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A06128 The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke; Ab urbe condita. English Livy.; Florus, Lucius Annaeus. Epitomae de Tito Livio bellorum omnium annorum DCC libri II. English. Selections.; Marliani, Bartolomeo, d. 1560. Topographia antiquae Romae. English.; Holland, Philemon, 1552-1637. 1600 (1600) STC 16613; ESTC S114001 2,515,844 1,456

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or after their Censorship to force those to returne thither againe where they had beene entred or matriculated By vertue of this inquisition to the number of twelve thousand Latines returned home againe into their owne countrey for now the citie of Rome was overcharged and pestered with a multitude of straungers and forreiners Before that the Consuls repaired to Rome M. Fulvius the Proconsull returned out of AEtolia who after he had discoursed of his exploits perfourmed in AEtolia and Cephalenia before the Senate assembled in the temple of Apollo requested of the LL. to judge it meet and requisite and accordingly to graunt and ordeine that praise and thanksgiving might be rendered unto the immortall gods and himselfe allowed to triumph for that he had so well and happily managed the affaires of the Common-weale Then stept forth M. Aburius a Tribune of the Commons and declared openly That in case they went about to passe any decree in that behalfe before the comming of M. AEmylius the Consull he would crosse it for that the Consull himselfe was minded to contradict that proceeding and had given streight charge unto him at what time as he tooke his journey to the province that the consultation of this matter should be reserved wholly untill his returne home And Fulvius quoth he shall loose so much time and when the Consull himselfe is present in place to assist then might the Senate moove what decree it pleased them Then answered M. Fulvius and said If men were ignorant either of the grudge and quarrell betweene me and M. AEmylius or with what outragious spirit and king like choller and indignation hee pursued the said enmitie and variance yet it were not a tolerable thing and to be endured that the absence of the Consull should both impeach the honour due unto the immortall gods and also hinder and stay the triumph which I have so justly deserved that a Generall I say who had so worthily atchieved his service and an armie so victorious should stay and give attendance without the citie gates untill it pleased the Consull to returne home who no doubt of very purpose and for the nones upon this occasion would make slow hast and take his leisure But now considering that the enmitie and heart-burning that the Consull beareth to me is so notorious as it is What indifferencie and reasonable dealing may a man looke for at his hands who taking the advantage of the time when a small number of Senatours were assembled caused an act of the Senat to passe by stealth and entred it in the treasurehouse conteining thus much in effect That Ambracia should not be reputed as a towne forced by assault notwithstanding it were assailed with mantilers and platformes where we were driven to erect new fabrickes and plant other engines and ordinance of warre after the former were consumed with fire where we mainteined fight about the walls as well under the ground as above for the space of fifteene dayes togither where after that the souldiours had scaled and gained the walls the conflict endured notwithstanding a long time doubtfull from morning to night and where were slaine above 3000 enemies Now as touching the sacriledge committed after the citie was forced in spoiling the churches of the immortall gods what a slander think yee hath hee raised of me what a matter hath he made thereof and how hath hee enformed the Pontifies and Bishops Vnlesse a man would say that lawfull it was for the citie of Rome to be garnished and beautified with the ornaments of Syracusa and other cities woon by force but the law of warre extended not to this onely citie of Ambracia I beseech therefore the LL. of the Senat yea and I request the Tribunes not to suffer me to be mocked and abused by a most insolent proud adversarie Then on all hands they dealt with the Tribune some intreated him other rebuked and blamed him but the speech of Tib. Gracchus one of his colleagues mooved him most of all others who shewed That it was no good precedent and example that men should maintaine and follow their owne privat quarrels in time of magistracie and publick government but a shamefull matter and a soule indignitie it was and much unbeseeming the Tribunes of the Commons and their sacred lawes that a Tribune should be a proctor to other men and prosecute their actions and enmities Men ought qd he according to their own discretion and judgement either to love or hate the persons to like or dislike the causes not to depend and hang upon the countenance and becke of others nor to be caried too and fro with the will pleasure and appetites of other men As for the Tribune of the Commons here he accordeth and taketh part with a chollericke and restie Consull and remembreth well what M. Aemilius left with him in private charge but forgetteth altogether that the Tribuneship was committed unto to him by the people of Rome committed I say and put into his hands for to assist privat persons and to mainteine their liberties and not to uphold the kinglike rule and roialtie of a Consull Never seeth he thus much before him that it will be written another day in the Animals and yeerly Chronicles That of two Commoner Tribunes in the same fellowship and societie one for the love of the Common-weale renounced and gave over his owne private displeasure and enmitie to a particular person and the other tooke charge as it were by way of Commission to pursue the quarell of another man The Tribune could endure no longer these rebukes and checks and therewith departed out of the temple then the Pretour Scr. Sulpitius propounded the bill the second time and so a triumph was graunted to M. Fulvius Who after he had rendred great thanks to the LL. of the Senate added moreover and said That the very day wherein he forced the citie Ambracia he had by vow promised to the honor of Iupiter Opt. Max. for to exhibit the great and solemne Romane games And to that effect the cities of Greece had contributed toward the charges a hundred pound weight of gold his petition was therefore that the Senate would ordeine that out of that masse of money which he was to cary and shew in triumph and ment to bestow and lay up in the city Treasurie the foresaid summe of gold might be sequestred and reserved apart for the proper use above named The Senate commaunded that the Colledge of the Prelates and Priests in this case should be consulted with and their advise demaunded whether they thought it necessarie that so much gold should be spent and consumed in the charges of the said Games The Prelates made answere againe that it was not materiall to religion and to the service of the gods to how great a reckning soever the charges of the games should arise amount Whereupon the Senate permitted Fulvius to deffray what he would himselfe so as hee exceeded not the summe of 80000 Asses
he had and for a long time to live apart as a person confined on the other side of Tyber in a poore blinde cottage out of the way This processe of judgment and the preferring of the law abovesaid together busied the cittie and kept it occupied Quiet they were for any wars abroad At what time the Tribunes like conquerors seeing the Nobles appauled at the banishment of Caeso supposed now their law was in manner fully established and enacted And for as much as the more ancient Senatours had dispossessed themselves as it were of the Common weale and medled not for their owne parts with the stare the younger sort and such especially as were of Caeso his crue and acquaintance were kindled the more against the Commons and abated not their courage marry this good thereby was done upon them that in some measure they tempered and ruled their furious affections and violent outrage The first time after the exile of Caeso that the law began againe to be proposed they being well appointed and banded together backed also with a mighty companie of their friends and favorites set upon the Tribunes taking the occasion when they charged them to depart out of the hall in such manner that no one of them above his fellowes was singular nor carried home with him any speciall praise or blame more than another but the Commons complained that for one Caeso there were now start up a thousand All the daies betweene wherein the Tribunes medled not with their law none more quiet none more peaceable than even they themselves Courteously they would salute and speake unto the Commons at all other times they would invite them home to their houses and make them good cheere assist them and be present with them in the common hall suffer the Tribunes themselves without any interruption or impeachment to keepe their courts and hold their assemblies whatsoever shewing themselves at no time to any of them either publikely or privately fierce and cruell but onely when they went in hand with the law for otherwise the young Gentlemen were popular enough And not onely in other causes made the Tribunes good dispatch and went quietly through all their businesses but also the same men were chosen againe for the next yeare following without any one foule crosse word so far were they from being offred any forcible violence and thus by soft handling and gentle dealing they had now by little little won the Commons and made them as it were come to hand And so by these fine fetches and devises for one whole yeare the law was shifted off and pretily avoided The cittie being now in more quiet state C. Claudius the sonne of Appius and P. Valerius Poplicola came to be Consuls And no news this new yeare for the same care still either about preferring or admitting the law held the citty occupied As much as the punie Nobles insinuated themselves more into the favour and familiarity of the Commons so much more egerly againe on the other side did the Tribunes labour and endevour with complaints and slaunders to bring them into suspition and jealosie with the Commons Saying that there was a conspiracie intended contrived that Caeso was in Rome that there were plots laid to murther the Tribunes and to massaker the Commons that they were set on worke by some great ones even the Auncients of the Nobles utterly to abolish the Tribunes aucthority out of the C. W. and to bring and reduce the city to the same passe againe as it had been before the taking and keeping hold in the Mount Sacer. Besides all this war was feared from the Volscians and Aequians so ordinary it was and so duly once every yeare it came about yea and withall another mischiefe newly sprong and unlooked for A rabble of banished persons Outlawes and Bondslaves to the number of 4500. having to their Capitaine one Ap. Herdonius a Sabine surprised in the night the Capitoll and Castle and were masters thereof Who immediatly killed in the castle as many as would not be of their conspiracie and take armour with them The rest amid this hurliburly ran headlong downe into the Market place for feare The al'arme was given on al hands and no crie heard but Arme Arme the enemies are in towne The Consuls were affraid to put the Commons in armes and they doubted also to let them be unarmed not knowing what suddaine occurrent this should be that thus had entred and possessed the citty whether it were forraine or domesticall arising from the malice and hatred of the people or from the treacherie and falshood of their servants Yet they devised to appease the uprore and as they were busie to represse it the more otherwhile they stirred up new for the frighted and amased multitude could not be ordered by any commandement Howbeit at length they resolved to suffer them to take armes and not all in generall but onely for that they knewe not what their enemies were to have a sufficient and trusty guard about them ready at all assaies and dangers whatsoever In this carefull suspence and doubt who were their enemies and what their number was they passed the rest of the night disposing strong watch and warde in all meete and convenient places of the city But the day light disclosed the warre and the Captaine thereof Appius Herdonius from out of the Capitoll proclaimed freedome to all bondmen that would come and follow him taking upon him forsooth to defend the cause of most miserable caitifs namely to restore home againe unto their native countrie all such exiled persons as had beene wrongfully expelled and also to take away the heavie yoke of slaverie and bondage Which thing he could wish it might be effected and brought about with the good will helping hand of the people of Rome But in case there were no hope and comfort there then he would assay the Volscians and Aequians yea and procure what meanes he could by all hard courses and extremities whatsoever Now the Nobles and Coss. began to see more into the matter and besides those dangers that were in view presently threatened they feared some practise from the Veientians or the Sabines and least there being alreadie so many enemies in the citie the legions of the Sabines Tuscanes should combine together and come upon them Over and besides least their old enemies and perpetuall the Volsc and Aeq should now at once not as aforetime invade their borders and drive booties but give an attempt upon the very citty which was already in some part taken and possessed by enemies Many sundry were their feares But of all other the dread and jealousie of their own bondslaves presented unto them most imminent present danger for feare least every man harboured his enemy at home in his own house whom neither he could trust securely nor yet mistrust without some jeopardy fearing least being once discredited he might proove the more malicious
Asdruball seeing the passage of the river stopped against him turned to the Ocean and even at the first they departed in great hast as if they fled which was the cause that they gat the start of the Romane legionarie footmen and wan a good space of ground before them But the horsemen and light appointed footmen plaied one while upon their tailes flanked another whiles their sides and by this meanes with charging recharging they wearied them and staied their march And when as upon many of these troubles by the way their ensignes were faine to stand and forced to maintaine skirmish some time with the horsemen and sometimes with the light javelottiers and auxiliarie footmen behold the legions also came on apace and overtooke them Then there was not so much fighting and resistance as massacre and slaughter of them downe they went with them and killed them like sheepe so long untill their leader himselfe began to flie and escaped into the next mountaines together with 7000 halfe naked and unarmed All the rest were either slaine or taken prisoners Then the Carthaginians began to encampe fortifie in all hast tumultuous sort upon the highest mount they could find from whence by reason that the enemies had assaied in vaine to get up the hill having so difficult an ascent they had not so much adoe to defend themselves But the place being bare and naked and disfurnished of all commodities for their releefe they were not able to hold out the siege for a few daies And thereupon the souldiours fell apace to forsake their owne captaine and to goe to the enemie So that at the length the Generall himselfe in the night season abandoned his armie and having got shipping for the sea was not farre off he embarked and fled to Gades Scipio being advertised that the captaine of his enemies was fled left with Syllanus tenne thousand footmen and a thousand horsemen to continue the siege of the campe Himselfe in person with the rest of his forces within seventie daies returned to Taracon for to examine and heare incontinently upon his arrivall the causes of the princes and States that upon the true estimate of their deserts they might be rewarded or chastised accordingly After his departure Masanissa having had secret conference with Syllanus about inducing his people also to bee pliable and to hearken unto a chaunge passed over into Affricke with some small retinue At which present time verily the occasion of his suddain alteration was not so evident and apparent as afterwards his most constant truth and fast alleageance observed unto his dying day was a good proofe and argument that even then he entred not into this designement and action without good and important cause Then Mago in those ships that Asdrubal had sent backe passed over to Gades The remnant thus forlorne of their captaines some by way of voluntarie yeelding and raunging themselves to the adverse part others by flight were scattered among the next cities and no troupe remained of them behind of any marke and reckoning to speake of either for number or strength In this manner and by these means especially were the Carthaginians driven all out of Spaine by the conduct and happie fortune of P. Scipio in the thirteenth yeare of the warre and in the fixt of Scipio his government in that province commaund of the armie And not long after Syllanus returned to Taracon unto Scipio and brought word that the warre in Spaine was fully ended And L. Scipio was sent with many noble persons captives as a messenger to carrie tidings to Rome of the conquest of Spaine And when al other tooke full contentment and infinite joy at these newes and abroad in all places highly magnified the glorie of this service he alone who was the man that did the deed as one who had an insatiable desire of vertue and true honour made but small reckoning of the recoverie and winning of Spaine in comparison of those matters that hee hoped for and conceived in that high and magnanimous spirit of his which he carried with him For now hee cast in his mind and aimed at the conquest of Africke and great Carthage and therewith to make persite and consummate that glorious warre to his owne immortall honour and renowme And therefore supposing it was now a good time to begin the way to those high exploits and to lay plots to prepare aforehand yea and to win unto him the hearts of the princes and nations hee determined first of all other to found and assay king Syphax This Syphax was king of the Masaesyli a people bordering upon the Mores and abutting upon that part of Spaine especially where new-Carthage is situate At the same time the king was in league with the Carthaginians which Scipio supposing that hee would observe no more surely and precisely than commonly the Barbarians use whose fidelitie dependeth upon Fortune sent C. Laelius with rich gifts and presents as an Orator to treat with him The barbarous prince was glad hereof both because the Romans then prospered every where and also the Carthaginians in Italie lived by the losse and in Spaine went downe to the ground where they had nothing left and therupon he condescended to entertaine the friendship of the Romanes But for the confirmation of this amitie he neither would give nor take assurance but onely in the personall presence of the Romane Generall himselfe So Laelius having obtained the kings roiall word and warrant that Scipio might come unto him with safe conduct and securitie returned unto Scipio Now for him that aspired to the conquest of Africke it was a matter of great consequence and importance in all respects to make himselfe sure of Syphax the most mightie and puissant king of all that land who had aforetime made proofe what the Carthaginians could doe in warre and the confines and marches of whose kingdome lay fitly upon Spaine and but a small arme of the sea betweene Scipio thinking it therefore to be a matter worth the adventure with great hazard for otherwise it might not be leaving for the defence and guard of Spaine L. Martius at Tarracon and M. Syllanus at new-Carthage whether hee had travelled by land from Tarracon and taken great journies himselfe and Laelius together losed from Carthage with two great Caravels of five bankes of oares and passed over into Africk through the calme and still sea most-what rowing and other while also making saile with a gentle gale of wind Haply it so fell out that the very same time Asdruball driven out of Spaine was entred the haven with seven gallies of three course of ores and rid at anker neere unto the shore for to be set a land When he had a kenning of the two Carvels aforesaid which albeit no man doubted but they were enemies and might have bene bourded by them being more in number before they could gaine the rode yet hereupon ensued nothing else but a tumult and hurrey among the mariners
if that were not the Commons should have had ere this some of the Patritij for their Tribunes so odious are we become to those of our owne cote and are as little set by of the Commons as of the Nobles Others excused the people and laied the fault upon the Senatours by whose ambition by whose craftie fetches and subtill pollicies it came to passe that the Commons were stopped from the high way to advancement and promotion But if the Commons might have any respite or breathing time and not be sollicited and tempted by their praiers interlaced with threats they would remember themselves and those of their owne calling in giving of their voices and having once gotten assistance unto them would also winne the highest pitch and soveraigne type of authoritie For the abolishing therefore of this ambitious seeking and standing for offices they agree and resolve that the Tribunes should preferre and publish a lawe that no man might weare white more than ordinarie or refresh the bright hew of his upper garment while he sued for any dignitie A small matter now a daies and may seeme scarcely worth the debating in serious counsell which notwithstanding at that time set both Nobles and Commons in a great heate of contention Yet obtained the Tribunes so much that this law passed and it appeared that the Commons when their bloud was once up would affect their owne and wholly incline to them in their suffrages But to the end that they might not have their full scope and put it in practise an Act of the Senat was that there should be held an Election of Consuls The occasion thereof was a tumult or commotion which as the Latines and Hernicks advertised them arose from the Aequians and Volscians T. Quintius Cincinnatus the sonne of Lucius surnamed also Pennus and C. Iulius Mento were elected Consuls Neither was this fearefull newes of warre entertained any longer For the enemies having by a sacred law which amongst them was of greatest force to levie an armie mustered their power set foorth two mightie armies from both parts into Algidum and there met Where the Aequians and Volscians severally by themselves encamped strongly and more earnestly studied the captaines to fortifie their campes and to traine and exercise their souldiours that at any time afore Whereupon the newes was more fearefull that the messengers brought to Rome So the Senat agreed to create a Dictatour For although those nations oftenuines had been vanquished by them yet now they rebelled in more forcible maner and with preparation than at any time before Also by reason of the late sicknesse the youth and flower of the Romans was sore diminished But above all the private discord of the Consuls one with another and the debate and difference in all their counsels terrified them most There bee that write how these Consuls had but unluckie fortune and lost a field in Algidum and that it should be the cause of making a Dictatour But this one thing is certaine that howsoever els the Consuls disagreed yet they jumped in one to crosse the wils of the Senatours in that they would not nominate a Dictatour untill such time as after newes brought still worse and worse and yet the Consuls would not bee ruled by the Senatours one Quintus Servilius Priscuss a man who right worthily and honourable had borne the highest offices made this speech My Maisters yee that are Tribunes of the Commons quoth hee in this exigent and desperate case the Senate calleth for your assistance that in so great hazard of the Commonweale yee by vertue of your authoritie would force the Consuls peremptorily to make a Dictator Which speech being once heard the Tribunes supposing now they had good occasion offered to stretch and extend their power to the full departed aside and in the name of their Colledge or societie pronounced That it was their pleasure and will that the Consuls should be obedient unto the Senat and in case they proceeded to doe farther than the consent of that most honourable house would beare them out they would command them to ward The Consuls chose rather to bee overruled of them than of the Senat saying yet withall that the prerogative of the highest governement was by the Senatours betraied and the Consulship made thrall and subject to the Tribunes power if so be the Consuls might be compelled to doe ought by vigour of the Tribunes authoritie and than which a private person could feare no more bee sent also toward or committed to prison The lot fell to T. Quintius for in this also they could not agree betweene themselves to nominate the Dictator who named A. Posthumius Tubertus his wives father a grim sir and a man of most severe and sterne government By whom was L. Iulius nominated for Generall of the Cavallerie Herewithall was proclaimed a vacation or lawsteed and that throughout the whole citie they should goe in hand with nothing but warre The taking knowledge of such as pretended to bee freed and exempt from souldierie was put off untill the war was ended So that they that were before doubtfull suffered themselves to be enrolled and souldiors were levied out from the Hernikes Latines who from both places obeied the Dictator to their uttermost All these things were dispatched with exceeding expedition Then the Dictator having left C. Iulius the Consull for the defence of the citie and L. Iulius the Generall of the horsemen for all suddaine occasions incident unto warres that they might not be to seek for any thing whereof they had need in the campe tooke with him Aulus Cornelius the High priest and saying after him certaine praiers word or word he vowed great and stately plaies in regard of this tumultuous and troublesome warre and thus departing from the cittie and deviding his wholearmie between himselfe and Quintius the Cos. at length he approched the enemies And like as they had discovered the two campes of their enemies a little space distant one from another so they also about a mile from the enemie intrenched themselves the Dictator neere to Tusculum and the Consull to Lanuvium So these foure armies and as many fortified campes had a spacious and large plaine in the middle sufficient not onely for small excursions to skirmish in but also to display their armies of both sides And all the time that they lay encamped one against another they ceased not to make light skirmishes for the Dictator was well content that his men by making proofe and comparing their strength and puissance with their enemies and assaying by little and little to trie the event of these bickerments should conceive aforehand some hope of the entire and generall victorie The enemies therefore having no hope left to speed well in a set field and pight battell assailed by night the Consuls campe and put all to the hazard of a doubtfull issue The suddaine crie and al'arme awakened not only the Consuls Sentinels his corps de gard and so
Aerarij but served in the wars and have the citties pay as if they were not base Comoedians and professors of infamous players craft Thus have I thought good among the small beginnings of other things to set downe the Originall of Stage-plaies also that it may appeare that the thing arising from a considerate entrance is growne now to this foolerie andexcessive sumptuousnesse as hardly can be defraied by most rich and wealthie kingdomes And yet these plaies at first emploied about a religious businesse neither rid mens minds of scruple and superstition nor eased their bodies one jot of sickenesse But rather when by occasion of an overflow and inundation of the Tyber the Circus or Theatre was drowned and their plaies in the very midst hindred interrupted this occurrent mightily troubled and affrighted them as if the gods had turned away their face and countenance and rejected all their devoir in these appeasings of their wrath and indignation Therefore in the time that Cn. Genutius and L. Aemylius Mamercus were Consuls the second time when mens minds were busied and troubled more in seeking meanes to pacifie the wrath of the gods than their bodies vexed with diseases the elder sort and grand siegnours called to mind that in old time there was a plague assuaged and gave over by the driving and fastening of a spike or great naile by the Dictator The Senate upon a religious devotion persuaded herewith caused a Dictatour to be created for to fasten the naile aforesaid And there being chosen L. Manlius Imperiosus he nominated for his Generall of horsemen L. Pinarius There is an old law written with auncient letters and in antique words THAT THE CHEEFE PRETOR FOR THE TIME BEING SHOULD IN THE IDES OF SEPTEMBER DRIVE A SPIKE OR NAILE Well a naile was driven and stucke fast on the right side of the temple of Iupiter Optimus Maximus on that hand where as Minervaes chappell standeth That naile because in those daies there was but little writing shewed as they say the number of the yeares And thereupon that law was set up in Minervaes church for that Minerva was the inventresse of numbring And Cintius a diligent writer of such monuments and a studious Antiquarie affirmeth That at Volsinij there stuck such spikes to be seene in the temple of Nortia a goddesse among the Tuscanes to quote and represent the number of the yeares Now as concerning the temple of Iupiter Optimus Maximus M. Horatius the Consull by an act in that behalfe provided dedicated it the yeare next ensuing the expulsion of the kings Afterwards the solemne manner and custome of fastening a naile was transferred from the Consuls to the Dictatours as to the greater and more absolute Magistracie And in processe of time this custome being discontinued it was thought a thing in it selfe worthie for which a Dictatour should be created L. Manlius being elected as is above said for this cause as if he had ben called to that dignitie for some warre and not to free the people from their scruple of conscience and intending himselfe warre against the Hernickes plagued the youth with a greevous muster untill at length all the Tribunes of the Commons taking against him opposed themselves were it by force or for very shame he relented and resigned up his roume Neverthelesse in the entrance of the yeare next following when Q. Servilius Hala and L. Genutius the second time were Consuls M. Pomponius a Tribune of the Commons arrested Manlius His crueltie in taking of the musters was odious not onely for the losse and dammage that the citizens sustained thereby but also for tearing and mangling their bodies partly by scourging them with rods who answered not to their name and partly by clapping yrons upon them in prison But above all his own cruell disposition by nature was hatefull and the surname Imperiosus offensive especially to a free citie This name he got by plaine shew of his crueltie exercised no lesse upon his neerest friends and kinsfolke yea and his very owne bloud than upon strangers For amongst other matters the Tribune laid sore to his charge that having a young man to his sonne detected of no leaudnesse and dishonest life him hee had banished as it were out of the cittie from his house and home debarred from the common hall and open sight of men from the companie of his mates and companions set him to drudgerie and servile worke and betaken him as it were into a prison and house of correction where a Dictatour his sonne a young Gentleman highly descended by this daily miserie of his was taught to know that hee had indeed a lordly and imperious Sir to his father And for what great offence I pray you Because hee was not so faire spoken nor all the readiest with his tongue Which infirmitie and defect of nature ought not a father to have borne withall and cloked if there had ben any goodnesse any common humanitie in him rather than to punish it and by rough handling and sharpe usage to make it more knowne and notorious Why even the very brute beasts if it chaunce that any of their breed or young ones prove but untowardly feed and cherish them still neverthelesse But as for this L. Manlius he augmenteth one inconvenience default in his son with another whom being but soft and slow of nature he keepeth down the more and that little life smal mettall that is in him he goeth about to quench and dull atones by this peasants life and rusticall usage and conversing amongst the cattell and beasts These bitter complaints and accusations moved the patience and stirred the stomackes of every man els sooner than the yong man himselfe Who contrariwise was greeved in his mind that he should be a cause of his fathers troubles thus to incurre the ill will and obloquie of the people And that all the world both heaven and earth might know that hee desired rather to succour and helpe his father than to assist his adversaries and foes he entreth into a course beseeming and bewraying I must needs say a rude and rustical mind Which although it favour nothing of civilitie yet for his kindnesse and dutifull pietie to his father deserveth commendation One morning betimes he gets him up and unknowne to everie one of the house with a good skeine close by his side to the cittie hee goes and from the gate streightwaies directly to M. Pomponius the Tribune his house He telleth the porter that hee must needs speake with his master out of hand willing him to let him understand that T. Manlius the sonne of Lucius was there And being immediatly let in for the Tribune hoped that the son was throughly angred with his father and brought new complaints and one matter or other against him or some devise and ouverture how to proceed in the commensed Action and salutations passed to and fro betweene the Tribune and him hee said that hee was
wish for at the hands of the immortall gods the Senate and people of Saguntum hath sent us ten here in Embassie unto you for to give you thankes in their name and withall to rejoice and congratulate in your behalfe for the happie hand ye have made and the fortunate exploits yee have atchieved these last yeares past as well in Spaine as in Italie namely that yee have subdued and doe hold in possession all Spaine not onely so farre as to the river Iberus but even to the lands end the utmost point lying upon the Ocean sea And as for Italie ye have left no more ground in it for Anniball and the Carthaginians than they empale within the compasse of trench and rampier Moreover we have in speciall charge not onely to render thanksgiving therefore to almightie and most gracious ●upiter the patron of the fortresse and castell of the Capitoll but also to offer and present unto him if it may stand with your good grace and liking this golden crowne and to set it up●in the Capitoll in token and memoriall of Victorie Which we humbly beseech your HH or your favour to graunt unto us and moreover if it please you to ratifie and confirme for ever by your authoritie and approbation all those benefits franchises and priviledges which your Generals have of their goodnesse vouchsafed to endow us with The Senate made this answere to the Saguntine Embassadours That both the rasing and also the rearing againe of Saguntum should be a memorable example to all nations of the faithfull societie and alliance observed both of the one part and the other inviolate And whereas their Generals had re-edified the citie of Saguntum and delivered the citizens thereof from servitude and bondage they had therein done well and truly and by direction according to the wil and pleasure of the Senat. And whatsoever els was performed by them to the good benefit of the Saguntines the Senat stood willing and contented therwith and gave order therfore As for their present and oblation good leave they had to bestow it solemnely in the temple of the Capitoll After this order was given That the Embassadours should have their lodging appointed them and presents sent unto them and all other entertainement at the charges of the cittie yea and by way of a reward an allowance of no lesse than ten thousand Asses apeece Then were the other Embassadors admitted into the Senat house audience given them Also the request of the Saguntines was granted to go see Italie for their pleasure so far forth as they might with securitie of their persons and certaine guides were assigned to conduct and accompanie them with especiall letters also directed unto all cities and townes for to receive the Spaniards friendly and give them courteous entertainment These things done the Senators sat in consultation about the state commonweale treated concerning the levying of new armies and the distribution of the provinces Now when as the common brute went that P. Scipio was destined named to a new province of Astick all men gave out with open voice that he was the man to be sent thither directly without casting oslots for the matter and himselfe besides not resting content now with meane glorie said openly that he was declared Consull not onely for to mainteine warre but also to finish and make an end thereof once for all which could not be effected by any other meanes unlesse himselfe in person made a voiage with an armie into Affricke protesting moreover That if the Senate crossed and gainesaid this designe of his he would propound it to the people and carie it away clear by their voices whiles the principall LL. and auncients of the Senate were nothing pleased with this resolution of his but durst not say a word and speak their minds either for feare or for courting of him in hope of preferment only Q. Fabius being demaunded his opinion spake to the matter in question to this effect Right honourable and my LL. of the Senate I know full well that many of you here assembled are of this mind verily persuaded That we are set this day to no purpose but even to consult and debate of a matter cleerely determined and that in vaine he shall spend words who shall deliver his advise of the province of Affricke as of a point as yet doubtfull and not resolved upon alreadie For mine owne part first and formost I cannot conceive neither will it enter into my head how Affricke can possiblie now bee accounted as a province and assigned certainely unto your Consull let him be a man right hardie and of as much valour as may be considering that neither the Senate unto this day hath judged it nor the people ordained and assigned it to any person in the nature and name of a province Furthermore if it were so indeed without all peradventure then in my judgement the Consull hath done amisse who in making semblance to put a matter for to be debated which is alreadie agreed upon hath deluded mocked the whole Senate and not the Senatour who in his course delivereth his opinion of the thing in question But I am assured that in gainesaying and crossing this hastie voiage into Affricke I shall incurre the sinister opinion and surmise of two things the one is of my usuall lingering and slow proceeding in all mine actions a course that naturally I am given unto which yong men may terme at their pleasure timourousnesse and lazinesse but so long as I have no cause to repent therfore I passe the lesse For surely hitherto the advises of others have ever at the first fight made a goodlier shew and seemed more honourable but by experience mine own waies have sped better and beene found in the end more effectuall The other is of backbiting detraction and envying at the glorie and reputation of the Consull a man of singular prowesse I must confesse and whom I see to grow from day to day in greatnesse and honour From which jelousie and suspition if neither my life passed and the carriage of my selfe if neither my Dictatorship with five Consulships nor so much glorie which I have acquired as well in managing the affaires of warre abroad as of civile pollicie at home that a man would thinke I should rather bee glutted therewith than desire any more bee able for to cleere and assoyle mee yet my yeeres at leastwise may free mee verie well For what concurrence and emulation can there bee betweene mee and him who is not of equall age with my very sonne When I was Dictatour in the vigour and floure of my strength in the very course and traine of my greatest and bravest exploits no man either in Senate or in the assemblie of the people heard me to refuse and denie That my own Generall of Cavallerie who could not affourd mee a good word but ever railed at me a thing that was never heard before should be
that they suffer you not to enter into any action that might be cause of your ruine overthrow For whereas Cleomedon erewhile seemed to shew and lay before you a meane and indifferent course and that forsooth which should be the safest way that you could take namely to enter into no armes at all to sit still and sleepe in a hole skin that I say is no middleway no nor to speak truth any way at all For besides this that yee must either accept or refuse the alliance with the Romanes what els will become of us but to be a prey unto the conquerour having lost the grace and favour both of the one and the other as men that like neutres expecting the issue of the warre frame our designements and counsels to the blind direction of fortune Well once again I say take heed you thinke not scorne of that which with all your heart you should wish and pray for onely for that it is tendered and presented unto you And never thinke that because to day you have the choise of both in your owne hands therefore yee shall ever have the same libertie hereafter Occasions and opportunities are not alwaies the same neither do they continue long All this whiles have yee had a desire to save and free your selves from Philip but evermore by wishes praiers in secret heart rather than by taking armes in open hand Now there are those which with great armies and armadaes have passed the seas who without your paine and perill are readie to deliver you from his hands These men if yee reject and refuse for your allies yee are not well in your wits and have them you must either your allies or your enemies there is no remedie After this Oration of the Pretour there arose a muttering and noise in the assemblie whiles some approved and gave assent unto that which he said others rebuked in churlish wise those that accorded Insomuch as they jangled not one with another in particular but the very States there assembled were at variance yea and this debate betweene the magistrates of the whole nation whom they call Demiurgi and ten they are in number was as hotely mainteined as among the multitude Five of them said they would propound unto the people and debate with them in counsell about accepting the alliance of the people of Rome put it to voyces The other five protested that this was directly against a law in that case provided forbidding expressely that no magistrates should either propound or determine ought in any Diet prejudiciall to the societie and league with Philip. Thus was this day also spent in debating wrangling and nothing done There remained one day yet of a full Diet and counsell for by law they were to conclude and decree somewhat within three dayes at the farthest Against that time the parties were so hotely bent one against the other that the fathers could hardly forbeare to offer violence to their very children There was one Rhisiasus of Pellenae who had a sonne named Memnon and he was a Demiurgus who tooke part and sided with them that would not permit the matter to be put to question and determined by a scrutinie of voices This Rhisiasus having instantly a long time importuned his sonne and besought him to suffer the Acheans to provide for their weale publick and not by his peevish frowardnes undo the state of the whole nation when he saw once that all his prayers prevailed nothing he sware a great oath that he would kill him with his owne hands and not take him for his sonne but for an errant enemie By which his menaces he gained thus much in the end that content he was the next day to joyne with them that put the matter to question who now being more in number than the other made a report and proposed the cause to the assemblie and when all the States in manner there met enclined thereto and approved thereof so as they avowed openly what they would ordeine the Dymaeans Megapolitanes and certeine Argives before the decree was enacted rose up all at once and departed out of the assembly and no man either wondered at it or blamed them for it As for the Megapolitanes no longer ago than in their grandfires dayes at what time as they were expelled out of their country by the Lacedemonians K. Antigonus had restored them again The Dymeans being but lately taken prisoners and ransacked by the Romane armie Philip having given order that they should be redeemed wheresoever they were in slaverie and bondage he not only set free but also replanted in their owne countrey The Argives last of all besides that they are of a settled opinion and beliefe that the Macedonian kings are descended from them were for the most part linked unto Philip in the right and regard of private hospitalitie and familiar friendship In these respects they went out of that assembly which inclined to the contract of alliance with the Romanes and were held excused for this departure being thus obliged unto Philip the adverse part by great favours and benefites yea and those newly received at his hands All the other States of the Achaeans when they were demaunded their opinions without delay confirmed by their immediat decree the societie with Attalus and the Rhodians but the league with the people of Rome because it could not be ratified and established without the Act of the people was referred and put off untill the time that embassadors might be sent unto Rome But for the present it was thought good that three embassadors should be addressed unto L. Quintius and that all the forces of the Achaeans should march toward Corinth for that Quintius having woon the port of Cenchreae was alreadie at the siege and assault of that citie These Achaeans encamped themselves over against that gate that openeth toward Sicyone the Romanes lay against that part of the citie which looketh toward Cenchreae and Attalus having led his armie through the narrow streight of Isthmus assailed them of Lechaeus side which is an haven of the other sea At the first they made no hote assault hoping that there would be some mutinie betweene the townes-men and the kings garison But perceiving they were all of one mind and resolution and that both the Macedonians defended the citie as their owne native countrie and also the Corinthians were content to be at the full commaund and direction of Androstheus the captaine of the garison as well as if he had bene their fellow-citizen and lawfully chosen by their owne election and suffrages then the assailants had no other hope but in the violent force of armes and engins And of all sides they had raised banks and mures and were come close to the walls although with hard accesse thereto Now had the Ram from that quarter where the Romanes lay beaten downe a good part of the wall To which breach because it lay naked without defence all the Macedonians
now that come to passe indeed which he suspected would be so rode a gallop upon the spurre to those said cohorts of his owne that were left on the other side under the towne and taking them with him in great hast whiles all the townesmen were spread abroad in following the chase after the Suessetanes he led them into the towne at a place where there was no noise no stirring and not a man to be seene and made himselfe maister of all before the Lacetanes were returned backe but within a while hee received them to mercie upon their submission who poore men had nothing to yeeld and loose but their bare armor and weapons Immediately he followed the traine of this victorie and led his forces against the hold or strong towne of Vergium This was a receptacle and place of sure receit for certaine rovers and theeves who from thence used to make many rodes into the peaceable parts of that province The principal and cheefe person of Vergium quit the place and be took himselfe unto the Consull and began to excuse as well himselfe as the townesmen saying that the governement of the towne and the state thereof lay not in their hands For why these robbers after they were once received in among them seized themselves wholly of that strength and had all at their commaund The Consull willed him to goe home againe and to devise and forge some likely probable cause why he had been absent and out of the way with this charge direction that when he saw him approch under the walls and the robbers aforesaid wholly amused and occupied in defence thereof then hee should remember to joine with the rest of his part and faction and be possessed of the fortresse and keepe of the towne This put he in practice and execution accordingly So whiles the Romanes of one side skaled the walls and they on the other side had taken the fortresse these barbarians were sodainly at once surprised with a two-fold feare before and behind The Consull when he had gotten the place into his owne hands gave order that all those who were gotten into the castle and held it should remaine free themselves and all their kinred and likewise enjoy their goods The rest of the Vergetanes he commaunded the Treasurer to sell and make money of them As for the Rovers they suffred according to their deserts After he had set the province in quiet he laid great tributes and imposts upon the mines of yron and silver which being once ordeined and established the whole province grew in welth and riches every day more than other For these his exploits atchieved in Spaine the LL. of the Senat decreed that there should be a solemne procession at Rome to endure for three dayes The same winter L. Valerius Flaccus the other Consull fought in Fraunce a set field with the power of the Boians neere the forest of Litania and wan the victorie And by report there were eight thousand Gaules there slaine the rest abandoned the warre and slipt every one into their owne wickes and villages The rest of the winter the Cos. kept his armie at Placentia and Cremona about the Po and repaired in these cities whatsoever had bene decaied and demolished during the warres The affaires in Italie and Spaine standing in these termes when T. Quintius had so passed the winter in Greece that setting aside the Aetolians who neither had bene recompenced according to the hope that they conceived of the victorie nor yet could long time like of repose all Greece throughout in generall enjoying the blessing of peace and libertie flourished and mainteined their state exceeding well admiring no lesse the temperance justice and moderation of the Romane Generall after victorie than his valour and prowesse in warre there was an Act of the Senat of Rome brought presented unto him importing thus much That warre was determined against Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedemonians Which when Quintius had red he published and proclaimed a generall Diet or Counsell at Corinth against a certein day when and where all the States associats should assemble by their delegates and embassadors Now when there was met together from all parts a frequent number of princes and great personages in such fort that the very Aetolians also were not absent Quintius used unto them this or the like speech The Romanes and Greekes have warred against king Philip as yee well know and as with one mind and common counsell they have so done so either of them had severall quarels unto him and private causes and occasions by themselves to take armes For Philip had broken the league and amitie with us Romanes one while by sending aid and maintenance to the Carthaginians our enemies otherwhiles by assailing our allies in these parts and to you-wards he hath so demeaned himselfe that albeit we could forget and put up all the wrongs that he hath done unto us the very injuries that yee have received at his hands minister sufficient cause unto us to warre against him for your sake As for this dayes consultation it resteth wholly in your selves For this I propound unto you Whether your wil is to suffer Argos which as yee know your selves Nabis the tyrant holdeth to remaine still under him in obedience or whether you thinke it meete and reason that a most noble and auncient citie as it is seated in the very hart of Greece should be reduced unto libertie to enjoy the same condition and state wherein other cities of Peloponnesus and Greece do stand This consultation I say as you well see entierly toucheth you and your good and concerneth us Romanes no farther than thus that by the servitude of that one onely citie wee can not have the full and entier glorie of setting Greece wholly in libertie But if you regard not the state of that citie and are not moved with the example thereof and the danger for feare the contagion of this mischiefe spred farther we for our parts are content and take all in good worth and will not set you downe and teach you what to do Only I require your advise in this point minding to resolve upon that which the major part of you shall cary by voyces After the Romane Generall had ended his speech all the rest began to deliver their opinions And when the deputed delegate or agent for the Atheniens had magnified and extolled as highly as possibly he could the good demerits of the Romans toward Greece yeelding them great thanks that upon their request they had graunted their aid against Philip and without any petition at all offred their help and succour against Nabis the tyrant and seemed therewith to be offended and displeased at some who neverthelesse in their talke and speeches found fault and carped at these so great favours and deserts yea and spake badly of future events whereas it behoved them rather to acknowledge and confesse how much they were bound and beholden alreadie to the
L. Aemilius Paulus who stepped forth and enformed against him in these termes That they had bene sent in commission to assist Cn. Manlius for the making of a peace with Antiochus and finishing of that accord and those covenants and conditions which were commensed and begun betweene him and L. Scipio Yet Cn. Manlius say they endevoured all that ever he could to trouble that peace yea and to have surprised and entrapped Anticchus by traines of ambush if he had ever come in his way or within his reach But the king being ware of the Consull his fraud and deceit albeit there was made great meanes many a time to have caught him by coulor of parley and conference yet avoided evermore not onely to have speech and communication with him but also to come within his sight And when Maulius would needs have passed over Taurus hardly and with much ado could he be keptback notwithstanding all the commissioners prayed and befought him to stay and not to hazard himselfe and incurre the danger of a notable losse and overthrow foretold by the verses and prophesies of Sibylla to light upon them that would passe beyond the bounds limited by the fatail destinies All this notwith standing he advaunced forward and approched with his armie yea and encamped neere the very pitch and top of the mountaine where all the water that falleth from above runneth contrary wayes into divers seas And when he could find no quarrell there for which he might make war because the kings people subjects were still and quiet he turned the armie about to the Gallogreeks against which nation there was no warre intended either by warrant and authoritie from Senat or by graunt and commission from the people And what man was ever so hardie and bold as to warre upon his owne head The wars against Antiochus Philip Anniball and the Carthaginians are most fresh in each mans remembrance and of all these the Senate was consulted with and the people graunted their ordinance Embassadors many a time and often were addressed before restitution amends were by order demaunded and last of all heralds were sent solemnly to denounce proclaime war Now tell me Cn. Manlius VVhich of all these things were done that wee may call this by the name of a publicke warre allowed by the State of the people of Rome and not rather a privat brigandage robberie of your own But contented you your self with this did you no more marched you directly forward and tooke you nothing but that which was in your way leading your armie agaisnt those onely whome you tooke to be your enemies or rather at all turnings and quarrefours nay at every sorked high way leading on both hands when you were at a stand followed not you like a mercenarie and waged Consull unto Attalus king Eumenes his brother with the Romane aremie what hand soever he turned and marched There was not a cranke and nouke but you visited there was not a corner that you left unsearched in all Pisidia Lycaonia and Phrygia There was not a tyrant prince not potentate there was not a lord of any borough or castle how farre soever out of the way but you had a saying to them to pill and poll them and to picke with out of their purses For what businesse had you with the Oroandians What had you to doe with other nations as innocent and guiltlesse as they Now as concerning the warre in regard whereof you demaund a triumph in what sort managed you it Fought you a battaile either in place commodious or time convenient Cerres I must needs say great reason you have and good cause to require that honor and praise be given to the immortall gods first for that their gracious will and pleasure was that the armie should not smart for the temeritie and rashnesse of their chiefe leader warring as hee did against the law of nations then in that they presented unto us not men indeed for enemies but very beasts and no better For yee must not think that it is the name only of the Gallogreeks which is mingled and compounded for long time before both their bodies and minds have beene mixed and corrupted and the men themselves bastard and degenerate from their first nature Had they been the same Gaules with whome we have fought a thousand times in Italie and with doubtfull issue and lost as much as we woon and every foot received as good as we brought thinke yee there would have returned one messenger from thence to bring us newes for any good at least-wise that our Generall there did Twise he came to conflict with them twise he encountred them in place of disadvantage mounting with his armie against the hill and raunged in the botome of the valley even under the enemies feet in such sort that if they had lanced no darts against us from the higher ground but onely come upon us with their naked and disarmed bodies they had beene able to have overcome us and gone over our bellies And what happened hereupon God-amercie the good fortune of the people of Rome wee may thanke I say the great and terrible name of the Romanes The fresh renow me of the late ruines and overthrowes of Anniball Philip and Antiochus amased and astonished as one would say these men with their so corpulent and mightie bodies with slings and arrow-shot onely were they discomfited and put to flight so affrighted were they There was not a sword once bloudied in all this Gaules war at the first twang of the bow and singing of the arrow they fled away like swarms of bees with ringing of basens And yet beleeve me even we the same no other as if fortune would admonish and shew what had become of us if we had affronted an enemie indeed in our returne when we fortuned to light upon certaine pettie robbers and theeves of Thrace were soundly beaten killed and put to flight and spoiled and well stript of our bagge and baggage Q. Minutius Thermus by whose death we have susteined a farre greater losse than if Cn. Manlius had miscaried whose rashnesse was the cause of all this calamitie and misfortune with many a tall and valiant man besides lost his life in this skirmish Our hoast bringing away with them the spoile and pillage of king Antiochus was dismembred and parted into three troupes the vaward in oneplace the rereguard in another and the cariages in a third were faine to take up their lodging one whole night amongst bushes briars and brambles and lurke within the caves and dennes of wild beasts Are these the brave and worthie exploits for which you demaund a triumph But say that you had received in Thrace neither domage nor dishonour which be the enemies over whome you would needs triumph in all the hast I trow they be those whome the Senate and people of Rome destined and assigned to be your enemies for so was triumph graunted to this L. Scipio here in place so
thousand footmen and three hundred horse I am not ignorant that from the same prophane negligence irreligion wherby commonly men now a daies are of beleefe that the gods portend and forésignifie nothing to come by signs and tokens it proceedth also That no prodigies which happen should any more either bee published and reported abroad or recorded in the annales and chronicles Howbeit for mine owne part in writing of these actes and monuments of ancient times I know not how but me thinkes I carie a mind that is become as it were antique also yea and some scrupulous devotion ariseth in my spirit which moveth me to account the things not unworthie to have place in my histories which those sage fathers and most prudent personages in old time thought meet to be considered off by the State yea and to require publicke explation Wel to proceed from Anagnia were two fearefull sights reported that yeere namely That a burning and blazing flame was seene in the skie and a cowknowne to speake kept and nourished at the publicke charges at Minturnae also much about those daies the welkin seemed to be on light fire At Reare there fella shower that rained stones In the fortresse at Comes the image of Apollo wept three daies and three nights continually In the citie of Rome two sextains or keepers of the temples made report the one That in the church of Fortune ther was a serpent seen by many men crested with a mane the other That about the chappell of Fortuna Primigenia which standeth upon the Capitoll hill there hapned two divers and different prodigious signs namely That in the chappell yard there sprung up a palme tree and all one day it rained bloud Two other strange things there were whereof there was no regard nor account made the first because it chanced in a privat place for T. Martius Figulus reported That there grew up a palme or date tree in his court-yard the second because it happened in a forrain place for spoken it was That at Fregellae in the house of M. Atreus a launce or speare which he had bought for his sonne a souldiour burned in the day time for two houres space and more yet so as the fire consumed nothing thereof In regard of those publicke prodigies the Decemvits had recourse to the books of Sibylla who out of them declared That the Consuls should sacrifice fortie head of greater beasts they shewed also to what gods They added moreover and gave advise to hold a publicke procession and that all the magistrates at every shrine and upon every altar of the gods should sacrifice greater beasts and the people weare guirlands and chaplets of flowers All things were executed accordingly as the Decemvirs suggested and directed After this the assembly was published for the chusing of Censours In election there were for this dignitie of Censureship the very principal persons and of best note in all the citie C. Valerius L●vinus L. Posthumius Albinus P. Mutius Sc●vola C. Iunius Brutus C. Claudius Pulcher and Tib. Sempronius Gr●cchus These two last rehearsed the people of Rome chose for Censors When as by occasion of the Macedonian warre a greater care was had about the taking of musters than at other times before the Consuls found much fault with the common people and complained unto the Senate that the young and able men for service being called would not answere to their names But C. Sulpitius and M. Claudius two Tribunes of the Commons maintained the cause against them in the behalfe of the Commons saying That it was no hard difficult matter for Consuls to levie souldiours marie for corrupt affectionate and popular Consuls it was not so easie a thing and namely such as would be sure to enroll no souldiours against their wils And to the end that the LL. of the Senate might know this to bee a truth they should see the Pretours if the Senate were so content and thought well thereof whose power of commaund and authoritie of government was lesse than the Consuls to go through with the musters without empeachment So that charge was committed to the Pretours with the great assent of the Senatours but not without some backbiting and detraction of the Consuls And the Censours for to assist and set forward that affaire made it knowne and protested in the full assembly of the people that they would publish an act as touching the review and estimate of every mans havoir an habilitie that besides the ordinarie oth of all citizens they should sweare to these points in this forme following Art thou under sixe and fortie yeeres of age then by vertue of the edict made by the Censours C. Claudius and Tib. Sempronius comeforth and shew thyselfe at the musters so often as there shall bee any levie taken and what Censours soever shall happen to be in place thou shalt appeare and be enrolled in case thou wert not a prest souldiour before Moreover because the voice went that many soldiors of the Macedonian legions were absent from the armie had obtained large pasports without limitation of return that through the corruption and favour of the Generals they published an edict as touching the souldiours enrolled for Macedonie when P. Aelius and C. Popilius were Consuls or anytime after That as many of them as remained within Italie after they were enrolled and registred first under their hands should within thirtie daies repaire againe to their colours into the province and whosoever of them were at the disposition of father or grandsir their names should be presented and declared before them Semblably they would take knowledge of their causes who were cleane dismissed and cassed and look whomsoever they judged to have obtained their discharge by any speciall grace and favour before they had served out their full time by law required they would commaund them to be enrolled souldiours againe By vertue of this edict of the Censors as also by their letters sent out and divulged abroad in all incorporate townes and places of resort for market and merchandise there assembled together and came to Rome such a multitude of lustie young and able men that their unusual and extraordinarie number was chargeable and comberous to the citie Thus besides the former levie taken of those that were to bee sent and emploied in supplie of the old armies foure legions more were enrolled by C. Sulpitius the Pretour and within eleven daies the musters were accomplished and ended Then the Consuls cast lots for their provinces For the Pretours had their governments allotted unto them before and the sooner by reason of the civile causes whih required their jurisdictions The one over the citizens was fallen to C. Sulpitius the other over forrainers to C. Decimius M. Claudius Marcellus obtained the regiment of Spain Serg. Cornelius Lentulus of Sicilie P. Fenteius Capito ruled Sardinia C. Martius Figulus had the conduct of the navie And then I say to Q Servilius one of