an oratour is no lesse affable in familiar conversation than eloquent in pleading causes at the 〈◊〉 or in opining and delivering his minde in consultations at the counsell table considering that the art and profession of an oratour conteineth the facultie and feat to win good will do defend mainteine and justifie but principally and most of all we imploy our greatest skill in praising and dispraising which if we can order artificially and with dexteritie we are able to bring about and effect no small matters and contrariwise if we do unskilfully and without art we faile of the marke which we shoot at for this commendable title O God this man how acceptable Is he to all and venerable agreeth in my judgement to oratours rather than to any other persons who have the skill to speake well and to perswade a gift most requisit fit and beseeming those that are to converse with men Then Ammonius It were not well done of us quoth he ô Herodes if we should be offended and angry with you although you seeme to comprehend all the Muses together in your hand for that among friends all things are common and therefore it is that Jupiter hath begotten many Mufes that every man might draw abundance from them of all good things and make no spare for we have not all of us need of the skill in hunting of militarie science of the art of navigation nor of the mechanicall handicrafts of artizans but we all stand in need of learning and erudition As many as on fruits do feed Which for our use the earth doth breed And hereupon it is that Jupiter hath procreated one Minerva one Diana and one Vulcane but many Muses now that there should be nine of them in number
like as what is done by nature must needs succeed and come after nature Semblably what is done by fatall destiny is after fatall destiny of necessity must be more new moderne and therfore the supreme providence is the ancientest of all excepting him alone whose intelligence it is or wil or both twaine together to wit the sovereigne authour creatour maker and father of all things And for what cause is it saith Timaeus that he hath made framed this fabricke of the world for that he is all good and in him being all good there can not be imprinted or engendred any envie but seeing he is altogether void and free from it his will was that as much as possibly might be all things should resemble himselfe He then who shall receive and admit this for the most principall and and proper originall of the generation and creation of the world such as wise men have delivered unto us by writing is in the right way and doeth very well For God willing that all things should be good and nothing at all to his power evill tooke all that was visible restlesse as it was and mooving still rashly confusedly irregularly and without order which he brought out of confusion and ranged into order judging this to be every way farre better than the other for neither it was nor is convenient and meet for him who is himselfe right good to make any thing that should not be most excellent and beautifull Thus therefore we are to esteeme that providence I meane that which is principall and soveraigne hath constituted and ordeined these things first and then in order such as ensue and depend thereof even as farre as to the soules of men Afterwards having thus created the universall world hee ordeined eight sphaeres answering in number to so many principall starres and distributed to every one of them a severall soule all which he set ech one as it were within a chariot over the nature of the whole shewing unto them the lawes and ordinances of Fatall destiny *** What is he then who will not beleeve that by these words he plainly sheweth and declareth Fatall destiny and the same to be as one would say a tribunall yea a politicke constitution of civill lawes meet and agreeable to the soules of men whereof afterwards he rendreth a reason And as touching the second providence he doeth after a sort expresly signifie the same in these words saying Having therefore prescribed all these lawes unto them to the end that if afterwards there should be any default he might be exempted from all cause of evill he spred and sowed some upon the earth others about the moone and some againe upon other organs and instruments of time after which distribution he gave commandement and charge to the yoong gods for to frame and create mortall bodies as also to make up and finish that which remained and was wanting in mans soule and when they had made perfect all that was adhaerent and consequent thereto then to rule and governe after the best and wisest maner possible this mortall creature to the end that it selfe should not be the cause of the owne evils and miseries for in these words where it is said That he might be exempt and not the cause of any evill ensuing afterwards he sheweth cleerely and evidently to every one the cause of Fatall destiny The order also and office of these petie-gods declareth unto us the second providence yea and it seemeth that in some sort it toucheth by the way the third providence in case it be so that for this purpose these lawes and ordinances were established because he might not be blamed or accused as the author of any evill in any one afterwards for God himselfe being cleere exempt from all evill neither hath need of lawes nor requireth any Fatall destiny but ech one of these petie-gods led and haled by the providence of him who hath engendred them doth their owne devoir and office belonging unto them That this is true and the very minde and opinion of Plato appeereth manifestly in my conceit by the testimonie of those words which are reported by the law-giver in his books of lawes in this maner If there were any man quoth he so by nature sufficient or by divine fortune so happily borne that he could be able to comprehend this he should require no lawes to command him for no law there is nor ordinance of more woorth and puissance than is knowledge and science neither can he possibly be a servile slave or subject to any who is truely and indeed free by nature but he ought to command all For mine owne part thus I understand and interpret the sentence of Plato For whereas there is a triple providence the first as that which hath engendred Fatall destiny in some sort comprehendeth it the second being engendred with it is likewise wholly comprised in it the third engendred after Fatal destiny is comprised under it in that maner as That which is in us and fortune as we have already said for those whom the assistance of the power of our Daemon doth aid according as Socrates saith expoūding unto Theages what is the inevitable ordinance of Adrastia these I say are those whom you understand well enough for they grow and come forward quickly with speed so as where it is said that a Daemon or angell doth favour any it must be referred to the third providence but that suddenly they grow and come to proofe it is by the power of Fatall destiny And to be short it is very plaine and evident that even this also is a kinde of destiny And peradventure it may seeme much more probable that even the second providence is comprehended under destiny yea and in summe all things whatsoever be made or done considering that destiny according to the substance thereof hath bene rightly divided by us into three parts And verily that speech as touching the chaine and concatenation comprehendeth the revolutions of the heavens in the number and raunge of those things which happen by supposition but verily of these points I will not debate much to wit whether we are to call them Hapning by supposition or rather conjunct unto destiny considering that the precedent cause and commander of destiny it selfe is also fatall And thus to speake summarily and by way of abridgement is our opinion but the contrary sentence unto this ordeineth all things to be not onely under destiny but also according to destiny and by it Now all things accord unto the other and that which accordeth to another the same must be gran-to be the other according then to this opinion contingent is said to be the first that which is in us the second fortune the third accident or casuall chance and adventure the fourth together with all that dependeth thereupon to wit praise blame and those of the same kinde the fifth and last of all may bee said to be the praiers unto the
appertaine unto us to be most accordant unto humane life and the common prenotions inbred anticipations of knowledge abovesaid But to the end that no man might denie that he is repugnant and contrary to himselfe loe what he saith in his third booke of justice This is it quoth he that by reason of the surpassing grandure beawty of our sentences those matters which we deliver seeme feined tales and devised fables exceeding mans power and farre beyond humane nature How can it be that any man should more plainly confesse that he is at war with himselfe than he doth who saith that his propositions and opinions are so extravagant and transcendent that they resemble counterfeit tales and for their exelency surmount the condition and nature of man and yet forsooth for all this that they accord and agree passing well with humane life yea and come neerest unto the said inbred prenotions and anticipations that are in us Hee affirmeth that the very essence and substance of infelicitie is vice writing and firmly mainteining in all his books of morall and naturall philosophy that to live in vice is as much as to live in misery and wretchednesse but in the third booke of Nature having said before that it were better and more expedient to live a senselesse foole yea though there were no hope that ever he should become wise than not to live at all he addeth afterwards thus much For there be such good things in men that in some sort the very evill things goe before and are better than the indifferent in the middes betweene As for this how he hath written elswhere that there is nothing expedient and profitable in fooles and yet in this place setteth downe in plaine termes that it is expedient to live foolish and senselesse I am content to overpasse but seeing hee saith now that evill things goe before and one better than the indifferent or meane which with them of his sect are neither good nor ill surely it is as much as if hee affirmed that evill things are better than things not evill and all are as to say that to be wretched is more expedient than not to be wretched and so by that meanes he is of opinion that not to be miserable is more unprofitable than to be miserable and if it be more unprofitable than also it must be more hurtfull and dammageable But being desirous in some sort to mollifie this absurditie and to salve this sore he subnexeth as touching evill things these words My meaning is not quoth he that they should go before and be preferred but reason is the thing wherewith it is better to live although a man should ever be a foole than not to live at all First and formost then hee calleth vice an evill thing as also whatsoever doth participate of vice and nothing els now is vice reasonable or rather to speake more properly reason delinquent so that to live with reason if we be fooles and void of wisdome what is it els but to live with vice now to live as 〈◊〉 is all one as to live wretched Wherein is it then and how commeth it about that this should go before meane and indifferent things for it was not admitted that happie life should go before miserie neither was it ever any part say they of Chrysippus his meaning to range and count among good things To remaine alive no more than among bad To depart this life but he thought that these things were of themselves indifferent and of a middle nature in which regard otherwhiles it is meet for happy men to leave this life and for wretches to continue alive And what greater contrariety can there be as touching things eligible or refusable than to say that for them who are happy in the highest degree it is sit and beseeming to forgoe and for sake the good things that be present for want of some one thing that is indifferent And yet Chrysippus is of this minde that no indifferent thing is of the owne nature to be desired or rejected but that we ought to chuse that onely which is good and to shun that alone which is bad so as according to their opinion it comes to passe that they never divert their dessignments or actions to the pursute after things desirable nor the avoidance of things refusable but another marke it is that they shoot aime at namely at those things which they neither eschue nor chuse according thereto they live die Chrysippus avoweth confesseth that there is as great a difference betweene good things bad as possibly may be as needs there must in case it be true that as the one sort of them cause those in whom they are to be exceeding happy so the other extreme wretched miserable Now in the first booke of the end of good things he saith that aswell good things as bad be sensible for these be his very words That good and evill things be perceptible by sense we must of necessity acknowledge upon these arguments for not onely the very passions indeed of the minde together with their parts and severall kinds to wit sadnesse feare and such like be sensible but also a man may have a sense of theft adultery and semblable sinnes yea and of follie of cowardise and in one word of all other vices which are in number not a few and not onely joy beneficence and other dependances of vertuous offices but also prudence valour and the rest of the vertues are object to the sense But to let passe all other absurdities conteined in these words who will not confesse but that there is a meere contradiction in that which they delivered as touching one that becomes a wise man and knowes not thereof for considering that the present good is sensible and much different from that which is evill that one possibly should of a wicked person proove to be vertuous and not know thereof not have sense of vertue being present but to thinke that vice is still within him how can this otherwise be but most absurd for either no man can be ignorant and out of doubt whether he hath all vertues together or els he must confesse that there is small difference and the same hard to be discerned betweene vice and vertue felicity and infelicity a right honest life and a most dishonest in case a man should passe from the one to the other and possesse one for the other without ever knowing it One worke he wrote entituled Of lives and the same divided into foure books in the fourth whereof he saith That a wise man medleth not with great affaires but is occupied in his owne businesse onely without being curious to looke into other mens occasions his very words to this purpose be these For mine owne part of this opinion I am that a prudent man gladly avoideth a stirring life intermedleth little and in his owne matters onely for to deale simply in a mans owne affaires and to
THE PHILOSOPHIE commonlie called THE MORALS WRITTEN BY the learned Philosopher PLUTARCH of Chaeronea Translated out of Greeke into English and conferred with the Latine translations and the French by PHILEMON HOLLAND of Coventrie Doctor in Physicke Whereunto are annexed the Summaries necessary to be read before every Treatise AT LONDON Printed by Arnold Hatfield 1603 TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE IAMES BY THE Grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland Defender of the Faith c. IN this generall joy of affectionate and loyall subjects testified by their frequent confluence from all parts longing for nothing so much as the full fruition of that beautiful starre which lately upon the shutting in of the evening with us after our long Summers day immediatly by his radiant beames mainteined still a twilight from the North and within some few houres appeared bright shining above our Horizon suffering neither the dark night and confused Chaos of Anarchie to overspred and subvert nor the turbulent tempests and bloudy broiles of factious sidings to trouble and pervert our State I also for my part could not stay behinde but in testimony of semblable love and allegeance shew my selfe and withall most humbly present unto your Highnesse This Philosophie of PLUTARCH which being first naturally bred in Greece then transplanted in Italie France and other regions of the continent after sundry Nativities if I may so speake reserved not without some divine providence unto these daies is now in this our Iland newly come to light ready both to congratulate your Majesties first entrie upon the inheritance of these Kingdomes and desirous also to enjoy the benefit of that happy Horoscope and fortunate Ascendent under which it was borne even the favourable aspect of your gracious countenance by vertue whereof it may not onely be marked to long life feeble otherwise of it selfe but also yeeld pleasure with profit to the English nation Vouchsafe therefore my deere Lord and dread Soveraine to accept that now at my hands whole entire which in part Trajanus the best Romaine Emperour that ever was received sometime from the first Authour and Stock-father himselfe Protect the same in English habit whom in French attire Amiot dedicated to the late most Christian King and deigne unto her no lesse favour and grace than her yoonger sister to wit the History or Parallele Lives hath already obtained which being transported out of France into England by that woorthy Knight Sir Thomas North our countryman was patronized by our late Soveraigne Lady of famous memory Elizabet And the rather for that considering the prerogative of birth-right and the same accompanied with more variety and depth of knowledge I may be bold to pronounce as much in her commendation as the Poet wrote of Iupiter in comparison of his brother Neptune 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These regards albeit they were sufficient motives in themselves to induce me for to attempt none other patronage than the Name of my Liege Lord so gracious nor so submit my labours to the censure of any person before a King so judicious yet was I more animated to enterprise the same by the former experience that I had of a Princes benignity in that behalfe what time as I consecrated my English Translation of the Romane Historie written by Titus Livius unto the immortall memory of the said Noble and renowmed Queene Now seeing that with her Realmes and Dominions the best parts and gifts that were in her be likewise haereditarily descended upon your roiall person and the same multiplied in greater measure proportionable to the dignity of sex the addition of scepters and diademes and the weighty charge of so puissant and populous an Empire it were in me a grosse absurdity if not meere impiety to make any doubt of that excellent vertue of all others whereby Princes come neerest unto the Nature of God whose Majesty heere upon earth they represent To say nothing how the world hath taken knowledge already as well by your vertuous life and politicke regiment hitherto as also by the prudent and religious designements delivered in those sage and learned Compositions of your Highnesse penning That your blessed intention is to holde on the same course still not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a point that the Indian Potentate Porus required of Alexander the Great but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the singular note that our present Author set upon all the actions of the said mighty Monarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Since then both these attributes concurre in your Noble person just cause have we in all devout thankefulnesse to acknowledge the goodnesse of the Almighty who from heaven above hath sent us so wise a Prince under whose reigne we if ever any Nation under the Sunne may assuredly expect that felicity and happinesse which the divine Philosopher Plato so much recommendeth and in due reverence unto your Majesty with one heart and voice both sing and say Hîc ames dici Pater atque Princeps Serus in coelum redeas tuoque Laetus intersis populo Britannûm Prime Monarcha Your Majesties most humble and obedient subject Philémon Holland A CATALOGUE CONTEINING the Titles of every Treatise in order thorow the whole worke with a direction to the page where any one of them beginneth 1 OF the Nouriture and Education of Children 1 2 How a yoong man ought to heare Poets and how he may take profit by reading Poëms 17 3 Of Hearing 51 4 Of Morall vertue 64 5 Of Vertue and Vice 78 6 That Vertue may be taught and learned 80 7 How a man may discerne a flatterer from a friend 83 8 How to Bridle Anger 117 9 Of Curiositie 133 10 Of the Tranquillitie and contentment of Mind 144 11 Of unseemly and naughty Bashfulnesse 162 12 Of Brotherly Love 173 13 Of Intemperate speech or Garrulitie 191 14 Of Avarice or Covetousnesse 208 15 Of the naturall love or kindnesse of Parents to their children 216 16 Of the Pluralitie of Friends 223 17 Of Fortune 229 18 Of Envie and Hatred 233 19 How a man may receive profit by his enemies 236 20 How a man may perceive his owne proceeding and going forward in Vertue 245 21 Of Superstition 258 22 Of Exile or Banishment 269 23 That we ought not to take up money upon Usurie 282 24 That a Philosopher ought to converse especially with princes and great Rulers and with them to discourse 288 25 How a man may praise himselfe without incurring envie or blame 300 26 What passions and maladies be wrose those of the soule or those of the body 312 27 Precepts of Wedlocke 315 28 The banquet of the seven Sages 325 29 Instructions for them that manage affaires of State 346 30 Whether an aged man ought to manage publike affaires 382 31 The Apophthegmes or Notable Sayings of Kings Princes and great Captaines 401 32 Laconicke Apophthegmes or the notable sayings of Lacedaemonians 445 33 The Apophthegmes
upon a waspes nest of enimies where there is a great ods and difference even in this that the revenging remembrance of an enimie for wrong done over-weigheth much the thankfull memorie of a friend for a benefit received and whether this be true or no confider in what maner Alexander the great entreated the friends of Philotas and parmenio how Dionysius the tyrant used the familiars of Dion after what sort Nero the emperor dealt by the acquaintance of Plautus or Tiberius Caesar by the wel-willers of Sejanus whom they caufed all to be racked tortured and put to death in the end Andlike as the costly jewels of golde and the rich apparell of king Creons daughter served him in no stead at all but the fire that tooke holde thereof flaming light out suddenly burned him when he ran unto her to take her in his armes and so consumed father and daughter together even so you shall have some who having never received any benefit at all by the prosperitie of their friends are entangled notwithstanding in their calamities and perish together with them for companie a thing that ordinarily and most of all they are subject unto who be men of profession great clearks and honourable personages Thus Theseus when Perithous his friend was punifhed and lay bound in prifon With fetters sure to him tied was Farre stronger than of yron or brasse Thucydides alfo writeth That in the great pestilence at Athens the best men and such as made greatest profession of vertue were they who did most with their friends that lay sicke of the plague for that they never spared themselves but went to visit and looke to all thofe whom they loved were familiarly acquainted with And therfore it is not meet to meet to make fo littleregard and reckoning of vertue as to hang and fasten it upon others without respect and as they say hand over head but to reserve the c̄omunication thereof to be who be worthy that is to say unto such who are able to love reciprocally and know how to impart the like againe And verily this is the greatest contrariety and opposition which crosseth pluralitie of friends in that amitie in deed is bred by similitude and conformitie for considering that the very brute beasts not endued with reafon if a man would have to ingender with those that are of divers kinds are brought to it by force and thereto compelled insomuch as they shrinke they couch downe upon their knees and be ready to flee one from another whereas contrariwise they take pleasure and delight to be coupled with their like and of the same kinde receiving willingly and enterteining their companie in the act of generation with gentlenesse and good contentment how is it possible that any found and perfect friendship fhould grow betweene those who are in behaviour quite different in affections divers in conditions opposite and whose course of life tendeth to contrary or sundry ends True it is that the harmonie of musicke whether it be in song or instrument hath symphony by antiphony that is to say the accord ariseth from discord and of contrarie notes is composed a sweet tune so as the treble and the base concurre after a sort I wot not how meet together bringing forth by their agreement that sound which pleaseth the eare but in this consonance and harmonie of friendfhip there ought to be no part unlike or unequall nothing obscure and doubtfull but the same should be compofed of all things agreeable to wit the same will the same opinion the same counsell the same affection as if one soule were parted into many bodies And what man is he so laborious so mutable so variable and apt to take every fashion form who is able to frame unto all patterns and accommodate himselfe to so many natures and will not rather be ready to laugh at the Poet Theognis who giveth this lesson Put on a minde I thee do wish As variable as Polype fish Who ay resemble will the roch To which he neerely doth approch and yet this change and transmutation of the said polype or pourcuttle fish entreth not deeply in but appeareth superficially in the skin which by the closenesse or laxitie thereof as he drawes it in or lets it out receiveth the defluctions of the colours from those bodies that are neere unto it whereas amities do require that the maners natures passions speeches studies desires and inclinations may be comformable for otherwise to doe were the propertie of a Proteus who was neither fortunate nor yet verie good and honest but who by enchantment and sorcerie could eftsoones transforme himselfe from one shape to another in one and the same instant and even so he that enterteineth many friends must of necessitie be conformable to them all namely with the learned and studious to be ever reading with professours of wrestling to bestrew his bodie with dust as they doe for to wrestle with hunters to hunt with drunkards to quaffe and carouse with ambitious citizens to sue and manage for offices without any setled mansion as it were of his owne nature for his conditions to make abode in And like as naturall Philosophers do holde That the substance or matter that hath neither forme nor any colour which they call Materia prima is a subject capable of all formes and of the owne nature so apt to alter and change that sometimes it is ardent and burning otherwhiles it is liquid and moist now rare and of an airie substance and afterwards againe grosse and thicke resembling the nature of earth even so must the minde applied to this multiplicitie of friends bee subject to many passions sundry conditions divers affections pliable variable and apt to change from one fashion to another Contrariwise simple friendship and amitie betweene twaine requireth a staied minde a firme and constant nature permanent and abiding alwaies in one place and reteining stil the same fashions which is the reason that a fast and assured friend is very geason and hard to be found OF FORTVNE The Summarie LOng time hath this Proverbe beene currant That there is nothing in this world but good fortune and misfortune Some have expounded and taken it thus as if all things were carried by meere chance and aventure or mooved and driven by inconstant fortune an idole forged in their braine for that they were ignorant in the providence of the True God who conducteth or dinarily all things in this world by second causes and subalterne meanes yea the verie motion will and workes of men for the execution of his ordinance and purpose Now Plutarch not able to arise and reach up to this divine and heavenly wisedome hidden from his knowledge staieth below and yet poore Pagan and Ethnike though he were he consuteth that dangerous opinion of Fortune shewing that it taketh away all distinction of good and evill quencheth and putteth out the light of mans life blending and confounding vice and vertue together Afterwards he prooveth
actions for the better management of publike affaires for it is no pleasure neither is it easie to doe them good who are not willing to profit and receive good and the disposition of the will proceedeth from beliefe and confidence Like as the light doth more good unto them that see than to those who are seene even so is honour more profitable unto them who perceive and feele the same than to such as are neglected and contemned But hee who dealeth not in affaires of State who liveth to himselfe and setteth downe his felicitie in such a life apart from others in rest and repose saluteth a farre off vaine-glorie and popularitie which others joy in who be conversant in the view and sight of people and in frequent assemblies and theaters much like unto Hippolytus who living chaste saluted the goddesse Venus a great way off but as for the other glory which proceedeth from men of woorth and honour he neither refuseth nor disdaineth it Now when as the question is of amitie we are not to seeke for it and to contract friendship onely with such as be wealthie have the glorie credit and authoritie of great lords no more than we ought to avoid these qualities if the same be joined with a gentle nature which is of faire and honest conditions The Philosopher seeketh not after beautifull and wel-favoured yoong men but such as be docible tractable well disposed and desirous of knowledge but if withall they be endued with beautifull visage with a good grace and are in the flower of youth this ought not to fright him from thence neither must the lovely casts of their countenance and amiable aspects drive him from comming neere unto those nor chase him away if he see them worthy paines taking and for to be regarded Thus when power riches and princely authoritie shall be found in men of good nature who be moderate and civill the philosopher will not forbeare to love and cherish such neither be afraid to be called a courtier or follower of great personages They that strive most dame Venus to eschue Do fault as much as they who her pursue Even so it is with the amitie of princes and great potentates and therefore the contemplative philosopher who will not deale at al in affaires of weale-publicke must not avoid and shun such but the civill philosopher who is busied in managing of the common weale ought to seeke for them and finde them out not forcing them after a troublesome maner to heare him nor charging their eares with reports and discourses that be unseasonable and sophisticall but framing himselfe willingly to joy in their companie to discourse to passe the time with them when they are willing and so disposed Twelve journeis long are Berecynthian plaines And those I sowe yeerely with sundry graines He that said this if he had loved men as well as he affected husbandry and tillage would more willingly have plowed and sowed that ground which is able to maintaine and feed so many men then that little close or pindle of Antisthenes which hardly was sufficient to find himselfe alone Certes Epicurus who placed the soveraigne good and felicitie of man in most sound rest and deepe repose as in a sure harbour or haven defended and covered from all windes and surging waves of the world saith That to doe good unto another is not onely more honest and honorable than to receive a benefite at anothers hand but also more pleasant and delectable for there is nothing that begetteth so much joy as doth beneficence which the Greekes terme by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Grace Well advised he was therefore and of wise judgement who imposed these names upon the three Graces Aglaia Euphrosyne and Thalia for without all question the joy and contentment is farre greater and more pure in him who doeth a good turne and deserveth a thanke than in the partie who receiveth the same and therefore it is that many times men doe blush for shame when a good turne is done unto them whereas alwaies they rejoice when they confer a benefite or favour upon another Now do they a benefit unto a whole multitude and nation who are the meanes to make those good whom the people and multitude can not misse but have need of whereas contrariwise they that corrupt and spoile princes kings and great rulers as doe these flatterers false sycophants and slaunderous promoters are abominable unto all are chased out and punished by all like unto those that cast deadly poison not into one cup of wine but into a fountaine or spring that runneth for to serve in publike and where of they see all persons use to drinke Like as therefore according to Eupolis it is said onely by way of mockerie concerning those flatterers and comicall parasites who hanted the table of rich Callias that there was neither fire brasse nor steele that could keepe them out but they would come to sup with him but as for the minions and favorites of tyrant Apollodorus Phalarit or Dionysius after the decease of their lords and masters the people fell upon them did beat them with cudgels torture upon the rack burne at a stake range them with the accursed and damned crew for that they before named did wrong to one alone but these did injurie unto many by the meanes of corrupting one who was their ruler even so those philosophers that converse and keepe companie with private persons do cause them to be well contented pleasant gracious and harmelesse to their owne selves and no more but whosoever reformeth some evill conditions in a great ruler or soveraigne magistrate framing and directing his will and intention to that which he ought this man I say after a sort is a philosopher to the publike State in that he doth correct the mould and amend the pattern to which all the subjects be composed and according to it governed The cities and states which be well ruled decree and yeeld honour and reverence to their priests for that they doe pray unto the gods for good things not in regard of themselves nor of their kinsfolke and friends alone but universally in the behalfe of all the citizens and yet these priests doe not make the gods good nor the givers of good things but being such alreadie of themselves to them they powre their praiers make invocations But philosophers who live and converse with princes and great lords cause them to be more just and righteous more moderate and better affected to well doing by meanes whereof it is like that they receive more joie and contentment And if I should speake my conceit it seemeth unto me that the harpe-maker wrought and made his harpe more cheerefully and with greater pleasure when he knew that the master owner of the said harpe should build the wals about the citie Thebes as Amphion did or to staie and appease the great civil sedition of the Lacedaemonians by singing
him in cure but if peradventure he tumble and tosse in his bedde fling and cast off his clothes by reason that his bodie is tormented with some grievous hot fit no sooner stirreth he never so little but one or other that standeth or sitteth by to tend him is ready to say gently unto him Poore soule be quiet feare none ill Deare heart in bed see thou lie still he staieth and keepeth him downe that he shall not start and leape out of his bed but contrariwise those that be surprised with the passions of the soule at such a time be most busie then they be least in repose and quiet for their violent motions be the causes moving their actions and their passions are the vehement fits of such motions this is the cause that they will not let the soule to be at rest but even then when as a man hath most need of patience silence and quiet retrait they draw him most of all abroad into the open aire then are discovered soonest his cholerike passions his opinionative and contentious humors his wanton love and his grievous sorrowes enforcing him to commit many enormities against the lawes and to speake many words unseasonably and not befitting the time Like as therefore much more perillous is the tempest at sea which impeacheth and putteth backe a ship that it can not come into the harbour to ride at anchor than that which will not suffer it to get out of the haven and make saile in open sea even so those tempestuous passions of the soule are more dangerous which will not permit to be at rest nor to settle his discourse of reason once troubled but overturneth it upside downe as being disfurnished of pilots and cables not well balllaised in the storme wandring to and fro without a guide and steeresmen carried mauger into rash and dangerous courses so long untill in the end it falleth into some shipwracke and where it overthroweth the whole life in such sort that in regard of these reasons and others semblable I conclude that woorse it is to be soule-sicke than diseased in bodie for the bodies being sicke suffer onely but the soules if they be sicke both suffer and doe also amisse To proove this what neede we further to particularize and alledge for examples many other passions considering that the occasion of this present time is sufficient to admonish us thereof and to refresh our memorie See you not this great multitude and preasse of people thrusting and thronging here about the Tribunall and common place of the citie they are not all assembled hither to sacrifice unto the Tutelar gods Protectors of their native countrey nor to participate in common the same religion and sacred ceremonies of divine service they are not all met heere together for to offer an oblation unto Jupiter Astraeus out of the first fruits of Lydia and to celebrate and solemnize in the honor of Bacchus during these holy nights his festivall revils with daunses masks and mummeries accustomed but like as by yeerly accesse and anniversarie revolutions the forcible vigor of the pestilence returneth for to irritate and provoke all Asia so they resort hither to entertaine their suits and processes in law to follow their pleas and a world here is of affaires like to many brookes and riverers which run all at once into one channell and maine streame so they are met in the same place which is pestered and filled with an infinite multitude of people to hurt themselves and others From what fevers or colde ague-fits proceed these effects from what tensions or remissions augmentations or diminutions from what distemperature of heat or overspreading of cold humours comes all this If you aske of everie severall cause here in suite as if they were men and able to answere you from whence it arose how it grew and whereupon it came and first began you shall finde that one matter was engendred by some wilfull and proud anger another proceeded from a troublesome and litigious spirit and a third was caused by some unjust desire and unlawfull lust THE PRECEPTS OF WEDLOCKE The Summarie WE have heere a mixture and medley of rules for married folke who in the persons of Pollianus and Eurydice are taught their mutuall duety upon which argument needlesse it is to discourse at large considering that the whole matter is set out particularly and tendeth to this point That both at the beginning in the sequell also and continuation of mariage man and wife ought to assist support and love one another with a single heart and affection farre remooved from disdainfull pride violence vanitie and fill hinesse the which is specified and comprised in 45. articles howbeit in such sort that there be some of those precepts which savour of the corruption of those times bewraying the insufficiency of humane wisedome unlesse it be lightened with Gods truth We see also in this Treatise more particular advertisements appropriate to both parties touching their devoir as well at home as abroad and all enriched with notable similitudes and excellent examples In summe if these precepts following be well weighed and practised they are able to make mans life much more easie and commodious than it is But Plutarch sheweth sufficiently by the thirtieth rule how hard a matter it is to reteine each one in their severall dutie and that in manner all doe regard and looke upon things with another eie than they ought How ever it be those persons whom vertue hath linked and joined together in matrimonie may finde here whereby to profit and so much the more for that they have one lesson which naturall equitie and conscience putteth them in minde of everie day if they will enter never so little into themselves which being joined with the commandements of the heavenly wisedome it can not be but husband and wife shall live in contentment and blessed estate THE PRECEPTS OF WEDLOCKE PLUTARCH to POLLIANUS and EURYDICE sendeth greeting AFter the accustomed ceremoniall linke of marriage in this countrie which the Priestresse of Ceres hath put upon you in coupling you both together in one bed-chamber I suppose that this discourse of mine comming as it doth to favorize and second this bond and conjunction of yours in furnishing you with good lessons and wise nuptiall advertisements will not be unprofitable but sound verie fitting and comformable to the customarie wedding song observed in these parts The musicians among other tunes that they had with the haut-boies used one kind of note which they called Hippotharos which is asmuch to say as Leape-mare having this opinion that it stirred and provoked stallions to cover mares But of many beautifull and good discourses which philosophie affoordeth unto us one there is which deserveth no lesse to be esteemed than any other by which shee seeming to enchant and charme those who are come together to live all the daies of their life in mutuall societie maketh them to be more buxome kinde tractable and pliable one to
cost but if he wrought or practised any losle or displeasure unto them he would be his enemie When the Argives were entred into league and amitie with the Thebans those of Athens sent their ambassadours into Arcadie to assay if they could draw the Arcadians to side with them So these ambassadours began to charge and accuse unto them aswell the Argives as the Thebans insomuch as Callistratus the oratour who was their speaker upbraided both cities and hit them in the teeth with Orestes and Oedipus then Epaminondas who sat in this assembly of councell rose up and said We confesse indeed my masters that in times past there was in our citie one parricide who killed his owne father like as another in Argos who murdered his owne mother but when we had chased and banished them for committing these facts the Athenians received them both And when the Spartans had charged the Thebans with many great and grievous imputations Why my masters of Sparta quoth Epaminondas these Thebans if they have done nothing els yet thus much they have effected that you have forgotten your maner of short speech and using few words The Athenians had contracted alliance and amitie with Alexander the tyrant of Pheres in Thessalie a mortall enemie of the Thebans and who promised to the Athenians for to serve them flesh in the market at halfe an obolus a pound weight And wee quoth Epaminondas will furnish the Athenians with wood enough for nothing to roast and seethe the said flesh for if they begin busily to intermeddle more than we like of we will fell and cut downe all the trees growing in that countrey Knowing well enought that the Boeotians were lost for idlenesse he determined and advised to keepe them continually in exercise of armes now when the time approched for the election of governors and that they were minded to chuse him their Boeotarches that is to say the ruler of Boeotia Be well advised my masters quoth he what ye do whiles it lieth in your hands for if you elect me your captaine generall make this reckoning that to warre you shall He was wont to call the countrey of Boeotia because it lieth plaine and open the stage and scaffold of warre saying that it was impossible for the inhabitants to keepe and hold it so long as they had not one hand within their shield and the other on their sword Chabrias the captaine of the Athenians having put to foile and defaited some few Thebans about Corinth who for heat of fight had run disbanded and out of aray made a bravado for which exploit as if he had won some great field he caused a tropheae to be erected in memoriall of this victorie whereas Epaminondas scoffed and said That hee should not have set up a trophaeum there but rather an hecatesium that is to say the statue of Proserpina for that in times past it was an ordinary thing to set up the image of Proserpina in maner of a crosse at the first carrefour or meeting of crosse waies which was found nere unto the gate of a city When one brought him word that the Athenians had sent an armie into Peloponesus bravely set out and appointed with new armour Now surely quoth he Antigenidas wil weepe and sigh when he knoweth once that Tellis hath gotten him new flutes and pipes to play upon now this Tellis was a bad minstrell and Antigenidas an excellent musician He perceived upon a time that his esquire or shield-bearer had received a good piece of money for the ransome of a prisoner which was in his hands whereupon he said unto him Give me my shield but goe thou thy waies and buy thee a taverne or victualling house wherein thou maiest leade the rest of thy life for I see well that thou wilt no more expose thy selfe to the dangers of warre as before-time since thou art now become one of these rich and happie men of the world He was once demanded the question whom he reputed to be the best captaine himselfe Chabrias or Iphicrates his answere was It is hard to judge so long as we all be alive At his returne out of of the countrey of Laconia hee was judicially accused for a capitall crime together with other captaines joined in commission with him for holding their charge longer by foure moneths than the lawes allowed as for his companions and collegues above-said hee willed them to derive all the fault from themselves and lay it upon him as if he had forced them so to doe but in his owne defence he pleaded thus Albeit I can not deliver better words than I have performed deeds yet if I be compelled as I see I am to say somewhat for my selfe before the judges I request thus much at their handes that if they be determined to put me to death they would cōmand to be engraven upon the square columne or pillar of my sepulchre my condēnation and the cause therof to the end that all the Greekes might know how Epaminondas was condemned to die for that hee had forced the Thebans against willes to waste and burne the countrey of Laconia which in five hundred yeeres before had never bene forraied nor spoiled also that hee had repeopled the citie of Messene two hundred and thirtie yeeres after it had bene destroied and left desert by the Lacedemonians Item that he had reunited concorporated and brought into one league all the States and cities of Arcadie and last of all that he had recovered and restored unto the Greeks their libertie for all these acts have bene atchieved by us in this voiage the judges when they heard this speech of his rose from the bench and went out of the court laughing heartily neither would they so much as receive the voices or verdicts to be given up against him After the last battell that ever he sought wherin he was wounded to death being brought into his tent he called first for Diophantis and after him for Iolidas but when he heard that they were both slaine hee advised the Thebans to compound and grow to an agreement with their enemies as if they had not one captaine more that knew how to leade them to the warres and in trueth the event did verifie his words and bare witnesse with him that he knew his citizens best of any man PELOPIDAS joint captaine with Epaminondas in the charge of Baeotia when his friends found fault with his neglect in one thing right necessary to wit the gathering of a masse of money together Money indeed quoth he is necessary but for such an one as this Nicomedes here shewing a poore cripple maimed lame and impotent in hand and foot When he departed from Thebes upon a time to a battell his wife praied him to have a regard unto his owne safetie This is quoth he an advertisement fit for others as for a captaine who hath the place of command he is to be put in minde for to save those under his
in one word that even the gods themselves doe shew by deeds and effects without voice or speech unto wise men what their will and pleasure is Then Lucius mildely and simply answered That the true cause indeed might peradventure lie hidden still and not be divulged howbeit there is nothing to hinder or let us but that we may render one reason or other which carieth with it some likelihood probability so Theon the grammarian began first to discourse upō that point saying it was very difficult to shew prove that Pythagoras was a Tuskan born but for certeine knowen it was that he had made his abode a long time in Aegypt conversed with the sages of that countrey where he approoved embraced and highly extolled manie of their religious ceremonies and namely that as touching beanes for Herodotus writeth that the Aegyptians neither sowe nor eat beanes no nor can abide so much as to looke upon them and as for fishes we are assured that their priests even at this day absteine from them and living as they doe chaste and unmaried they refuse salt likewise neither will they endure to eat it as a meat by it selfe nor any other viands wherein any sea salt commeth whereof divers men alledge divers sundry reasons but there is one true cause indeed that is the enmitie which they beare unto the sea as being a savage element a meere alien estranged frō us or to speak more truely a mortall enimie to mans nature for the gods are not nourished therewith as the Stoicks were of opinion that the staries were fed from thence but contrariwise that in it was lost the father and saviour of that countrey of Aegypt which they call the deflux or running out of Osiris and in lamenting his generation on the right hand and corruption on the left covertly they give us to understand the end and perdition of Nilus in the sea In which consideration they are of opinion that lawfull it is not once to drinke of the water as being not potable neither doe they thinke that any thing which it breedeth bringeth foorth or nourisheth is cleane and meet for man considering that the same hath not breath and respiration common with us nor food and pasture agreeable unto ours for that the very aire which nourisheth and mainteineth all other living creatures is pernicious and deadly unto them as if they were engendred first and lived afterward in this world against the course of nature and for no use at all and marvell we must not if for the hatred they beare unto the sea they hold the creatures therein as strangers and neither meet nor worthy to be intermingled with their bloud or vitall spirits seeing they will not deigne so much as to salute any pilots or mariners whensoever they meet with them because they get their living upon the sea Sylla commending this discourse added moreover as touching the Pythagoreans that when they sacrificed unto the gods they wuld especially tast of the primices or parcels of flesh which they hadkilled but never was there any fish that they sacrificed or offred unto the gods Now when they had finished their speech I came in with mine opinion As for those Aegyptians quoth I many men there be as well learned as ignorant who contradict them plead in the behalfe and defence of the sea recounting the manifold commodities thereof whereby our life is more plentifull pleasant and happie as touching the surcease as it were of the Pythagoreans and their forbearing to lay hand upon fishes because they are such strangers unto us it is a very absurd and ridiculous device or to say more truely it is a cruell and inhumane part and savoring much of a barbarous Cyclops seeing that to other living creatures they render a reward and recompence for their kinred cousenage and acquaintance by killing eating and consuming them as they doe and verily reported it is of Pythagoras that upon a time hee bought of the fishers a draught of fish and when he had so done commaunded that they should be all let out of the net into the sea againe surely this was not the act of a man who either hated or despised fishes as his enemies or strangers considering that finding them prisoners as he did he paid for their raunsome and redeemed their liberty as if they had bene his kinsfolke good friends and therefore the humanitie equitie and mildnesse of these men induceth us to thinke and imagine cleane contrary that it was rather for some exercise of justice or to keepe themselves in ure and custome thereof that they spared and pardoned those sea-creatures for that al others give men cause in some sort to hurt them whereas poore fishes offend us in no maner and say their nature and will were so disposed yet cannot they execute the same moreover conjecture we may and collect by the reports records and sacrifices of our auncients that they thought it an horrible abominable thing not onely to eat but also to kill any beast that doth no hurt or damage unto us but seeng in processe of time how much pestered they were with a number of beasts that grew upon them and overspred the face of the earth and withall being as it is said commaunded by the oracle of Apollo at Delphos to succour the fruits of the earth which were ready to perish they began then to kill them for sacrifice unto the gods yet in so doing they seemed to tremble and feare as troubled in minde calling this their action 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say to doe or perpetrate as if they did and committed some great deed in killing a creature having life and even still at this day they observe a ceremony with all religious precisenesse not to massacre any beast before it hath given a nod with the head after the libations and effusions of wine upon it in signe and token of consent so strict they were and wary to commit no unjust act Certes to say nothing of other beasts if all men had forborne to kill and eat no more but pullen and conies within short time they should not have beene able to have dwelt within their townes or cities nor enjoied any fruits of the earth therefore although necessitie at the first had brought in the use of eating flesh a very hard matter it were now in regard of pleasure to put down abolish the same whereas the whole kind of sea-creatures using neither the same aire and water with us nor comming neere unto our fruits but being as a man would saie comprised within another world having distinct bounds and limits of their owne which they cannot passe but immediatly it costeth them their life for punishment of their trespasse giveth unto our belly none occasion or pretence at all more or lesse to runne upon them so that the whole hunting catching and running after fish is a 〈◊〉 worke of gourmandise
and DEMOCRITUS were of opinion that all things were made by Necessitie and that destinie justice providence and the Creatour of the world were all one CHAP. XXVI Of the Essence of Necessitie PLATO referreth some events to providence and others he attributeth to Necessitie EMPEDOCLES saith that the Essence of Necessitie is a cause apt to make use of the principles and elements DEMOCRITUS affirmeth it to be the resistance the lation motion and permission of the matter PLATO holdeth it to be one while matter it selfe and another while the habitude of that which is agent to the matter CHAP. XXVII Of Destinie HERACLITUS affirmeth that all things were done by fatall Destinie and that it and Necessitie be both one PLATO admitteth willingly this Destinie in the soules lives and actions of men but hee inferreth withall a cause proceeding from our selves The STOICKES likewise according with the opinion of Plato do hold that Necessitie is a cause invincible most violent and inforcing all things also that Destinie is a connexion of causes interlaced linked orderly in which concatenation or chaine is therein comprised also that cause which proceedeth from us in such sort as some events are destined and others not CHAP. XXVIII Of the substance of 〈◊〉 HERACLITUS saith that the substance of Destinie is the reason that pierceth throughout the substance of the universall world PLATO affirmeth it to be an eternall reason and a perpetuall law of the nature of the whole world CHRYSIPPUS holdeth it to be a certaine puissance spirituall which by order governeth and administreth all things And againe in his booke of definitions hee writeth thus Destinie is the reason of the world or rather the law of all things in the world administred and governed by providence or else the reason whereby things past have beene things present are and future things shall be The STOICKES are of opinion that it is the chaine of causes that is to say an order and connexion which cannot be surmounted and transgressed POSIDONIUS supposeth it to be the third after Jupiter for that Jupiter is in the first degree Nature in the second and fatall Destinie in the third CHAP. XXIX Of Fortune PLATO defineth Fortune to be in things proceeding from mans counsell and election a cause by accident and a verie casuall consequence ARISTOTLE holdeth it to be an accidentall cause in those things which from some deliberate purpose and impulsion tend to a certaine end which cause is not apparent but hidden and uncertaine And he putteth a difference between Fortune and rash adventure for that all Fortune in the affaires and actions of this world is adventurous but everie adventure is not by and by Fortune for that it consisteth in things without action againe Fortune is properly in actions of reasonable creatures but adventure indifferently in creatures as well unreasonable as reasonable yea and in those bodies which have neither life nor soule EPICURUS saith that Fortune is a cause which will not stand and accord with persons times and manners ANAXAGORAS and the STOICKS affirme it to be a cause unknowne and hidden to humane reason for that some things come by necessitie others by fatall destinie some by deliberate counsell others by Fortune and some againe by casualitie or adventure CHAP. XXX Of Nature 〈◊〉 holdeth that Nature is nothing only that there is a mixture and divulsion or separation of Elements for in this manner writeth he in the first booke of his Phisicks This one thing more I will yet say of things that be humane And Mortall mature none there is and deaths end is but vaine Amixture and divulsion of Elements and of all Onely there is and this is that which men do Nature call Semblably ANAXAGORAS saith that Nature is nothing else but a concretion and dissipation that is to say generation and corruption THE SECOND BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions The Prooeme HAving now finished the Treatise of PRINCIPLES ELEMENTS and such other matters linked and concurring with them I will turne my pen unto the discourse as touching their effects and works composed of them beginning first at that which is most spatious and capable of all things CHAP. I. Of the World PYTHAGORAS was the first who called the Roundle that containeth and comprehendeth all to wit the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the orderly digestion observed therein THALES and his disciples held that there is but one World DEMOCRITUS EPICURUS and their scholler METRODORUS affirme that there be innumerable Worlds in an infinite space according to all dimensions and circumstances EMPEDOCLES saith that the course and race of the Sunne is the verie circumscription of the bounds and limits of the World and that it is the verie confinement thereof SELEUCUS held the World to be infinite DIOGENES affirmed the universalitie to be infinite but the world finite and determinate The STOICKS put a difference betweene universall and whole for they say that the universall together with voidnesse is infinite and that the whole without voidnes is the World so as these termes the Whole and the World be not both one CHAP. II. Of the figure and forme of the World THe STOICKS affirme the World to be round some say it is pointed or pyramidal others that it is fashioned in manner of an egge but EPICURUS holdeth that his Worlds may be round and it may be that they are apt besides to receive other formes CHAP. III. Whether the World be animate or endued with a soule ALL other Philosophers agree that the World is animate governed by providence but DEMOCRITUS EPICURUS and as many as maintaine ATOMES and with all bring in VACUITY that it is neither animate nor governed by providence but by a certaine nature void of reason ARISTOTLE holdeth that it is not animate wholy and throughout all parts nor sensitive nor reasonable nor yet intellectuall or directed by providence True it is quoth he that celestiall bodies be capable of all these qualities as being compassed about with sphaeres both animate and vitall whereas bodies terrestriall and approching neere unto the earth are endued with none of them and as for the order and decent composition therein it came by accident and not by prepensed reason and counsell CHAP. IIII. Whether the World be incorruptible and eternall PYTHAGORAS and PLATO affirme that the world was ingendred and made by God and of the owne nature being corruptible shall perish for sensible it is and therefore corporall howbeit in regard of the divine providence which preserveth and mainteineth it perish it shall never EPICURUS saith that it is corruptible for that it is engendred like as a living creature or a plant XENOPHANES holdeth the world to be eternall ingenerable uncreated and incorruptible ARISTOTLE is of opinion that the part of the world under the moone is passible wherein the bodies also adjacent to the earth be subject to corruption CHAP. V. Whereof the World is nourished ARISTOTLE saith that if the World be nourished it is
the cause that the Eliens when their mares be hot after the horse leade them out of their owne confines to be covered by the stalions IS it for that Oenomaus was a prince who of all others loved best a good race of horses took greatest pleasure in these kind of beasts cursed with al maner of execrations those stalions which covered his mares in Elis And therefore they fearing to fall into any of these maledictions avoid them by this maner 53 What was the reasons of this custom among the Gnosians that those who tooke up any money at any interest snatched it and ran away with all WAS it to this end that if they should denie the debt and seeme to defraud the usurers they might lay an action of felonie and violent wrong upon them and the other by this meanes might be more punished 54 What is the cause that in the citie of Samos they invocate Venus of Dexicreon IS it for that that when in times past the women of Samos were exceedingly given to enormious wantonesse lechery so that the brake out into many lewd acts there was one Dexicreon a mounte-banke or cousening jugler who by I wot not what ceremonies and expiatorie sacrifices cured them of their unbridled lust Or because this Dexicreon being a merchant-venturer who did traffike and trade by sea went into the Isle of Cyprus when he was ready to load or charge his ship with merchandize Venus commanded him to fraight it with nothing else but water and then immediately to hoise up saile according to which he did and having put a great quantie of water within his vessell he set saile and departed Now by that time they were in the maine sea they were verie much becalmed so as for want of a gale of winde many daies to gether the rest of the mariners and merchants a ship boord thought verily they should all die for verie thirst whereupon he sold unto them his water which he had aboord and thereby gat a great quantitie of silver of which afterwards he caused to be made an image of Venus which he called after his owne name Dexicreon his Venus Now if this be true it seemeth that the goddesse purposed thereby not onely to enrich one man but to save also the lives of many 55 How commeth it to passe that in the Isle of Samos when they sacrifice unto Mercurie surnamed Charidotes it is lawfull for whosoever will to rob and rifle all passengers BEcause in times past according to the commandement and direction of a certaine oracle the ancient inhabitants departed out of Samos and went into Mycale where they lived and maintained themselves for ten yeeres space by pyracie and depredation at sea and afterwards being returned againe into Samos obtained a brave victorie against their enemies 56 Why is there one place within the Isle Samos called Panaema IS it for that the Amazones to avoid the furie of Bacchus fled out of the Ephesians countrey into Samos and there saved themselves But he having caused ships to be built and rigged gathered together a great fleet and gave them battell where he had the killing of a great number of them about this verie place which for the carnage and quantitie of blood-shed there they who saw it marvelled thereat and called it Panaema But of them who were slaine in this conflict there were by the report of some many that died about Phloeon for their bones are there to be seene And there be that say that Phloeon also clave in sunder and became broken by that occasion their crie was so loud and there voice so piercing and forcible 57 How commeth it that there is a publike hall at Samos called Pedetes AFter that Damoteles was murdered and his monarchie overthrowen so that the nobles or Senators Geomori had the whole government of the State in their hands the Megarians tooke armes and made warre upon the Perinthians a colonie drawen and descended from Samos carying with them into the field fetters and other irons to hang upon the feet of their captive prisoners the said Geomori having intelligence thereof sent them aide with all speed having chosen ten captaines manned also and furnished thirtie ships of warre whereof twaine readie to saile caught fire by lightning and so consumed in the verie mouth of the haven howbeit the foresaid captaines followed on in their voyage with the rest vanquished the Megarians in battell and tooke sixe hundred prisoners Upon which victorie being puffed up with pride they intended to ruinate the Oligarchie of those noble men at home called Geomori and to depose them from their government and verily those rulers themselves ministred unto them occasion for to set in hand with this their desseigne namely by writing unto them that they should leade those Megarians prisoners fettered with the same gives which they themselves had brought for no sooner had they received these letters but they did impart and shew them secretly unto the said Megarians perswading them to band combine with them for to restore their citie unto libertie And when they devised and consulted together about the execution of this complotted conspiracie agreed it was betweene them to knocke the rings off or lockers of the fetters open and so to hang them about the Megarians legs that with leather thongs they might be fastened also to their girdles about the waste for feare that being slacke as they were they should fall off and be readie to drop from their legs as they went Having in this wise set foorth and dressed these men and given everie one of them a sword they made all the haste they could to Samos where being arrived and set aland they led the Megarians through the market place to the Senate house where all the nobles called Geomori were assembled and sat in consultation hereupon was the signall given and the Megarians fell upon the Senators and massacred them everie one Thus having received the freedome of the citie they gave unto as many of the Megarians as would accept thereof the right of free burgeosie and after that built a faire towne hall about which they hung and fastened the said bolts and fetters of irons calling it upon this occasion Pedetes that is to say the Hall of Fetters 58 What is the reason that in the Isle of Coos within the citie Antimachia the priest of Hercules being arrated in the habit of a woman with a miter on his head beginneth to celebrate the sacrifice HErcules when he was departed from Troy with sixe ships was overtaken with a mightie tempest and with one ship alone for that all the other was lost was cast by the windes upon the Isle of Coos and landed at a place called Laceter having saved nothing else but his armor and the men that were with him in the ship where finding a flocke of sheepe hee desired the shepherd who tended them to give him a ram The shepherds name was Antagoras who being a
hath recorded in the third booke of his monuments But his sepulchre at this day is quite demolished and no token remaineth thereof to be seene He had a singular name above all other oratours for speaking before the people insomuch as some have ranged him even above Demosthenes There go in his name three score and seventeene orations of which two and fitie are truely attributed unto him and no more Given he was exceeding much to the love of women which was the cause that he drave his owne sonne out of his house and brought in thither Myrrhina the most sumptuous and costly courtisan in those daies and yet in Pyreaeum he kept Aristagora and at Eleusin where his lands and possessions lay he had another at command namely Philte a Thebane borne who cost him twentie pounds weight of silver His ordinarie walke was every day thorow the fish market And when the famous courtisan Phryne whom he loved also was called into question for Atheisme and impietie inquisition was made after him likewise and so he was troubled with her and for her sake as it should seeme for so much he declareth imselfe in the beginning of his oration now when she was at the very point to be condemned he brought the woman foorth in open court before the judges rent her clothes and shewed unto them her bare brest which the judges seeing to be so white and faire in regard of her very beautie absolved and dismissed her He had very closely and secretly framed certeine accusatorie declarations against Demosthenes yet so as they came to light in this maner for when Hyperides lay sicke it fortuned that Demosthenes came one day to his house for to visit him where he found a booke drawen full of articles against him whereat when he was much offended and tooke it in great indignation Hyperides made him this answere So long as you are my friend this shall never hurt you but if you become mine enemie this shall be a curbe to restreine you from enterprising any thing prejudiciall unto me He put up a bill unto the people that certeine honours should be done unto Jolas who gave unto Alexander the cuppe of poison Hee sided with Demosthenes and joined in the raising of the Lamiacke warre and made an admirable oration at the funerals of those who lost their lives therein When king Philip was ready to embark passe over into the isle Eubaea whereupon the Athenians were in great feare and perplexitie he gathered together in a small time a fleete of fortie saile by voluntarie contribution and was the first man who for himselfe and his sonne rigged and set foorth two gallies of warre When there was a controversie in law betweene the Athenians and Delians to be decided unto whether of them apperteined by right the superintendance of the temple at Delos and that Aeschynes was chosen to plead the cause the counsell of Areopagus elected Hyperides and his oration as touching this matter is at this day extant entituled The Deliaque oration Moreover he went in embassage to Rhodes where there arrived other embassadours in the behalfe of Antipater whom they highly praised as a good milde and gracious prince True it is quoth Hyperides unto them again I know well that he is good and gracious but we have no need of him to be our lord and master how good and gracious soever he be It is said that in his orations he shewed no action nor gesture at all his maner was onely to set downe the case and lay open the matter plainely and simply without troubling the judges any otherwise than with a naked narration Sent hee was likewise unto the Elians for to defend the cause of Calippus one of the champions at the sacred games unto whom this imputation was laid that by corruption he had caried away the prize and indirectly obteined the victorie He opposed himselfe also against the gift which was ordeined in the honour of Phocion at the instant sute of Midias of Anagyrra the sonne of Midias the yeere wherein Xenius was provost the 27. day of the moneth of May and in this cause he was cast and had the overthrow DINARCHUS X. DInarchus the sonne of Socrates or Sostratus borne as some thinke in the countrey of Attica or as others would have him in Corinth came to Athens very yoong at what time as king Alexander the Great passed with his armie into Asia where he dwelt and frequented the lecture of Theophrastus who succeeded Aristotle in the Peripateticke schoole he conversed also with Demetrius the Phalerian and tooke his time especially to enter into the administration of State affaires after the death of Antipater when the great oratours and states-men were some dead and made away others banished and driven out of the citie and being besides friended and countenanced by Cassander he grew in short time to be exceeding rich exacting and taking money for his orations of those at whose request he composed them Hee banded against the most renowmed oratours in his time not by putting himselfe foorth to come in open place to speake before the people for no gift nor grace he had therein but by penning orations for those who made head against them And namely when Harpalus had broken prison and was fled he composed divers accusatorie declarations against all such as were suspected to have takē money of him and those he delivered into the hands of their accusers to be pronounced accordingly Long time after being accused himselfe to have communicated conferred and practised with Antipater and Cassander about the time that the haven Munichia was surprised by Antigonus and Demetrius who placed there a garrison in that yeare when Anaxicrates was provost of the city he sold most part of his goods and made money and when hee had done fled out of the way to Chalcis where he lived as it were in exile the space well neere of 15. yeeres during which time he gathered great riches and became very wealthy and so returned againe to Athens by the meanes of Theophrastus who procured both him and other banished persons to be recalled and restored he abode then in the house of one Proxenus his familiar friend where being now very aged and besides weake-sighted he lost his gold that he had gotten together and when Proxenus his host would have given information thereof and seemed to make inquisition Dinarchus called him into question judicially for it and this was the first time that ever he was knowen to speake plead personally at the barre This oration of his is now extant and there are besides in mens hands threescore and foure more acknowledged all to be his and yet some of these are to be excepted as namely that against Aristogiton He did imitate Hyperides or as some thinke Demosthenes in regard of that patheticall spirit in mooving affections and the emphaticall force which appeereth in his stile Certeinly in his figures and exornations he followeth him very evidently DECREES
of the breeding and feeding of fishes the meanes also that they use either to assaile one another or to defend themselves wherein I assure you there be actions of prudence memory societie and equity not a few which because they are not knowen it cannot chuse but our discourse as touching this argument will be lesse enriched and enlarged with examples and so by consequence the cause more hardly defended and mainteined Over and besides this advantage have land beasts that by reason of their affinity as it were and daily conversation with men they get a tincture as it were from them of their maners and fashions and consequently enjoy a kinde of nurture teaching discipline and apprentising by imitation which is able to dulce allay and mittigate all the bitternesse and austerity of their nature no lesse than fresh water mingled with the sea maketh it more sweet and potable likewise all the unsociable wildenesse and heavy unweldinesse therein it stirreth up when the same is once mooved and set on foot by the motions that it learneth by conversing with men whereas on the otherside the life of sea-creatures being farre remote and devided by long and large confines from the frequentation of men as having no helpe of any thing without nor any thing to be taught it by use and custome is altogether solitarie and by it selfe as nature brought it soorth so it continueth and goeth not abroad neither mingled nor mixed with forren fashions and all by reason of the place which they inhabit and not occasioned by the quality of their owne nature for surely their nature conceiving and reteining within it selfe as much discipline and knowledge as it is possible for to atteine unto and apprehend exhibiteth unto us many tame and familiar eeles which they call sacred that use to come to hand such as are among the rest of those in the fountaine Arethusa besides many other fishes imdivers places which are very obeisant and obsequious when they be called by their names as is reported of Marcus Crassus his lamprey for which he wept when it was dead and when Domitus upon a time reproched him for it by way of mockerie in this wise Were not you the man who wept for your lamprey when it was dead he came upon him presently in this maner And were not you the kinde and sweet husband who having buried three wives never shed teare for the matter the crocodiles not only know the voice of the preists when they call unto them and endure to be handled and stroked by them but also yawne and offer there teeth unto them to be picked and clensed with there hands yea and to be skowred and rubbed all over with linen clothes It is not long since that Philinus a right good man and well reputed after his returne from his voiage out of Aegypt where he had bin to see the countrey recounted unto us that in the city of Anteus he had seene an olde woman ly a sleepe on a little pallet together with a crocodile who very decently and modestly couched close along by her side And it is found in old records that when one of the kings called Ptolomaei called unto the sacred crocodile it would not come nor obey the voice of the priests notwithstanding they gently praied and intreated her a signe thought to be a prognosticke and presage of his death which soone after ensued whereby it is plaine that the kind and generation of these water beasts is neither incapable nor deprived of that sacred and highly esteemed science of divination and foretelling future things considering that even in the countrey of Lycia betweene the cities of Phellos and Myrz that is a village called Sura where I heare say the inhabitants use to sit and behold the fishes swimming in the water like as in other places they observe birds flying in the aire marking their lying in wait and ambush their scudding away and pursute after them whereby according to a certeine skill that is among them they can foretell future things to come But this may suffice to shew and declare that their nature is not altogether estranged from us nor unsociable As touching their proper wit and naturall prudence wherein there is no mixture at all borrowed from other this is ingenerall a great argument thereof that there is no creature that swimmeth or liveth in the waters except those which sticke to stones and cleave to rocks that is so easie to be caught by man or otherwise to be taken without trouble as asses are by wolves bees by the birds Meropes grashoppers by swallowes or serpents by stagges who are so easily caught up by them in Greeke they tooke the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say of lightnesse but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say of drawing up serpent out of his hole The sheepe calleth as it were the woolfe by the foote like as by report the leopard allureth unto him the most part of beasts who are willing to approch him for the pleasure they take in his smell and above all others the ape But sea creatures generally all have a certeine inbred sagacity a wary perceivance before hand which maketh them to be suspicious and circumspect yea and to stand upon their guard against all fore-laying so that the arte of hunting and catching them is not a small piece of worke and a simple cunning but that which requireth a great number of engins of all sorts and asketh woonderfull devices and subtill sleights to compasse and goe beyond them and this appeereth by the experience of such things as we have daily in our hands For first and formost the cane or reed of which the angle rodde is made fishers would not have to bee bigge and thicke and yet they had need of such an one as is tough and strong for to plucke up and hold the fishes which commonly doe mightily fling and struggle when they be caught but they chuse rather that which is small and slender for feare lest if it cast abroad shadow it might moove the doubt and suspicion that is naturally in fishes moreover the line they make not with many water-knots but desire to have it as plaine and even as possibly may be without any roughnesse for that this giveth as it were some denuntiation unto them of fraud and deceit they take order likewise that the haires which reach to the hooke should seeme as white as possibly they can devise for the whiter they be the lesse are they seene in the water for the conformity and likenesse in colour to it as for that which the poet Homer saith Downe right to bottome of the sea like plumbe of leade she went That peiseth downe the fishers hooke and holdes the line extent Which passing through transparent horne that rurall oxes head bare To greedy fishes secretly brings death ere they be ware Some misunderstanding these verses would infer therupon that men in old
remaineth now that we should treat of Fortune and casuall adventure and of whatsoever besides that requireth discourse and consideration First this is certeine that Fortune is a kinde of cause but among causes some are of themselves others by accident as for example of an house or ship the proper causes and of themselves be the Mason Carpenter or Shipwright but by accident the Musician and Geometrician yea and whatsoever incident to the mason carpenter or shipwright either in regard of body or minde or outward things whereby it appeereth that the essentiall cause which is by it selfe must needs be determinate certeine in one whereas the accidentall causes are not alwaies one and the same but infinit and indeterminate for many accidents in number infinit and in nature different one from another may be together in one and the same subject This cause then by accident when it is found not onely in such things which are done for some end but also in those wherein our election and will taketh place is called fortune as namely to find treasure when a man diggeth a hole or grave to plant a tree in or to do and suffer any extraordinary thing in flying pursuing or otherwise going and marching or onely in retiring provided alwaies that he doeth it not to that end which ensueth thereupon but upon some other intention And heereupon it is that some of the anncient philosophers have defined fortune to be a cause unknowen and not foreseene by mans reason But according to the Platoniques who come neerer unto it in reason it is defined thus Fortune is an accidentall cause in those things that are done for some end and which are in our election and afterwards they adjoine moreover not foreseene nor knowen by the discourse of humane reason although that which is rare and strange by the same meanes appeareth also in this kinde of cause by accident But what this is if it appeere not manifestly by the oppositions and contradictory disputations yet at leastwise it will be declared most evidently by that which is writtē in a treatise of Plato entituled Phaedon where these words are found What Have you not heard how in what maner the judgement passed Yes iwis For one there was who came and told us of it whereat we marvelled very much that seeing the sentence of judgement was pronounced long before he died a good while after And what might be the cause thereof Ô Phaedon Surely there hapned unto him Ô Echecrates a certeine fortune For it chanced that the day before the judgement the prow of the galley which the Athenians sent to isle Delos was crowned In which words it is to be noted that by this tearme There hapned you must not understand There was but rather it so befell upon a concourse and meeting of many causes together one after another For the priest adorned the ship with coronets for another end and intention and not for the love of Socrates yea and the judges had condemned him also for some other cause but the event it selfe was so strange admirable as if it had hapned by some providence or by an humane creature or rather indeed by some superior nature And thus much may suffice as touching fortune and the definition thereof as also that necessarily it ought to subsist together with some one contingent thing of those which are meant to some end whereupon it tooke the name yea and there must be some subject before of such things which are in us and in our election But casuall adventure reacheth and extendeth farther than fortune for it compriseth both it and also many other things which may chance aswell one way as another and according as the very etymologie and derivation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sheweth it is that which hapneth for and in stead of another namely when that which was ordinary sell not out but another thing in lieu thereof as namely when it chanceth to be colde weather in the Dog daies for sometimes it falleth out to be then colde and not without cause In summe like as that which is in us and arbitrary is part of contingent even so is fortune a part of casuall or accidental adventure and both these events are conjunct and dependant one of another to wit casual adventure hangeth upon contingent and fortune upon that which is in us and arbitrarie and yet not simply and in generall but of that onely which is in our election according as hath beene before said And hereupon it is that this casuall adventure is common aswell to things which have no life as to those which are animate whereas fortune is proper to man onely who is able to performe voluntarie actions An argument whereof is this that to be fortunate happie and blessed are thought to be all one for blessed happinesse is a kinde of well doing and to doe well properly belongeth to a man and him that is perfect Thus you see what things are comprised within fatall destiny namely contingent possible election that which is within us fortune casuall accident or chance adventure together with their circumstant adjuncts signified by these words haply peradventure or perchance howbeit we are not to inferre that because they be conteined within destinie therefore they be fatall It remaineth now to discourse of divine providence considering that it selfe comprehendeth fatall destinie This supreame and first providence therefore is the intelligence and will of the sovereigne god doing good unto all that is in the world whereby all divine things universally and thorowout have bene most excellently and wisely ordeined and disposed The second providence is the intelligence and will of the second gods who have their course thorow the heaven by which temporall and mortall things are ingendred regularly and in order as also whatsoever perteineth to the preservation and continuance of every kinde of thing The third by all probabilitie and likelihood may well be called the providence and prospicience of the Daemonds or angels as many as be placed and ordeined about the earth as superintendents for to observe marke and governe mens actions Now albeit there be seene this threefolde providence yet properly and principally that first and supreame is named Providence so as we may be bolde and never doubt to say howsoever herein we seeme to contradict some Philosophers That all things are done by fatall destinie and by providence but not likewise by nature howbeit some by providence and that after divers sorts these by one and those by another yea and some also by fatall destinie As for fatall destinie it is altogether by providence but providence in no wise by fatall destinie where by the way this is to be noted that in this present place I understand the principall and sovereigne providence Now whatsoever is done by another be it what it will is evermore after that which causeth or maketh it even as that which is erected by law is after the law
having the greatest and most puissant cause withstanding and impeaching it ever for being true For looke whose destiny it is to die in the sea how can it possible be that he should be 〈◊〉 of death upon the land And how is it possible that he who is at Megara should come to Athens being hindred and prohibited by fatall destiny Moreover his resolutions as touching fantasies and imaginations repugne mainely against fatall destiny For intending to proove that fantasie is not an entire and absolute cause of assent he saith that Sages and wise men will prejudice and hurt us much by imprinting in our mindes false imaginations if it be so that such fantasies doe absolutely cause assent For many times wise men use that which is false unto leawd and wicked persons representing unto them a fantasie that is but onely probable and yet the same is not the cause of assent for so also should it be the cause of false opinion and of deception If then a man would transferre this reason and argument from the said wise men unto fatall destiny saying that destiny is not the cause of assents for so he should confesse that by destiny were occasioned false assents opinions and deceptions yea and men should be endamaged by destiny certes the same doctrine and reason which exempteth a wise man from doing hurt at any time sheweth withall that destiny is not the cause of all things For if they neither opine nor receive detriment by destiny certeinly they doe no good they are not wise they be not firme and constant in opinion neither receive they any good and profit by destiny so that this conclusion which they hold for most assured falleth to the ground and commeth to nothing namely that fatall destiny is the cause of all things Now if paradventure one say unto me that Chrysippus doth not make destiny the entire and absolute cause of all things but only a procatarcticall and antecedent occasion here againe will he discover how he is contradictorie to himselfe whereas he praiseth Homer excessively for saying thus of Jupiter Take well in worth therefore what he to each of you shall send And whether good or bad it be doe not with him contend As also where he highly extolleth Euripides for these verses O Jupiter what cause have I to say That mortall wretches we should prudent be Depend we doe of thee and nothing may Bring to effect but that which pleaseth thee Himselfe also writeth many sentences accordant hereunto and finally concludeth that nothing doth rest and stay nothing stirre and moove be it never so little otherwise than by the counsell and minde of Jupiter whome he saith to be all one with fatall destiny Moreover the antecedent cause is more feeble and weake than that which is perfit and absolute neither attaineth it to any effect as being subdued kept down by others mightier than it selfe rising up making head against it And as for fatall destiny Chrysippus himselfe pronouncing it to be a cause invincible inflexible and that which cannot be impeached calleth it Atropos Adrastia as one would say a cause that cannot be averted avoided or undone Likewise necessity and Pepromene which is as much to say as setting downe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say an end and limit unto all things How then whether doe we not say that neither assents vertues vices nor well or ill doing lie in our free will and power if we affirme fatall destiny is to be maimed or unperfect and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say a fatality determining all things to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say without power to finish and effect ought and so the motions and habitudes of Jupiters will to remaine imperfect and unaccomplished for of these conclusions the one will follow if we say that destiny is an absolute and perfect cause and the other in case we hold that it is onely a procatarcticall or antecedent occasion For being an absolute and all sufficient cause it overthroweth that which is in us to wit our free will and againe if we admit it to be only antecedent it is marred for being effectuall and without the danger of impeachment For not in one or two places onely but every where in maner throughout all his commentaries of naturall philosophy he hath written that in particular natures and motions there be many obstacles and impediments but in the motion of the universall world there is none at all And how is it possible that the motion of the universall world should not be hindred and disturbed reaching as it doth unto particulars in case it be so that they likewise be stopped and impeached For surely the nature in generall of the whole man is not at liberty and without impediment if neither that of the foot nor of the hand be void of obstacles no more can the motion or course of a ship be void of let and hinderance if there be some stay about the sailes oares or their works Over besides all this if the fantasies and imaginations are not imprinted in us by fatall destiny how be they the cause of assents Or if because it imprinteth fantasies that lead unto assent thereupon all assents are said to be by fatall destiny how is it possible that destiny should not be repugnant to it selfe considering that in matters of greatest importance it ministreth many times different fantasies and those which distract the minde into contrary opinions whereas they affirme that those who settle unto one of the said fantasies and hold not of their assent and approbation doe erre and sinne For if they yeeld say they unto uncertaine fantasies they stumble and fall if unto false they are deceived if to such as commonly are not conceived and understood they opine For of necessity it must be one of these three either that every fantasie is not the worke nor effect of destiny or that every receit assension of fantasie is not void of error or else that destiny it selfe is not irreprehensible Neither can I see how it should be blamelesse objecting such fansies imaginations as it doth which to withstand and resist were not blameable but rather to give place and follow them and verily in the disputations of the Stoicks against the Academicks the maine point about which both Chrysippus himselfe and Antipater also contended and stood upon was this That we doe nothing at all nor be enclined to any action without a precedent consent but that these be but vaine fictions and devised fables and suppositions that when any proper fantasie is presented incontinently we are disposed yea and incited thereto without yeelding or giving consent Againe Chrysippus saith That both God and the wise man doe imprint false imaginations not because they would have us to yeeld or give our consent unto them but that we should doe the thing onely and incite our selves to that which appeereth As for us if wee be evill by
〈◊〉 that is to say the protectour of plants another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the president of physicke and divination meane while neither is health simply good nor generation ne yet fertilitie of the ground and abundance of fruits but indifferent yea and unprofitable to those who have them The third point of the comon conception of the gods is that they differ in nothing so much from men as in felicity and vertue but according to Chrysippus they are in this respect nothing superior to men for he holdeth that for vertue Jupiter is no better than Dion also that Jupiter Dion being both of them wise doe equally and reciprocally helpe one another for this is the good that the gods doe unto men and men likewise unto the gods namely when they proove wise and prudent and not otherwise So that if a man be no lesse vertuous he is not lesse happy insomuch as he is equall unto Jupiter the saviour in felicitie though otherwise infortunate and who for grievous maladies and dolorous dismembring of his body is forced to make himselfe away and leave his life provided alwaies that he be a wise man Howbeit such an one there neither is nor ever hath bene living upon the earth whereas contrariwise infinit thousands and millions there are and have beene of miserable men and extreme infortunate under the rule and dominion of Jupiter the government administration wherof is most excellent And what can there be more against common sense than to say that Jupiter governing and dispensing all things passing well yet we should be exceeding miserable If therefore which unlawfull is once to speake Jupiter would no longer be a saviour nor a deliverer nor a protectour and surnamed thereupon Soter Lysius and Alexicacos but cleane contrary unto these goodly and beautifull denominations there can not possibly be added any more goodnesse to things that be either in number or magnitude as they say whereas all men live in the extremitie of miserie and wickednesse considering that neither vice can admit no augmentation nor misery addition and yet this is not the woorst nor greatest absurdity but mightily angry and offended they are with Menander for speaking as he did thus bravely in open theater I hold good things exceeding meane degree The greatest cause of humane miserie For this say they is against the common conception of men meane while themselves make God who is good and goodnesse it selfe to be the author of evils for matter could not verily produce any evill of it selfe being as it is without all qualities and all those differences and varieties which it hath it received of that which moved and formed it to wit reason within which giveth it a forme and shape for that it is not made to moove and shape it selfe And therefore it cannot otherwise be but that evill if it come by nothing should proceed and have being from that which is not or if it come by some mooving cause the same must be God For if they thinke that Jupiter hath no power of his owne parts nor useth ech one according to his owne proper reason they speake against common sense and doe imagine a certeine animall whereof many parts are not obeisant to his will but use their owne private actions and operations whereunto the whole never gave incitation nor began in them any motion For among those creatures which have life and soule there is none so ill framed and composed as that against the will thereof either the feet should goe forward or the tongue speake or the horne push and strike or the teeth bite whereof God of necessity must endure abide the most part if against his will evill men being parts of himselfe doe lie doe circumvent and beguile others commit burglary breake open houses to rob their neighbors or kill one another And if according as Chrysippus saith it is not possible that the least part should be have it selfe otherwise than it pleaseth Jupiter and that every living thing doeth rest stay and moove according as he leadeth manageth turneth staieth and disposeth it Now well I wot this voice of his Sounds worse and more mischcivous is For more tolerable it were by a great deale to say that ten thousand parts through the impotencie and feeblenesse of Jupiter committed many absurdities perforce even against his nature and will than to avouch that there is no intemperance no deceit and wickednesse where of Jupiter is not the cause Moreover seeing that the world by their saying is a city and the Sarres citizens if it be so there must be also tribes and magistracies yea and plaine it is that the Sunne must be a Senatour yea the evenning starre some provost major or governor of the city And I wot not wel whether he who taketh in hand to confute such things can broch and set abroad other greater absurdities in naturall matters than those doe who deliver and pronounce these doctrines Is not this a position against common sense to affirme that the seed should be greater and more than that which is engendred of it For we see verily that nature in all living creatures and plants even those that be of a wilde and savage kinde taketh very small and slender matters such as hardly can be seene for the beginning the generation of most great and huge bodies For not onely of a graine or corne of wheat it produceth a stalke with an eare and of a little grape stone it bringeth forth a vine tree but also of a pepin kernill akorne or bery escaped and fallen by chance from a bird as if of some sparkle it kindled and set on fire generation it sendeth forth the stocke of some bush or thorne or else a tall and mighty body of an oake a date or pine tree And hereupon it is that genetall seed is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greeke as one would say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the enfolding and wrapping together of a great masse into a small quantity also nature taketh the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the inflation and defusion of proportions and numbers which are opened loosened under it And againe the fire which they say is the seed of the world after that generall conflagration shall change into the owne seed the world which from a smaller body and little masse is extended into a great inflation and defusion yea and moreover occupieth an infinite space of voidnesse which it filleth by his augmentation but as it is engendered that huge greatnesse retireth and setleth anon by reason that the matter is contracted and gathered into it selfe upon the generation We may heare them dispute and reade many of their books and discourses wherein they argue and crie out aloud against the Academicks for confounding all things with their Aparalaxies that is to say indistinguible identities
as a Sophister to trie what he can say others aske him concerning treasure hidden some againe would be resolved of succession in heritages and of incestuous and unlawfull marriages Insomuch as now Pythagoras is manifestly convinced of errour and lesing who said that men were then best and excelled in goodnesse when they presented themselves before the gods for such things as it would well beseeme to hide and conceale in the presence onely of some ancient personage I meane the foule maladies and passions of the soule the same they discover and lay abroad naked before Apollo And as he would have gone forward still and prosecuted this theame both Heracleon plucked him by the cloke and I also who of all the company was most familiar inward with him Peace quoth I my good friend Planetiades and cease to provoke Apollo against you for a cholericke and testie god he is and not milde and gracious but according as Pindarus said very well Misdeem'd he is and thought amisse To bee Most kinde to men and full of lenitie And were he either the Sunne or the lord and father of the Sunne or a substance beyond all visible natures it is not like and probable that he would disdaine to speake any more unto men at this day living of whose generation nativity nourishment being and understanding he is the cause and author neither is it credible that the divine providence which is a good kinde and tender mother produceth and preserveth all things for our use should shew herselfe to be malicious in this matter onely of divination and prophesie and upon an old grudge and rankor to bereave us of that which at first she gave us as if forsooth even then when Oracles were rise in all parts of the world there was not in so mightie a multitude of men the greater number of wicked And therefore make Pythicke truce as they say for the while with vice and wickednesse which you are ever woont to chastice and rebuke in all your speeches and come and sit downe heere by us againe that together with us you may search out some other cause of this generall eclipse and cessation of Oracles which now is in question but withall remember that you keepe this god Apollo propitious and moove him not to wrath and displeasure But these words of mine wrought so with Planetiades that without any word replying out of the dores he went his waies Now when the company sat still for a prety while in great silence Ammonius at length directing his speech to me I beseech you quoth he Lamprias take better heed unto that which we doe and looke more neerely into the matter of this our disputation to the end that we cleere not the god altogether and make him to be no cause at all that the Oracles doe cease For he who attributeth this cessation unto any other cause than the will and ordinance of God giveth us occasion to suspect him also that he thinketh they never were not be at this present by his disposition but rather by some other meanes for no other cause and puissance there is more noble more mighty or more excellent which might be able to destroy and abolish divination if it were the worke of God And as touching the discourse that Planetiades made it pleaseth me never a whit neither can I approove thereof as well for other causes as for that he admitteth a certaine inequality and inconstance in the god For one while he maketh him to detest and abhorre vice and another while to allow and accept thereof much like unto some king or tyrant rather who at one gate driveth out wicked persons and receiving them in at another doth negotiate with them But seeing it is so that the greatest worke which can be sufficient in it selfe nothing superfluous but fully accomplished every way is most beseeming the dignity and majesty of the gods let this principle be supposed and laied for a ground and then a man in mine opinion may very well say that of this generall defect and common scarcity of men which civill seditions and warres before time have brought generally into the world Greece hath felt the greatest part insomuch as at this very day hardly is all Greece able to make three thousand men for the warres which are no more in number than one city in times past to wit Megara set forth and sent to the battell of Plataea and therefore whereas the god Apollo in this our age hath left many oracles which in ancient time were much frequented if one should inferre 〈◊〉 and say that this argueth no other thing but that Greece is now much depopulate dispeopled in comparison of that which it was in old time I would like well of his invention and furnish him sufficiently with matter to discourse upon For what would it boot and what good would come of it if there were now an Oracle at Tegyrae as sometime there was or about Ptoum whereas all the day long a man shall paradventure meet with one and that is all keeping and feeding cattell there And verily it is found written in histories that this very place of the Oracle where now we are which of all others in Greece is for antiquity right antient and for reputation most noble and renowmed was in times past for a great while desert and unfrequented nay unaccessable altogether in regard of a most venimous and dangerous beast even a dragon which haunted it But those who write this doe not collect heereupon the cessation of the Oracle aright but argue cleane contrary for it was the solitude and infrequency of the place that brought the dragon thither rather than the dragon that caused the said desert solitarinesse But afterwards when it pleased God that Greece was fortified againe and replenished with many cities and this place well peopled and frequented they used two Prophetesses who one after the other in their course descended into the cave and there sat yea and a third there was besides chosen as a suffragane or assistant to sit by them and helpe if need were but now there is but one Propehtesse in all and yet we complaine not for she onely is sufficient for all commers that have any occasion to use the Oracle And therefore we are in no wise to blame or accuse the god for that divination and spirit of prophesie which remaineth there at this day is sufficient for all and sendeth all suiters away well contented as having their full dispatch and answere for whatsoever they demand Like as therefore Agamemnon in Homer had nine Heraults or Criers about him and yet hardly with them could he containe and keepe in order the assembly of the Greeks being so frequent as then it was but now within these few daies you shall see heere the voice of one man alone able to resound over the whole Theater and to reach unto all the people their contained even so we must thinke that this divination and
facultie of seeing and power of hearing by reason and providence For in summe as I have said and doe still averre whereas all generation proceedeth of two causes the most ancient Theologians and Poets vouchsafed to set their minde upon the better onely and that which was more excellent chaunting evermore this common refraine and foot as it were of the song in all things and actions whatsoever Jove is the first the midst the last all things of him depend By him begin they and proceed in him they come to end After other necessary and naturall causes they never sought farther nor came neere unto them whereas the moderne Philosophers who succeeded after them and were named naturalists tooke a contrary course and turning cleane aside from that most excellent and divine principle ascribed al unto bodies unto passions also of bodies and I wot not what percussions mutations and temperatures And thus it is come to passe that as well the one sort as the other are in their opinions defective and come short of that which they should For as these either of ignorance know not or of negligence regard not to set downe the efficient principall cause whereby and from which so the other before leave out the materiall causes of which and the instrumentall meanes by which things are done But he who first manifestly touched both causes and coupled with the reason that freely worketh and moveth the matter which necessarily is subject and suffreth he I say for himselfe us answereth all calumniations and putteth by all surmizes and suspicions whatsoever For we bereave not divination either of God or of reason for as much as we graunt unto it for the subject matter the soule of man and for an instrument and plectre as it were to set it aworke we allow a spirit or winde and an exhalation enthusiasticke First and formost the earth it is that engendreth such exhalations then that which giveth unto the earth all power and vertue of this temperature and mutation is the Sunne who as we have learned by tradition from our fore fathers is a god After this we adjoine thereto the Daemons as superintendants overseers and keepers of this temperature as if it were some harmony and consonance who in due and convenient time let downe and slacke or else set up and stretch hard the vertue of this exhalation taking from it otherwhiles the over-active efficacy that it hath to torment the soule and transport it beside it selfe tempering therewith a motive vertue without working any paine or hurt and damage to them that are inspired and possessed therewith Wherein me thinkes we doe nothing that seemeth either absurd or impossible neither in killing sacrifices before we come to moove the Oracle and adorning them with coronets of flowers and powring upon them sacred liquors and libations doe we ought that is contrary to this discourse and opinion of ours For the priests and sacrificers and whosoever have the charge to kill the beast and to powre upon it the holy libations of wine or other liquors who also observe and consider the motion trembling and the whole demeanour thereof doe the same for no other end or cause but to have a signe that God giveth eare unto their demaund For necessary it is that the beast sacrificed unto the gods be pure sound entier immaculate and uncorrupt both in soule and bodie And verily for the body it is no hard matter to judge and know the markes as for the soule they make an experiment by setting before bulles meale by presenting unto swine cich-pease for if they will not fall to nor tast thereof it is a certaine token that they be not right For the goat cold water is the triall Now if the beast make no shew and semblance of being mooved or affected when as the said water is powred aloft on it be sure the soule thereof is not disposed as it ought to be by nature Now say it go for currant and be constantly beleeved that it is an undoubted and insallible signe that the God will give answer when the host or sacrifice thus drenched doth stire and contrariwise that he will not answer if the beast quetch not I see nothing herein repugnant unto that which we have before delivered For every natural power produceth the effect for which it is ordained better or worse according as the time and season is more or lesse convenient and probable it is that God giveth us certeine signes whereby we may know when the opportunity is past For mine owne part I am of this minde that the very exhalation it selfe which ariseth out of the earth is not alwaies of the same sort but at one time is slacke and feeble at another stretched out and strong And the argument which maketh me thus to judge I may easily confirme and verisie by the testimonie of many strangers and of all those ministers who serve in the temple For the chamber or roume wherein they are set and give attendance who come to demand the answer of the Oracle is filled thorow not often nor at certeine set times but as it falleth out after some space betweene with so fragrant an odour and pleasant breath as the most pretious ointments and sweetest perfumes in the world can yeeld no better And this ariseth from the sanctuarie and vault of the temple as out of some source and lively fountaine and very like it is that it is heat or at leastwise some other puissance that sendeth it forth Now if peradventure this may seeme unto you not probable nor to sound of trueth yet will ye at leastwise confesse unto me that the Prophetesse Pythia hath that part of the soule unto which this winde or propheticall spirit approacheth disposed some time in this sort and otherwhiles in that and keepeth not alwaies the same temperature as an harmonie immutable For many troubles and passions there be that possesse her body and enter likewise in her soule some apparent but more secret and unseene with which she finding herselfe seized and replenished better it were for her not to present and exhibit herselfe to this divine inspiration of the god being not altogether cleane and pure from all perturbations like unto an instrument of Musicke well set in tune and sounding sweetly but passionate and out of order For neither wine doth surprise the drunken man alwaies alike and as much at one time as at another nor the sound of the slute or shaulme affecteth after one and the same sort at al times him who naturally is given to be soone ravished with divine inspiration but the same persons are one time more and another while lesse transported beside themselves and drunken likewise more or lesse The reason is because in their bodies there is a divers temperature but principally the imaginative part of the soule and which receiveth the images and fantasies is possessed by the body and subject to change with it as appeareth evidently by dreames for sometimes there
809.40 how it passeth 820. 40 the obliquity therof who first observed 820.50 Zoilus a priest died of a little ulcer 899.40 Zoilus taxeth Homer for incongruity 719.50 Zones of the heaven 820.40 Zones 5.835.10 Zona Torrida 831.10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an attribute given at Pittacus 775.20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 775.1 Zoroastres never fed of any thing but of milke 700.10 Zoroastres very ancient 1306.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifieth in Homer 719.20 Errata Page line Reade 2. 41. DWarf-kings 6. 34. given themselves 7. 10. The violence of warre 9. 9. so as many as 11. 19. In summe rest and repose  33. examined 12. 6. Take it a pitch against  50. Speusippui 14. 13. rule and squire  24. love the beautie 16. 18. juice or liquor 17. 20. sage lessons all which 10. 22. as in a picture drawen to the  36. entituled Theriaca life  52. with Apollo for the 22. 47. rage and madnesse 23. 2. cart wheele or pullie  34. Nay sleepe 24. 32. choler He  36. Patroclus  44. nor bare heavilie 26. 10. How then should I For Gods cause die 27. 39. credit of the worse 30. 45. This was the will 31. 9. he meaneth 39. 48. seeketh for roots 41. 39. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42. 6. Beholde one father  21. What Glaucus You  25. that Pandarus through 43. 21. Aetha which he gave 44. 45. For Atreus  49. For Atreus 45. 26. Wsse men fearefull  43. not at all 46. 30. at quailes 48. 1. Homer derideth  16. provoked him  40. armes so dred  45. thou overmatched be  53. decisions  55. to endure such doctrine 50. 50. in those cities 53. 5. poure forth any 54. 3. a certein importunate desire 55. 31. a speciall fansie 56. 45. and stuphe  52. Embrochations 57. 38. caudrons  44. laterall motions 58. 3. undo the knots 59. 41. composed 62. 27. was strange 63. 36. this counsell that 64. 1. but more 69. 9. base and treble  43. worse with 70. 38. anchor flouke  40. not unproperlie 71. 43. neuer considering 74. 5. many an house 76. 19. audacious rash also  34. dilatations  43 a sensuall  52. 〈◊〉 79. 57. giveth thereto 81. 21. to shoo 83. 56. do us pleasure 86. 31. under that visour 87. 23. soone followeth them  42 with sicke likewise sicke persons best do sort 89. 21. long first I 〈◊〉 I liked him not a great c. 91. 51. Castoreum 92. 31. this rule 93. 51. with the profusion  54. grandeur 95. 34. of his skill  40. also and precepts 96. 9. shew-places 98. 16. fellowes use  24. Cercopes 102. 18. the lines 103. 28. onely A friend 105. 13. sound judgement 106. 48. a stomacke fell 107. 12. and then spare 108. 10. made the statues 112. 8. given unto whiles he 113. 10 in clipping 115. 18. leaud courses 119. 7. which are trebles in one 8.  8. more high small become 〈◊〉 i. the Basses  34. and burne themselves 122. 12. their forme of visage 123. 1. at secret root of hart  2. but lie apart 131. 13. and a dredge  44. and forwardnesse 134. 40 an Isthm 135. 1. have I done  19. and what was the occasion 137. 34. the very mids 137. 40. if he recount 138. 3. doth ever chant and sing  37. make a start 140. 48. not to amuse 141. 51. that regard the street 143. 1. cause great remorse  5. to heare 146. 30. by line descended 147. 16. when they be under saile 149. In the marg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150. 6. weaknes of yours you shall  42. to refresh be sure 151. 3. that ran away who being demanded what his Master  37. that they were absent 152. 52. monntaine Athos 153. 48. passions do falsisie 154. 54. surnamed Enyalius 155. 43. if there be more 156. 4. live by grasing  20. upon the dore-sill  26. and to make 157. 3. a table do say  6. falle out to their minds for 158. 11. of them I wist 162. 43. scope 163. 28. a sad heavinesse 167. 41. to dispense 169. 16. Helicon a Cyzicene 172. 57. and to repeat 180. 17. he hath him alone 186. 4. in siding 188. 57. our sight unto those bodies 190. 44. cry out upon him 194. 29. to mocke him 195. 54. harried Asia him 199. 29. an imputation charged upō 200. 52. tidings whiles they 202. 21. by his treason 204. 5. guests were present 206. 12. give me then  30. 〈◊〉  44. Bacchu  49. writh himselfe 207. 28. refuted the sect 209 34. of meane raiment 210. 10. ordinarily he that hath 212. 11. of the baine 213. 32. or Lyceum 215. 8. run a madding 218. 55. craw and gesier 219. 7. with their coovie  21. but for themselves  24. to fight for them 220. 17. providence industry and diligence 221. 19. that induced them 222. 12. wanton love whoring and 223. 13. taking it to be a prodigious wonder confessing 227. 47. it well besits 228. 34. who died most 229. 17. to sue and mung 231. 3. sight of eies  5. by the eare to the braine  56. attributed to fortune 233. 12. Jove shall lend 234. 18. be the same  48. grandeur 238. 42. the geirs or vultures 239. 24. was now setled 240. 54. honest another day 243. 48. ambition declaring 244. 45. with their diligence 246. 54. My lying dreames 250. 26. many there be 251. 14. and profited more 254. 46. or Sutures 255. 48. Aphyae 261. 12. in Galaetia  17. morimals 266. 44. Phoebas 268. 4. those Galatians 270. 49. Celmis or Bacelas  50. upon the pleasant tabor 〈◊〉 271. 34. to dispense  40. more potable 272. 15. not include 273. 36. where as one 275. 38. 〈◊〉 277. 8. who hither 280. 52. Mad Bacchoe running 282. 49. exposed to 283. 36. towne Aulis  50. occasions  53. from our table  54. is needlesse 285. 1. their spurnes  2. stoupe and sincke 289. 18. seigneurs  54. things profitable 290. 8. everrunning 292. 56. grandeur 295. 13. realme a prince  40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 300. 6. called Napeltus 306. 15. Zaleucus 308. 1. A plaine and common souldiour might enjoy c. 310. 4. all els 312. 26. no decision 314. 36. maugre 318. 3. superficies 319. 5. their havoir 322. 39. Lady Hermione 327. 45. amisse And in trueth 329. 31. whom not before 331. 32. hornes so brag  54. begin with me 332. 38. of the negotiation 336. 8. grandeur 337. 1. last yeere and not 339. 5. physicians name  26. of this faire 341. 20. sicke any more  35. wine do drinke 342. 3. coming toward kissed him 344. 27. unto the temple 〈◊〉 346. 2. Hector 349. 29. that he is now able 352. 11. magnificent port 353. 51. affectation 357. 29.