Queen Mother too her self presented a Request unto the Parliament against him But when they perceived all their attempts were vain either as to the ruining of him in his Majesties good opinion or for the advancing of the Army which they had already contrived in their conceptions then their Anger turned into Fury and they resolved not to leave any thing unsaid which might bring his Reputation into dis-esteem They verily perswaded themselves that at last some Neighbour Prince would assist them with an Army to maintain their Quarrel or that they might raâ—e so great a hatred against him in the peoples minds as they would rise and take up Arms so to force his Majesty to sacrifice him unto their Fury Indeed I should have concluded him very unfortunate had his glory depended upon their testimonies and if the honour which he hath merited by laying out so much of his health by drying up his blood by watching day and night over the Affairs of State by giving up his Freedom his very soul his words his writings and all his time unto his Kings service and for the good of France by doing things even above admiration it self should need their approbation But as the reward of Vertue is extracted from Vertue it self and as there are no Theaters where great mens actions appear with more pomp then in the testimony of their own proper Conscience whereby Noble deeds glance out rayes of honour like the beams of the Sun so it was happy for him that they chose this time to calumniate him when he had newly accomplished such glorious actions for his Majesties service as cannot easily be described in History He needed not have desired as that Ancient did to have a house so built that all the world might behold him seeing the glory of his actions was of so great advantage unto all Europe that every one was taken up in contemplation of him with admiration I may safely add that the malice wherewith they bely'd his most just and sincere proceedings did render all their accusations suspected And who knows not without more ado that the usual course with them who would embroyl a State is to fall foul upon the Ministers of Government Politique Observation IT is commonly seen that good services are rewarded with calumny Envie is one cause of this injustice her eyes being offended with the splendour of any noble actions just as the Sun dazleth and decayeth eyes already sore and weak It is a passion which in some sort runs counter with Gods goodness which draws good out of evil whereas this takes occasion to injure and would great persons even from those very actions which makes them most conspicuous the same relation which the shadow hath to the Body such hath envie with vertue And as the highest mountains cast the greatest shadows so the greatest persons are most exposed unto envie and calumny Private Interest is another cause and to say the Truth is the first and chief for that it begets envie All they who by their ambition pretend to have some part in the Government do fancie unto themselves that Fortune hath cast them so much the further from it as it hath raised up them who now possess it Now as for those who do not pretend unto so much but do yet aspire unto some higher quality then that in which they are at present they suppose they have reason enough to complain of the Governours of State when that which they expect is not cast upon them the discontent which hereupon they conceive is not unlike those false Prospectives which represent things and objects unto the view which neither are nor ever were and thus indeed their judgment being overswayed by Passion becomes so depraved that they apprehend things in their conduct far different from what they really are I might add Ignorance amongst the causes which produce ill reports against Ministers there is nothing but the out-side of their actions to be seen their intents and designs are secret and unknown at least of such as have any conduct neither do they ever disclose their drift and main end whereby they may not give the enemies of the State opportunity to prevent their being effected Which being so it cannot be denied but that the small knowledge of their actions giveth their enemy a great advantage to exclaim upon them They seldom have any thing to object against them but what seems to be defective and they disguise things so artificially that they make white pass for black lies for currant truth being very wary that it fal not into their consideration how they have extraordinary intelligences which ought not nay which cannot be dived into by vulgar judgements But above all the rest they are assaulted by slanders when-ever the Grandees of a State are bent upon mischief they dare not openly to complain of their King lest they should too much discover themselves and lest their rayling might pull down some vengeance upon them which might prevent them from effecting their intentions but they addresse themselves to throw dirt in the face of the chief Ministers although in effect they strike at their Kings Withall they are commonly troubled at the ill-government of the State they distaste the power and honour which the King confers upon them and complain of the charge which is imposed on the people These are the subjects of all the Manifests which were ever made to provoke the people to rebellion If we but look back on the Passages our own times or those before us we shall alwayes find that Factious persons have been alwaies discontented with the Ministers of State and against them have they ever made use of reviling slanders as a most certain torch to set the whole Kingdom in a Flame Examples hereof are so frequent that we need not stay to recite them Besides it may be found in all History that when by the Prudent Conduct of any Ministers they have been reduced to a disability of being further troublesome to the State by War and open Force yet have they still persisted to disgorge the fury and rage which possessed them upon their papers fraught with poison and lies Aspersions charged on the King refuted IT was indeed somewhat strange that these Libellers should attempt to defame a man whom the ablest wits have recommended to be of as great a Soul as any these many Ages But it is incredible that their malice should strike at the Kings own person endeavouring to represent him as uncapable of Government I could willingly complain of all French men who seeing such indignities done unto their Soveraign whom after so many years they had reason to know for the most Just most Valiant most Generous most Prudent and most Mercifull Prince that ever swayed the Scepter of France did not take up their Arms to punish those Libellers in other Countries but that they may not undertake any War without his Majesties permission What reason could be alledged that he should passe
is not above one or two difficult places in a passage and it is impossible but that a great Army of resolute men should gain them In fine when they who defend them shall find an whole Army thundring in upon them it strikes a terror into them so that they are forced to fly and by that means destroyed for this reason the Romans would never put themselves to the trouble of keeping any passes unless they saw it necessary to expect the Enemy because they who were in the chief Stands should be alwayes assisted but it is not the same thing when a Garrison hath nothing to second it or where there are no reserves to assist those whom an Enemy shall first have routed The Duke of Mantua is delivered from the Spanish oppression by his Majesties Forces DOm Gonçales de Câ—rdua Governor of Milan who commanded the siege of Cazal upon his first hearing of this Treaty resolved to break up the Leager It had been concluded by one of the private Articles for the satisfaction of him That the Duke of Savoy should give him information how his Majesty upon the said Dukes assurance of him that the Spaniards had not any intention to despoile the Duke of Mantua of his Estates had been contented that there should be some Swisses put into Nice de la Paille who should declare they held it in deposit in the name of the Emperor but upon promise and assurance to restore it unto the Duke of Mantua or his Assigns at the end of one month whether the Emperor should by that time have invested him in the said Dutchee or not and that as to the rest his Majesty had not any design to fall upon any the Territories of his Brother in Law the King of Spain but did desire still to continue in friendship and a good Correspondency with him This was the leaf wherewith this Spanish Pill was guilded Dom Gonçales staid not long for any farther Illustration of this Article but raised the siege before his Majesty came neer him as doubting least his stay there would only serve for an addition of glory to the French Army which they had all ready got at Suze so he marched away about the fifteenth or sixteenth night leaving the City to rejoyce that they were now delivered from those miseries which for two months last past they had endured in which time they had eaten all the Horses Doggs and Ratts which they could lay hold on The Duke of Savoy relieved them with those Victuals which he had promised and thus his Majesty obtained all the Honor and successe in this enterprise that his heart could desire this Fortune and Courage seemed in emulation of each other to conspire his glory which indeed was a debt due to the Justice of his cause who though he might at that time have over-run all Italy and made himself master of it as was well known to every one yet he contented himself with the having delivered the Duke or Mantua from the Spanish Tyranie and oppression Politique Observation ALthough Prudence have a great share in good Successe yet the greatest Captains have held that Fortune hath no small part in it Prudence alone may indeed make some progresse towards it but Fortune is at last needful to be joyned with it towards the obtaining of the proposed end hence it was that Octaâ—ian making wishes for his little Son desired he might have the Gravity of Pâ—mpey the Courage of Caesar and his own good Fortune For this reason likely it was that Seyravenaes a Persian as Plutarch in his Morals hath recorded it answered unto some who were admiring that his enterprizes should have such ill successe seeing in his discourse he seemed to be a very prudent and discreet man That he was onely Master of his Language but that Fortune was Master in Military Affairs And do we not for this reason likewise say that the discreet man is not obliged to render an accompt of those enterprises which depend as much on Chance as Conduct but onely of his Councels which is the onely thing that was in his power to dispose It is sometimes onely Fortune which raiseth a siege without a stroke it is Fortune which doth sometimes strike a terrour into an enemies Forces that they have hardly the courage to defend themselves Fortune it is which hath often opened the strongest places at the first Summons and it is Fortune which at the appearance of an Army hath caused many Provinces to stoop under their Power and Obedience But notwithstanding all this we must not conceive Fortune to be as the Heathens did a blind Goddesse who over ruleth Battels and giveth the Victory to what side she pleaseth no it is of the divine Providence that I speak which is usually so called when any thing befalleth us above our expectation or beyond our hopes God is the first cause of all good successe and it is his onely gift he it is who blesseth Councels and it is by the favour of his influences that we see good fruits or follow sage resolutions Neither may we imagine that the Prudence of great men doth not contribute to an happy successe for they are the instruments of Gods power but not such as are dead and void of life or such as want motion and action to co-operate with the first cause As it may be said that Alexander was fortunate in all his enterprizes But this fortune was improved by Prudene conserved by cares preserved by Labours and seconded by Courages Most certain it is those extraordinary events which the vulgar attribute to hazard do for the most part arrive by the Prudence and Conduct of wise eminent men who operate by Springs which are the more esteemable by bein invisible to the vulgar yet such as procure no lesse glory in the minds of them who are able to judge aright of things though they fall not under the Rules and Laws of mean and ordinary understandings Prosecution of the History HIS Majesty in this Treaty had obtained as much advantage as could be desired against the Duke of Savoy yet he desired to let him see or at least some of his party who might relate it to him that he had power enough to have forced it from him if he had not done it by fair means His Majesty laid hold on the occasion upon Madam the Princesse of Piedmonts comming to Suze to visit him he entertained her with a great deal of kindness according to the particular friendship which he had alwayes for her and designed that the honour wherewith he treated her and the Prince of Piedmont then with him might learn him that he had no reason to ingage so easily with the enemies of France His Majesty went before her and causing part of the Army to follow him he placed the rest in Battalia by the way side in such places where they might best be seen that the Prince of Piedmont might with his own eyes behold that he ought not
my self they question not these truths but besides that those expences were absolutely necessary do they not know what great advantages they gave both to the King and Kingdom The glory will remain for ever but the incommodity is already forgotten What reason is there to complain I shall onely make this answer the Ministers had deprived the King of that great honour which he now enjoys had they been deficient in drawing from the people those things which were necessary for the subsistance of Armies during the Wars and that it was a certain sign of their good conduct to have made such carefull provisions If the Impositions were thus necessary the money which did rise from them was no lesse carefully expended during those times of which they speak in which it may be said much was done with little money Can any one deny that this incomparable Minister did not buy that glory and those victories for the King to the shame of his enemies at an easier rate then others have done who have onely used allaying Medicines to defer those evils which afflict us from exasperating into extremities but have still left the enemies of France great advantages upon us It must be confessed that some particular people have beene charged over and above their proportion but neither the King nor his Ministers are therefore to be blamed the Possessors and Raters were faulty and deserved to be punished because they oppressed the weak and let the able escape upon the sum of friendship Politique Observation JUstice and Prudence do equally oblige a Prince to force a contribution from his Subjects towards the urgent necessities of the publike No one can doubt whether any thing be more efficacious then a good Treasure to preserve a Kingdom in order be it in Peace or War That Prince is easily surprized whose Exchequer is exhausted for he that wants money wants wherewith to levy men and he who is defective of men is to be vanquished without difficulty Now as to matter of War every one knows that Monies are its principal Nerves whereupon Suetonius Paulinus a Captain of great repute said in the Emperour Otho's Councel where the means of carrying on a War were discussed that in publike dissentions Money was more necessary then an Army Hath not Thucydides recorded to us how the chiefest arguments which Pericles used to induce the Athenians to make War was by convincing to them that they were in a capacity of so doing because an Army would easily be supplied with all necessary provisions from that abundant Treasure of which they were Masters War is undeniably a great Gulf which devoureth incredible sums What imprudence therefore were it for a Prince who finding himself ingaged in Wars and the Revenue of his Crown unable to furnish him with necessary conveniences not to compell his Subjects to contribute towards the publike Concernments Would he not soon be reduced to the condition of Cleomenes who according to Plutarch were forced to a War without monies to support his Souldiery was compelled to flie into Egypt If there be any thing of Prudence in it there is as much of Justice too The common Axiom is that every one may make use of his own now is it not I pray most certain that Kings may rightfully impose Contributions upon their Subjects towards the defraying of publike expences It is a right so undubitable inherent to them that the most able and sincere Divines assure us that every one is in conscience bound to submit to it they grounding themselves upon that command which our Saviour gave of paying unto Caesar and the example which himself shewed Herein consisteth the Soveraign power which Kings have over their Subjects goods I shall moreover adde that a Crown doth not only impower to impose Taxes but doth oblige Kings to require them for the preservation of its lustre and to demand them as a debt due to the State as also that no Subject can reasonably complain of it it being but just that particular and private persons should suffer some incommodity for the preservation of the publike good and better it were a Nation were impoverished then a kingdom lost Prosecution of the Subject THose crimes wherewith the Cardinals honour was taxed were so frivolous that we need not any longer detain our selves upon them especially seeing all wise men knew them to be groundlesse Easie it is to speak ill of the Governours of a State as the Queen mother her self once said to some who complained of her Agents during her Regency Every one takes the liberty to discommend their Conduct because Man is naturally an enemy to Government and propense to judge the worst of his Governours whose actions indeed may appear in their true Colours but not the causes inducements and circumstances of them they remain lock'd up in secret Revilings are the rewards of their watchings and let their actions be never so advantagious to the publike good yet private particular persons shall never be satisfied or pleased with them unlesse they advance their private and particular Fortunes as well as that of the publike Never was yet Minister otherwise rewarded and for this very reason whatever was said against the Cardinal was regarded by wise men but as the effect of a furious faction who could not meet their particular advancement in his Conduct which he little esteemed after he found their ends to be guided by their interests without consideration of the Kings Honour so that it will be needlesse longer to insist on this particular discourse Shortly after the Queen mothers and Monsieur's departure the King unwilling to hinder their Officers from going after them was well inform'd that divers abusing that Liberty accorded unto them did carry Letters under the notion of Officers and packets of correspondency for the continuing many Intreagues still on foot Whereupon his Majesty to suppresse that disorder ordained that they should have fifteen days time to retire themselves either unto their persons or else to confine themselves unto their own houses inhibiting any one either to go or come the time once expired without his particular licence under penalty of being declared disturbers of the publike peace of being punished with confiscation of their Estates and the â—osse of exemption from payment of Tributes which they then enjoyed it being unreasonable that under the intent of favouring some who did not abuse their liberty of going to discharge their Offiâ—es others might without comâ—trol foment and carry on the divisions in the Kingdom which cost so dear to extinguish Politique Observation IT is very dangerous to suffer in a Kingdom divided with factions such persons who have any particular dependance upon them who are the Authors of those divisions after themselves are retired out of the Kingdom so to do were to leave fire in straw Although â—ome may be mindfull of their obligations in being more submisse to their Soveraign then to any other yet undoâ—btedly many there wil be more affectionate to their
Cardinal could hardly have imagined how much it was to be wished that the Sieur de Marillac would have rebated some part of that unquiet and rebellious spirit of his which he manifested during those troubles in relation to that reservedness and moderation of which he was known to be master when he had no other Office but that of the Requests and Councellour of State which moderation of his gave good cause to hope that his riper Age had totally extinguished that sedicious fire which had almost consumed him in his younger days Politique Observation SEeing there must of necessity be limits and Bounds in that distrust which is had of persons chosen to serve in publique affairs as also that it is a great fault to trust every one and a greater to trust none or to remove a person from the Goverment whose reputation and conduct seems to ingage a Trust in him so on the contrary the confidence which a Minister hath of a person who hath the repute of a great vertue though peradventure there might have been some miscarriage in her former conduct is no slight testimonie of her owne integritie A depraved Nature can beleeve no one hardly himselfe whereas a vertuous oble disposition honoureth such as have the reputation of being fincere and Loyal with so much respect that there need no great labour to make them be credited I cannot more properly compare distrust to any thing then to those Poysons which Phisitians sometimes use in their Medicines which administred with discretion and by weight do cure the most dangerous sicknesses whereas given in a little excess they presently kilso doth distrust it is one of the best supports in a Ministers conduct if he useth it moderately and on the other side if too much made use of it causeth a thousand disasters both to the State and the Minister himself Hee who is too distrustful hath never any quiet hee never looketh on any thing but it disturbs him no one cometh neere him but hee suspecteth it is with some ill design if any one salute him with a little more then usual respect he presently fancieth such a one will cheat him and vertue it selfe passeth for Hippocrasie in his opinion And if by this means hee createth a Hell to himself his suspitions too are offensive to all who have any manner of conversation with him I passe by those inferiour persons who do oftentimes render great services to the State and yet being denied the liberty of presenting themselves do at last hate the chief Minister when they think themselves dis-respected On the contrary confidence puts the mind in great repose gaines affection from all the world induceth to imploy all such as are able to do service with Freedome and many times maketh enemies themselves to change their designs and to prosecute instead of persecuting his interests The Romans were not sullied with this diffidence for they never made any difficulty to re-place those again into their Offices whom they had formerly removed They recalled Camillus whom they had banished made him Dictator honoured him with the Consul-ship and General of the Army under Marcus Lâ—vius command whom they disgraced And the Emperour Augustus instead of punishing Lucius Cinna who whould have attempted upon his person had such confidence in him that he not onely did not distrust him but advanced him to the Consul-ship and by that manner of proceeding so won upon him that he was ever after very faithfull and very affectionate to all which concerned him Mens inclinations are not irrecoverable and they who have heretofore been incendiaries may turn to be faithfull servants Whence it comes that the Rule which ought to be followed in distrusting of men is that it be not with excesse not totally and absolutely to lay by and reject all who have been culpable of evil management but to examine the true cause of their disorder whether their fault were committed by inclination or accident if the occasion which induced them be removed or not and whether there be good ground to beleeve that their vertue hath been set right and amended after their bad disposition judging so much the more favourably of those who are reputed vertuous because the integrity of a Prince and his principal Minister of State is judged by the Qualities and Conditions of those Officers whom they imploy but withall still retaining a power to curb their evil conduct if they abuse that confidence which it had of them The Garde de Seaux d' Haligre is advanced to the charge of Chancellor of France by the death of Monsieur de Sillery FOrtune having made way by the disgrace of the Marquess de la Vieville for the advancement of these two Councellors of State death would also take its turn to shew its power giving occasion by the decease of Monsieur de Sillery to advance Monsieur Le garde de Seaux de Haligre to the charge of Chancellour of Franch This great man was laid a sleep in his Tomb after he had been known for one of the prime spirits of his time both in matters of his Counsel the Seal and his own particular importment whence it happened that the disgrace which befell him not long before by those bad Offices which the Marquess de la Vieville did him who was not able to indure that any mans discretion should over shadow him was but a Triumph to his vertue He was removed by the Artifices of that Minister to go spend the rest of his days at his house of Sillery that he might be eased of the trouble of the world He made known both to his confident friends who visited him and to such with whom he held an inter-course by Letters that this change wrought not upon his Constancy and that his disgrace did not at all alter the temper of his mind He told them that he had alwaies held it for a maxime to consider Accidents by their true cause which is the divine Providence and seeing that no man ought to repine at that which he is forced to suffer it were but reasonable to conform our wills to those orders which are established here upon earth that he was not ignorant how that huge multitude which follows those men who are in great places doth not follow so much their persons as their fortunes and that the solitude wherein he now was made him find it so by experience that he did not think he had the fewer friends in having so few Visitants that in fine he in-joyed a great liberty such a one as he had never tasted in his most honourable imployments that the sweetnesse which he found in it invited him to lament their condition who were still bound to such Slaveries And that lastly the preferred his disgrace before the highest dignty It was a middest such prudent meditations that he entertained himself near a whole year in great content from the Court untill at last death came to put a period to his days but
number and that they wanted several necessaries for a long siege rendered themselves upon composition The Sieur d' Harcourt Marshall of the Camp was sent by the Marquis to make himselfe master of Chiavenue whilest himself was at Travone which he forced after a long siege so that there only remained the Fort of Rive toward which he advanced the Armie but it was expedient first to passe by Campo where the Spaniards had taken up their Quarters and to force them out of it The resolution was taken to fight them and orders given accordingly which the Spaniards perceiving they clapt some Regiments into Campo to fortifie it and seeing our men come on they sallyed out about 200. paces from their workes and received them with all the markes of a resolute courage but without any advantage for that ours assaulted them so strongly and couragiously that without longer holding the businesse in suspence they forced them to retire in disorder and being desirous to prosecute the point of their victory they would still have gone on but were met with by fresh Spaniards who beate them back to the foot of the mountaine but with little successe too for ours being presently seconded killed many of them put the rest to flight and followed them 500. paces on the other side of Campo The Marquisse who knew his men were used to pillage and that victories ought not to keep an Army in negligence and security presently sent de vaux Ayde de Camp to rally the French together who were dispersed up and down but this could not be done so soon but that the Spaniards being ashaned of their flight return'd and fell upon them killed some and put the rest into disorder However it is true this advantage lasted not long for our men fought so stoutly that the Spaniards lost more men then wee and resolved to quit Campo the day following and to retire themselves to Rive Their successes were very happy and they who would know the true cause of them must understand that though a very great share may be attributed to the good conduct of the Marquiss and to the valour of his souldiers yet the Cardinal deserved the greatest prayse who advised to this enterprise who contrived the meanes and removed all obstacles and began it in such a time when all the Emperors and King of Spaines forces were before Breda and who were perswaded wee would not have attempted any thing upon these Forts they being in the Popes hands with whom the Spaniard had so wrought that he should not part with them either by terrifying him that they would relaps into the power of the Grisons who were Hereficks or by giving hopes that in the conclusion there would be some means of accommodation found out but all was to keep them in their own power Politique observation HE who guides and directs great enterprises by his Councils hath more share in the glory of them then they who execute and act them It is Prudence which prevents an enemy and taketh him at unawares which diverts his Forces and which knoweth how to fight and with such advantage that he is easily overcome Hereupon Guicciardin saith in his History that the Prudence of one great Personage in a State doeth more then all the Arms of the world and Philosophie teacheth us that counsel is the most heavenly thing in all the world that is it which renders men most like the Deity whose property it is as the Apostle saith to do all things by the Counsel of his will T. Livy being much of the same mind saith he hath often heard it reported among Souldiers that who so knoweth best to command deserveth the first place and who so to obey the second place It cannot be denied but that there is as much need of executing as giving good advices because if there were no one to put them into action good Counsels would be to no purpose but withal it must be concluded That Counsel is so much the more excellent in that it is the Child of the first and chiefest vertue which is Prudence whereas action the effect of it is the Child only of force which is much beneath it The Sea-men indeed are in continual motion in their Ships to given order for several things somtimes labouring to turn about their Sayles and Cords and anon mounting up into the Bound-house to discrie the enemy by and by to stop some leak in the Ship where the water breaks in and thus they have much more labour then the Pilot whose mind though is in more agitation then their bodies he working in his thoughts and judgment to keep all safe from the storms and Rocks to guide her home without being wraked by those operations of his which are so much the more noble then theirs by how much the acts of the Soul surpasse those of the Body Who can without injustice ascribe more honour to those who execute an enterprise then to him who by the fulness of his Soul first contrived it digested it by his Prudence found out means by the power of his judgment to set it on working removed by his ingenuity all such obstacles as might oppotse it foresaw all difficulties in it and gave necessary orders for the carrying of it on to a happy successe To speak truly it cannot be without robbing him of that which justly belongs unto him But who can doubt of this truth after he who amongst Kings was accompted the wisest and whose Pen was guided by the Holy Ghost the Author of Truth hath said it Wisdome is more to be esteemed then force and a wise man deserves more honour then he who is esteemed valiant The Pope seemes to the Cardinal de la Valette the Sieur de Bethune to be very angry that the King should attempt upon the Forts in the Valtoline which were in his keeping THE Pope was very much troubled at the first news which he heard of those succours given to the Grisors by his Majesties Armes leagued with those of Venice and Savoy for recovery of the Valtonine The Sunday following he was seen in his Chappel to be very mellancholy and cloudy he made heavy complaints to the Cardinal de la Vulette that those Forts in his Custody should be assaulted being garded by his Ensigns testifying to him a great desire he had to see the Sieur de Bethune that he might tell him how much he resented it The Sieur de Bethune hearing of it sent to demand audience not so much to give any satisfaction to his grievances as to discover his disposition which anger would lay open sooner then any thing and to fortifie him against such discourses wherewith the Partakers of Spain would endeavour to exasperate him As soon as the Pope saw him he told him he could never have imagined that the Arms of France would have fallen upon those of the Church but his Holiness was not long unanswered the Sieur de Bethune telling him That the King his Master was
being come within a League of it they soon sent their desires to be admitted to Composition The Castle made some difficulty of surrendring but when the Governour had once seen a Battery raised on the points of the Rocks where five hundred Nissars had drawn the Cannon by the strength of their Arms he resolved to do as the Town had Thus in the moneths of March April and May did the Armies of Savoy over-run in the State of Genoa all that did resist them and made themselves Masters not onely of the places by us named but of divers others to the number of one hundred seventy four strong and weak so favourable is Fortune to those who undertake any thing with extraordinary boldnesse and courage Politique Observation FOrtune or to speak more properly Divine Providence doth commonly favour those who being truly generous do attempt any great enterprise Not that God worketh miracles for the crowning them with successe but indeed because couragiousness giveth them great advantages especially when it is accompanied with Prudence and that the Divine Providence co-operating with second Causes doth assist their indeavours Courage begetteth a certain hope which like a Spur stirreth up to great attempts from which Fear had formerly diverted them courage alone is sufficient to strike terrour into an enemy who fighting more by constraint then good will do usually give ground when once they find themselves vigorously assaulted Who knoweth not that it is courage which perswadeth to invade and subject other Countries Experience hath often evinced that an invading Prince hath a great advantage over him who is onely intent how to defend himself especially if he be Prudent in falling on him in a favourable conjuncture of time as when his forces are diverted into other imployments or worn out or unarmed They who have most judiciously weighed the Victories of Caesar do much ascribe them to his native Generousness which carried him on to attempt any thing without the least fear insomuch that he despised the un-relenting fury both of the Sea and Winds which spare no man and commanded the Pylot who conducted him not to fear since he carried Caesars Fortune in his Boat Never did his Souldiers shew their backs no danger could affright him well he knew death to be the end of life but not that it was a mis-fortune He built his Glory upon Conquests and the difficulty of his enterprizes re-doubled the Force of his Courage Fortune was alwaies his friend and he made it apparent that nothing was impossible to a man of Resolution The Prosecution of War in Italy FOrtune indeed did much adde to the Courage of the Arms of France and Savoy for the obtaining such great Conquests in so little time but much of the honour must be ascribed unto the Cardinal who first advised the expedition who issued out all Orders under the Kings Authority who executed them in so happy a conjuncture of time that neither the Spaniards or Genoeses could possibly defend those places which were assaulted by reason of their want of Forces And lastly who had so good intelligence in the States of Genoa that he did not a little contribute to the good success of this design Yet however Fortune or rather Divine Providence which over-ruleth Armies doth but laugh at mans Wisdome and seemeth to delight in distributing both good and bad success to their designs Thus was it with the French and Savoyards for the Scales seemed to turn against them and their Conquests came to a Period The Fame of these great Victories did so trouble the house of Austria that extraordinary preparations were made in Germany for the sending of a Potent Army under the command of Feria Governour of Milan for the assisting of the Genoeses The Marquess de St. Croix was likewise commanded to put to Sea a Fleet designed for that purpose who had imbarked neer four thousand Souldiers in twenty five Gallies and five Gallions of Sicilia These Forces of the Enemy came with a great advantage the Plague having consumed at least two thirds of the French since their arrival in Italy The Marshal de Crequy fell sick of it and not long after the Constable Besides divers Cities of Genoa seemed to shake off the yoke of their Obedience with joy and delight they turned about and before the end of June rise against their new Governours and Garisons with great violence as if Fortune had purposely done it to shew that misfortunes seldome come single And lastly the ill-management of the Artillery and want of Waggons for the Carriage of Provisions for the Army of all which the Duke of Savoy was in fault occasioned more disasters then all the rest besides the jealousies which grew between him and the Constable did not a little add to compleat them Things being in this posture did much incourage the Spaniards and the Duke de Feria that he might not lose the advantage of it entred into Montferrat about the beginning of July where he took Spione by force and not long after Acqui which the Constable had made his Magazine of Arms and had therin placed 3. Regiments to guard the munitions which he had there stowed up The taking of this place necessitated the Prince of Piedmont and the Constable to recall the Forces then marching towards Savonne that they might joyntly fall on upon the Duke of Feria but they found him incamp'd so advantagiously at Ferzo between Bistague and Acqui that they could not possibly come neer him the Passages being so narrow that onely two men could march a Breast At the same time the inhabitants of Albengua Novy and Acquy revolted against the French Garisons and shortly after divers other lesse places and six thousand Genoeses comming before Gavio the Governour and his son cowardly surrendred the place upon condition to be carried safely into France The Genoeses received them upon this Composition and conducted them accordingly but being there arrived their Treachery was not long unpunished by the Parliament of Provence Gonvernon the son being hanged the Fathers body taken up burned and his Ashes thrown into the Ayr death having prevented the execution of judgment upon him True it is Courage doth oftentimes compell Fortune to be favourable and the French Army though thus persecuted did yet make head against the Duke de Feria and prevented his further progress so that he was forced to make some other diversion by entring upon Piedmont and lying down before Ast with design to besiege it The Constable was yet there very weak it being thought he would have died so that he went off and the Marshal de Crequy upon the thirtieth of August came into his place with four thousand French The same day he made a Sally with the Prince of Carignan forced the enemy from a Bridge which they had kept six dayes and made them run away with shame though they had eighteen thousand foot and seven hundred horse Was not this a generous exploit of the French and
for the Country where they live so that they do not heartily embrace the Interests of it and in case a war should break out none would be so ready as they to entertain intelligence and give advices to the enemies They are also easily provoked against the natural inhabitants of the Country upon any suspition that they are lesse esteemed by them then others which induceth them to stick close together and to raise Factions against the State withal their bodies may not be punished though there be some kind of reason for it least they should generally resent it and raise up a thousand Broyles These are the chief reasons why it is impossible to preserve a Family of Officers Strangers in a Queens Court This was it which did oblige those of Sparta as Xenophon reporteth it not to suffer any strangers to live in their Commonwealth which made the Athenians take the same resolution as Plutarch observeth in the life of Pericles and which made Suetonius commend Augustus that he would rarely grant to any the being free or naturals of his Kingdome and which induced Polydore Virgil to say in his History of England That it was not the custome of English to admit of many strangers amongst them least the difference of their customes and fashions might cause them not to live in a good intelligence with the natives of the Country The King sends the Marshal de Bassompierre into England THe Queen Mother having been acquainted with the disorder which had hapened in the Queen of Englands Family first sent the Sieur de Barre to her to testifie to her that she was sorry for her and took part in her discontents and shortly after there being no reason to put up such an injurie the Cardinal advised his Majesty to dispatch the Marshal de Bassompierre as extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England for a redresse in the business Amongst divers others he was more particularly made choise of for that employment because there had been many of his near kindred retained near the Queen who were now all sent back again So that it was thought considering the near Interest of his family that he would be the more zealously affectionate in dispatching such instructions as should from time to time be sent to him He was but coldly entertained in England because audience had been denied to the Lord Montague who was sent into France upon the return of those Officers however he was no whit discouraged at it knowing that any Ambassador ought to shut his eyes at all little difficulties and obstructions so he may carry on his Masters work to a good issue The King of England appointed Commissioners to treat with him upon that affair who being met together he represented to them in order to his instructions that amongst other things comprehended in the Articles of Marriage it had been concluded and agreed on That the Queen of England should have free excercise of her Religion that she should have a Bishop and a certain number of Priests to exercise the Offices of her Religion That all her houshold should be Catholiques and French and that all the English Catholiques should in general receive greater priviledges then had been granted them if the Treaty with Spain had been effected That the late King James and the present King Charls his son then Prince of Wales had confirmed it by oath and that King James had commanded his Officers not to trouble or molest the Catholiques any more whereupon that the King his Master had conceived great hopes of prosperity and happiness for the Queen his Sister neither could he believe that the King of England his Brother in Law would break his word given upon the consideration of Royal Marriage who until then had amongst other virtues the reputation of being Just to his promises That this new Alliance instead of reuniting their persons and Interests would now rather breed great divisions between them and at such a time when they had most need of being in amity with one another both for assisting of their Allyes and their own particular preservation And that notwithstanding all these premises the King of England had sent back all those Officers of the Queen contrarie to the Treaty which had been confirmed by oath that he placed about her Officers who were English and of a Religion contrary to hers and besides all this that the Catholiques in General were every where troubled and ill treated for their Religion sake So that the King his Master unable to abandon the Queen his Sisters Interest had sent him to his Majesty of Great Britain to put him in mind of his promises and to perswade him That her Majesties Catholique Officers might be re-admitted to her as also that his Catholique subjects might be more favourably dealt withal The English Commissioners could not deny what had been concluded in the Treaty but they would lay the fault of the Officers return upon their own shoulders pretending that they had raised troubles in the Kingdome in his Majesties own Family and that of his dear consort the Queen but they did not produce any sufficient proofs upon the business And as to that which concerned the English Catholiques they pleaded that it had only been granted for formalities sake and to satisfie the Pope But the Marshal producing before them the late Kings Oaths confirmed too by another of the present King then Prince of Wales they could no longer tell what to say to the business but fled to other complaints not material or any wayes relating to the matter in question The Marshal replyed and that very tartly that he could not sufficiently admire that the Articles of Marriage and confirmed by Oath were not observed That the Queens Officers were sent back under pretence that they troubled the State without giving the King his Master any notice of it and without acquainting him in the least with those crimes which were presented to be committed That presently thereupon English Officers and those Protestants should be placed in their rooms That indeed those accusations were to be esteemed as frivolous and admitting them for just yet ought they to be chastised only and others French and Catholique put into their places by the rules of the Treaty But that indeed those pretended quarrels or Jarrs raised by the Queens French Officers were so far from being the true cause of their return that on the contrary the Lord Moâ—ntague had been at Nantes not many dayes before their being sent over to congratulate the King and Queen Mother concerning the good understanding which was between their Majesties of Great Britain and concerning the great satisfaction which the King received at the Queen his wifes behaviour That of the suddain and unlookt for discharge of her Officers happening so immediately upon the neck of this joy could not but appear strange and that as it did much wound the King of Englands Reputation so it likewise injured the King his Masters Generosity who was
and whatever was strong or weak in the whole Fortification The wayes and passages of the whole Country were not omitted nor the length and largness of the Channel the places where Batteries might be raised with Forts for defence of the Port and oftentimes considering this Map with the Marshal de Schomberg and other able Ingeniers for such exploits he framed so perfect an Idea of all that could happen in the siege fore-seeing effects in their causes That he did no longer doubt of the victory And having discoursed more at large with his Majesty concerning it he told him that he could now almost assure his Majesty of a good successe in this design if it pleased God to Prosper it with his blessing as there was great reason to hope seeing he acted for the good of the Church and the glory of his own name The King was overjoyed at it and from that time forwards preparations were made in all the adjacent Provinces of warlik amunitions great store of Cannon were sent before hand towards the place that they might be in a readiness when time should serve divers means were thought on to block up the Channel and to begin with those of lesse charge to prevent greater expences in case they might do the work a private computation was made of what horse and foot would be requisite to invest the place and secure the neighbouring Isles and to be short every thing was disposed to the best advantage for the carrying on of the siedg Politique Observation HEE who shutteth his eyes at those difficulties which he shall meet with in war deceiveth himself Commonly they that do so are quickly reduced to an impossibility of executing their designs If there be any one Action which ought maturely to be deliberated in its beginning progresse and end without doubt war is chiefly the thing it being as Scipio saith absolutely important not to begin it unless Fortune presents a favourable occasion with advantage but when the means necessary for it's continuation are certain and when there is a sure way to come off with Honour Though Fortune should be crosse yet after so many considerations it can hardly end in a bad successe whereas with blinded eyes and no considerations had of the means to overcome such obstacles may arise as nothing but confusion and disorder and ruine can foâ—low Tiberius is very much commended in Tacitus for having so great knowledge of his enemies Plots designs and resolutions in so much that those very subtilities which they proposed for to get a victory he made use of for their destruction And T. Livy saith of Hannibal that one of the principal causes which gave him many advantages in war was the knowing his enemies Counsels as well as he did his own resolutions A discreet Pilot foresees a storm and secureth himself neither doth a Grand Minister of State attempt any thing of concern but he foresees the difficulties which may happen in it It is for Fencers not Princes to resolve on a suddain A wise man never brings himself within danger of repentance and as he knows his designs may be countermined so he is accordingly carefull not only to provide all such means as may carry his business to a happy issue but also such remedies as may overcome any obstacles which may chance to be made in opposition of it He never lets his courage be quelled with difficulties but makes them only serve to fix his resolution the more strongly against all resistances by this means he will see all things fall out according to his own forecast and he will force Fortune her self to become favourable to him The Duke of Lorrain comes to the King at Paris to complain of his Majesties Actions towards the Bishop of Verdun and to do him Homage for the Dutchee of Bar. GReat enterprises are not to be ended in a moment so that some months had passed before the English were in a condition to make good their promise to the Rochelois during which time divers remarkable things intervened The Duke of Lorrain about the beginning of the year came to his Majesty at Paris and made great complaints of his Majesties Officers Actions against the Bishop of Verdun his Kinsman how that they had seized on all his Goods translated the charge of his Offices to other persons that they had Posted up Papers against him and had resolved to have seized on his Person if it had been in their power But as he had not to do with such Ministers who had either fear or weaknesse or knew not how or when to maintain their Masters Interests so he was quickly answered That Bishops of what condition soever being his Majesties subjects owe as much respect and obedience to him as others of his degree that when they fall off from their duties it is then the more just to punish their faults their Delinquency being an ill example to which most people are apt to follow That injoying their Temporal States onely in order to the Oath of Allegiance which they all swear to his Majesty they do most especially deserve to be deprived of them when they break their said oath That his Majesty was more especially obsigned to maintain his Right in Verdun which was a Fontier Town and in regard too that the Bishop had attempted against his Royal Authority in hindring the building of the Cittadel though it were a thing only relating to the Soverainty and in which he was not all concerned These answers were so Just and grounded upon such sollid reasons that nothing could be replied against them so the Duke had recourse to his entreaties and beseeched his Majesty for his sake to wink at with was past to order restitution of his seizures and to command the Bishop Officers to be re-established in their former charges He was very urgent in his behalf and because at the same time the Emperour having writ to his Majesty in his favour the King had returned him answer That at his desire he should willingly grant him any reasonable favour the Duke obtained his request but upon condition however That the Bishop should first send a Commission to one of his Vicars to revoke the Censures which had been given out against his Majesties Officers and them who worked on the Cittadel and that in fature he should comport himself with more respect and moderation The Duke did willingly become bound for his performance and having sent the Commission the King discharged the seizures and setled all things in their former state But notwithstanding all the Duks seeming affection forwardness in this affair yet that was not the chief end of his Journey He had been newly put into possession of the States of Lorrain and Bar by vertue of Reynard the second King of Sicilies will and by the resignment of his Father the Count of Vaudmont pretending to hold them of his Liege in his own proper name though the late Duke of Lorrain his Predecessor had and that
the people in their duty Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux to indeavour their reconcilement and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs The ground of their difference was this the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace granted by the King to the Hugonots to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been registred in the Parliament Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat fining him 1500 Liures and ordered the rest to appear in Court and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest and confirmed Minuelle in his Office grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him but the Duke of Espernon being not of an humour easily to submit to any others will then that of the Kings persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest The Parliament made a third so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace which was then made by the Parliaments Authority In sine an extream feud rise between them and the Parliament came to that point that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel The King finding of what consequence it might prove dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux to dispose the Duke to give the Parliament satisfaction and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good The Sieur de Leon came thither and finding the Parliament resolute that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this that he would go to the Parliament and pay them some complements of honour and respect The Parliament was not contented with it so their accommodation was deferred till at last the news being come that the English Fleet was at Sea every one addressed himself to serve the King and to hinder their landing in Guienne And then the Cardinal de Sourdis Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them At last unto the Parliament he came and having complemented them with great civility they answered him in the like without the least mention of any thing past and thus this great storm was allayed Politique Observation JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves for they discovering one anothers defects by their division give occasion to redress them and withall each one feareth to offend that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance and produceth the same effects as a weight equally divided in two Scales which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself and their Soveraign never the wiser Thus said Cato to them who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Caesar had ruined the Common-wealth It is true it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot but the friendship which had formerly been between them was the first and chief cause Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater who afterwards finding it begin to break by the deceases of Pompey and Crassus their wives which served to preserve it there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties and that every thing went to decay chose Pompey sole Consul giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed Seneca with great reason compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it that the more weight is laid on it the stronger it bears it up whereas it would easily be broken if made of one stone alone In fine this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses to the looking more strictly into things and the keeping every one in his duty It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Majesties service and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Province but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence One of the chief is when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority to oppose the power of a Governour and if a Governor abuse his power to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament And thus was it according to Tacitus that the Roman common people ballancing the Nobilities power did along while prefer their liberty Yet above all it would be necessary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities from whence strange accidents might follow If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound either death follows or at least great sicknesse and doubtlesse such contests hapning among Governours either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them or at least breed great disorders amongst them The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people and the Senate caused great evils and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla Pompey and Caesar did break out every one siding with some party took up Arms from whence followed strange murthers and Tragedies and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will. The King going from Paris towards Rochel falls sick at Villeroy after the first day of his setting out VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to invade France The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed
but the Duke sent in all hast to demand it of his Holyness When the Marquis de Chaumont came thither It was not as yet arrived but hourly expected and though it was not brought but only a very few minuts before his death yet the Marquis of Strigio who knew how necessary it was for the State of affairs told the Prince de Rethelois and the Princess Maria that they must forthwith marry or else be assured never to enjoy the States of Mantua It was a business of so great importance that it would admit of no longer consultation so that it was concluded and married they were about nine in the night on Christmasse Eve the marriage was consummated and not long after the news of Duke Vincents death was brought unto them This accident was of very great concern to the Duke de Nevers Who without it might perchance never have enjoyned the Dukedom of Mantua At that present he was in France but hearing of it he took post and about the end of January came to Mantua where finding all things according to his own desire he took proffession of the State and the Marquis de Chaumont return'd back to France He passed by Thurin and used new endeavours to perswade the Duke of Savoy to an accommodation but it would not be yet he served the King in this occasion by withdrawing divers of the Nobility of Dauphine from the Duke of Savoy's Army who had ingaged themselves with him not knowing his design was upon Montferrat which the Duke hearing of was much offended and told him it would not be safe for him to stay any longer in Turin Politique Observation THat Prudence which obligeth all Soveraigns to provide against such accidents as may trouble the present State of their affairs doth equaly direct them to make sure of such remedies as may prevent the future disturbance of their Peace and quiety which cannot safely be effected without the assurance of an Hair to succeed Augustus affordeth us a memorable example in this particular who governing an Empire not Hereditary would however joyn with himself some one of his nearest kindred in the conduct of affairs to the end that ingratiating himself with the Senators Souldiers and people he might by that means seem to deserve the Soveraignity For this reason it was according as Tacitus hath well observed that he finding himself destitute of Sons and that Fortune had taken from him first Marcus Agrippa and afterwards Cajus and Lucius his Nephews advanced Tiberus who though he had a Son then grown up he caused to adopt Germanicus to the succession of the Empie and this he did as the Historian observes that the Crown might be assured upon divers supports By this means he cut off the Senators hopes of reforming the State into a Republique and from his Enemies the means of aspiring to the Crowns Adrian in the like manner seeing he had not any Sons which exposed him to the fury of some ambitious mind or other who for the Empires sake might be perswaded to attempt upon his Person adopted Antoninus and also required that Antoninus should in the like manner he having no Sons neither nominate two more successours as Dion hath observed in his life and all this was with intent that they who were to succeed in the Empire might be alwayes ready to receive it and to prevent his Enemies from attempting against his person in hopes to obtain it for themselves To how many misfortunes have they who have been defective in this Care exposed their Countries Jane the second Queen of Napels dying without nominating her successour d' Anâ—ou whom she had once named being deceased before her left her Kingdome cruelly torn in pieces by War and him whom she least of all desired to inherit after her It is very rarely seen that a Kingdome changeth its Family without great wars and that Prince whom God hath not blessed with Children will find many attempts made upon his person whence it follows that he who would secure his Life and State from misfortunes ought betimes to appoint his successour to keep him near to him with Honour to instruct him in all affairs but not to admit him unto the partaking of the Soveraignity for that were to cure one evil by a greater seeing the ambition which usually attendeth young Princes might perchance ingage him in some ill design to be master of it before his time Cabals of the Duke de Rohan in Languedoc and the Succours wrought by means of the Duke de Soubize his brother in England for the Rochelois THE Duke de Rohan was by his brother assured of the English assistance and long before their landing in Ree he did nothing but contrive Cabals in Languedoc that he might place Consuls for his own turn in the Hugonot Towns and engage considerable persons in his private interests Presently after their landing he openly declared himself strengthned his party with Men perswaded some places to rise and sollicited others to do the like He gave them great hopes of high and mighty advantages by the inundation of strangers and he provoked them the more by insinuating into them the ruin of their Religion and divers other imaginary evils That he mâ—â—ht the better strik these Panick fears into them he sent them a Manifest filled with all those specious apparencies mentioned in the beginning of this year But may it not be said that he imitated those Pirates who seeming to instruct the course which Ships ought to keep in the Sea set up Lanthorns upon the tops of Rocks to draw Pirates thither and so to wrack them For thus did he lay before the sight of them who were sufficiently enclined to â—â—action diverse seemingly fair reasons of the preservation of their party and Religion by which means he drew them into that revolt and engaged them in those misfortunes which have since been the cause of the ruining of their Towns and of levelling their Wals and fortifications with the ground Now that he might the more strictly bind the Hugonot towns to his designs he â—ound means to make an assembly in the Viâ—e d'Vsez where diverse of their Deputies met together and as he had no lesse eloquence then courage he perswaded them to whatever he had a mind to They approved of those succours which he had negotiated in England as just and necessary they commended his prudence and zeal and gave him a thousand thanks for it But this was not all They assured him not to enter into any Treaty of Peace with his Majesty without the King of Englands consent and his own in particular Hereupon they deputed some of the most seditious of their faction to go to the Towns of Languedoc and Guyennâ— withal they writ to those of Dauphine and Vivarez to encourage them to unite with them for the good of the cause They drew up a form of oath to be sworn by the Consuls the Governours of Towns Lords and Gentlemen who would engage with
Town to be lost without injuring of his own glory they being thus under his protection withall to provoke him to it by a sense of pitty to which end they acquainted him with the extream necessities and miseries to which they were reduced and to perswade him that there was not any such impediment in the Channel which his Fleet might not have overcome if they would but have attempted it that for their parts they had not been wanting to make a Salley if his Forces had but once began the fight and lastly they astonished the people by the thundring noise or the Cannon which they discharged more in six days then they had done in six weeks before to perswade them that they had now found an infallible way to break the Bank and to destroy all the Kings ships that lay in the Channel In the mean while his Majesty that he might not lose the advantage which their divisions offered to him sent to summon them by an Herald but they rejected all proposals of a surrender however famin pressing-hard upon the poorer sort som of the better too they began to murmure insomuch that a Counsel was summoned to satisfie them and to consider of what was proper to be done the Counsel being met most of the members were of opinion to accept of his Majesties bounty and one amongst them openly said that they were now within six weeks of their last provisions that every one had reason to rejoyce seeing it pleased his Majesty to be so gracious as that he would preserve the exercise of their Religion to them the enjoyment of their goods and the walls of their City all which they had reason to hope for from his Majesties clemencie and goodnesse That on the other side he saw no reason to expect any relief from the English as well by reason of the losses they had already sustain'd as by the little courage they had testified to fight for them as also by those great difficulties which were to be remooved in the Channel and so saying he did much settle and confirm the rest in their resolutions of Surrendring But the Mayor hearing this discourse came to him and gave him a Box on the ear in answer of which another of the Connsellors did so much for him and thus they had falled into some greater sedition had they not bin dissolved very quickly The Councel was much offended with the Mayor and issued out an order to seize on him but he encouraging the people made them rise and take arms so away he went to the houses of those two Counsellors to have slain them as doubtlesse he had done had it not preserved by their escape out of Rochel unto his Majesty at whose feet they cast themselves imploring his protection which was not denied unto them These divisions did not a little advantage his Majesties affaires the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to foment them as much as possible he could by sending another summons to them to yeild whereupon Breton Herald at Armes was commanded to do it in Form with his Coat of Armes who went into the Citie required them to lay down their weapons assured them of pardon for their past crime follies and threatning them with the contrary in case they should now refuse it It made no little impression on them who were reduced to want and extremity but they being animated by their Preachers the town still continued resolute in their insolencies The obstinate wilfulnesse which is natural to such people feeding them with fair hopes until the last Politique Observation THE people saith T. Livy unable to govern themselves by reason soon run into extremities and dangers they are ever either too low or too high too forward or too backward Another and for the same reason likens them to the fool-hardy who know no medium between the extreams of fear and audaciousnesse as soon as ever they despair of effecting their designs to advantage they break out into mutinies but in case they find them in a condition of bringing them to a good issue Oh how fierce are they how insolent in their expressions actions There need no other reason for it but onely this Passion is naturally the Mistress of popular spirits which are neither capable of reason or generousness the two known causes of civility modesty and valour Experience too hath made it evident that they who are born with narrow low hearts are terrified at the least dangers and care not what evils they commit if they have but the power to defend them It is the property of passion either to yeild to soon or not at all and by the impetuousnesse of their motion it is that many people have chosen after the suffering of a thousand miseries to dye within their City wals rather then open their Gates to their besiegers Calagurva a City of Spain being besieged by Pompey the inhabitants of it were so obstinate in defence of their Walls in Sertorius his behalf that after they had eaten up all their living creatures they were so sencelesly cruel as to kill their Wives and Children that they might eat them And the Saguntines too who were of the same Nation after they had suffered the utmost extremities turned their rage upon their own selves insomuch that their fame became a proverb for having nothing left to eat they made a great fier in the publike place where they first burnt whatever they esteemed rich and then threw in themselves choosing rather to perish in the flames then to let the Carthaginians become Masters of their Town and Persons rather to follow the impetuousnesse of that fury which tormented them then to be guided by reason which would have taught them that it had bin no infamy to yield to a Conqueror when he hath reduced such as resist him to an impossibility of escaping A Feigned Treaty between the King and the Rochelois THE Mayor of Rochel seeing this fury of the people who seemed unable longer to endure the extremities whereunto necessity had reduced them and that that party who were enclined to surrender the Town were grown strong he resolved to feign a treaty with the King He had wit enough to know that the people love rather to be deceived than forced upon which thoughts he prayed the Sieur Arnoult by the Sieur de Fenquieres a prisoner that he would come into the City to advise upon such wayes of accomodation as might he thought reasonable The Sieur Arnoult procured leave for it and upon discourse had with the Mayor he spent two dayes time in going coming after which he purposed to the besieged to have recourse to his Majesties mercy as the most assured way of pardon which they could fancie to themselves so the Sieur Arnoult went to meet the King at Tailbourg Monsieur de Cardinal at Chastâ—liers near Fontenay to give them notice of what had passed These apparent submissions brought them both back to the Camp from which they were
of exception For if a Soveraign hath the least suspicion that they may revolt a second time he is then bound to deprive them of all possible means to effect it be it either by disarming the inhabitants or dismantling their Fortifications nay by levelling their very Walls too if they are of any considerable strength Thus did the Romans destroy Velitre by reason of their frequent revolts turned out the Senate and commanded them to live on the other side of Tyber The strength and Fortifications of a Town do often invite the people to rebel as Tacitus observeth speaking of Hierusalem To which same purpose did Xerxes prohibit the use of any Arms to the Babylonians and Cyrus to the Lydians both of them commanding those people to study Arts which might divert them from War It were not much amisse to deprive them of the means of making assemblies The Romans have shewed the way of it by destroying all form of Government amongst those of Capua after they had overcome them whereby they had not any occasion of assembling any more together as formerly they had used To this same end too hath the Turks inhibited the use of Clocks amongst the Christians or any others over his whole Empire to prevent the meeting of any Assemblies which might be contrary to his will and the obedience he requireth from them But they who are Victorious ought alwaies to accompany their commands with some sweetnesse which may tollerate to them the exercise of their Religion the assurance of their goods or the like but then at last he must be sure to take from them all possible means of a future Revolt and Insurrection The Honour which his Majesty got by the taking of Rochel THE most ingenious of men even the Pope himself extolled the glorious â—tchievment which his Majesty had obtained indeed he could not be praised enough considering he had defeated three English Fleets releeved the Isle of Ree and overcome a City which through all Christendome was thought impregnable and by such a means too as was no less admirable then the taking of the Town it self and without the losse of almost one man although Charles the ninth lost the lives of many great Commanders and shot ten thousand great Guns at it and could do no good upon it How glorious was it for him to have restored this Monarchy to its ancient splendour and lustre by destroying a Faction which had so often armed some of his Subjects against the rest which hindred him from being assisting to his Allies and prevented him from regaining that honour and esteem in Europe which his Predecessours had held as their due This rebellious Town had for above two hundred years banded against their Kings whenever they were upon any great expedition as against Lewis the eleventh during the broyls of the Duke de Guienn his Brother against Charles the Eighth when all Italy expected him at Fornove against Lewis the Twelfth whilest he was in the Wars for the Milanois against Francis the first whiles he was ingaged with Charles the fifth against Francis the second and Charles the ninth doth in his minorities against Henry the third arming his brother to oppose him against Henry the Great just as he was ingaging against the Duke of Savoy And lastly against his Majesty himself upon whom they had thrice mad War but now their strong Walls being overthrown served for Monuments of his eternal glory Monsieur the Cardinal did much contribute to the taking of Rochel THe Cardinal being the chief Minister in this Affair as well as that of the State it were unreasonable to deny him some part of the credit They who writ concerning those Subjects made the lesse difficulty of it in regard his Majesty attributed the whole management of it to his Councils as by divers Declarations published abroad was apparent neither could it indeed be denied unto him seeing he it was that advised the besieging of Rochel who had contrived the means of releeving Ree who had beaten off the English who had first laid the Foundations of the siedge who had drawn the Lines and Works who had preserved them in good order who had kept the Forces from disbanding who had made them live in such a Discipline as was formerly unheard of in France who had contrived the Bank and at last concluded a League with the English who were come a third time to releeve the place But as the most glorious acts expose men to most envy so some malignant Pens there were who dis-esteemed and spoke lightly of him nay would have made his greatest services have been esteemed for attempts against his Majesties Crown yet all would not do some impression indeed they made upon them of the Cabal who could not behold without envy so shining a Star they who are well acquainted with him cannot but know how that he always and upon all occasions avoided what ever might expose him to envy that he did ever ascribe all the glory of his conduct and government to his Majesty and that on the other side the most that he ever pretended to in his greatest Actions was onely the honour to have served him faithfully and not improfitably they cannot but know he could not more fitly be compared to any one then unto Germanicus Nephew and adopted son of Tiberius who having obtained a great Victory in Germany prepared a fair Trophy at the foot of which was inscribed The Army of Tiberius Casar as Tacitus hath observed after the reducing of the people between the Rhine and Elbe raised a Monument to Mars Jupiter and Augustus but mentioned not himself And thus the honour of doing those glorious actions which he every day atchieved was by him esteemed both his satisfaction and reward Politique Observation WHat ever honour is attributed to second causes upon the effecting of great things yet the chief glory redounds unto the first not onely because he communicates all the power which second causes have to operate but withal because those effects depend upon his particular influence It cannot be denied but second cause deserved commendation and indeed without injustice it cannot be gain-said but that they have likewise much contributed The Sun in the Universal Principium of the generation of all Plants he it is who extracteth the Germinative quality wherewith the earth is replenished who produceth the Flowers and Fruits wherewith it is adorned it being most assuredly true that without his influences the earth would remain fruitlesse dry and barren Which though it be so yet what Philosopher did ever deny that the earth was not one of the chief causes of all those effects Have they not all confessed that the earth produceth Lillies and Roses And was not that Sophister esteemed a Novice who denied the Title of Mother to her In the same manner God is doubtlesse the first Authour of every thing done in the World yet no Philosopher will deny but that the Sun and Man beget Man that the Sun
for whilest they who are possessed with it indeavour to execute their wills upon persons in power upon the least resistance they she out into extremities and by force attempt to repel force but who are more prone to revenge then women their natural fearfulnesse doth the more easily ingage them because they attribute the most part of their faults unto some neglect or dis-esteem They have not wit enough to dissemble those many defects which are in them though it were most for their advantage especially in such miscarriages as happen more by their weaknesse then malice Their Soul is offended at the least touch whereas great personages ought to know that it is more glorious to pardon then to punish Briefly the irresolution which they discover in all their actions and which they cannot for their lives hide is the cause of a thousand disorders especially when any one ingageth to follow their advices and directions now they counsel one thing and by and by another then they know not what to resolve and the least difficulty they meet with maketh them change a thousand times over Not but that they have a reasonable Soul as well as the greatest Princes that have governed on the earth but are as it is said of the Flowers of Aegypt alwaies soaked with the vapours of Nile which being grosse and earthy are the cause that they do not yeeld such fragrant smels as those in other Countries just so their Souls being troubled with a thousand Passions which proceed from their weaknesse and violence are unable to produce such generous Counsels as those of men who are endued with a stronger and more vigorous constitution I could alledge several other reasons but I shall content my self with that saying of God himself speaking by the mouth of Isaiah the Prophet The Government of women saith he is one of those afflictions wherewith heaven punisheth Mankind and that other amongst the Verses of the Sybils A Womans Reign shall be esteemed as the overthrow of the whole world Prosecution of the Subject THE King both Prudent and Just would not condemn Monsieur where he was not guilty and yet that he might give some satisfaction to the Queen Mother and not diminish the Authority which he had committed to her in his absence by a dis-owning of her he resolved on a â—edium which was this he sent the Comte de Noient unto Monsieur then at Orleans to tell him that his Majesty would be very much pleased if he would send unto the Queen Mother to beseech her to let the Princesse be freed from the Boys de Vincennes and at the same time he writ to the Queen Mother that she had done discreetly to hinder Monsieurs marriage for which he thanked her and assured her he could not willingly consent to it Whilest she was against it onely he desired her to deliver the Princesse from the Boys de Vincennes in case Monsieur should desire it of her This was as respectfull and satisfactory as the Queen Mother could have desired for the King did not condemn her proceedings but seemed to beleeve her information that Monsieur would have married the Princesse Maria without his Majesties permission and did moreover so confirm her Authority that he would not of himself order the Princesses being set at liberty but referred it to her whole dssposalâ— and desired she would rather not do it unlesse at Monsieurs intreaty Yet notwithstanding all this those who got the Mastry over her soul were become so dexterous in putting into her such thoughts and motions as were proper for their own interests and designs onely that they perswaded her this answer of his Majesty was a disguisement and not ample enough to justifie her Procedure and that it was in some kind a disowning of her They who were the craftiest amongst them durst not openly as yet accuse Monsieur the Cardinal unto her or â—ot contributing his utmost power in the procuring her a full satisfaction in this businesse lest they should have split themselves upon that Râ—ck which they designed for his destruction but they insinuated unto the Queen Mother that it had not been much amisse if the Cardinal had perswaded his Majesty to send the Princesse Mari out of France without any more ado because now Morsiâ—ur might still watch his opportunity and marry her By this they knew that no Logick could so soon learn the deducing of consequences as that of a Womans choiler and ambition which can quickly do it without teaching and thus it cannot be imagined what and how many contrivances and devices they made use of to incense her against the Cardinal who in the mean while imployed his utmost both of Prudence and Justice to hide the violence of her Proceedings Politique Observation VVHen it happeneth as oftentimes it doth that Ministers are to redresse the disorders committed by Grandees who are persons tenderly to be dealt withal they ought to follow the example of the wise Pilot who though the Wind be contrary yet he so ordereth his Sails by turning and winding too and fro that he neverthelesse goeth on in his voyage It is with them as with Mettals the noblest are the most flexible and if they want discretion and addresse to bend and comply when occasion is they will be sure to meet with enemies who will stick upon their skirts If there be any Ulcer in their minds they must never open it with Iron unlesse there be first of all some soft cotten tied about it though in a case of extremity I must confesse they are bound to make use of fire and Rasors to cut and burn out that which corrodeth within them or grateth without them Great freedom of speaking the naked truth is not proper in a Court or amongst Grandees with whom all kinds of devices and Artifices are to be used for the disguising of it nay some disguise it how you will do not willingly love to hear it The respect which is paid unto them in this kind is not so much a bare complaisance or simple submission as an effect of a good judgement which knoweth that their discontent doth often raise great broils in the State which by this means are prevented because it keepeth them from anger and allayeth any of their heats and emotions When Ministers are as oftentimes it happeneth to treat with Women who are persons of quality and concernment in affairs they ought to remember there is no way to satisfie them but by doing whatever they desire good or bad their Souls being uncapable of bearing a denial how just and reasonable soever when as they are once bent upon it wherefore it is not safe to discommend their Proceedings unlesse they have a mind to have their eyes scratched out But at last Prudence doth oblige them to do that which is fittest and most proper to be done so that having once done that which is just and reasonable they ought to sit still and leave the rest to Gods Providence who is
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
they were procured and bestowed upon him as so many just recompences of his services or to ingage him to do others of more importance as the effects of a pure liberallity But after all either these indeavours these cares these services these respects or these submissions could mitigate that sharpnesse which had taken possession of her spirit They wrought for some time so much upon her reason that she kept all fair and seemed not to be displeased but assoon as she was arrived at Paris her Passion revived and to that height that she removed out of her family Madam de Combalâ—t and Monsieur de la Meâ—lleray and in prosecution her passion carried her to commit and act unheard of violences upon the Kings disposition to induce him to destroy this incomparable Minister without whose Prudence France it self had been destroyed Politique Observation AS Women do not ordinarily love men though the most amiable with or by reason the only instinct of their passion making a deeper impression in their souls then the merit or worth of those whom they address themselves to love so there is no reason which is able to root out any hatred which they shall once conceive They easily passe from one extremity to another upon those Wings of Inconstancy which nature hath given them with their births and the changeableness of their humour is easily known by the pride which they take to hate such persons against whom they have once taken any impression and of which there is not any hopes to cure them by any lawfull waies The strongest reasons of truth passe in their opinions for Artifices and the most humble submissions do not at all touch their high minds and the greatest in stances make them the greater Rebels They being of the same humour with fortune who doth ordinarily bestow her favours upon those who least seek after them The constancy of the Cardinal against those who would remove him out of the Kings Favour JT cannot be denied but that the Cardinal was affected with such apparent grief on this occasion as cannot be imagined and as it is not generosity but a poorness of spirit to a shew an insensibleness on such occasions so in the Cardinals face one might see all the lively marks of displeasure It was not the apprehension of losing his fortune that did touch him for he had learnt by a long experience that the greatest happinesse of this life is not confined to the greatest honours and that those who govern an Estate are like the Celestial Bodies which receive much honour from the earth but have no rest at all so that he had most readily renounced all according as he supplicated his Majesty if his Majesty would have thought it fit who too too well knew of what concernment he was to his State It could not be that he did suspect his Majesties goodnesse or constancy to whom hee knew his fidelity was better known then to all the rest of France and of whose affection he had so many daily testimonies that he could not but without great blame have him in any doubt at all But as Innocence cannot without trouble passe for guilty so the vice of ingratitude with which the Queen Mother did strive to sully his glory made it so much the more insupportable by how much lesse he had deserved it He was not to learn that the power of Grandees was potent enough to insinuate into the peoples minds their particular thoughts for infallible truths and that she might in France and to posterity make him passe for an ungratefull servant of those favours which she had conferred upon him It was for this that he could not imagine no more then he Kings loyal servants that after he had given canse to the whole World to admire him the Artifices of some seditious spirits would be able to counterpoise his glory Ingratitude is a deficiency of that acknowledgement which one ought to have for good Offices so that who so confesseth himself to be indebted cannot be accused But surely he cannot be called ingratefull who hath no greater desires then of paying eternal service to those from whom he hath received obligations and who hath no more apparent grief then to see the malice of his enemies able to remove him from the opportunities of so doing But what appearence can there be of casting this infamous quality in his teeth who hath paid all imaginable services to his very enemies onely that he might make ' them Mediators of his Reconciliation which would inable him to imploy the rest of his life to serve her who had obliged him Can he be called ingratefull who would lose the first place of Honour in a State to preserve that which he had formerly possessed in the good opinion of his Benefactâ—ix seeing he could not make a more perfect demonstration of his acknowledgement And now cannot the whole Court bear witnesse that all this was but one part of the care which the Cardinal took to recover some part of the honour of the Queen-Mothers good opinion He whom she made his principle accuser never durst disavow it in his writings But not welâ— knowing how to describe his ingratitude he would fain make him passe for ingratefull because he did not adhere to and follow all the Queen Mothers sentiments in State affairs as if a Minister could with Justice prefer the opinion of such a person as she was before the Kings service And as if the condiscendence which he should make to the Queen Mothers will would not be one of the greatest defects in a person of his Trust It is true that her birth might oblige him to extraordinary services but they never ought to run counter to the fidelity due to his Master which commands him to passe by no occasion of preserving or augmenting his glory He is obliged to know what is due by way of recognition to those who favour him and what is due by Justice to the King his Master and never to prefer the acknowledgement of of particular kindnesses before the Interest of the State which is entrusted to his conduct He would perchance have him pass for ingrateful because he did not discover some important secrets to the Queen-Mother which was only in matters contrary to her opinion as if secrecie were not the soul of counsel as if to reveal a thing were not evidently to obstruct the execution of a Designe The sagest Polititians have said He is the wisest King who after he hath caused divers expedients to be proposed communicates his resolution of what shall be done but only to a few persons Politique Observation HAtred which hath no just foundation is so inconsiderate that it proposeth Chimeras for very plausible nay strong reasons without regarding that they will not be credited but by such spirits as she hath got the possession of when Truth doth not furnish it with solid reasons it attempteth to make pretenses pass for currant lawful causes There are no
but so full of dissimulations of which the Court is the most perfect School that great Princesses can so much the less easily defend themselves from them in regard the most part of those who come neer them do hardly ever tell them any truth at all The Cardinal indeavoureth to restore himself into the Queen-Mothers good Favour AS there never yet was any Soul more gratefull or more respectfull then the Cardinal so it cannot be expressed with what grief he indured the Queen-Mothers anger and to how many submissions he stooped that he might recover her good favour Shortly after St. Martins day she used her very utmost power over the Kings inclinations to destroy him insomuch that she would not indure to see him But he having resolved it to be his greatest Felicity next that of serving his Majesty to render all testimonies of his fidelity and of that great Passion which he had for her Glory pretermitted no invention to get the honour of seeing her Sometimes he would addresse himself to Father Suffren the guide of her Conscience and beg him with signs of extraordinary grief that he would zealously use his utmost power to procure him that satisfaction and to re-estate her mind in her first kindnesses to him which some of her Confidents had now diverted The Good Father did it so much the more readily perceiving that this bitterness of the Queen-Mother did set the whole Court into Factions that it did divide the State raised combinations and fomented parties against the King himself he represented to her that God commanded her to moderate her hatred and to behold him with respect who had done such eminent services for the King her son but it was to little purpose for he could not at all discover any disposition in her tending to follow his advices The Cardinal accepted with much affection those offers of the Cardinal Bagny his Holinesses Nuntio a Prelat not lesse recommendable for the greatnesse of his Soul then that of his dignity to attempt and indeavour with her upon the same score There could not be any thing added to that great care and prudence which he used to allay her Passion at last he obtained this advantage that she condiscended to see him and to promise him she would forget what was past The meeting was at Luxenburg Palace where the King was present But she discovering by her eyes her words and actions that there was nothing but apparencies in her reconcilement he was necessitated to make use of a more potent cause for the obtaining of that which neither the Piety of Father Suffren nor the Quality or Merit of Cardinal Bagny could attain to The King took the pains upon himself to speak to her once and again with great earnestness conjuring her to him whom she was equally obliged to as himself to acknowledge him for her most faithfull Servitor and for a Minister capable of executing several great designs of which he had already laid the ground-work He beseeched her to re-assume her former familiarities with the Cardinals to assist at Councels where of late she would no more appear and his Majesty pressed her so vigorously that she could not deny him which his Majesty had been sensible of two or three several times It is true some have been bold to say that they who nourished her mind with this sharpnesse advised her to stoop in this particular to his Majesties will that he might gain a greater power over his Soul and that she might gain a greater power over his Soul and the she might find out new occasions fit to destroy the Cardinal But for my own part I can never believe that her goodness could credit them in this point I shall only say this much indeed the Passion which she conceived against him was so violent that she could not long forbear so much did his very sight torment her and that in effect this meeting was a recommencing of it The Marshal de Schomberg interposeth THe Marshal de Schomberg whom she had heretofore much honoured with her Counsels being return'd from Piedmont imagined that he might perchance work somewhat upon her mind he resolved accordingly to assault her with all kinds of reasons and so evidently to demonstrate to her the wrong she did her self that he would force her by the consideration of her own interests to give up her self though she would not do it either for the Love or Respect which she owed the King He knew belike that interest was the breach by which all great Personages are taken He beseeched her first to consider the great benefits which she received by his Counsels and that whilest she had followed them she was becom the most glorious Princesse of the World whereas now she was in a maze by having adhered to the advices of hers and his enemies It is true Madam would he sometimes say he ever perswaded you cordially to love the King to have no other then his interests and to be inseparably united with him for that he well knew all your greatness and quiet depended upon it whereas they who now advise you put other imaginations into your Majesties head but she would not yet see to what pitch of extremity they had then brought her He entreated her to open her eyes and to recollect with a difference she found in the effects and made her apprehend and confess that she could wish for nothing which she might not make her self sure of if he did but continue in a strict union with his Majesty and the Cardinal That if she desired any authority from the King he had beseeched her to assist in the Councels only to give her all kind of respects and distinctions and had in a manner divided his power with her That if she desired Gratifications the Cardinal had never been backward to pay them unto her The great zeal which he had to serve her did even transport him to tel her that her separating her self as she did from the King would force the King to withdraw himself from her which if it should so happen she would lose all her power and the people themselves would no longer pay her their usual respects These reasons were so potent and considerable that there was nothing could be alledged against them and the Queen-Mother had accordingly believed them but that some factious spirits about her perswaded her that she should add to her authority and greatness if she could make herself Mistress of this one affair and thus they easily re-inflamed that fire which the other had taken a great deal of pains to extinguish though in never so little a manner In fine she became inflexible and those unworthy miscreants brought her to that passe that she refused his Majesty when he entreated her to pardon the Cardinal which she was so much the more obliged to have done he never having really offended her at all Politique Observation NOthing is more easily effected then to infuse violences into the minds of
It is a great good fortune for a Minister never to be put upon such a rock and therefore it is that he will indeavour to work upon them by good offices which are the most powerfull means to oblige men and tie them very strictly the chains wherewith they are fettered being so pleasant and agreeable to them Interest is that which doth most efficaciously more them And indeed it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means then by making provision for their advancement There is no design which they will not approve of alwaies provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars They perswade their Masters to rest contented if they themselves are once satisfied The most part of affairs of the world are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes according to the divers positions and scituations of them who look upon them They never represent any thing to their Masters but on that side which they best like and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet There ought to be care had that all which is intended for them be not done at once Ambition still increaseth and those benefits which are done to a favourite do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is that one should alwaies reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater benefits to come The Queen Mothers Resolution to win Monsieur THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment strook a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother she having before-hand placed all her confidence in him as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs They had perswaded her that could she but ingage him in her interests she might soon find men enough to uphold them and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost and yet her natural goodnesse was so great to oblige her to preserve Monsieur constant and faithfull to the Kings interests But this factious seditious Cabal which inverted her strongest inclinations made her mislike those procedures and carried her on even to reproach him for that after she had so particularly cherished him he should take so little care for her concerns It is true it was heretofore verily beleeved in the first yeers of her Regency though I think without just grounds that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur then towards the King and that she might well cast her eyes upon him as many others of her quality have done to make use of him for the upholding of such designs as she might have to which the King might not be so favourable But it must be confessed that she governed her self so prudently by those sage Councels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will insomuch that this prudent Conduct of hers gained her a great esteem with the people who being desirous of nothing more then peace they regarded her Majesty with extraordinary affections as her who was the greatest advancement of publick tranquillity by her preserving the bond of union between her children Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opinions of her by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers in that design which all men knew she had to gain him to her party whatever it cost that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had taken to destroy the Cardinal Politique Observation JT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better then their eldest children and to rely upon them to be maintained in the greater authority It should seem it is with Children as with fruits the newest are still most agreeable so it frequently comes to passe that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents when as they who are older shake off the yoke of obedience and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth but most especially so it is when as mothers are become Widdows and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds that they do cast themselves upon the interest of the younger ones whom they look on as the supporters of their old age and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest whom they look upon very often as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them withall they are dependent upon them in several respects because by the deaths of their Fathers they are become the heads of their Families and this dependency upon them is insupportable If this be ordinary in private Families how much more is it in those of Kings History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government in prejudice of their brother Ptolomeus Phiseus gave at his wifes perswasions the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son and to go no further then France it self Lewis the Debonnair did not he prefer at his Wifes entreaty Charls the Bauld before Lothair who was the eldest Did not Constance wife of Robert seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son to Crown Henry her second son King oppose it in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son whom she loved most intirely And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design did she not embroyl all things even whilest the King yet lived but much more after his death by fomenting the divisions between her children that she her self might have the more Authority This occasioned a most sad Civil War to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King both in the declining of his age and Kingdom when as he expected repose and tranquility in his family especially after he had suffered upon his first coming to the Crown so great afflictions by reason of the misfortunes of his first marriages their dissolutions which afterwards hapned for the remedying whereof the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed Not to seek for examples far from us is not that of Katharine de Medicis very certain it being yet fresh in the memory of man for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some Was she not likewise suspected to have hastned the death of her eldest that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government to enter into the Combination against him because he did not relie enough upon her for the the Government of affairs It is so frequent in history that we shall need no other proofs for it it may safely be said that it hath alwaies been a very dangerous
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâ—ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâ—igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ— la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâ—onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
was alwaies receiv'd and entertain'd at his return with honour and magnificence and when he took his last leave was presented with a Cross of Diamonds worth two thousand Crowns But his frequent Voyages made him to be more swayed with imaginary conceits then prudence in his undertaking and that after he had wasted the estate by Birth and Fortune derived to him he would have been glad to have gotten others from the bounty of his Majesty Politique Observation ALthough one Prince may have received some unkindness from another yet ought he not however to be deficient in receiving his Ambassadors with civility and honour Civility is a vertue which ought to be used every where Alexander whose example is the more considerable seeing he was alwaies esteemed for generous used it even to excess and that towards his very enemies He ought to hold a correspondence with others though he hath neither reason to love them nor to think that he is beloved by them It will not become him to seem as if he would be revenged but effectually to punish him who hath provoked him whereas at is discretion to entertain him with Civilities for the easier surprizing of him the highest testimonies of friendship which he shall render to him being the best devices he can use to give him no cause of jealousie which may induce him to stand upon his guard One of the Ancient Sages said A Prince never ought to receive the kindnesses of others but with distrust Pompey was decived by the pretenses of peace and Lepidus by an apparent Friendship as Tacitus hath observed In general it may be said that Civilities are like a winding lane which lead by a Trap door into any designed place what-ever They are alwaies seasonable and although they are not alwaies accompanied with frankness yet are they nevertheless agreeable to the Receiver and advantagious to the Giver The Wise man somtimes seemeth to be highly satisfied though he be inwardly displeased which he doth that he may the better take his time and shew his anger to the purpose for by dissembling his discontent with his enemies he is the more enabled to do them a displeasure neither ought he to shew his Teeth but when he is in a condition to bite But more especially ought he not to receive Ambassadors sent to him but with Honour and respect seeing their Quality hath alwaies made them pass for venerable in consideration of the person whom they represent Neither is the Honour done them cast away for it serves to take off from their Master's distrust who may thereby be intic'd to take less care in his affairs then otherwise he would withal it keeps his Neighbours in suspence and hinders them from associating themselves with him for most Princes are apt to divide upon the least noise of War The King sendeth the Cardinal de la Valette unto Monsieur then at Orleans HAving related the causes of the Queen-Mothers discontent and the manner of her retreat it will not be amiss to speak somthing of Monsieur's affairs of his Majesties and the Cardinal's endeavours to bring him back to the Court and of the ill Counsel which engaged him to raise a War and at last to with-draw himself out of the Kingdom Upon his Majesties return from Compeigne where he had left the Queen-Mother he resolved not to omit any opportunity which might be conducing to reconcile him unto him and to withdraw him from the Queen-Mothers intreagues and having thought nothing could be more proper to allay his Spirits which had been a little exasperated then to marry him his Majesty dispatched the Cardinal de la Valette to him then at Orleans to assure him that there was not any security or satisfaction which should be denyed him in case he would return as he was desired more particularly that he would very willingly yeild to his marriage with the Princess Maria which heretofore had been importunately entreated This Procedure was a sufficient testimony of the King's affection seeing he could not marry himself without engaging his Majesties Interests in it and that his Authority could not but receive some prejudice in case he should have any children Yet some ill Counsellors then neer him stopp'd his eyes that he might not see it The Cardinal de la Valette proposed it to him and gave him all imaginable assurances of the King's affection But he found him in a thousand jealousies which Coigneux and others had instilled into him on purpose to decline him from his Majesties Interests and to make themselves the more considerable with him For his own part he was well enough inclin'd to do what-ever could be required of him but those creatures of his had gotten such a hand over him by their tricks and devices that in a minute they unravelled what-ever the Cardinal de la Valette had with much ado wrought to any perfection They represented to him the Queen Mother's Interest and perswaded him that he was engaged in Honour to assist her in those persecutions into which the Cardinal had brought her which were Chimeras only and that it were a great dishonour for him to forsake her she having cast her self as it were into his Arms withaâ— they terrified him with panique fears and protested to him that they would not assure him of his liberty if once he came within the Cardinal's reach as if the King's Arms had not been long enough to have secured him whilest he was at Orleans had he been so inclined and as if the King's word had not been an assurance ample enough Was not that only proposal of the Marriage a certain demonstration that the King had not any intent of imprisoning him unless in the fetters of Love which he thought a tye strong enough to continue him neer unto him But this too they perswaded him was a Lure to draw him to into the ginns provided for him insomuch that it was impossible to bring him back or to perswade him to have any confidence in his Majesty Thus did those Creatures of his tryumph over his goodness sacrifice his glory to their own Interests and raise themselves to that pitch of Insolence that they would build their own Fortunes upon the despisal of the Royal Authority Politique Observation AS a Wise and Loyal Counsellor is the cause of a thousand good successes so a bad one serves only to ingage his Prince in the extremity of misfortunes Princes ought especially to beware of such who make their own private interest their main business for from such they cannot expect any thing but dis-service and they are obliged to remove such from the Court seeing they themselves do but seldome take the pains to examine and discuss such affairs as are presented to them whence by the advices of such men they come to be oftentimes engaged in very dangerous designs Happy are those Princes whose Ministers chief ends are their Masters glory and this is his Majesties present happiness for they being neither passionate nor
his son Selim the first but shewed such an undanted courage that he could never be perswaded to withdraw himself although the Janizaries of his Guard were corrupted and so behaved himself that what with Iris presence and what with the gravity of his words they became ashamed to forsake him or commit the treason they had resolved against him Charles the fifth did the same thing in reducing the City of Gaunt for being in Spain upon the first report of their revolt he took â—et and came in great hast unto Flanders where he easily checked their rebellion and punished the chief contrivers thereof Monsieur arriveth at Bezancon from whence he writeth unto the King MOnsieur being arrived at Bezançon Boigneux was much afflicted and displeased that he had so poorly played his Cards having not so much as time to draw his forces together so that he had recourse to his usual devices and perswaded him to send a Letter unto his Majesty wherein he should lay before him the pretences which he alledged for his departure The Letter was framed by himself with a little assistance but so imprudently was it contrived that there needed no more to condemn him guilty of high Treason It was full of injurious language against the King and seemed to call him a Prince without judgement neither had he any other pretexts for his departure out of the Kingdom but only the Queen-Mothers imprisonment at Compeigne a Chimaera only and the necessity of saving himself without having no security within the Kingdom a reason altogether inconsiderable seeing he was offered any assurance whatsoever and his third was the Cardinals ill conduct whom he could no longer endure so dangerous he was unto the Kingdom which last himself would have confessed to be ridiculous had he but reflected how effectually he had serv'd the King at Re in reducing of the Hâ—gonot Cities in the relieving of Cazal in the taking of Savoy and Piedmont and divers other expeditions which have much added to the honour and glory of the whole Nation These were the weak pretences which Coigneux made use of to hide Monsieur's imprudence and rashness in going â—orth of the Kingdom But such insolencie being insupportable and the Letter brought by the Sieur de Brianson unto his Majesty then on hunting neer Baignâ—ux where not one of his Councel had followed him he commanded the Lievtenant of his Guards to seize on him and from thence carry him unto the Castle of Dijon that he might teach others to beware of bringing any more letters unto him which were not conformable to the respect due unto him The King likewise considering how that Princes are commonly unfortunate in seeing their best actions discommended by their Subjects instead of being honoured as so many mysteries whose causes are to them unknown published a Declaration in the Parliament of Dijon wherein he set forth the true causes of Monsieur's departure both from Orleans and then out of the Kingdom as likewise of his journey into Burgogne which are the very same formerly intimated only adding this one that his Majesty was the more oblig'd to march into that Province in respect they had ingaged the Sieur de Bellegarde in their party and had particularly prevailed with him to send the Sieur Damase unto him then at Auxâ—rre to contradict the news he had formerly sent unto the King by the Sieur de Bâ—â—carre of Monsieur's Designs to retire into Burgogne for he had then discovered all their intentions and their pretences were esteemed as ridiculous It was not indeed only to manifest his own actions that his Majesty made the said Declaration but likewise to proclaim the Conte de Moret the Dukes of Elboeuf Bellâ—garde and Rouannes the President Coigneux the Sieur de Puy-laurens Monsigot and the Pâ—re de Chanteloupe guilty of high Treason every of them having been accessary unto Monsieur's departure it being his Majesties further pleasure that they should accordingly be proceeded against in case they should not within one moneth make their addresses to obtain his pardon for their offences impowering all Governours and Officers to fall upon any who should attempt to levie any Souldiers without his Commission and Authority Politique Observation IN vain were the Laws for punishment of Treason made if they be not executed upon them who persever in their offences Mercy is indeed one of the best Qualities in a King but it bringeth Kingdoms into disorder and disobedience unless it be somtimes accompanied with severity Impunity doth embolden the head of a Faction to persist in his designs when violence scapes scot-free the publike Peace runs a hazard and when a King testifieth unto them an excess of Bounty or Mercy he only reduceth himself to the extremity of being afterwards disabled to correct theâ—r insolencies when he most desireth it To permit a party of factious persons to save themselves by flight at least without declaring them to be what indeed they are were to be injurious unto the State and guilty in some kind of cruelty The least severity inflicted upon such men after their Designes are once perceived doth extinguish the remaining flame whereas conniving at them adds feweâ— to their fire in vain it is to hope by fair means to reduce them unto their duties the ablest Politicians have thought it an improper way to work upon them seeing it makes not any impression in the minds of Grandees who are incapable of true Friendship and that the means to stop the Career of their designs is by Force and Fear Not that I would advise a Prince to drive them into desperation by being over severe for that were equally dangerous and hath been found to have carried them on to extremities but so ought he to manage his business that he strike them with Fear and make them apprehensive of his Justice Men are more easily subjugated unto such as have made themselves terrible then to such who only endeavour to be beloved and they will sooner break the bonds of Love then of Fear Benefits work less upon their Natures then Punishments If the rewarding of services be so necessary for the incouragement of Faithful and Loyal servants surely chastisement is as needful to impede the progress of such as are factiously bent by striking them with Fear To be merciful alone is to want one hand and not to let them feel the rigours of Justice who cannot be kept within the limits of their duties by clemency were to endanger the loss of the Supream Authority The Debate in the Parliament of Paris upon the Declaration against the Rebels THe Crime which they who abused Monsieur's name did commit by their boldness in writing so outragious a letter unto the King was but too to great yet as one error makes way for another so they did not sit still there but seconded it by making of parties in the Parliament of Paris to obstruct the ratification of the Declaration published at Dijon His Majesty had sent the said Declaration to
where they best liked The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a condition to defend himself from the King of Sâ—ede The Baron de â—â—eâ—de came to him from the Infanta to give him the like assurance and to beseech him to believe that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns Nay the Queen-Mother too though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests resolved by perswasion of Chaâ—teloupe to send a Letter unto the Parliament of Paris to engage them if possible in a Revolt which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self with divers other Cities of the Kingdom and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain that he might extinguish the fire nearer home That Enemy of the publike Peace took occasion from the Parliaments discontents for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the confirmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his then the bare reading of it Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination though signed with her hand but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator who in peace being inconsiderable would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him Hereupon he made her believe that this propitious Genius of France was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries and that in fine the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country pillage the Towns rob the people pull down the Churches That Religion would be laid aside the Nobility ruined The Royal Houses errazed and the French Nation exposed unto death or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts This was the purport of the letter and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that honourable company in a revolt which hath ever been the main support of this State It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory as was apparent in the relief of Casal and Treaty of Pignerol They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State whose prudent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt annihilate the ambitious designs of the House of Austria But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany though it was sufficiently apparent how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed that relaxation having afforded opportunity unto the Emperour to take those advantages which he obtained in the Palatinate and upon divers other Princes I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman or loyal Subject But the blame of this defect as likewise of the whole Letter was laid upon him as the true Author thereof who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it whose goodness like that of the Sun cannot do any hurt unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency were apprehensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany and began to look about them when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers although he would never be induced so to do having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Treaties of peace with integrity then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours Politique Observation ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to seclude women from the Government of States is their being easily circumvented either by their own passions or the ill advices of others If the person enterprising any thing be but in discredit with them that is cause enough to mislike the whole affair or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy Their passions are extream and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure and on the contrary they are apt to approve of defects and faults in them whom they affect They are born with such inclinations that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree and on the contrary when they pass from one passion to another they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved whereupon the wisest of Kings and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost said There is no malice like that of a Woman Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted which clasheth with their inclinations as all War doth work upon their Fears which are natural unto them there cannot then be any War how just or necessary soever but shall assuredly be condemned by them In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war or to carry that war into a Forraign Country which is designed to be brought into our own it were bootless to represent unto them how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Countries and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses as knowing their own to be the next in danger It were but time and labour lost to offer unto their thoughts that it is
Germany to shew them that they might safely put themselvs under his protection although he wanted not Forces who were already advanced unto the Borders of their Country to secure them in a case of need and to defend them from any violences which they might apprehend from the Emperonr if the wheel of Fortune should turn about This Army consisted of about twenty four thousand men commanded joyntly by the Mareschals de la Force and d' Effiat The Elector of Treves adhering unto the Neutrality under the Kings protection it was thought requisite for his greater security that his Towns should be delivered into his Majesties power for that the Imperialists hold all for enemies who do not countenance their ambitious Designs and consequently would force the rest as they had already done part of his Towns out of his hands which if they should effect what were it but to run upon one Rock by endeavouring to avoid another He was soon perswaded of the necesity of this advice which easily induced him to admit French Garrisons into his Cities During these things the Generals of the Army press'd him to conclude the Treaty in order to his promises which he seemed but coldly to receive having already been assured from the Swedish King that for his Majesty's sake nothing should be attempted against him whilest he was under his protection They press'd him to be as good as his word telling him it was dishonourable for their Master to receive him into his protection and that others should hold his Towns from him whereupon he deposited the Castle of Hermesteine into their hands a place considerable both for its Form and Scituation which is such that it may block up the River Rhine at the foot whereof it is seated Twelve Companies of French marched into it under the command of Saludie who had long treated with the said Elector as well as the Sieur de Charnace The like he would have done with his chief City had it been within his power but the Chapter being gained by the Imperialists had forced him to quit it to the Comte d' Ysembourg who kept it with a Garrison of Spaniards sufficient for its defence The next thing he did was to deliver Philipsbourg into their hands but his Governour in stead of obeying his commands in receiving the Garrison protested he would not deliver the Places unless unto those whom the Emperour did appoint Hereupon the Spaniards apprehended the Elector being in this humour that Goblens might also be designed for his Majesty to prevent which they found means to clap a Garrison into it This place was more important then strong is scituate upon the mouth of the Rhine and Mozelle where they joyn their waters so that the Rhine only parted the French and Spaniard which had been enough to have kept them at peace had not the Elector of Treves Interests given them occasions of falling out The King was engaged to project him neither could the waters of that large River quench the heat of their Fury which egg'd them on to skirmish as often as occasion required which was the cause that they continued not long so neer together without engagements on either party and their emulation had increased had they continued their Neighbourhood any longer together The City of Treves besieged and the Arch-Bishop established by the Kings Forces THe Cardinals advices and indeavours still tended to preserve a good correspondency between the two Crowns neither was he to seek for an effectual means to continue it at this time which he did by the King of Swede's interposition who perswaded them to march forth from thence and divers other places The Design was concluded and the Marshal Horn advanced thither from Mayence with eight thousand Horse and six score Companies of Foot all well appointed The Rhinegrave had a particular Commission for the re-taking of Coblens before which he came about mid June invested the place and soon forced the Garrison to surrender upon composition which once delivered he restored unto the French having first dealt with the inhabitants to discharge the expences of the siege and his march thither The taking of this place strook such a fear and terror into the Spaniards that they resolved to quit divers others at least there needed but little perswasion to intreat their removal only they made some difficulty in relinquishing the City of Treves which they hoped to keep by the means of some new fortification they had there raised and a sufficient Garrison to defend it The Marshal d' Effiat was commanded to besiege it but whilest he was drawing his Army thither Death which excuseth neither Alexanders nor Caesars deprived him of his life at Lutzelstein but could not rob him of the glory of having served the King his Master with an extraordinary Prudence both in his Councels and Embassies with an approved integrity in the management of his Treasuries and with an illustrious courage in the command of his Armies The King received the news hereof with grief and there being no time to be lost in preventing the Spaniards fortifying themselves his Majesty soon dispatched the Marshal d'Estree into his place whose Prudence and Courage had been experimented in several occasions and had acquired him the quality of Marshal de France ever since the year 1624. He departed from Paris by Post towards the Army where he found the Vicomte de Arpajon and the Comte de la Suze Marshals de Camp who had undertaken the command of the Army since the Marshal d' Effiats death already advanced near Treves which they had summoned to deliver the garrison refused being resolved to sustain the siege and defend the place Hereupon the Vicomte de Aspajon made his approaches with the Army and gave orders to invest the place which was performed with such expedition that the inhabitants found themselves unexpectedly surrounded the very next day The Comte de Yemsbourg had not confidence enough in the strength of the place to suffer himself to be pent up in it but quartered at Grafeumacher neither had he furnished it with above eight hundred men which considering the French power he thought to augment by clapping three hundred horse and twelve hundred foot into it together with a good convoy of Ammunition In order to which he made his approaches but the Marshal d' Estree comming to the Army just as intelligence was brought of this design he took such course that they could not effect it for he no sooner received the news but he commanded the Comte de la Suze and the Vicomte de Apajon to a place by which they were of necessity to passe thither they went and perceiving the enemy sent to discover their Forces by Lievtenant Alexis and twenty light horse who advancing further then was requisite were quickly ingaged by five squadrons of horse who forced them to give ground but were not long unseconded by the Sieur de Moulinet with five and twenty Gallants by the Companies of
Majesties Forces should have free passage through his Country In consideration whereof the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf to surrender the City and Castle of Bar unto the Duke as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel Pont-a-Mousson and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to confirm these conditions which could not be well misliked they being advantagious for the glory of France and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them who abusing Monsieurs name had set the Kingdom in an uproar And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June This Treaty being thus concluded the King went to Pont-a-Mousson where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises in order whereunto Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis who entred with their several Regiments into them and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sechâ—pre whither the Duke came to wait upon him testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd The King receiv'd his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter The Duke was not backward to make many protestations though he little intended to perform any part of them In conclusion his Majesty returned into France and so to Paris chusing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness then of distrust which he had however cause to return Politique Observation IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jealousie especially if it be not to his disadvantage whereas on the other side Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences It is equally bad to believe no man and to believe every man and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect so it is a signe of courage not to fear where there is no cause of distrust It somtimes hapneth that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy reduceth him to his devoir and forceth him to relinquish his Designs For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends so confidence hath such charms that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies Mens passions are not unconquerable somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence A soyl though bad of it self and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles yet when cultivated and manured with industry may bring forth good grain and spirits though naturally deceitful and false yet may be reformed by reason and generous dealing The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner who extreamly much slighted them and had sworn their ruine they not only restored him to Liberty but withal made him General of theâ—r Armies and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna accused for having designed to murther him so absolutely wrought upon him that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service Monsieur goeth into Burgogne WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lorrain Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces The sight of his Majesty's Forces hindred him from making any great stay as also from carrying the Duke of Lorrain's Troops along with him which he intended and was a thing very necessary in order to his designs because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected From Lorrain he went into Bassigny and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June where they who abused his favour and made use of his Name published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard it was fraught with infinite protestations of doing his Majesty service their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State As if to trouble the whole Kingdom to besiege Towns and Cities to oppress his Subjects to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer to engage the Nobility in a Revolt were to do his Majesty service and all this expresly against his Majesty's command and inhibition Were not these Protestations a specious veyl wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal with such absurd exaggerations that they made them incredible so true it is that slanders of excess and contrary to any probable appearance make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of the Publike peace an enemy to the King and Royal Family as they published in their Manifest who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain What probability was there to perswade the world that he would make himself Master of the State as they endeavoured to convince unto Monsieur who had used such great industry to cause his return into France when he first left the Kingdom and who never stirred towards Piedmont until his return was certainly concluded And in the end he forced them to dis-own that imputation by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency and such extraordinary magnificence to oblige him to a second return What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt They had not any the least just ground for it which is evident to all the world neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever But rather on the contrary as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter so all their slanders proclaimed against him serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation which his Services and Qualities more then humane had acquired unto him That I may say somthing touching his own particular resentment it is most certain his soul was more affected with compassion for France then concern'd for his own Interests amidst all those Thunders which did not much trouble him All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his
that he might not exasperate him and preserve him affectionate to the accommodation whereby some advantage might be made upon the conclusion he would not harp any more upon that string As to his demand of Madam de Combalet he told him that he took it for a very great honour and did not reject it but that he thought it improper to treat of it at that time to avoid the report of having ingag'd his Majesty to come into Lorrain with a great Army for his private ends and intreated him not to insert this affair with the publick though for his part he was not waies averse from it These words of agreement were only an effect of his Purdence which advised him not to estrange this Cardinals good will but to preserve it to be made use of as occasion should require for discoursing to the chief Ministers concerning this Proposition he told them that neither the present nor the future age should have cause to believe that he had mingle his own interests in this affair where his only end was the Kings service and the good of the State that heretofore the Cardinal de Amboise had made Lewis the Twelfth undertake a War in Italy only upon an ambitious design of being Pope but that for his part he should alwaies shun the blame of managing the affairs of State by his own particular Interest and as to that which concern'd the Princesse Marguerite he assured him that the King would willingly accept thereof any that the executing of it would give a great stroke to a conclusion seeing she might much dispose his Majesty to relinquish somewhat of his resolution because he could not but receive her as a pledge of Monsieur de Lorrain's good inclination to be at peace with his Majesty but he told him that his Majesty beleeved it was not in their power for that he was inform'd of what had past The Cardinal de Lorrain made himself ingnorant and assured the Cardinal she was in a place where they could dispose of her but that only served to make the Cardinal distrust his intentions who knoweth that in matters of Treaty an enemies actions are more to be regarded them his words After this they brake up their conference departed each from other and the next morning the Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King That a wise Minister ought to foresee the inconveniences of all Propositions made to him in Treaties It is the property of a wise Minister to foresee the inconveniences of such Propositions as are made in Treaties to surprize him and to be carefull that an enemy who hath not been able to get any advantage by War should not gain it by an accommodation It is to this end that many have thought Prudence to be more necessary for him then valour because the occasions of fighting are but seldom in War whereas Propositions of Peace are daily made which if he should admit of to his Masters detriment would be no lesse prejudicial to him then a defeat To speak truth this vertue is as needfull for him as Art for a Work-man and as the ignorant Workman doth only spoil that substance which he pretendeth to form so the imprudent Minister ruineth the affairs of a State if he accept of injurious conditions for want of fore-seeing the consequences Prudence it is which causeth him to know the means by which he may attain his proposed end preventeth his being deceived serveth to regulate his counsels guideth his actions maketh him speak in agreeable terms conducteth all his motions teacheth him what to do in all Occurrences maketh him clear sighted amidst the Artifices of his enemies and giveth him addresse to obtain whatever he desires The Philosopher saith it is a virtue proper to him that governeth not that it is unnecessary for private persons but because it is so highly necessary for Kings and Ministers that without it they are no more able to govern a State than a Pilot to guide his Vessel without Steer and Rudder He who is Master of it doth easily master all others in matters of negotiation and if his birth hath not made him a Soveraign yet doth it afford him the means to work Soveraigns to what he pleaseth so saith the wise man in his Proverbs The pleasure of a King dependeth upon the Prudence of his servant To make a right use of this vertue he ought advisedly to consider the parts which are proposed to him and to bring them to the Touch-stone of those maximes which he hath laid down for the ground of the Treaty To this end the wise Minister often retires in private as knowing that then he hath full liberty to discusse the Propositions made unto him and is at leisure to consider them a thing saith Periander able to overcome all things He is not ignorant that who so taketh resolutions without due consideration is like those liquorish men who charging their stomacks over hastily do repent it as soon as they rise from the Table wherefore he taketh great care to weigh the Propositions made to him he applieth the Hypothesis to the Thesis particular affairs to general maximes he recollecteth the Experience of things past proportioneth the means to the end observeth if by granting any thing it may not serve the enemy to obtain his pretences examineth what assurance he shall find of performance and generally all other circumstances And lastly being thus secure from all surprizes he is not only in a condition of being not cheated but in a way of obtaining whatever he desireth The King besiegeth Nancy and presseth hard upon the Duke of Lorrain DUring the Cardinal de Lorrains journying too and fro and the divers Propositions of Peace by him made his Majesties Army was not idle The King gave Order to his Commanders that they should seize upon all principal places he summoned in person the Towns of St. Michael and Ponto au Mousson which presently surrendred Espinal surrendred to the Marshal de la Force Charmes to the Comte de la Suze and Luneville to the Marquesse de Sourdis besides these Halon du Chastel and the Castles de Conde la Chausset Trognon Malatour Pargny and Boucouville received the Garisons sent to them so that his Majesty had no sooner entred into the Country but he became Master of the Field but that which was most of all was his Majesty having cause his Army to come to him from the Country of Treves under the command of the Marquesse de St. Chaumond and ordered divers other Troops to draw thither which so invested the City of Nancy that nothing could get in or out without a good passe-port The Regiment de Florinville designing to get in by night was led by M. de Lorrains Huntsmen though Woods and by unknown waies yet they could not carry it so secretly but some French discovered them which strook them into such fear that flying back again through the same Woods they totally routed themselves On the other
unnecessary things so there is no way better to lay the foundations of it then to establish it by law It is impossible he should make War without laying extraordinary contributions on the people at least for the maintenance of an Army in that honour so long as is needfull How should the people assist him at a time of need if superfluous expences should exhaust their Wealth They may indeed be so press'd that any thing may be extracted from them but that must be by force whereby not only their ill will but a thousand imprecations folow their monies It may be objected that great men who are the most subject to these expences do not pay any tax or aid to their Soveraign But I reply that being imploi'd in the War where a great masse of money is consum'd they contribute more then the people to the publick charge and by consequence ought to live in the more order and frugality Nobility impoverished cannot serve when occasion requires but is forc'd to keep at home whereas they who perserve their wealth by the means of a well regulated expence may put himself in a equipage to appear in an Army in a quality becomming their honour Excessive expences are usually made in such commodities as come from forraign Countries nor can a Soveraign permit the use of them without enriching him from whom they are brought to the impoverishment of his own which State if it be an enemy or powerfull enough to render it self suspected it were not only to deprive his own of the means to resist him but to give new force to that Forraigner to attempt upon him In fine the necessities of man are satisfied with so little that it were very unreasonable to make vast expences upon commodities of no use and from which there is not that satisfaction to be receiv'd as in convenience Content your selves with that which is enough saith St. Austine the rest serveth only to make the life more burthensom instead of refreshing it from care and superfluous expences which are made for the obtaining of an apparent honour have very troublesom consequences A Difference between the Bishops and Religious decided by a Judgement from the Councel ALthough the Cardinal had made up by his admirabl dexterity in the foregoing yeer some differences which were mov'd between the Bishops and Religious by perswading the latter to condiscend to some Articles to which no man else could have brought them yet so it was that some troublesom spirits publish'd books some for one part and some for another The main ground of the quarrel was concerning a word which was found in some manuscripts of a Canon of the second Counsel of Orange and not in others They who were for the Religious raised this consequence from it That Confirmation was not absolutely necessary after Baptism Those on the other side unable to salve the matter maintained the contrary All that the Laws of History permit me to say is that the consequence rais'd by those for the Religious was very dangerous because it might be inferr'd that the Bishops in England might be easily pass'd by seeing all the exercises of Christianity might be practic'd there by the Catholicks excepting confirmation only The heat of this dispute did sometimes transport them beyond the bounds of Doctrine and to fall foul upon some Subjects which could not but give some advantage to Hereticks and trouble the Consciences of many tenderly affected and disturb the publick quiet The course at first taken was to prohibit the Printing of Books of this nature without leave obtain'd from the grand Chancellery but the Doctors of Divinity of Paris not satisfied therewith ordered in one of their Assemblies that the books of Pere Sirmond made to maintain that word should be re-examined so that this was the occasion of publishing without priviledge certian books repugnant to that Christian peace and charity which ought especially to be between Ecclesiasticks The King took notice thereof and not to leave it unremedied commanded Monsieur le Garde des Seaux to take care in it who order'd that the books printed and published under the name of Pere Sirmond and Petrus Aurelius the two chief of the parties should be examin'd by nine Doctors of Divinity prohibited them upon penalty of corporal punishment to determine any thing in their Assemblies concerning these books and all Book-sellers to sell them without permission under the Great Seal Some Prelates more zealous then wise in matter of the Kings priviledge complain'd of this Arrest pretending it was not the custom for Kings to intermeddle with the Doctrine of the Church but they were not long unanswer'd for Monsieur le Garde des Seaux was too well acquainted with the King his Masters power and too wel vers'd in the reading of good books to be ignorant how Kings and Emperors have alwaies taken cognisance of affairs of this nature and determin'd them in order to the good of their State and the continuation of the publick quiet The Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical Affairs THe Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical affairs Though God hath chiefly put the Scepter into the hands of Kings and Emperors to exercise a temporal power over their people yet custom obligeth them to know that they have no small authority in Ecclesiastical affairs There need no more ancient example then that of Constantine the first Christian Emperour Doth not every one know that he call'd himself Bishop of such things as pass'd out of the Church that writing to the Bishops he told them he took part of their ministry to be the more carefull of the Church And in fine he undertook the management thereof with so much zeal and Prudence that his actions acquir'd him the Title of Founder of Law and Religion as is to be seen in an ancient inscription It was with no little trouble and care that he quieted the Church in the time of Arius that he assembled divers Counsels upon his Doctrine and that he prohibited the reading of his books To shew that his procedure was without usurpation every one may see in History that the Popes themselves and particular Clergies likewise have from time to time made their addresses to Emperors to be by them countenanc'd in affairs which hapned unto them The Clergy and Monks of Constantinople beseech'd Theodosius and Valentinian to be solicitous of the Church and to suppress Heresies Whereupon those two Emperors commanded St. Cyril to examine the Doctrine of Nestorius The Bishops of the Counsel of Constantinople beseech'd Theodosius to confirm their Decree and Pope Bonisace acknowledg'd so great a power to the Emperor Honorius in Ecclesiastical affairs that he intreated him to make a Decree to prohibit all kind of under-hand dealing in the Election of the Popes I could easily prove this custom by the examples of suceeding Emperors but I had rather shew that our Kings have usually done the like For Clouis the first of those that imbrac'd Christianity made divers Ordinances for the ministery of the Church as he himself hath written in a Letter to the Bishops of France to be seen at this present intire and undefac'd for above eleven ages He assembled the Bishops of Orleans in a Cousel where it was prohibited to admit any of his Subjects to be Clerks without his Majesties permission and at their intreaty he confirm'd their Canons I will go a little further and say that Ecclesiastical persons being born Subjects of a Soveraign Prince their Kings have reciev'd power from God with their Crowns to determine their personal causes where the good of the State may be interessed a thing not to be doubted of that the power of judging is inseparably annex'd unto that of the Soveraignty and that he who is a Princes Subject is of necessity to submit to his Justice and that Ecclesiastiques cannot deny themselves to be Subjects seeing as hath been already said the greatest Poper themselves have not made any difficulty to put themselves in this rank as Gelasius in a Letter which he writ to the Emperor Anastasius Pelagius the first in profession of his Faith which he sent to Childebert one of our first Kings and St Gregory to the Emperor Maurice What reason can they pretend to resist it seeing Jesus Christ himself and St. Paul have acknowledg'd themselves to be subject to their power Did not Jesus Christ tell Pilate by way of acknowledging his Authority that he could have no power over him but what he receiv'd from heaven whereupon St. Austine and St. Bernard expounding those words say that Pilates sentence though very unjust was not usurp'd because he had a lawfull authority So likewise St. Paul thinking himself happy to walk in the steps of his Masters humility did not appeal from Festus his Tribunal to that of St. Peter but to that of Caesar acknowledging his power and authority of judging in that affair then in question Nor are the Disciples greater then their Masters The End of the Second Part.