sober countenance better conceiveth and reteineth the good things uttered and withall hath more leasure to marke observe and discerne that which is either unprofitable or false He sheweth himselfe besides to be a lover of the trueth and is not taken for a litigious quareller a rash wrangler or abitterbrawler And therefore some there be who not unaptly say That we ought no lesse but rather more to void out of the minds of yoong men that presumption and foolish opinion which they have of their owne selves than to rid and exclude the winde and aire out of leather bagges or bladders wherewith they are puft and blowen up if we meane to infuse and put any good thing into them for otherwise if they be still full of that swelling winde of arrogancie and overweening of themselves they will never receive and admit any goodnesse Moreover envie accompanied with a maligne eie and ill will is good in no action whatsoever where it is present but as it is an impediment and hinderance to all honest causes so it is the woorst counsellor and assistant that he can have who would be an auditor making all those things that be profitable and for his benefit to seeme odious unpleasant harsh to the eare and hardly admitted for that the nature of envious persons is to take more pleasure in any thing else than in that which is well spoken And verily whosoever repineth and is vexed at the heart to see others rich beautifull or in authoritie is onely envious for greeved he is at the welfare of others but he that taketh discontentment in hearing a wise and sententious speech is offended with the good of his owne selfe for like as the light is a benefit to them that see even so is speech unto the hearers if they will embrace and entertaine the same As for those kinds of envie which arise in regard of other things there be some naughtie passions and vitious conditions of the minde besides that breed and ingender them but that maner of envie which is conceived against them that speake excellently well springeth from a certeine important desire of vaine glorie and unjust ambition which will not suffer him that is so indisposed to give eare and attend unto the words spoken but troubleth disquieteth and distracteth the minde and understanding both to consider at one instant his owne state and sufficiencie whether it be inferior to the conceit and eloquence of the speaker and also to regard and looke upon the countenance of other hearers whether they take contentment and are in admiration of him that maketh the speech yea and withall is happly he be praifed the same minde is woonderfully galled and amazed angrie and ready to fall out with all that be present in case they approove his speech with applanse Herewith it letteth slip also and rejecteth the matter and good sayings that were delivered already for that the remembrance thereof is unsaverie and unpleasant and still he is disquieted and wotteth not what to do hearing out the rest with feare and trembling list haply they should be better than the former never so desirous that the speakers should hasten to an end and have done as when they discourse and speake best Now when the Sermon is ended and the auditorie dissolved what doth this envious spirit then not ruminate be you sure nor consider of the reason and matter delivered but he stirreth the affections and opinions striaghtwaies and gathereth voice as it were in a scrutinie of the audience If he meet with any that give out good words to the praise of the Preacher them hee avoideth and fleeth from as if he were in a furious fit of madnesse hapneth he upon such as finde fault and be ready to misconstrue and prevert the words that were spoken to the woorst sense these are they whom hee loveth a life to them he runneth and with them hee sorteth and keepeth companie But say that he finde none of that disposition so as he can not wrest any words to a wrong construction then he falleth to make comparisons and to set against him others yoonger than he who of the same theame have discoursed better with more plausible utterance and greater sorce of eloquence he never ceaseth nor giveth over corrupting misinterpreting and disgracing the whole speech untill he have made the same altogether unprofitable and without any edificat at all to his owne selfe It behooveth therefore that he who desireth to heare take truce for the time with ambition to the end that hee may give eare with patience and mildnesse unto him that maketh an oration or sermon and cary himselfe no otherwise than if he were admitted to some sacred and festival banket or an invited guest to the first frmits of a solemne sacrifice praising his eloquence when he hath spoken well and sufficiently to the piint in any matter accepting favourably and in best part his good will to deliver and communicate to others such things as he knew and to perswade his hearers with those reasons and motives which had induced and perswade himselfe Neither must our auditours make this reckoning and conclusion That whatsoever hath beene singularly well delivered by the speaker ought to be ascribed to chance and fortune as if he hada let fall his words at aventuer but impute the same to his diligence labour and art yea and he ought to imitate the same with a kinde of zeale and admiration But whereas he hath faulted and done amisse it is the part of an hearer to bend his minde and consider well and circumspectly what might the cause and occision be of such errour For like as accoding to Xenophon good houshoulders know how to make profit and use aswell of their enemies as their friends even so they that be vigilant and attentive hearers take good not onely by them that speake well but by those also that misse and faile of their purpose for barren triviall and stale invention improper vaine and unsignificant words forced and follish figures abrupt fond and unseemly breakings foorth with joy to some praise and such like impertinences or defects which often times besall unto them that speake in publike place are sooner espied by us that are hearers than observed by themselves who are the speakers And therefore we are to transferre the inquisition and correction of any such fault from them to our selves by examining whether we also may not fault like wise before we be aware For there is nothing in the world more easie than for a man to blame and reprehend his neighbour but such a reprehension verily is vaine and unprofitable unlesse it have a reference to correct and amend the like errours in himselfe In which regard every one ought to be ready in this case according to the advertisement of Plato to say into himselfe Am not I also such an one or doe not I the semblable otherwhiles For even as we see our owne eies shining within the ball or apple or
powreth not she downe with great violence stormes of haile-stones out of the clouds upon the fertile corne-fields was it not vice and malice that stirred up Melitus Anytus and Callixenus to be sycophants and false accusers is it not she that bereaveth folke of their goods empeacheth and disableth men for being commanders and leaders of armies and all to make them unhappie nay she it is that maketh them rich and plentifull she heapeth upon them heritages and possessions she accompanieth them at sea she is alwaies close unto them and neer at hand she causeth them to consume and pine with lusts and desires she enflameth and setteth them on fire with choler and anger she troubleth their minds with vaine superstitions and draweth them away after the lusts of their eies HOW A MAN MAY PRAISE HIMSELFE WITHOUT INCURRING ENVIE AND BLAME The Summarie IMpossible it is during the time that we sojorne in this life that our spirit which knoweth not how to be still and at rest should not stirre and moove the tongue to speakeof the actions either of other men or of our owne whereby we cannot choose but incurre marvellous daungers of flatterie slander or els of selfe-praise insomuch as not without good cause that man hath beene called perfect who knoweth well to moderate this little member which is at it were the bit and bridle of the whole bodie of man and the verie helme and sterne of that ship or vessell in which we row and hull to and fro in the sea of this world Requisite it is therefore that morall philosophie should speake to the end that it may teach us for to speake We have seene before in many discourses the dutie of everie one towards his neighbours as well in words as in deeds but in this treatise Plutarch sheweth the cariage of a man towards himselfe and above all in that may which is most slipperie to wit in the question of our owne praises then after hee hath laide this for a ground and foundation That it is an unseemely thing for a man to make himselfe seeme great by vaine babble and alledged the reasons wherefore he setteth downe one generall exception to wit that a vertuous man may praise himselfe in certeine cases annd occurrences the which after he hath taxed the ambition of those who set up a note of their owne praises to be chaunted aloud by others he particularizeth upon these points to wit if he be driven to answer unto some false slaunderer if a man be in any distresse and adversitie or if he be blamed for the best deeds that he hath done After this he enterlaceth certeine advertisements or corrections to wit that a man ought to mingle his owne praises with those of other men that he ascribe not the whole honor of a woorthy deed to his own selfe that he utter only those things which be chiefe and principall and stand upon that which is most commendable and that he give a certeine luster thereto by the foile of confessing his owne imperfections which done he proceedeth to declare what kinde of men they ought to bee who are allowed to praise themselves to what this praise ought to be referred and have respect and wherefore they should enter into it moreover at what time and for what occasion he ought to make head unto a third who would do sufficiently and for a finall conclusion he proposeth an excellent meanes to avoid the troubles and inconveniences that might arise from importunate praise willing that the partie who speaketh of his owne good parts should flie all ambition not please himselfe in rehearsing and recitall of his owne exploits take heed how in selfe-praising hee feigne praises and neverthelesse in blaming his neighbour to be content for to be praised of another without putting himselfe betweene and speaking in his owne behalfe In summe since there is nothing so odious as to see and heare a man speake exceeding much of himselfe he concludeth that in no wise a man ought so to do unlesse there accrew therby great profit and commoditie to the hearers HOW A MAN MAY PRAISE himselfe without incurring envie and blame TO speake much of ones selfe in praise either what he is in person or of what valour and power among others there is no man friend Herculanus but by word of mouth will professe it is most odious and unbeseeming a person well borne and of good bringing up but in very deed few there be who can take heed and beware of falling into the inconvenience and enormitie thereof no not even those who otherwise do blame and condemne the same as for Euripides when he saith If words were costly men among for to be bought and sold No man to praise and magnifie himselfe would be so bold But now since that each one may take out of the aire so large As much as will his minde suffice without his cost and charge Well pleas'd are all men of themselves to speake what comes in thought As well untruth as what is true for speech them 〈◊〉 nought doth use a most odious and importune vanterie especially in this that he would seeme to interlace amongst the passionate accidents and affaires of Tragicall matters the speech of a mans selfe which is not befitting nor pertinent unto the subject argument semblably Pindarus having said in one place To brag and vaunt unseasonably Sound 's much of 〈◊〉 and vain-folly ceaseth not neverthelesse to magnifie his owne sufficiencie in the gift of poetrie as being in trueth worthy of right great praise as no man can denie But those who are crowned with garlands in those sacred plaies and games are declared victours and conquerours by the voice of others who thereby ease them of that odious displeasure that selfe-praise carrieth with it And in very deed our heart riseth against that vaine glory of Timotheus in that he wrote himselfe as touching the victorie which he atchieved against Phrynis Oh happy man thou Timotheus at what time as the herald proclamed with a loud voice these words Timotheus the Milesian hath conquered Ionocamptes that sonne of Carbo for surely this carrieth with it no grace at all but is a meere absurditie and against all good fashion for a man to be the trumpeter of his owne victorie for true it is according to Xenophon That the most pleasant voice that a man can heare is his owne praise delivered by another but the most odious thing unto others is a man commending himselfe for first and formost we esteeme them to be impudent who praise themselves considering that they ought rather to blush and be ashamed even when others fall to praise them in their presence secondly we repute them unjust herein for that they give and attribute that to themselves which they should receive at the hands of others thirdly either if we keepe silence when we heare one to praise himselfe it seemeth we are discontented or do beare envie unto him or if we feare that compelled we are
good and fit a time appeased the tumult and repressed the sedition and insurrection that was like to grow For like as a learned and expert physician after hee hath taken away a great quantitie of corrupt blood from his patient giveth him anon some little nourishment that is good and holsome even so a discreet and well advised ruler of a popular State when he hath put the people by some great matter which tended to their shame and losse will againe by some light gratuitie and pleasure which he is content to graunt cheere and recomfort them yea and allay their moode when they bee readie to whine and complaine And otherwhiles good pollicie it is of purpose to withdraw them from some foolerie unto which without all sense and reason their minde and affection standeth to draw and leade them unto other things that be good and profitable like as Demades his practise was at what time as he had the receit of all the revenues of the citie under his hands for when the people of Athens were fully bent to send foorth certeing gallies for to succour those who had taken armes and rebelled against Alexander the great and to that effect commaunded him to disburse money for the charges hee made this speech unto them My masters there is money ready for you for I have provided so that I purpose to deale among you at this feast of Bacchanales that everie one of you may have halfe a Mua of silver now if you list to employ the fame money to the setting out of a fleet you may doe what pleaseth you with your owne use it or abuse it at your pleasure it is all one to mee by this cunning device having turned them from the rigging and manning of the armado which they purposed to set out and all for feare they should lose the benefit of the foresaid dole or largesse which hee promised and pretended he staied them from offending king Alexander that he had no cause to finde himselfe greeved with them Many such fits and humors are the people given unto both hurtfull and dammageable unto them which it were impossible to breake them of going directly to worke but a man must go about with them by turnings windings compasse them to his mind like as Phocion did upon a time when the Athenians would have had him in al haste to make a road invade the countrey of Boeotia for he caused incontinently proclamation to be made by sound of trumpet That all citizens from fourteene yeeres of age upward unto threescore should shew themselves in armes and follow him upon which proclamation when there arose a great noise and stirre among the elder sort who began to mutine for that he woulde force them at those yeeres to the warres What a strange matter sirs is this quoth he I my selfe am fourescore yeeres of age and you shall have me with you for your captaine By this meanes a politicke governour may put by and breake the ranke of many unseasonable and needlesse embassages namely by joining many of them in commission together and those whom he seeth to be unfit altogether for such voiages thus may he stay the enterprises of going in hand with many great buildings unnecessary and to no purpose in commanding them at such times to contribute money thereto out of their owne purses also hinder the processe of many uncivill and undecent sures namely by assigning one and the same time for apparance in court and for to be emploied in solliciting causes abroad in forren parts for to bring these things about he must draw and associate unto him those principall authors who have drawne out in writing any such bils to be proposed or have incited the people and put those matters in their heads and to them he shall intimate those crosse courses abovesaid for either if they start backe and keepe out of the way they shall seeme themselves to breake that which they proposed or if they accept thereof and be present they shall be sure to take part of the trouble and paines that is imposed upon them Now when there shall be question of any exploit to be done of great consequence and tending much to the good of the State which requireth no small travell industrie and diligence then have a speciall regard and endevour I advise you to chuse those friends of yours who are of most sufficiencie and of greatest authoritie and those among the rest which are of the mildest and best nature for such you may be sure will crosse you least and assist you most so long as they have wit at will and be withall voide of jealousie and contention And heerein it behooveth a man to know wel his owne nature and finding that whereunto he is lesse apt than an other to chuse for his adjuncts those rather whō he perceiveth to be better able to go through with the businesse in hand than such as otherwise be like unto himselfe for so Diomedes being deputed to go in espiall for to view the campe of the enimies chose for his cōpanion the wariest best advised person of all the Greeks let passe the most valiant souldiours By this meanes all actions shall be counterpoised best lesse jealousie and emulation will grow betweene them who are desirous to have their good parts valor seeme indifferent in vertues qualities If you have a cause to plead or be to go in embassage chuse for your companion assistant if you find your selfe not meet to speak some man that is eloquent like as Pelopidas in the like case chose Epaminondas If you thinke your selfe unmeet to enterteine the common people with courtesie affability and of too high and loftie a minde for to debase your selfe and make court unto them as Callicratidas the captaine of the Lacedemonians was take one unto you who is gracious and can skill to court it and give enterteinment If your bodie be weake or feeble and not able to endure much paines have one with you who hath a stronger bodie and who can away with travell as Nicias did Lamachus For this is the reason that Geryones was so woonderfull because that having many legs many armes and many eies yet hee with all them was ruled and governed by one soule But wise governors if they accord and agree well may conferre and lay together not onely their bodies and goods but also their fortunes their credits and their vertues and make use of them all in one affaire in such sort that they shall compasse and execute fully whatsoever they enterprise much better than any other whatsoever and not as the Argonautes did who after they had left Hercules were constrained to have recourse unto the charmes sorceries and enchantments of women for to save themselves and to steale away the golden fleece Certeine temples there be into which whosoever did enter must leave without doores all the gold that they had about them and as for iron they
appertaine unto us to be most accordant unto humane life and the common prenotions inbred anticipations of knowledge abovesaid But to the end that no man might denie that he is repugnant and contrary to himselfe loe what he saith in his third booke of justice This is it quoth he that by reason of the surpassing grandure beawty of our sentences those matters which we deliver seeme feined tales and devised fables exceeding mans power and farre beyond humane nature How can it be that any man should more plainly confesse that he is at war with himselfe than he doth who saith that his propositions and opinions are so extravagant and transcendent that they resemble counterfeit tales and for their exelency surmount the condition and nature of man and yet forsooth for all this that they accord and agree passing well with humane life yea and come neerest unto the said inbred prenotions and anticipations that are in us Hee affirmeth that the very essence and substance of infelicitie is vice writing and firmly mainteining in all his books of morall and naturall philosophy that to live in vice is as much as to live in misery and wretchednesse but in the third booke of Nature having said before that it were better and more expedient to live a senselesse foole yea though there were no hope that ever he should become wise than not to live at all he addeth afterwards thus much For there be such good things in men that in some sort the very evill things goe before and are better than the indifferent in the middes betweene As for this how he hath written elswhere that there is nothing expedient and profitable in fooles and yet in this place setteth downe in plaine termes that it is expedient to live foolish and senselesse I am content to overpasse but seeing hee saith now that evill things goe before and one better than the indifferent or meane which with them of his sect are neither good nor ill surely it is as much as if hee affirmed that evill things are better than things not evill and all are as to say that to be wretched is more expedient than not to be wretched and so by that meanes he is of opinion that not to be miserable is more unprofitable than to be miserable and if it be more unprofitable than also it must be more hurtfull and dammageable But being desirous in some sort to mollifie this absurditie and to salve this sore he subnexeth as touching evill things these words My meaning is not quoth he that they should go before and be preferred but reason is the thing wherewith it is better to live although a man should ever be a foole than not to live at all First and formost then hee calleth vice an evill thing as also whatsoever doth participate of vice and nothing els now is vice reasonable or rather to speake more properly reason delinquent so that to live with reason if we be fooles and void of wisdome what is it els but to live with vice now to live as 〈◊〉 is all one as to live wretched Wherein is it then and how commeth it about that this should go before meane and indifferent things for it was not admitted that happie life should go before miserie neither was it ever any part say they of Chrysippus his meaning to range and count among good things To remaine alive no more than among bad To depart this life but he thought that these things were of themselves indifferent and of a middle nature in which regard otherwhiles it is meet for happy men to leave this life and for wretches to continue alive And what greater contrariety can there be as touching things eligible or refusable than to say that for them who are happy in the highest degree it is sit and beseeming to forgoe and for sake the good things that be present for want of some one thing that is indifferent And yet Chrysippus is of this minde that no indifferent thing is of the owne nature to be desired or rejected but that we ought to chuse that onely which is good and to shun that alone which is bad so as according to their opinion it comes to passe that they never divert their dessignments or actions to the pursute after things desirable nor the avoidance of things refusable but another marke it is that they shoot aime at namely at those things which they neither eschue nor chuse according thereto they live die Chrysippus avoweth confesseth that there is as great a difference betweene good things bad as possibly may be as needs there must in case it be true that as the one sort of them cause those in whom they are to be exceeding happy so the other extreme wretched miserable Now in the first booke of the end of good things he saith that aswell good things as bad be sensible for these be his very words That good and evill things be perceptible by sense we must of necessity acknowledge upon these arguments for not onely the very passions indeed of the minde together with their parts and severall kinds to wit sadnesse feare and such like be sensible but also a man may have a sense of theft adultery and semblable sinnes yea and of follie of cowardise and in one word of all other vices which are in number not a few and not onely joy beneficence and other dependances of vertuous offices but also prudence valour and the rest of the vertues are object to the sense But to let passe all other absurdities conteined in these words who will not confesse but that there is a meere contradiction in that which they delivered as touching one that becomes a wise man and knowes not thereof for considering that the present good is sensible and much different from that which is evill that one possibly should of a wicked person proove to be vertuous and not know thereof not have sense of vertue being present but to thinke that vice is still within him how can this otherwise be but most absurd for either no man can be ignorant and out of doubt whether he hath all vertues together or els he must confesse that there is small difference and the same hard to be discerned betweene vice and vertue felicity and infelicity a right honest life and a most dishonest in case a man should passe from the one to the other and possesse one for the other without ever knowing it One worke he wrote entituled Of lives and the same divided into foure books in the fourth whereof he saith That a wise man medleth not with great affaires but is occupied in his owne businesse onely without being curious to looke into other mens occasions his very words to this purpose be these For mine owne part of this opinion I am that a prudent man gladly avoideth a stirring life intermedleth little and in his owne matters onely for to deale simply in a mans owne affaires and to
THE PHILOSOPHIE commonlie called THE MORALS WRITTEN BY the learned Philosopher PLUTARCH of Chaeronea Translated out of Greeke into English and conferred with the Latine translations and the French by PHILEMON HOLLAND of Coventrie Doctor in Physicke Whereunto are annexed the Summaries necessary to be read before every Treatise AT LONDON Printed by Arnold Hatfield 1603 TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE IAMES BY THE Grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland Defender of the Faith c. IN this generall joy of affectionate and loyall subjects testified by their frequent confluence from all parts longing for nothing so much as the full fruition of that beautiful starre which lately upon the shutting in of the evening with us after our long Summers day immediatly by his radiant beames mainteined still a twilight from the North and within some few houres appeared bright shining above our Horizon suffering neither the dark night and confused Chaos of Anarchie to overspred and subvert nor the turbulent tempests and bloudy broiles of factious sidings to trouble and pervert our State I also for my part could not stay behinde but in testimony of semblable love and allegeance shew my selfe and withall most humbly present unto your Highnesse This Philosophie of PLUTARCH which being first naturally bred in Greece then transplanted in Italie France and other regions of the continent after sundry Nativities if I may so speake reserved not without some divine providence unto these daies is now in this our Iland newly come to light ready both to congratulate your Majesties first entrie upon the inheritance of these Kingdomes and desirous also to enjoy the benefit of that happy Horoscope and fortunate Ascendent under which it was borne even the favourable aspect of your gracious countenance by vertue whereof it may not onely be marked to long life feeble otherwise of it selfe but also yeeld pleasure with profit to the English nation Vouchsafe therefore my deere Lord and dread Soveraine to accept that now at my hands whole entire which in part Trajanus the best Romaine Emperour that ever was received sometime from the first Authour and Stock-father himselfe Protect the same in English habit whom in French attire Amiot dedicated to the late most Christian King and deigne unto her no lesse favour and grace than her yoonger sister to wit the History or Parallele Lives hath already obtained which being transported out of France into England by that woorthy Knight Sir Thomas North our countryman was patronized by our late Soveraigne Lady of famous memory Elizabet And the rather for that considering the prerogative of birth-right and the same accompanied with more variety and depth of knowledge I may be bold to pronounce as much in her commendation as the Poet wrote of Iupiter in comparison of his brother Neptune 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These regards albeit they were sufficient motives in themselves to induce me for to attempt none other patronage than the Name of my Liege Lord so gracious nor so submit my labours to the censure of any person before a King so judicious yet was I more animated to enterprise the same by the former experience that I had of a Princes benignity in that behalfe what time as I consecrated my English Translation of the Romane Historie written by Titus Livius unto the immortall memory of the said Noble and renowmed Queene Now seeing that with her Realmes and Dominions the best parts and gifts that were in her be likewise haereditarily descended upon your roiall person and the same multiplied in greater measure proportionable to the dignity of sex the addition of scepters and diademes and the weighty charge of so puissant and populous an Empire it were in me a grosse absurdity if not meere impiety to make any doubt of that excellent vertue of all others whereby Princes come neerest unto the Nature of God whose Majesty heere upon earth they represent To say nothing how the world hath taken knowledge already as well by your vertuous life and politicke regiment hitherto as also by the prudent and religious designements delivered in those sage and learned Compositions of your Highnesse penning That your blessed intention is to holde on the same course still not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a point that the Indian Potentate Porus required of Alexander the Great but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the singular note that our present Author set upon all the actions of the said mighty Monarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Since then both these attributes concurre in your Noble person just cause have we in all devout thankefulnesse to acknowledge the goodnesse of the Almighty who from heaven above hath sent us so wise a Prince under whose reigne we if ever any Nation under the Sunne may assuredly expect that felicity and happinesse which the divine Philosopher Plato so much recommendeth and in due reverence unto your Majesty with one heart and voice both sing and say Hîc ames dici Pater atque Princeps Serus in coelum redeas tuoque Laetus intersis populo Britannûm Prime Monarcha Your Majesties most humble and obedient subject Philémon Holland A CATALOGUE CONTEINING the Titles of every Treatise in order thorow the whole worke with a direction to the page where any one of them beginneth 1 OF the Nouriture and Education of Children 1 2 How a yoong man ought to heare Poets and how he may take profit by reading Poëms 17 3 Of Hearing 51 4 Of Morall vertue 64 5 Of Vertue and Vice 78 6 That Vertue may be taught and learned 80 7 How a man may discerne a flatterer from a friend 83 8 How to Bridle Anger 117 9 Of Curiositie 133 10 Of the Tranquillitie and contentment of Mind 144 11 Of unseemly and naughty Bashfulnesse 162 12 Of Brotherly Love 173 13 Of Intemperate speech or Garrulitie 191 14 Of Avarice or Covetousnesse 208 15 Of the naturall love or kindnesse of Parents to their children 216 16 Of the Pluralitie of Friends 223 17 Of Fortune 229 18 Of Envie and Hatred 233 19 How a man may receive profit by his enemies 236 20 How a man may perceive his owne proceeding and going forward in Vertue 245 21 Of Superstition 258 22 Of Exile or Banishment 269 23 That we ought not to take up money upon Usurie 282 24 That a Philosopher ought to converse especially with princes and great Rulers and with them to discourse 288 25 How a man may praise himselfe without incurring envie or blame 300 26 What passions and maladies be wrose those of the soule or those of the body 312 27 Precepts of Wedlocke 315 28 The banquet of the seven Sages 325 29 Instructions for them that manage affaires of State 346 30 Whether an aged man ought to manage publike affaires 382 31 The Apophthegmes or Notable Sayings of Kings Princes and great Captaines 401 32 Laconicke Apophthegmes or the notable sayings of Lacedaemonians 445 33 The Apophthegmes
him in cure but if peradventure he tumble and tosse in his bedde fling and cast off his clothes by reason that his bodie is tormented with some grievous hot fit no sooner stirreth he never so little but one or other that standeth or sitteth by to tend him is ready to say gently unto him Poore soule be quiet feare none ill Deare heart in bed see thou lie still he staieth and keepeth him downe that he shall not start and leape out of his bed but contrariwise those that be surprised with the passions of the soule at such a time be most busie then they be least in repose and quiet for their violent motions be the causes moving their actions and their passions are the vehement fits of such motions this is the cause that they will not let the soule to be at rest but even then when as a man hath most need of patience silence and quiet retrait they draw him most of all abroad into the open aire then are discovered soonest his cholerike passions his opinionative and contentious humors his wanton love and his grievous sorrowes enforcing him to commit many enormities against the lawes and to speake many words unseasonably and not befitting the time Like as therefore much more perillous is the tempest at sea which impeacheth and putteth backe a ship that it can not come into the harbour to ride at anchor than that which will not suffer it to get out of the haven and make saile in open sea even so those tempestuous passions of the soule are more dangerous which will not permit to be at rest nor to settle his discourse of reason once troubled but overturneth it upside downe as being disfurnished of pilots and cables not well balllaised in the storme wandring to and fro without a guide and steeresmen carried mauger into rash and dangerous courses so long untill in the end it falleth into some shipwracke and where it overthroweth the whole life in such sort that in regard of these reasons and others semblable I conclude that woorse it is to be soule-sicke than diseased in bodie for the bodies being sicke suffer onely but the soules if they be sicke both suffer and doe also amisse To proove this what neede we further to particularize and alledge for examples many other passions considering that the occasion of this present time is sufficient to admonish us thereof and to refresh our memorie See you not this great multitude and preasse of people thrusting and thronging here about the Tribunall and common place of the citie they are not all assembled hither to sacrifice unto the Tutelar gods Protectors of their native countrey nor to participate in common the same religion and sacred ceremonies of divine service they are not all met heere together for to offer an oblation unto Jupiter Astraeus out of the first fruits of Lydia and to celebrate and solemnize in the honor of Bacchus during these holy nights his festivall revils with daunses masks and mummeries accustomed but like as by yeerly accesse and anniversarie revolutions the forcible vigor of the pestilence returneth for to irritate and provoke all Asia so they resort hither to entertaine their suits and processes in law to follow their pleas and a world here is of affaires like to many brookes and riverers which run all at once into one channell and maine streame so they are met in the same place which is pestered and filled with an infinite multitude of people to hurt themselves and others From what fevers or colde ague-fits proceed these effects from what tensions or remissions augmentations or diminutions from what distemperature of heat or overspreading of cold humours comes all this If you aske of everie severall cause here in suite as if they were men and able to answere you from whence it arose how it grew and whereupon it came and first began you shall finde that one matter was engendred by some wilfull and proud anger another proceeded from a troublesome and litigious spirit and a third was caused by some unjust desire and unlawfull lust THE PRECEPTS OF WEDLOCKE The Summarie WE have heere a mixture and medley of rules for married folke who in the persons of Pollianus and Eurydice are taught their mutuall duety upon which argument needlesse it is to discourse at large considering that the whole matter is set out particularly and tendeth to this point That both at the beginning in the sequell also and continuation of mariage man and wife ought to assist support and love one another with a single heart and affection farre remooved from disdainfull pride violence vanitie and fill hinesse the which is specified and comprised in 45. articles howbeit in such sort that there be some of those precepts which savour of the corruption of those times bewraying the insufficiency of humane wisedome unlesse it be lightened with Gods truth We see also in this Treatise more particular advertisements appropriate to both parties touching their devoir as well at home as abroad and all enriched with notable similitudes and excellent examples In summe if these precepts following be well weighed and practised they are able to make mans life much more easie and commodious than it is But Plutarch sheweth sufficiently by the thirtieth rule how hard a matter it is to reteine each one in their severall dutie and that in manner all doe regard and looke upon things with another eie than they ought How ever it be those persons whom vertue hath linked and joined together in matrimonie may finde here whereby to profit and so much the more for that they have one lesson which naturall equitie and conscience putteth them in minde of everie day if they will enter never so little into themselves which being joined with the commandements of the heavenly wisedome it can not be but husband and wife shall live in contentment and blessed estate THE PRECEPTS OF WEDLOCKE PLUTARCH to POLLIANUS and EURYDICE sendeth greeting AFter the accustomed ceremoniall linke of marriage in this countrie which the Priestresse of Ceres hath put upon you in coupling you both together in one bed-chamber I suppose that this discourse of mine comming as it doth to favorize and second this bond and conjunction of yours in furnishing you with good lessons and wise nuptiall advertisements will not be unprofitable but sound verie fitting and comformable to the customarie wedding song observed in these parts The musicians among other tunes that they had with the haut-boies used one kind of note which they called Hippotharos which is asmuch to say as Leape-mare having this opinion that it stirred and provoked stallions to cover mares But of many beautifull and good discourses which philosophie affoordeth unto us one there is which deserveth no lesse to be esteemed than any other by which shee seeming to enchant and charme those who are come together to live all the daies of their life in mutuall societie maketh them to be more buxome kinde tractable and pliable one to
custome be dangerous counsellers yet granteth and agreeth in the end that a man may eat flesh upon certaine conditions which he doth specifie condemning withall the cruell excesse and riot of many in their fare After this having shewed by the example of Lycurgus that we ought to cut off the first occasions of all super fluities he conferreth the opinions of Pythagoras and Empedocles with those of other philosophers and therewith setteth downe his owne conceit and advice Afterwards when he had in one word touched from whence and whereupon men become so bold and hardie to eat flesh he declareth a fresh and brooveth that this manner of feeding doth woonderfully prejudice both bodie and soule And in conclusion he confuteth the Stoicks opposite enemies to the doctrine of Pythagoras leaving this refutation unperfect were it that himselfe never finished it or that the malice and iniquitie of the time hath deprived us thereof Like as many other fragments missing in these works OF EATING FLESH The second Declamation REason would that we should be fresh disposed and readie in will in mind and thought to heare the discourse against this mustie and unsavorie custome of eating flesh For hard it is as Cato was woont to say to preach unto the belly that hath no eares and besides wee have all drunke of the cup of custome resembling that of Circe which Compounded is of dolors griefes and paines Of sorrowes woes and of deceitfull traines Neither is it an easie matter for them to cast up againe the hooke of the appetite to eat flesh who have swallowed it downe into their entrals and are transported and full of the love of pleasures and delights But well and happie it were for us if as the manner is of the Aegyptians so soone as men are dead to paunch them and when their belly and bowels be taken foorth to mangle cut and slice the same against the sunne and then to fling them away as being the cause of all sinnes that they have committed so we would first cut away from our selves all our gourmandise gluttonie and murdering of innocent creatures that we might afterwards lead the rest of our life pure and holy considering that it is not the belly it selfe that by murder defileth us but polluted it is by our intemperance But say it is not in our power to effect thus much or be it that upon an inveterate custome we are ashamed in this point to be innocent and faultlesse yet let us at leastwise commit sinne in measure and transgresse with reason Let us I say eat flesh but so as we be driven thereto for verie hunger and not drawen to it by a licorous tooth to satisfie our necessitie and not to feed our greedie and delicate humour kill we a beast howbeit with some griefe of heart with some commiseration and pitty and not of a proud and insolent spirit ne yet of a murderous minde as men doe now adaies after many and divers sorts For some in killing of swine or porkets thrust them in with red hot spits to the end that the bloud being shed and quenched as it were by the tincture of the sirie iron running through the body might cause the flesh forsooth to be more tender and delicate ye shall have others leape upon the udders and paps of the poore sowes ready to farrow and trample upon their bellies and teats with their feet that the bloud the milke and the congealed bag of the yoong pigges knit within the dammes wombe being all jumbled coufused and blended together even amidde the painfull pangs of farrowing O Jupiter Piacularis they might make I would not els a most deintie dish of meat and devoure the most corrupt and putrified part of the poore beast many there are who have a device to stitch and sowe up the eies of cranes and swannes and when they have so done to mew them up in a darke place and so feed them cramming them with strange compositions and pastes made of dried figges but wot you why because their flesh should be more deintie and pleasant whereby it appeareth evidently that it is not for need of nourishment nor for want and necessitie but even for sacietie wantonnesse sumptuous curiositie and superfluous excesse that of horrible injustice and wickednesse they make their pleasure and delight and like as the filthy lecherous person who is unsatiable in the pleasure of women after he hath assaied many runneth on headlong still roving and ranging every way and yet his unbrideled and untamed lust is not yet satisfied but hee falleth to perpetrate such horrible villanies as are not once to be named even so intemperance in meats when it hath passed once the bounds of nature and limits of necessitie proceedeth to outrage and crueltie searching all meanes how to varie and change the disordinate appetite for the organs and instruments of our senses by a fellow seeling and contagion of maladies are affected one by another yea and runne into disorder and sinne to gether through intemperance when they rest not contented with the measure assigned them by nature Thus the hearing being out of frame and sicke or not gulded by reason marreth musicke the feeling when it is degenerate into an effeminate delicacie seeketh silthily after wanton ticklings touchings and frictious handling of women the same vice of intemperance hath taught the eiesight not to be contented with beholding morisks pyrthick or warlike dances nor other law dable and decent gestures ne yet to see and view faire pictures and goodly statues but to esteeme the death and murder of men their mortall wounds bloudie fights and deadly combats to be the best fights and spectacles that can be devised And heereupon it is that upon such excessive fare superfluity at the table there ensue ordinarily wanton loves upon lecherie and filthy venerie there followeth beastly talke these baudie ballads and stinking tales be accompanied commonly with hideous sights monstrous shewes lastly these hornble spectacles have attending upon them crueltie and inhumane impassibilitie euen in the cases of verie mankind Heereupon it was that Lycurgus the divine law giver in those three ordmances of his which he called Rhetrae commanded that the dores roufes finials of houses should be made with the saw the ax onely no other instrument besides thereto emploied which he did not I assure you for any hatred at all that he conceived against augers wimbles twibils or other tooles for joyners or carvers worke but he knew well inough that a man would never bring among such simple frames a gilded bedstead nor venture to carrie into an house so plainly built silver rables hangings carpets and coverings of rich tapestrie died with purple or any precious stones and he wist full well that with such an house with such bedsteads tables and cups a frugall supper and a simple dinner would agree and sort best For to say a truth upon the beginning and foundation of a disordinate diet and superfluous
studie and in the end is driven to languish and lie sicke in bed together with it for company And therfore Plato wisely admonisheth us not to move and exercise the body without the soule not the soule without the body but to drive them both together equally as if they were two steeds drawing at one spire of a chariot and especially at such a time when as the body is busied with the soule and laboureth together with her we ought to have the most care of it and to allow it that attendance cherishment which is meet and requisit to the end that thereby we may requite it with good and desireable health esteeming this to be the greatest benefit and most singular gift that proceedeth thereupon in that neither the one nor the other for default of good disposition is impeached or hindered in the knowledge of vertue and the practise thereof aswell in literature as in the actions of mans life OF THE ROMANS FORTUNE The Summarie IF ever there were any State politike in the rising growth and declination whereof we are to see acknowledge the admirable providēce of God together with the strength and wisdome of man certes the Romane empire ought to be set in the formost range The causes of the foundation and advancement of this great Monarchie are otherwise considered by those whom the heavenly trueth revealed in the holy Scripture doth illuminate than by the Pagans and Sages of this world guidedonely by the discourse of their reason corrupted with sinne and ignorance of the true God For when the question is as touching the government of the universall world although the sovereigne Lord thereof use often times the spirituall and corpor al vigor both of mortall men for to execute his will yet we may behold above it and before any exploit of visible instruments this great and incomprehensible wisdome of his who having decreed in himselfe all things executeth every moment his deliberations so that in regard of him there is nothing casuall but all keepe a course according to his determinate and resolute will but in respect of us many things be accident all for that the counsels of that eternall and immutable wisedome are hidden from us and appeare not but by little and little Infidels and miscreants who are not able to comprehend this secret have imagined and set downe for governesses of mans life Fortune and Vertue meaning by Fortune that which the common saying compriseth in these few words In this world there is nothing els but good lucke and bad but so as if any man could skill how to manage his owne fortune he might make it of bad good and commodious and this they meant by the word Vertue which is an habitude or disposition of the mind and body by the meanes whereof he that is indued therewith might prevent and overthrow quite all the assaults of Fortune Some there be who abuse the word Fortune for to abolish the providence of God and others have attributed so much unto Vertue that they have set man out of those limits in which his owne proper nature and above all the divine trueth placed him Others againe have ascribed some thing unto Fortune and yet they neither understand nor declare what it importeth but have given out although very irresolutely that Fortune cannot give the check to a vertuous man If we had this treatise following entire and perfect all the ancient philosophie and learning as touching this question had bene manifestly discovered unto us But the principall part of this discourse is lost in such sort as Plutarch having brought in Fortune and Vertue disputing upon this point Whether of them should have the honour of the foundation and maintenance of the Romane empire hath left unto us nothing but the plea of Fortune who by divers reasons and proofs holdeth that the wisdome valour of the people of Rome was not the cause of their grandence but Fortune that is to say as he expresly sheweth in one place the guidance and helpe of God who hath so raised this estate for many others and for to hold one good part of the world jointly in one body under such a chiefe and sovereigne As concerning the reasons alledged in the favor and maintenance of Fortune they be marked in order and drawen out well at large whereas those of Vertue are omitted or peradventure reserved to the judgement and discretion of the reader for to invent devise and apply them by himselfe and of them all to collect and gather one conclusion tending to this for to shew the great wonders of Gods providence in susteining the Romane empire and the notable aid of an infinit number of instruments which the said divine providence emploied in planting raising up and pulling downe so mighty and renowmed a dominion OF THE ROMANS FORTUNE VErtue and Fortune have fought many great combats and those oftentimes one against the other but that which presenteth it selfe unto us at this time is the greatest of all the rest to wit the debate plea which they had together as touching the empire of Rome namely whether of them twaine wrought that worke and which of them brought foorth so mightie a puissance For this wil be no small testimonie on her side who shall gaine the victorie or rather a great apologie against the imputation charged upon the one and the other For Vertue is accused in that she is honest but unprofitable and fortune that she is uncerteine but yet good and it is commonly said that as the former is fruitlesse for all her paines so the other is faithlesse and untrustie in all her gifts For who will not say if the greatnesse of Rome be adjudged and awarded to one of them that either Vertue is most profitable in case she could doe so much for good and honest men or Fortune most firme and constant if she have preserved and kept so long that which she once hath given Iön the poet in those works of his which he composed without verse and in prose saith That Fortune and Wisedome two most different things and farre unlike one to the other produce neverthelesse most like and semblable effects both the one and the other indifferently make men great and honorable they advance them in dignitie puissance estate and authoritie And what need I for to draw out this matter at length rehearse and reckon up a number of those whom they have preferred considering that even nature herselfe who hath borne us and brought foorth all things some take to be Fortune and others Wisedome This present discourse therefore addeth unto the citie of Rome a great and admirable dignitie in case we dispute of her as our manner is of the earth the sea the heaven and the starres namely whether it were by Fortune or by providence that she was first founded and had her being For mine owne part I am of this opinion that howsoever Fortune and Vertue have alwaies had many quarrels and debates
and DEMOCRITUS were of opinion that all things were made by Necessitie and that destinie justice providence and the Creatour of the world were all one CHAP. XXVI Of the Essence of Necessitie PLATO referreth some events to providence and others he attributeth to Necessitie EMPEDOCLES saith that the Essence of Necessitie is a cause apt to make use of the principles and elements DEMOCRITUS affirmeth it to be the resistance the lation motion and permission of the matter PLATO holdeth it to be one while matter it selfe and another while the habitude of that which is agent to the matter CHAP. XXVII Of Destinie HERACLITUS affirmeth that all things were done by fatall Destinie and that it and Necessitie be both one PLATO admitteth willingly this Destinie in the soules lives and actions of men but hee inferreth withall a cause proceeding from our selves The STOICKES likewise according with the opinion of Plato do hold that Necessitie is a cause invincible most violent and inforcing all things also that Destinie is a connexion of causes interlaced linked orderly in which concatenation or chaine is therein comprised also that cause which proceedeth from us in such sort as some events are destined and others not CHAP. XXVIII Of the substance of 〈◊〉 HERACLITUS saith that the substance of Destinie is the reason that pierceth throughout the substance of the universall world PLATO affirmeth it to be an eternall reason and a perpetuall law of the nature of the whole world CHRYSIPPUS holdeth it to be a certaine puissance spirituall which by order governeth and administreth all things And againe in his booke of definitions hee writeth thus Destinie is the reason of the world or rather the law of all things in the world administred and governed by providence or else the reason whereby things past have beene things present are and future things shall be The STOICKES are of opinion that it is the chaine of causes that is to say an order and connexion which cannot be surmounted and transgressed POSIDONIUS supposeth it to be the third after Jupiter for that Jupiter is in the first degree Nature in the second and fatall Destinie in the third CHAP. XXIX Of Fortune PLATO defineth Fortune to be in things proceeding from mans counsell and election a cause by accident and a verie casuall consequence ARISTOTLE holdeth it to be an accidentall cause in those things which from some deliberate purpose and impulsion tend to a certaine end which cause is not apparent but hidden and uncertaine And he putteth a difference between Fortune and rash adventure for that all Fortune in the affaires and actions of this world is adventurous but everie adventure is not by and by Fortune for that it consisteth in things without action againe Fortune is properly in actions of reasonable creatures but adventure indifferently in creatures as well unreasonable as reasonable yea and in those bodies which have neither life nor soule EPICURUS saith that Fortune is a cause which will not stand and accord with persons times and manners ANAXAGORAS and the STOICKS affirme it to be a cause unknowne and hidden to humane reason for that some things come by necessitie others by fatall destinie some by deliberate counsell others by Fortune and some againe by casualitie or adventure CHAP. XXX Of Nature 〈◊〉 holdeth that Nature is nothing only that there is a mixture and divulsion or separation of Elements for in this manner writeth he in the first booke of his Phisicks This one thing more I will yet say of things that be humane And Mortall mature none there is and deaths end is but vaine Amixture and divulsion of Elements and of all Onely there is and this is that which men do Nature call Semblably ANAXAGORAS saith that Nature is nothing else but a concretion and dissipation that is to say generation and corruption THE SECOND BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions The Prooeme HAving now finished the Treatise of PRINCIPLES ELEMENTS and such other matters linked and concurring with them I will turne my pen unto the discourse as touching their effects and works composed of them beginning first at that which is most spatious and capable of all things CHAP. I. Of the World PYTHAGORAS was the first who called the Roundle that containeth and comprehendeth all to wit the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the orderly digestion observed therein THALES and his disciples held that there is but one World DEMOCRITUS EPICURUS and their scholler METRODORUS affirme that there be innumerable Worlds in an infinite space according to all dimensions and circumstances EMPEDOCLES saith that the course and race of the Sunne is the verie circumscription of the bounds and limits of the World and that it is the verie confinement thereof SELEUCUS held the World to be infinite DIOGENES affirmed the universalitie to be infinite but the world finite and determinate The STOICKS put a difference betweene universall and whole for they say that the universall together with voidnesse is infinite and that the whole without voidnes is the World so as these termes the Whole and the World be not both one CHAP. II. Of the figure and forme of the World THe STOICKS affirme the World to be round some say it is pointed or pyramidal others that it is fashioned in manner of an egge but EPICURUS holdeth that his Worlds may be round and it may be that they are apt besides to receive other formes CHAP. III. Whether the World be animate or endued with a soule ALL other Philosophers agree that the World is animate governed by providence but DEMOCRITUS EPICURUS and as many as maintaine ATOMES and with all bring in VACUITY that it is neither animate nor governed by providence but by a certaine nature void of reason ARISTOTLE holdeth that it is not animate wholy and throughout all parts nor sensitive nor reasonable nor yet intellectuall or directed by providence True it is quoth he that celestiall bodies be capable of all these qualities as being compassed about with sphaeres both animate and vitall whereas bodies terrestriall and approching neere unto the earth are endued with none of them and as for the order and decent composition therein it came by accident and not by prepensed reason and counsell CHAP. IIII. Whether the World be incorruptible and eternall PYTHAGORAS and PLATO affirme that the world was ingendred and made by God and of the owne nature being corruptible shall perish for sensible it is and therefore corporall howbeit in regard of the divine providence which preserveth and mainteineth it perish it shall never EPICURUS saith that it is corruptible for that it is engendred like as a living creature or a plant XENOPHANES holdeth the world to be eternall ingenerable uncreated and incorruptible ARISTOTLE is of opinion that the part of the world under the moone is passible wherein the bodies also adjacent to the earth be subject to corruption CHAP. V. Whereof the World is nourished ARISTOTLE saith that if the World be nourished it is
the cause that the Eliens when their mares be hot after the horse leade them out of their owne confines to be covered by the stalions IS it for that Oenomaus was a prince who of all others loved best a good race of horses took greatest pleasure in these kind of beasts cursed with al maner of execrations those stalions which covered his mares in Elis And therefore they fearing to fall into any of these maledictions avoid them by this maner 53 What was the reasons of this custom among the Gnosians that those who tooke up any money at any interest snatched it and ran away with all WAS it to this end that if they should denie the debt and seeme to defraud the usurers they might lay an action of felonie and violent wrong upon them and the other by this meanes might be more punished 54 What is the cause that in the citie of Samos they invocate Venus of Dexicreon IS it for that that when in times past the women of Samos were exceedingly given to enormious wantonesse lechery so that the brake out into many lewd acts there was one Dexicreon a mounte-banke or cousening jugler who by I wot not what ceremonies and expiatorie sacrifices cured them of their unbridled lust Or because this Dexicreon being a merchant-venturer who did traffike and trade by sea went into the Isle of Cyprus when he was ready to load or charge his ship with merchandize Venus commanded him to fraight it with nothing else but water and then immediately to hoise up saile according to which he did and having put a great quantie of water within his vessell he set saile and departed Now by that time they were in the maine sea they were verie much becalmed so as for want of a gale of winde many daies to gether the rest of the mariners and merchants a ship boord thought verily they should all die for verie thirst whereupon he sold unto them his water which he had aboord and thereby gat a great quantitie of silver of which afterwards he caused to be made an image of Venus which he called after his owne name Dexicreon his Venus Now if this be true it seemeth that the goddesse purposed thereby not onely to enrich one man but to save also the lives of many 55 How commeth it to passe that in the Isle of Samos when they sacrifice unto Mercurie surnamed Charidotes it is lawfull for whosoever will to rob and rifle all passengers BEcause in times past according to the commandement and direction of a certaine oracle the ancient inhabitants departed out of Samos and went into Mycale where they lived and maintained themselves for ten yeeres space by pyracie and depredation at sea and afterwards being returned againe into Samos obtained a brave victorie against their enemies 56 Why is there one place within the Isle Samos called Panaema IS it for that the Amazones to avoid the furie of Bacchus fled out of the Ephesians countrey into Samos and there saved themselves But he having caused ships to be built and rigged gathered together a great fleet and gave them battell where he had the killing of a great number of them about this verie place which for the carnage and quantitie of blood-shed there they who saw it marvelled thereat and called it Panaema But of them who were slaine in this conflict there were by the report of some many that died about Phloeon for their bones are there to be seene And there be that say that Phloeon also clave in sunder and became broken by that occasion their crie was so loud and there voice so piercing and forcible 57 How commeth it that there is a publike hall at Samos called Pedetes AFter that Damoteles was murdered and his monarchie overthrowen so that the nobles or Senators Geomori had the whole government of the State in their hands the Megarians tooke armes and made warre upon the Perinthians a colonie drawen and descended from Samos carying with them into the field fetters and other irons to hang upon the feet of their captive prisoners the said Geomori having intelligence thereof sent them aide with all speed having chosen ten captaines manned also and furnished thirtie ships of warre whereof twaine readie to saile caught fire by lightning and so consumed in the verie mouth of the haven howbeit the foresaid captaines followed on in their voyage with the rest vanquished the Megarians in battell and tooke sixe hundred prisoners Upon which victorie being puffed up with pride they intended to ruinate the Oligarchie of those noble men at home called Geomori and to depose them from their government and verily those rulers themselves ministred unto them occasion for to set in hand with this their desseigne namely by writing unto them that they should leade those Megarians prisoners fettered with the same gives which they themselves had brought for no sooner had they received these letters but they did impart and shew them secretly unto the said Megarians perswading them to band combine with them for to restore their citie unto libertie And when they devised and consulted together about the execution of this complotted conspiracie agreed it was betweene them to knocke the rings off or lockers of the fetters open and so to hang them about the Megarians legs that with leather thongs they might be fastened also to their girdles about the waste for feare that being slacke as they were they should fall off and be readie to drop from their legs as they went Having in this wise set foorth and dressed these men and given everie one of them a sword they made all the haste they could to Samos where being arrived and set aland they led the Megarians through the market place to the Senate house where all the nobles called Geomori were assembled and sat in consultation hereupon was the signall given and the Megarians fell upon the Senators and massacred them everie one Thus having received the freedome of the citie they gave unto as many of the Megarians as would accept thereof the right of free burgeosie and after that built a faire towne hall about which they hung and fastened the said bolts and fetters of irons calling it upon this occasion Pedetes that is to say the Hall of Fetters 58 What is the reason that in the Isle of Coos within the citie Antimachia the priest of Hercules being arrated in the habit of a woman with a miter on his head beginneth to celebrate the sacrifice HErcules when he was departed from Troy with sixe ships was overtaken with a mightie tempest and with one ship alone for that all the other was lost was cast by the windes upon the Isle of Coos and landed at a place called Laceter having saved nothing else but his armor and the men that were with him in the ship where finding a flocke of sheepe hee desired the shepherd who tended them to give him a ram The shepherds name was Antagoras who being a
hath recorded in the third booke of his monuments But his sepulchre at this day is quite demolished and no token remaineth thereof to be seene He had a singular name above all other oratours for speaking before the people insomuch as some have ranged him even above Demosthenes There go in his name three score and seventeene orations of which two and fitie are truely attributed unto him and no more Given he was exceeding much to the love of women which was the cause that he drave his owne sonne out of his house and brought in thither Myrrhina the most sumptuous and costly courtisan in those daies and yet in Pyreaeum he kept Aristagora and at Eleusin where his lands and possessions lay he had another at command namely Philte a Thebane borne who cost him twentie pounds weight of silver His ordinarie walke was every day thorow the fish market And when the famous courtisan Phryne whom he loved also was called into question for Atheisme and impietie inquisition was made after him likewise and so he was troubled with her and for her sake as it should seeme for so much he declareth imselfe in the beginning of his oration now when she was at the very point to be condemned he brought the woman foorth in open court before the judges rent her clothes and shewed unto them her bare brest which the judges seeing to be so white and faire in regard of her very beautie absolved and dismissed her He had very closely and secretly framed certeine accusatorie declarations against Demosthenes yet so as they came to light in this maner for when Hyperides lay sicke it fortuned that Demosthenes came one day to his house for to visit him where he found a booke drawen full of articles against him whereat when he was much offended and tooke it in great indignation Hyperides made him this answere So long as you are my friend this shall never hurt you but if you become mine enemie this shall be a curbe to restreine you from enterprising any thing prejudiciall unto me He put up a bill unto the people that certeine honours should be done unto Jolas who gave unto Alexander the cuppe of poison Hee sided with Demosthenes and joined in the raising of the Lamiacke warre and made an admirable oration at the funerals of those who lost their lives therein When king Philip was ready to embark passe over into the isle Eubaea whereupon the Athenians were in great feare and perplexitie he gathered together in a small time a fleete of fortie saile by voluntarie contribution and was the first man who for himselfe and his sonne rigged and set foorth two gallies of warre When there was a controversie in law betweene the Athenians and Delians to be decided unto whether of them apperteined by right the superintendance of the temple at Delos and that Aeschynes was chosen to plead the cause the counsell of Areopagus elected Hyperides and his oration as touching this matter is at this day extant entituled The Deliaque oration Moreover he went in embassage to Rhodes where there arrived other embassadours in the behalfe of Antipater whom they highly praised as a good milde and gracious prince True it is quoth Hyperides unto them again I know well that he is good and gracious but we have no need of him to be our lord and master how good and gracious soever he be It is said that in his orations he shewed no action nor gesture at all his maner was onely to set downe the case and lay open the matter plainely and simply without troubling the judges any otherwise than with a naked narration Sent hee was likewise unto the Elians for to defend the cause of Calippus one of the champions at the sacred games unto whom this imputation was laid that by corruption he had caried away the prize and indirectly obteined the victorie He opposed himselfe also against the gift which was ordeined in the honour of Phocion at the instant sute of Midias of Anagyrra the sonne of Midias the yeere wherein Xenius was provost the 27. day of the moneth of May and in this cause he was cast and had the overthrow DINARCHUS X. DInarchus the sonne of Socrates or Sostratus borne as some thinke in the countrey of Attica or as others would have him in Corinth came to Athens very yoong at what time as king Alexander the Great passed with his armie into Asia where he dwelt and frequented the lecture of Theophrastus who succeeded Aristotle in the Peripateticke schoole he conversed also with Demetrius the Phalerian and tooke his time especially to enter into the administration of State affaires after the death of Antipater when the great oratours and states-men were some dead and made away others banished and driven out of the citie and being besides friended and countenanced by Cassander he grew in short time to be exceeding rich exacting and taking money for his orations of those at whose request he composed them Hee banded against the most renowmed oratours in his time not by putting himselfe foorth to come in open place to speake before the people for no gift nor grace he had therein but by penning orations for those who made head against them And namely when Harpalus had broken prison and was fled he composed divers accusatorie declarations against all such as were suspected to have takē money of him and those he delivered into the hands of their accusers to be pronounced accordingly Long time after being accused himselfe to have communicated conferred and practised with Antipater and Cassander about the time that the haven Munichia was surprised by Antigonus and Demetrius who placed there a garrison in that yeare when Anaxicrates was provost of the city he sold most part of his goods and made money and when hee had done fled out of the way to Chalcis where he lived as it were in exile the space well neere of 15. yeeres during which time he gathered great riches and became very wealthy and so returned againe to Athens by the meanes of Theophrastus who procured both him and other banished persons to be recalled and restored he abode then in the house of one Proxenus his familiar friend where being now very aged and besides weake-sighted he lost his gold that he had gotten together and when Proxenus his host would have given information thereof and seemed to make inquisition Dinarchus called him into question judicially for it and this was the first time that ever he was knowen to speake plead personally at the barre This oration of his is now extant and there are besides in mens hands threescore and foure more acknowledged all to be his and yet some of these are to be excepted as namely that against Aristogiton He did imitate Hyperides or as some thinke Demosthenes in regard of that patheticall spirit in mooving affections and the emphaticall force which appeereth in his stile Certeinly in his figures and exornations he followeth him very evidently DECREES
of the breeding and feeding of fishes the meanes also that they use either to assaile one another or to defend themselves wherein I assure you there be actions of prudence memory societie and equity not a few which because they are not knowen it cannot chuse but our discourse as touching this argument will be lesse enriched and enlarged with examples and so by consequence the cause more hardly defended and mainteined Over and besides this advantage have land beasts that by reason of their affinity as it were and daily conversation with men they get a tincture as it were from them of their maners and fashions and consequently enjoy a kinde of nurture teaching discipline and apprentising by imitation which is able to dulce allay and mittigate all the bitternesse and austerity of their nature no lesse than fresh water mingled with the sea maketh it more sweet and potable likewise all the unsociable wildenesse and heavy unweldinesse therein it stirreth up when the same is once mooved and set on foot by the motions that it learneth by conversing with men whereas on the otherside the life of sea-creatures being farre remote and devided by long and large confines from the frequentation of men as having no helpe of any thing without nor any thing to be taught it by use and custome is altogether solitarie and by it selfe as nature brought it soorth so it continueth and goeth not abroad neither mingled nor mixed with forren fashions and all by reason of the place which they inhabit and not occasioned by the quality of their owne nature for surely their nature conceiving and reteining within it selfe as much discipline and knowledge as it is possible for to atteine unto and apprehend exhibiteth unto us many tame and familiar eeles which they call sacred that use to come to hand such as are among the rest of those in the fountaine Arethusa besides many other fishes imdivers places which are very obeisant and obsequious when they be called by their names as is reported of Marcus Crassus his lamprey for which he wept when it was dead and when Domitus upon a time reproched him for it by way of mockerie in this wise Were not you the man who wept for your lamprey when it was dead he came upon him presently in this maner And were not you the kinde and sweet husband who having buried three wives never shed teare for the matter the crocodiles not only know the voice of the preists when they call unto them and endure to be handled and stroked by them but also yawne and offer there teeth unto them to be picked and clensed with there hands yea and to be skowred and rubbed all over with linen clothes It is not long since that Philinus a right good man and well reputed after his returne from his voiage out of Aegypt where he had bin to see the countrey recounted unto us that in the city of Anteus he had seene an olde woman ly a sleepe on a little pallet together with a crocodile who very decently and modestly couched close along by her side And it is found in old records that when one of the kings called Ptolomaei called unto the sacred crocodile it would not come nor obey the voice of the priests notwithstanding they gently praied and intreated her a signe thought to be a prognosticke and presage of his death which soone after ensued whereby it is plaine that the kind and generation of these water beasts is neither incapable nor deprived of that sacred and highly esteemed science of divination and foretelling future things considering that even in the countrey of Lycia betweene the cities of Phellos and Myrz that is a village called Sura where I heare say the inhabitants use to sit and behold the fishes swimming in the water like as in other places they observe birds flying in the aire marking their lying in wait and ambush their scudding away and pursute after them whereby according to a certeine skill that is among them they can foretell future things to come But this may suffice to shew and declare that their nature is not altogether estranged from us nor unsociable As touching their proper wit and naturall prudence wherein there is no mixture at all borrowed from other this is ingenerall a great argument thereof that there is no creature that swimmeth or liveth in the waters except those which sticke to stones and cleave to rocks that is so easie to be caught by man or otherwise to be taken without trouble as asses are by wolves bees by the birds Meropes grashoppers by swallowes or serpents by stagges who are so easily caught up by them in Greeke they tooke the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say of lightnesse but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say of drawing up serpent out of his hole The sheepe calleth as it were the woolfe by the foote like as by report the leopard allureth unto him the most part of beasts who are willing to approch him for the pleasure they take in his smell and above all others the ape But sea creatures generally all have a certeine inbred sagacity a wary perceivance before hand which maketh them to be suspicious and circumspect yea and to stand upon their guard against all fore-laying so that the arte of hunting and catching them is not a small piece of worke and a simple cunning but that which requireth a great number of engins of all sorts and asketh woonderfull devices and subtill sleights to compasse and goe beyond them and this appeereth by the experience of such things as we have daily in our hands For first and formost the cane or reed of which the angle rodde is made fishers would not have to bee bigge and thicke and yet they had need of such an one as is tough and strong for to plucke up and hold the fishes which commonly doe mightily fling and struggle when they be caught but they chuse rather that which is small and slender for feare lest if it cast abroad shadow it might moove the doubt and suspicion that is naturally in fishes moreover the line they make not with many water-knots but desire to have it as plaine and even as possibly may be without any roughnesse for that this giveth as it were some denuntiation unto them of fraud and deceit they take order likewise that the haires which reach to the hooke should seeme as white as possibly they can devise for the whiter they be the lesse are they seene in the water for the conformity and likenesse in colour to it as for that which the poet Homer saith Downe right to bottome of the sea like plumbe of leade she went That peiseth downe the fishers hooke and holdes the line extent Which passing through transparent horne that rurall oxes head bare To greedy fishes secretly brings death ere they be ware Some misunderstanding these verses would infer therupon that men in old
none And if we will bring evill into the world without a precedent cause principle to beget it we shall run and fall into the difficult perplexities of the Stoicks for of those two principles which are it cannot be that either the good or that which is altogether without forme and quality whatsoever should give being or beginning to that which is naught Neither hath Plato done as some that came after him who for want of seeing and understanding a third principle and cause betweene God and matter have runne on end and tumbled into the most absurd and falsest reasons that is devising forsooth I wot not how that the nature of evill should come without forth casually and by accident or rather of the owne accord forasmuch as they will not graunt unto Epicurus that the least atome that is should turne never so little or decline a side saying that he bringeth in a rash and inconsiderate motion without any cause precedent whereas they themselves the meane-while affirme that sin vice wickednesse and ten thousand other deformities and imperfections of the body come by consequence without any cause efficient in the principles But Plato saith not so for he ridding matter from al different quality and remooving farre from God all cause of evill thus hath hee written as touching the world in his Politiques The world quoth he received al good things from the first author who created it but what evill thing soever there is what wickednesse what injustice in heaven the same it selfe hath from the exterior habitude which was before and the same it doth transmit give to the creatures beneath And a little after he proceedeth thus In tract of time quoth he as oblivion tooke holde and set sure footing the passion and imperfection of the old disorder came in place and got the upper hand more and more and great danger there is least growing to dissolution it be plunged againe into the vast gulfe and bottomlesse pit of confused dissimilitude But dissimilitude there can be none in matter by reason that it is without qualitie and void of all difference whereof Eudemus among others being ignorant mocked Plato for not putting that to be the cause source and first originall of evill things which in many places he calleth mother and nurse for Plato indeed tearmeth matter mother and nurse but he saith likewise That the cause of evill is the motive puissance resiant in the said matter which is in bodies become divisible to wit a reasonlesse and disorderly motion howbeit for all that not without soule which plainly and expresly in his books of lawes he tearmeth a soule contrary and repugnant to that which is the cause of all good for that the soule may well be the cause and principle of motion but understanding is the cause of order and harmony in motion for God made not the matter idle but hath kept it from being any any more 〈◊〉 troubled with a foolish and rash cause neither hath he given unto nature the beginnings and principles of mutations and passions but being as it was enwrapped and enfolded with all sorts of passions and inordinate mutations hee cleered it of all enormities disorders and errors whatsoever using as proper instruments to bring about all this numbers measures and proportions the effect whereof is not to give unto things by mooving and mutation the passions and differences of the other and of diversitie but rather to make them infallible firme and stable yea and like unto those things which are alwaies of one sort and evermore resemble themselves This is in my judgement the minde and sentence of Plato whereof my principall proofe and argument is this that by this interpretation is salved that contrariety which men say and seemeth indeed to be in his writings for a man would not attribute unto a drunken sophister much lesse than unto Plato so great unconstance and repugnance of words as to affirme one and the same nature to be created and uncreated and namely in his booke entituled Phaedrus that the soule is eternall and uncreated but in Timaeus that it was created and engendied Now as touching those words of his in the treatise Phaedrus they are well neere in every mans mouth verie rife whereby he prooveth that the soule can not perish because it was never engendred and semblably he prooveth that generation it had none because it mooveth it selfe Againe in the booke entituled Timaeus God quoth he hath not made the soule to be yoonger than the body according as now in this place we purpose to say that it commeth after it for never would he have permitted that the elder being coupled and linked with the yoonger should be commaunded by it But we standing much I wot not how upon inconsiderate rashnesse and vanity use to speake in some sort accordingly for certaine it is that God hath with the bodie joined the soule as precedent both in creation and also in power and vertue like as the dame or mistresse with her subject for to rule and commaund Againe when he had said that the soule being turned upon her selfe began to live a wise and eternall life The body of the heaven quoth he was made visible but the soule invisible participating the discourse of reason and of harmony engendred by the best of things intellectuall and eternall being likewise it selfe the best of things engendred and temporall Where it is to be noted that in this place expresly calling God the best of all eternall things and the soule the best of things created and temporall by this most evident antithesis and contrariety he taketh from the soule that eternity which is without beginning and procreation And what other solution or reconciliation is there of these contradictions but that which himself giveth to those who are willing to receive it for he pronounceth that soule to be ingenerable and not procreated which mooved all things rashly and disorderly before the constitution of the world but contrariwise he calleth that procreated and engendred which Godframed and composed of the first and of a parmanent eternall and perfect good substance namely by creating it wise and well ordered and by putting and conferring even from himselfe unto sense understanding and order unto motion which when he had thus made he ordained and appointed it to be the governor and regent of the whole world And even after the same maner he pronounceth that the body of the world is in one sort eternall to wit not created nor engendred and after another sort both created and engendred For when he saith that whatsoever is visible was never at rest but mooved rashly and without all order and that God tooke the same disposed and ranged it in good order as also when he saith that the fowre generall elements fire water earth and aire before the whole world was of them framed and ordered decently made a woonderfull trouble trembling as it were in the matter and were mightily shaken by
to be good although not the supreme good or the end and honesty to be of the kind of those things which are eligible and to be desired for their owne sake wee may by that meanes save justice while we permit and allow that which is honest and just to be a greater good than pleasure Having I say delivered the same also in his books of pleasure yet in his treatise against Plato reprooving him for raunging health in the number of good things he affirmeth that not onely justice but also magnanimity temperance and all other vertues are abolished and perish in case we hold that either pleasure or health or any other thing whatsoever can be numbred and reputed among good things unlesse the same be honest Now as touching the apologie or answer that may be made in defence of Plato I have elsewhere written against Chrysippus but even in this very place there is manifestly to be seene a repugnancy and contradiction against himselfe considering that one while hee saith that justice may stand well enough if a man suppose pleasure joined with honesty to be good and another while contrariwise he findeth fault with all those who repute any thing else to be good but onely that which is honest as if thereby they abolished and overthrew all vertues And because he would leave no meanes at all to salve and save his contradictions writing of justice against Aristotle he challengeth him for untrueth in that hee affirmeth that if pleasure were granted to bee the soveraigne good both Justice were overthrowen and therewith also every vertue besides For this is certaine quoth he that those who are of this opinion doe indeed abolish Justice howbeit I see no let why other vertues may not stand if not those which be of them selves expetible yet such at leastwise as be good and vertuous really And thereupon he proceedeth presently to name them every one severally But it were not a misse to recite his ownelwords as he delivered them For suppose quoth he that by this discourse and reason Pleasure seeme the very end of all good things yet we are not to inferre hereupon that all is comprised under it and therefore we must say that neither any vertue is to be desired nor vice to be eschued for it selfe but all these things are to be referred unto a scope and marke proposed and yet in the meane time what should hinder but that fortitude prudence continence patience and other such vertues may be good and expetible like as their contraries bad and to be avoided What man therfore was there ever in his speeches and disputations more rash and audacious than he considering that he charged the two princes of Phylosophers with imputations the one for abolishing all vertue in that he confessed not that onely to be good which is honest and the other in that if pleasure were supposed and set downe to be the end of good things he thought not that all vertues except onely Justice might subsist and be maintained what a woonderfull liberty and monstrous licentiousnesse rather is this in discoursing of one and the same subject matter to tax and reproove that in Aristotle which he setteth downe himselfe and afterwards in accusing Plato to subvert and undo the very same And yet in his demonstrations as touching Justice he affirmeth expresly that every perfect duety is a lawfull deed and a just action Now whatsoever is performed by continence by patience by prudence or by fortitude is a perfect duty ergo it followeth that it is likewise a lawfull action How chanceth it then that he leaveth not justice for them in whom he admitteth prudence continence and valour considering that all the acts which they performe according to these vertues be perfect duties and by consequence just and lawfull operations Whereas Plato in a certeine place hath written that injustice being a certaine intestine sedition and corruption of the soule never casteth off and loseth her power even in those who have it within them for she causeth a wicked man to fight with himselfe she troubleth vexeth and tormenteth him Chrysippus reproving this assertion of his saith that it was falsely and absurdly spoken that any one could doe wrong or injurie to himselfe For quoth he all injurie and outrage must needs be to another but afterwards forgetting himselfe and what he had said in that treatise of his entituled The demōstrations of justice he affirmeth that whosoever doth injustice wrongeth himselfe and in offering injurie to another doth himselfe wrong in that he is the very cause why himselfe transgresseth the lawes wherein unworthily he hurteth and woundeth his owne person Lo what he said against Plato discoursing that injustice could not be against a mans selfe but against another For to be perticularly and privately unjust there must quoth he be many such as speake contrary one unto another and otherwise this word injustice is taken as if it were amongst many that are in such fort injuriously affected one to another wheras no such matter can properly and fitly argree to one alone but in as much as he is so disposed and affected to another But contrary to all this in his demonstrations he argueth and reasoneth thus to prove that the injust man doth wrong and injury to himselfe The law quoth he followeth expresly to be the author or cause of transgression but to commit injustice is a transgression he therefore who causeth himselfe to doe injury transgresseth the law of himselfe Now be that trespasseth against any one doth him wrong and injurie he therefore who wrongeth any other whomsoever doth injure to himselfe Againe sinne is of the kinde of hurts and dammages that are done but every man that sinneth offendeth and sinneth against himselfe and therefore whosoever sinneth hurteth also and endamageth himselfe unwoorthily and if he doe so then by consequence he must needs wrong himselfe Furthermore thus also hee reasoneth Hee that suffereth hurt and dammage by another woundeth and offendeth himselfe withall unworthily and what is that else but to doe wrong and injury he therefore that receiveth injury of any other whatsoever wrongeth his owne selfe That the doctrine of good things and evill which himselfe bringeth in and approoveth he saith is most accordant unto mans life yea and connexed as much as any thing else with those prenotions and anticipations which by nature are inbred and ingenerate in us for so much hath he delivered in his third booke of Exhortations but in the first booke he affirmeth quite contrary that this doctrine doth divert and withdraw a man from all things else as if they were of no moment nor helpefull and effectuall any jot to the atteining of happinesse soveraigne felicity See how he accordeth herein with himselfe when he affirmeth that doctrine of his which plucketh us away from life from health from indolence and integrity of senses and teacheth besides that whatsoever we crave in our praiers at gods hands concerne us not at all nor
susceptible of folly But wherefore should any man be offended and scandalized hereat if hee call to mind that which this philosopher wrote in his second booke of Nature where he avoucheth That vice was not made without some good use and profit for the whole world But it will be better to recite this doctrine even in his owne words to the end that you may know in what place they range vice and what speech they make thereof who accuse Xenocrates and Speusippus for that they reputed not health to be an indifferent thing nor riches unprofitable As for vice quoth he it is limited in regard of other accidents beside for it is also in some sort according to nature and if I may so say it is not altogether unprofitable in respect of the whole for otherwise there would not be any good and therefore it may be inferred that there is no good among the gods in as much as they can have none evil neither when at any time Jupiter having resolved the whole matter into himselfe shall become one shall take away all other differences wil there be any more good considering there will be no evill to be found But true it is that in a daunce or quier there wil be an accord measure although there be none in it that singeth out of tune maketh a discord as also health in mans body albeit no part thereof were pained or diseased but vertue without vice can have no generation And like as in some medicinable confections there is required the poyson of a viper or such like serpent and the gall of the beast Hvaena even so there is another kind of necessarie convenience betweene the wickednesse of Melitus and the justice of Socrates betweene the dissolute demeanor of Cleon and the honest 〈◊〉 of Pericles And what meanes could Jupiter have made to bring foorth Hercules and Lycurgus into the world if he had not withall made Sardanapalus and Phalaris for us And it is a great marvell if they 〈◊〉 not also that the Phthisicke or ulcer of the lungs was sent among men for their good plight of bodie and the gout for swift footmanship and Achilles had not worne long haire unlesse Thersites had beene bald For what difference is there betweene those that alledge these doting fooleries or rave so absurdlie and such as say that loosenesse of life and whoredome were not unprofitable for continence and jniustice for justice So that we had need to pray unto the gods that there might be alwaies sinne and wickednes False leasing smooth and glosing tongue Deceitfull traines and fraud among in case when these be gone vertue depart and perish withal But will you see now and behold the most elegant devise and pleasantest invention of his For like as Comoedies quoth he carrie otherwhiles ridiculous Epigrams or inscriptors which considered by themselves are nothing woorth how be it they give a certaine grace to the whole Poeme even so a man may well blame and detest vice in it selfe but in regard of others it is not unprofitable And first to say that vice was made by the divine providence even as a lewd Epigram composed by the expresse will of the Poet surpasseth all imagination of absurditie for if this were true how can the gods be the givers of good things rather than of evill or how can wickednes any more be enemie to the gods or hated by them or what shall we have to say and answere to such blasphemous sentences of the Poets sounding so ill in religious eares as these God once dispos'd some house to overthrow Twixt men some cause and seeds of strife doth sow Againe Which of the gods twixt them did kindle fire Thus to contest in termes of wrath andire Moreover a foolish and leawd epigram doth embelish and adorne the Comedie serving to that end for which it was composed by the Poet namely to please the spectatours and to make them laugh But Jupiter whom we surnamed Paternall Fatherly Supreame Sovereigne Just Righteous and according to Pindarus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the best and most perfect artisan making this world as he hath done not like unto some great Comedie or Enterlude full of varietie skill and wittie devices but in maner of a city common to gods and men for to inhabit together with justice and vertue in one accord and happily what need had he to this most holy and venerable end of theeves robbers murderers homicides parricides and tyrans for surely vice and wickednesse was not the entry of some morisque-dance or ridiculous eare-sport carrying a delectable grace with it and pleasing to God neither was it set unto the affaires of men for recreation and pastime to make them sport or to move laughter being a thing that carrieth not so much as a shadow nor representeth the dreame of that concord and convenience with nature which is so highly celebrated and commended Furthermore the said lewd epigram is but a small part of the Poeme and occupieth a very little roome in a Comedie neither do such ridiculous compositions abound overmuch in a play nor corrupt and marre the pleasant grace of such matters as seeme to have beene well and pretily devised whereas all humane affaires are full thorowout of vice and mans life even from the very first beginning and entire as it were of the prologue unto the finall conclusion of all and epilogue yea and to the very plaudite being disordinate degenerate full of perturbation and confusion and having no one part thereof pure and unblamable as these men say is the most filthy unpleasant and odious enterlude of all others that can be exhibited And therefore gladly would I demaund and learne of them in what respect was vice made profitable to this universall world for I suppose he will not say it was for divine and celestiall things because it were a mere reciculous mockery to affirme that unlesse there were bred and remained among men vice malice avarice and lesing or unlesse we robbed pilled and spoiled unlesse we slandered and murdered one another the sun would not run his ordinary course nor the heaven keepe the set seasons and usuall revolutions of time 〈◊〉 yet the earth seated in the midst and center of the world yeeld the causes of winde and raine It remaineth then that vice sin was profitably engendred for us and for our affaires and haply this is it which they themselves would seeme to say And are we indeed the better in health for being sinfull or have we thereby more plenty and aboundance of things necessary availeth our wickednesse ought to make us more beawtifull and better favoured or serveth it us in any stead to make us more strong and able of body They answere No. But is this a silent name onely and a cretaine blinde opinion and weening of these night-walking Sophisters and not like indeed unto vice which is conspicuous enough exposed to the view of the
facultie of seeing and power of hearing by reason and providence For in summe as I have said and doe still averre whereas all generation proceedeth of two causes the most ancient Theologians and Poets vouchsafed to set their minde upon the better onely and that which was more excellent chaunting evermore this common refraine and foot as it were of the song in all things and actions whatsoever Jove is the first the midst the last all things of him depend By him begin they and proceed in him they come to end After other necessary and naturall causes they never sought farther nor came neere unto them whereas the moderne Philosophers who succeeded after them and were named naturalists tooke a contrary course and turning cleane aside from that most excellent and divine principle ascribed al unto bodies unto passions also of bodies and I wot not what percussions mutations and temperatures And thus it is come to passe that as well the one sort as the other are in their opinions defective and come short of that which they should For as these either of ignorance know not or of negligence regard not to set downe the efficient principall cause whereby and from which so the other before leave out the materiall causes of which and the instrumentall meanes by which things are done But he who first manifestly touched both causes and coupled with the reason that freely worketh and moveth the matter which necessarily is subject and suffreth he I say for himselfe us answereth all calumniations and putteth by all surmizes and suspicions whatsoever For we bereave not divination either of God or of reason for as much as we graunt unto it for the subject matter the soule of man and for an instrument and plectre as it were to set it aworke we allow a spirit or winde and an exhalation enthusiasticke First and formost the earth it is that engendreth such exhalations then that which giveth unto the earth all power and vertue of this temperature and mutation is the Sunne who as we have learned by tradition from our fore fathers is a god After this we adjoine thereto the Daemons as superintendants overseers and keepers of this temperature as if it were some harmony and consonance who in due and convenient time let downe and slacke or else set up and stretch hard the vertue of this exhalation taking from it otherwhiles the over-active efficacy that it hath to torment the soule and transport it beside it selfe tempering therewith a motive vertue without working any paine or hurt and damage to them that are inspired and possessed therewith Wherein me thinkes we doe nothing that seemeth either absurd or impossible neither in killing sacrifices before we come to moove the Oracle and adorning them with coronets of flowers and powring upon them sacred liquors and libations doe we ought that is contrary to this discourse and opinion of ours For the priests and sacrificers and whosoever have the charge to kill the beast and to powre upon it the holy libations of wine or other liquors who also observe and consider the motion trembling and the whole demeanour thereof doe the same for no other end or cause but to have a signe that God giveth eare unto their demaund For necessary it is that the beast sacrificed unto the gods be pure sound entier immaculate and uncorrupt both in soule and bodie And verily for the body it is no hard matter to judge and know the markes as for the soule they make an experiment by setting before bulles meale by presenting unto swine cich-pease for if they will not fall to nor tast thereof it is a certaine token that they be not right For the goat cold water is the triall Now if the beast make no shew and semblance of being mooved or affected when as the said water is powred aloft on it be sure the soule thereof is not disposed as it ought to be by nature Now say it go for currant and be constantly beleeved that it is an undoubted and insallible signe that the God will give answer when the host or sacrifice thus drenched doth stire and contrariwise that he will not answer if the beast quetch not I see nothing herein repugnant unto that which we have before delivered For every natural power produceth the effect for which it is ordained better or worse according as the time and season is more or lesse convenient and probable it is that God giveth us certeine signes whereby we may know when the opportunity is past For mine owne part I am of this minde that the very exhalation it selfe which ariseth out of the earth is not alwaies of the same sort but at one time is slacke and feeble at another stretched out and strong And the argument which maketh me thus to judge I may easily confirme and verisie by the testimonie of many strangers and of all those ministers who serve in the temple For the chamber or roume wherein they are set and give attendance who come to demand the answer of the Oracle is filled thorow not often nor at certeine set times but as it falleth out after some space betweene with so fragrant an odour and pleasant breath as the most pretious ointments and sweetest perfumes in the world can yeeld no better And this ariseth from the sanctuarie and vault of the temple as out of some source and lively fountaine and very like it is that it is heat or at leastwise some other puissance that sendeth it forth Now if peradventure this may seeme unto you not probable nor to sound of trueth yet will ye at leastwise confesse unto me that the Prophetesse Pythia hath that part of the soule unto which this winde or propheticall spirit approacheth disposed some time in this sort and otherwhiles in that and keepeth not alwaies the same temperature as an harmonie immutable For many troubles and passions there be that possesse her body and enter likewise in her soule some apparent but more secret and unseene with which she finding herselfe seized and replenished better it were for her not to present and exhibit herselfe to this divine inspiration of the god being not altogether cleane and pure from all perturbations like unto an instrument of Musicke well set in tune and sounding sweetly but passionate and out of order For neither wine doth surprise the drunken man alwaies alike and as much at one time as at another nor the sound of the slute or shaulme affecteth after one and the same sort at al times him who naturally is given to be soone ravished with divine inspiration but the same persons are one time more and another while lesse transported beside themselves and drunken likewise more or lesse The reason is because in their bodies there is a divers temperature but principally the imaginative part of the soule and which receiveth the images and fantasies is possessed by the body and subject to change with it as appeareth evidently by dreames for sometimes there