to the saide fellowship and company nor to any of them to cary and transport or cause to be caried and transported any commodie of this Realme to their newe trade but onely in English ships and to be sailed for the most part with English Mariners nor also to bring into this Realme nor into Flanders from their saide new trade any merchandizes or other commodities but in English ships and sailed for the most part by the English Mariners on paine to forfeit for euery such offence two hundred pounds whereof the one moitie shall be to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other moitie to the head officers of any port towne hauing any hauen or harborough decayed by what name soeuer they bee incorporate to the reparation of such harborough that will sue for the same in any Court of Record by action bill plaint or information wherein no essoine protection or wager of lawe for the defendant shall be admitted or allowed Prouided also and be it enacted that no maner of person or persons shall from hence forth carrie or transport or cause to bee carried or transported out of this Realme of England any maner of clothes or karsies into any of the partes where the said fellowship and societie is priuiledged to trade by this Act before the same clothes and karsies shall be all dressed and for the most part died within this Realme vpon paine of forfeiture for euery such cloth and karsie otherwise caried and transported fiue pounds the one halfe thereof to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other halfe to the Master and Wardens of the Clothworkers in the Citie of London for the time being by what name soeuer they be incorporate that wil sue for the same Prouided also that whensoeuer the said societie or company shall willingly withdraw and discontinue wholy by the space of three yeeres in time of peace the discharging of their marchandizes at the road of S. Nicholas bay in Russia and doe not discharge their said merchandizes at some other port or roade lying on that North coast of Russia or other territorie nowe subiect to the saide mightie prince of Russia c. hitherto by the subiects of this realme not commonly frequented that then during the time of any such discontinuance and withdrawing as is aforesaid it shal be lawful to all the subiects of this realme to trade to the Narue onely in English bottoms any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding Prouided also that euery of the Queenes Maiesties Subiects inhabiting within the Citie of Yorke the townes of Newcastle vpon Tine Hull and of Boston hauing continually traded the course of merchandize by the space of ten yeeres and which before the 25. of December that shal be in Anno D. 1567. shal contribute ioyne and put in stocke to with and amongst the said company such summe summes of money as any of the said company which hath throughly continued and contributed to the saide newe trade from the yeere 1552. hath done and before the saide 25. of December 1567. shall do for the furniture of one ordinary full and intire portion or share and do in all things behaue himselfe as others of the said societie be bound to doe and hereafter shall bee bound to do by the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company shall from the same 25. day of December 1567. be and be accompted free and as one of the saide societie and company and subiect to the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company reasonably made and to be made any thing in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding A very briefe remembrance of a voyage made by M. Anthony Ienkinson from London to Moscouia sent from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour in the yeere 1566. THe fourth day of May in the yere aforesaid I imbarked my selfe at Grauesend in the good ship called the Harry of London and hauing had a prosperous voyage arriued at the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia the 10. day of Iuly following and immediatly I sent in post to the Emperor to aduertise of my comming and traueiling then thorowe the countrey I with my company came to the Mosco where the Emperour kept his court the 23. of August and foorthwith gaue the Secretarie to vâ—derstand of my arriuall who aduertised the Emperours Maiestie of it and the first day of September being a solemne feast among the Russes I came before the Emperours Maiestie sitting in his seate of honour and hauing kissed his hand and done the Queenes Maiesties commendations and deliuered her Graces letters and present he â—ad me to dinner which I accepted and had much honour done vnto me both then and all the time of my abode in Russia The Priuiledges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants of that company obteined the 22. of September Anno 1567. by M. Anthony Ienkinson ONe onely strengthener of all things and God without beginning which was before the world the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost our onely God in Trinitie and maker of all things whom we worship in all things and in all places the doer and fulfiller of all things which is the perfect knowledge giuer of the true God our Lorde Iesus Christ with the comforter the holy Spirit and thou which art the strengthener of our faith keepe vs together giue vs health to preserue our kingdome thou giuer of all good fruites and helper of all Christian beleeuers We great lord by the grace of God and great duke Iohn Vasiliwich of all Russia Volodimer Mosco Nouogrod Cazan Astracan Plesco Smolensko Tweria Yougorie Vadika Bulgar Sybier and others Emperour and great duke of Nouogrod of the lower land of Chernygo Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yereslaue Bealozera Oudoria Obdoria Condensa and lord of many other lands and of all the North parts commander and lord of Liffe-land Whereas our sister Queene Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland hath written to vs her letters that wee would graunt her merchants William Gerrard William Chester Rowland Heyward Lawrence Hussie Iohn Marsh Anthony Ienkinson William Rowly and their company of England to come in ships into this kingdome and those merchants William Gerrard and his company haue required of vs that we would graunt and licence them to come into our countrey of Dwina with all kind of wares at wil to our city of Mosco and to all our castles in our kingdomes we for our sisters sake Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland haue licenced her merchants William Gerrard and his company to passe in ships to our kingdome of Colmogro and to the land of Dwina and to all other our inheritances in the North parts with all kind of wares to our city of Mosco and to all castles and townes in our kingdome And sir William Garrard his company desired of vs that we would grant them licence to passe to
commandement to handle discusse and finally to determine the foresaid busines and with letters of credence vnto the right reuerend lord and master generall aforesayd Which ambassadours together with Iohn Beuis of London their informer and the letters aforesaid and their ambassage the said right reuerend lord and Master generall at his castle of Marienburgh the 28. of Iuly in the yeare aforesaid reuerently and honourably receiued and enterteined and in his minde esteemed them worthy to treate and decide the causes aforesayd and so vnto the sayd ambassadouurs he ioyned in commission on his behalfe three of his owne counsellers namely the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Seiffridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary and commander in Elburg Wolricus Hachenberger treasurer being all of the order aforesaid Which ambassadors so entreating about the premisses and sundry conferences and consultations hauing passed between them friendly and with one consent concluded an agreement and concord in manner following That is to say First that all arrestments reprisals and impignorations of whatsoeuer goods and marchandises in England and Prussia made before the date of these presents are from henceforth quiet free and released without all fraud and dissimulation insomuch that the damages charges and expenses occasioned on both parts by reason of the foresayd goods arrested are in no case hereafter to be required or chalenged by any man but the demaunds of any man whatsoeuer propounded in this regard are and ought to be altogether frustrate and voide and all actions which may or shall be commenced by occasion of the sayd goods arrested are to be extinct and of none effect Moreouer it is secondly concluded and agreed that all and singuler Prussians pretending themselues to be iniuried by the English at the Porte of Swen or elsewhere howsoeuer and whensoeuer before the date of these presents hauing receiued the letters of the foresaide right reuerende lord and Master generall and of the cities of their abode are to repayre towards England vnto the sayd hon embassadours who are to assist them and to propound and exhibite their complaintes vnto the forenamed lord and king The most gracious prince is bounde to doe his indeuor that the parties damnified may haue restitution of their goods made vnto them or at least complete iustice and iudgement without delay Also in like maner all English men affirming themselues to haue bene endamaged by Prussians wheresoeuer howsoeuer and whensoeuer are to haue recourse vnto the often forenamed right reuerend lorde the Master generall with the letters of their king and of the cities of their aboad propounding their complaints and causes vnto him Who likewise is bound to doe his indeuour that the sayd losses and damages may be restored or at the least that speedie iudgement may be without all delayes executed This caueat being premised in each clause that it may and shall be freely granted and permitted vnto euery man that will ciuilly make his suite and complaint to doe it either by himselfe or by his procurator or procurators Also thirdly it is agreed that whosoeuer of Prussia is determined criminally to propound his criminal complaints in England namely that his brother or kinseman hath beene slaine wounded or maimed by English men the same partie is to repayre vnto the citie of London in England and vnto the sayd ambassadors bringing with him the letters of the sayd right reuerend lord the master generall and of the cities of their abode which ambassadors are to haue free and full authority according to the complaints of the men of Prussia and the answers of the English men to make and ordaine a friendly reconciliation or honest recompence betweene such parties which reconciliation the sayd parties reconciled are bound vndoubtedly without delay to obserue But if there be any English man found who shall rashly contradict or contâ—mne the composition of the foresayd ambassadors then the sayd ambassadours are to bring the forenamed Prussian plaintifes before the presence of the kings Maiestie and also to make supplication on the behalfe of such plaintifes that complete iustice and iudgment may without delayes bee administred according as those suites are commenced Moreouer whatsoeuer English man against whom anie one of Prussia would enter his action shall absent himselfe at the terme the sayd ambassadours are to summon and ascite the foresayd English man to appeare at the terme next insuing that the plaintifes of Prussia may in no wise seeme to depart or to returne home without iudgâ—ment or the assistance of lawe Nowe if the sayd English man being summoned shall be found stubborne or disobedient the forenamed ambassadours are to make their appeale and supplication in manner aforesayd And in like sorte in all respects shall the English plaintifes be dealt withall in Prussia namely in the citie of Daâ—tzik where the deputies of the sayd citie and of the citie of Elburg shal take vnto themselues two other head boroughs one of Dantzik and the other of Elburg which foure commissioners are to haue in al respects the very like authority of deciding discussing and determining all criminall complaints propounded criminally by English men against any Prussian or Prussians by friendly reconciliation or honest recompense if it be possible But if it cannot friendly be determined or if anie Prussian shall not yeeld obedience vnto any such order or composition but shal be found to contradict and to contemne the same from thenceforth the said foure deputies and headboroughs are to make their appeale and supplication vnto the Master generall of the land aforesayd that vnto the sayd English plaintifes speedy iudgement and complete iustice may be administred But if it shall so fall out that any of the principall offenders shall decease or already are deceased in either of the sayd countries that then it shall bee free and lawfull for the plaintife to prosecute his right against the goods or heires of the party deceased Also for the executing of the premisses the termes vnder written are appointed namely the first from the Sunday whereupon Quasi modo geniti is to be sung next ensuing vntill the seuenth day following The second vpon the feast oâ— the holy Trinitie next to come and for seuen dayes following The third vpon the eight day after Saint Iohn Baptist next to come for seuen daies following The fourth last and peremptory terme shall be vpon the feast of S. Michael next to come and vpon seuen dayes next following And from thenceforth all causes which concerne death or the mayming of a member with all actions proceeding from them are to remaine altogether voide and extinct And if peraduenture any one of the foresayd ambassadours shall in the meane season dye then the other two shall haue authoritie to chuse a third vnto them And if after the date of these presents any cause great or small doth arise or spring foorth it must bee decided in England and in Prussia as it hath
be at his Princes pleasure and commandement Oh that our sturdie rebels were had in the like subiection to knowe their duety towarde their Princes They may not say as some snudges in England say I would find the Queene a man to serue in my place or make his friends tarrie at home if money haue the vpper hand No no it is not so in this countrey for hee shall make humble sute to serue the Duke And whom he sendeth most to the warres he thinketh he is most in his fauour and yet as I before haue sayde hee giueth no wages If they knewe their strength no man were able to make match with them nor they that dwel neere them should haue any rest of them But I thinke it is not Gods will For I may compare them to a young horse that knoweth not his strength whome a little childe ruleth and guideth with a bridle for all his great strength for if hee did neither childe nor man could rule him Their warres are holden against the Crimme Tartarians and the Nagaiâ—â—â— I will stand no longer in the rehearsall of their power and warres For it were too tedious to the reader But I will in part declare their lawes and punishments and the execution of iustice And first I will begin with the commons of the countrey which the gentlemen haue rule on And that is that euery gentleman hath rule and iustice vpon his owne tenants And if it so fall out that two gentlemens seruants or tenaunts doe disagree the two gentlemen examine the matter and haue the parties before them and soe giue the sentence And yet cannot they make the ende betwixt them of the controuersie but either of the gentlemen must bring his seruant or tenant before the high iudge or iustice of that countrey and there present them and declare the matter and case The plaintife sayth I require the law which is graunted then commeth an officer and arresteth the party defendant and vseth him contrarie to the lawes of England For when they attach any man they beate him about the legges vntill such time as he findeth suerties to answere the matter And if not his handes and necke are bound together and he is led about the towne and beaten about the legges with other extreme punishments till he come to his answere And the Iustice demaundeth if it be for debt and sayth O west thou this man any such debt He will perhaps say nay Then sayth the Iudge art thou able to denie it Let vs heare how By othe sayth the defendant Then he commandeth to leaue beating him till further triall be had Their order in one point is commendable They haue no man of Lawe to pleade their causes in any court but euery man pleadeth his owne cause and giueth bill and answere in writing contrarie to the order in England The complaint is in maner of a supplication made to the Dukes Grace and deliuered him into his owne hand requiring to haue iustice as in his complaint is alleaged The duke giueth sentence himselfe vpon all matters in the Law Which is very coÌ„mendable that such a Prince wil take paines to see ministration of iustice Yet notwithstanding it is wonderfully abused and thereby the Duke is much deceiued But if it fall out that the officers be espied in cloking the trueth they haue most condigne punishment And if the plaintâ—fe can nothing prooue then the defendant must take his oth vpon the crucifixe whether he bee in the right or no. Then is demanded if the plaintife be any thing able further to make proofe if hee bee not then sometimes he will say I am able to prooue it by my body and hands or by my champions body so requiring the Campe. After the other hath his othe it is graunted aswell to the one as to the other So when they goe to the field they sweare vpon the Crucifixe that they bee both in the right and that the one shall make the other to confesse the trueth before they depart foorth of the field and so they goe both to the battell armed with such weapons as they vse in that countrey they fight all on foote seldome the parties themselues do fight except they be Gentlemen for they stand much vpon their reputation for they wil not fight but with such as are come of as good an house as themselues So that if either partie require the combate it is granted vnto them and no champion is to serue iu their roome wherein is no deceit but otherwise by champions there is For although they take great othes vpon them to doe the battell truely yet is the contrary often seene because the common champions haue none other liuing And assoone as the one party hath gotten the victorie hee demandeth the debt and the other is carried to prison and there is shamefully vsed till he take order There is also another order in the lawe that the plaintife may sweare in some causes of debt And if the partie defendant be poore he shal be set vnder the Crucifixe and the partie plaintife must sweare ouer his head and when hee hath taken his othe the Duke taketh the partie defendant home to his house and vseth him as his bond-man and putteth him to labour or letteth him for hier to any such as neede him vntill such time as his friends make prouision for his redemption or else hee remaineth in bondage all the dayes of his life Againe there are many that will sell themselues to Gentlemen or Marchants to bee their bond-men to haue during their life meate drinke and cloth and at their comming to haue a piece of mony yea and some will sell their wiues and children to bee bawdes and drudges to the byer Also they haue a Lawe for Fellons and pickers contrary to the Lawes of England For by their law they can hang no man for his first offence but may keepe him long in prison and oftentimes beate him with whips and other punishment and there he shall remaine vntill his friends be able to bayle him If he be a picker or a cut-purse as there be very many the second time he is taken he hath a piece of his Nose cut off and is burned in the forehead and kept in prison till hee finde sureties for his good behauiour And if he be taken the third time he is hanged And at the first time he is extremely punished and not released except hee haue very good friends or that some Gentleman require to haue him to the warres And in so doing he shall enter into great bonds for him by which meanes the countrey is brought into good quietnesse But they be naturally giuen to great deceit except extreme beating did bridle them They be naturally giuen to hard liuing aswell in fare as in lodging I heard a Russian say that is was a great deale merrier liuing in prison then foorth but for the great beating For they haue meate and drinke without any labour
places at their pleasure and liberty by sea land or fresh waters may depart and exercise all kinde of merchandizes in our empire and dominions and euery part thereof freely and quietly without any restraint impeachment price exaction prest straight custome â—oll imposition or subsidie to be demanded taxed or paid or at any time hereafter to be demaÌ„ded taxed set leuied or inferred vpon them or any of them or vpon their goods ships wares marchandizes and things of for or vpon any part or parcell thereof or vpon the goods ships wares merchandizes and things of any of them so that they shall not need any other safe conduct or licence generall ne speciall of vs our heires or successours neither shall be bound to aske any safe conduct or licence in any of the aforesaid places subiect vnto vs. 2 Item we giue and graunt to the said marchants this power and liberty that they ne any of them ne their goods wares marchandizes or things ne any part thereof shal be by any meanes within our dominions landes countreyes castles townes villages or other place or places of our iurisdiction aâ— any time heereafter attached staied arrested ne disturbed for anie debt duetie or other thing for the which they be not principall debters or sureties ne also for any offence or trespasse committed or that shall be committed but onely for such as they or any of them shall actually commit and the same offences if any such happen shall bee by vs onely heard and determined 3 Item we giue and graunt that the said Marchants shal and may haue free libertie power and authoritie to name choose and assigne brokers shippers packers weighers measurers wagoners and all other meet and necessary laborers for to serue them in their feat of marchandises and minister and giue vnto them and euery of them a corporall othe to serue them well and truely in their offices and finding them or any of them doing contrary to his or their othe may punish and dismisse them and from time to time choose sweare and admit other in their place or places without contradiction let vexation or disturbance either of vs our heires or successors or of any other our Iustices officers ministers or subiects whatsoeuer 4 Item we giue and graunt vnto the saide Marchants and their successours that such person as is or shal be commended vnto vs our heires or successors by the Gouernour Consuls and assistants of the said fellowship restant within the citie of London within the realme of England to be their chiefe Factor within this our empire and dominions may and shal haue ful power and authoritie to gouerne and rule all Englishmen that haue had or shall haue accesse or repaire in or to this said Empire and iurisdictions or any part thereof and shal and may minister vnto them and euery of them good iustice in all their causes plaints quarrels and disorders betweene them moued and to be moued and assemble deliberate consult conclude define determine and make such actes and ordinancesâ— as he so commended with his Assistants shall thinke good and meete for the good order gouernment and rule of the said Marchants and all other Englishmen repairing to this our saide empire and dominions or any part thereof and to set and leuie vpon all and euery Englishmenâ— offender or offenders of such their acts and ordinances made and to be made penalties and mulâ—ts by fine or imprisonment 5 Item if it happen that any of the saide Marchants or other Englishman as one or more doe rebell against such chiefe Factor or Factors or his or their deputies and will not dispose him or themselues to obey them and euery of them as shall appertaine if the saide Rebels or disobedients doe come and bee founde in our saide Empire and iurisdictions or any part and place thereof then wee promise and graunt that all and euery our officers ministers and subiects shall effectually ayde and assist the saide chiefe Factour or Factours and their deputies and for their power shall really woorke to bring such rebell or disobedient rebels or disobedients to due obedience And to that intent shall lende vnto the same Factour or Factours and their deputies vpon request therefore to be made prisons and instruments for punishments â—rom time to time 6 Item we promise vnto the saide Marchants and their successours vpon their request to exhibite and doe vnto them good exact and fauourable iustice with expedition in all their causes and that when they or any of them shall haue accesse or come to or before any of our Iustices for any their plaints mooued and to bee mooued betweene any our subiects or other stranger and them or any of them that then they shal be first and forthwith heard as soon as the party whâ—ch they shal find before our Iustices shal be depeached which party being heard forthwith and assoone as may be the said English marchants shall be ridde and dispatched And if any action shall be moued by or against any of the said Marchants being absent out of our saide empire and dominions then such Marchants may substitute an â—tturney in all and singular his causes to be followed as need shall require and as shall seeme to him expedient 7 Item wee graunt and promise to the saide Marchants and to their successours that if the same Marchants or â—ny of them shall bee wounded or which God forbid slaine in any part or place of our Empire or dominions then good information thereof giuen Wee and our Iustices and other officers shall execute due correction and punishment without delay according to the exigence of the case so that it shall bee an example to all other not to commit the like And if it shall chaunce the factors seruants or ministers of the saide Marchants or any of them to trespasse or offende whereby they or any of them shall incurre the danger of death or punishment the goods wares marchandizes and things of their Masters shall not therefoore bee forfaited confiscated spoiled ne seised by any meanes by vs our heires or successours or by any our officers ministers or subiects but shall remaine to their vse franke free and discharged from all punishment and losse 8 Item we graunt that if any of the English nation be arrested for any debt he shal not be laid in prison so farre as he can put in sufficient suretie and pawne neither shall any sergeant or officer leade them or any of them to prison before he shall haue knowen whether the chiefe Factor or factors or their deputies shal be sureties or bring in pawne for such arrested then the officers shal release the partie and shall set hâ—m or them at libertie 9 Moreouer wee giue graunt and promise to the saide Marchants that if any of their ships or other vessels shall bee spoyled robbed or damnified in sayling anckoring or returning to or from our saide Empires and Dominions or any part thereof by any Pirats Marchants or other person
sought out and to be giuen to the English merchants being here abiding at that time in our Countrey the factors seruants or deputies of the Company aforesayd to whom we haue granted this our gratious letter And if there happen none of the English merchants factors seruants or deputies to be in our Countreis at such time then we wil all the said goods to be sought out and bestowed in some conuenient place and when any of the Company aforewritten bringing these our letters shall come for their goods we to command their goods to be restored vnto them 8 Likewise wee haue graunted leaue to the English merchants their Gouernours Consuls and assistantsâ— namely sir William Garrard knight Rowland Hayward and to the Companie to builde houses at Vologda Colmogro and the seaside at Inangorod at Cherell and in all other places of our Dominions as shall be needefull for their trade And they to keepe at the said house one housekeeper a Russe and two or three men to keepe their wares at the said houses making sale thereof to whom they will they their Factors or deputies the said housekeeper not to buy or sell for them 9 Also we haue giuen and graunted to the English Merchants their house which they haue by our goodnesse at S. Maximes in the Zenopski and other their houses in the towne of Zenopski made for the better assurance of their goods and all such as they shall set vp hereafter shal be of the Opressini and will make them knowen to all them of Opressini 10 And whereas by our goodnes we haue graunted them a Ropehouse at Vologda being farre from the English Merchants house now we haue giuen them to build a house for that vse by the said English house and haue giuen and graunted them of our goodnesse ground one hundreth and fourescore fadome long and fiftie fadomes in breadth according to their owne request 11 Also we haue of our goodnesse giuen and graunted to the English Merchants leaue to buy them a house at Wichida and there to search out mines of yron And where they shal happily find it there to set vp houses for the making of the same yron and to make the same of our goodnesse haue graunted them woods fiue or sixe miles compasse about the sayd houses to the making of the sayd yron and not to exceede these bounds and limits And where they shall cut the sayde wood not to set vp any village or farme there bringing the artificers for making of their yron out of their owne Countrey and to learne our people that arte and so freely occupying the said yron in these our Dominions transporting also of the same home into Englande allowing for euery pound one dingo or halfe penie 12 And if any of the said yron shal be needfull for our workes then we to take of the said yron to our worke vpon agreement of price paying money out of our Treasurie for the same And when the said English Merchants or Factors shal send their owne people out of our Realme into their Countrey ouer land through any Countrey whatsoeuer freely to send the same with our words 13 Also we of our goodnesse haue graunted that if any man misuse the said English the Factors or seruants or the saide English Merchants their Factors or seruants abuse any other at Moscouie or any other out townes whatsoeuer within our Dominions in trade of Marchandise or otherwise then they to haue vpright iustice in all such matters of our counsaile the Opressini without all let or delay But if our Iustice may not agree the parties then lots to be made and to whose lotte it shall fall to him the right to be giuen and that only our counsaile at Moscouie and none of our Captaines or authorised people or officers in any other our townes giue iudgement vpon the said English Merchants for any thing 14 Also if any stranger shall haue matter of controuersie with any English Merchant Factor or seruant abiding within these our Realmes or coâ—trariwise any English Merchant Factor or seruant against any other stranger in all those causes our Counsaile of the Opressini to giue them Iustice and to make an agreement end betweene the parties without all delay And none to deale therein saue our Counsaile of the Opressini 15 And if any man haue action against any English Merchant being absent that then in his absence it shal be lawful for any other Englishman at his assignation to answere his cause 16 If any Englishman happen to be wounded or beaten to death or any Russe or stranger slaine or beaten 17 Or any â—â—ollen goods to be found in the said English houses then our Counsellers to cause the guiltie persons to be sought out and to doe right and Iustice in the cause and the partie that is guiltie if he deserue punishment to be corrected accordingly after his offence That the said English Merchants factors and seruant sustaine thereby no hinderance or damage 18 And whatsoeuer English Marchant Factor seruant or deputie shal be guiltie or any fault deseruing our displeasure then our Counsellers to cause the guiltie partie to goe vnder suerâ—es and their goods to be sealed and kept vntill our pleasure be further knowen and our Counsaile to examine their offence and so to report it vnto vs that we may command what shall be done therein and none other to be arrested or haue their goods sealed which are not guiltie of that offence nor to stay or apprehend them in any of our Dominions for the same 19 If any English Marchant Factor or seruant shall offend it shal be lawfull for their Agent to doe iustice vpon the said partie or to send him home into England at his pleasure 20 If any English Marchant Factor or seruant haue lent or hereafter shall lende money to any of our people or credite them with wares and so depart into any forreigne Countrey or die before the debt be due to be payde then our people and Marchants to paye the sayde debt to whom soeuer shall be appointed to the sayd roome or charge and the saide English Marchant factorâ— or seruant to bring his bill of debt to our Counsell to shewe them what is due and what money is owing them for any wares and thus to doe truly not adding any whit to the debt and our Counsel to command the debt to be discharged vnto the English Marchant factor or seruant without delay 21 And whatsoeuer English Marchant shall be arrested for debt then our Counsell to command the partie vnder arrest to be deliuered to the Agent and if he haue no suertiâ— to binde the Agent with him for the better force of the bond And if any Englishman be endebted we will the Creditor not to cast him in prison or to deliuer him to the Sergeant left the officer lose him but to take ware in pawne of the debt 22 Also of our goodnes we haue granted the English Marchants to send our Commission to
although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong tender plants and suffer scarse any thing to grow and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita which are subiect most to East Northeastern winds which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be the countrey is habitable for there are men women children sundry kind of beasts in great plenty as beares deere hares foxes and dogs all kinde of flying fowles as ducks seamewes wilmots partridges larks crowes hawks and such like as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable Which thing being well considered and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança which the Portugals yerely vse he began first with himselfe to deuise and then with his friends to conferre and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest but also he could proue easie to be performed And further he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth or els neuer to returne againe knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage whereof he had conceiued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward and performe the same Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same as by good witnesse shall well appeare albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action and that they haue learned him the way which themselues as yet haue neuer gone but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants which neuer regard vertue without sure certaine and present gaines he repaired to the Court from whâ—nce as from the fountaine of our Common wealth all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commeâ—dable enterprise he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause and by litle and litle with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage Wherefore being furnished with the foresayd two barks and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel and the other The Michael and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land which he iudged to be Frisland whereof some authors haue made mention but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast and the great mists that troubled them not a litle Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea wherein he lost onely foure men Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter conueyed themselues priuily away from him and returned home with great report that he was cast away The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts although his mast was sprung and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather continued his course towards the Northwest knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending that some land should haue a beginning that way and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland after her Maiesties name And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast he descried another forland with a great gut bay or passage diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights and could not get beyond Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts carried more to the Southwards of the same straights or els conueyed some other way wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place to see how farre that gut had continuance and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside whereof he conceiued no small hope and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly and passed aboue fifty leagues therein as he reported hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia and there to be diuided from the firme of America which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same This place he named after his name Frobishers streights like as Magellanus at y e Southwest end of the world hauing discouered the passage to the South sea where America is diuided from the continent of that land which lieth vnder the South
attâ—mpt any thing into Florida and those regions inclining towards the North they proued moâ—t vnhappy and were at length discouraged vtterly by the hard and lamentable successe of many both religious and valiant in armes â—ndeuouring to bring those Norâ—herly regions also vnder the Spaâ—ish iurisdicâ—ion as if God had prescribed lâ—â—â—ts vnâ—o the Spanish nation which they might not exceed as by their owne gests recorded may be aptly gatherâ—d The French as they can pretend lesse title vnto these Northerne parts then the Spanyard by how much the Spanyard made the first discouery of the same continent so far Northward as vnto Florida and the French did â—ut reuiew that before discouered by the English nation vsurping vpon our right and imposing names vpon countreys riuers bayes capes or headlands as if they had bene the first finders of those coasts which iniury we offered not vnto the Spanyards but left off to discouer when we approched the Spanish limits euen so God hath not hitherto permitted them to establish a possession permanent vpon anothers right notwithstanding their manifolde attempts in which theâ— issue hath bene no lesse tragicall then that of the Spanyards as by their owne reports is extant Then sâ—eing the English nation onely hath right vnto these countreys of America from the cape of Florida Northward by the priuilege of first discouery vnto which Cabot was authorised by regall authority and set forth by the expense of our late famous king Henry the seuenth which right also seemeth strongly defended on our behalfe by the powerfull hand of almighty God withstanding the enteâ—prises of other nations it may greatly incourage vs vpon so iust ground as is our right and vpon so sacred an intent as to plant religion our right and intent being meet foundations for the same to prosecute effectually the full possession of those so ample and pleasant countreys apperteining vnto the crowne of England the same as is to be coniectured by infallible arguments of the worlds end approching being now arriued vnto the time by God prescribed of their vocation if â—uer their calling vnto the knowledge of God may be expâ—cted Which also is very probable by the reuolution and course of Gods word and religion which from the beginning hath moued from the East towards at last vnto the West where it is like to end vnlesse the same begin againe where it did in the East which were to expect a like world againe But we are assured of the contrary by the prophesie of Christ whereby we gather that after his word preached thorowout the world shal be the end And as the Gospel when it descended Westward began in the South and afterward spread into the North of Europe euen so as the same hath begunne in the South countreys of America no lesse hope may be gathered that it will also spread into the North. These considerations may helpe to suppresse all dreads rising of hard euents in attempts made this way by other nations as also of the heauy successe and issue in the late enterprise made by a worthy gentleman our countryman sir Humfrey Gilbert knight who was the first of our nation that caried people to erect an habitatioâ— and gouernment in those Northerly countreys of America About which albeit he had consumed much substance and lost his life at last his people also perishing for the most part yet the mystery thereof we must leaue vnto God and iudge charitably both of the cause which was iust in all pretence and of the person who was very zealous in prosecuting the same deseruing honourable remembrance for his good minde and expense of life in so vertuous an enterprise Whereby neuerthelesse least any man should be dismayd by example of other folks calamity and misdeeme that God doth resist all attempts intended that way I thought good so farre as my selfe was an eye witnesse to deliuer the circumstance and maner of our proceedings in that action in which the gentleman was so infortunately incumbred with wants and woorse matched with many ill disposed people that his rare iudgement and regiment premedicated for those affaires was subiected to tolerate abuses in sundry extremities to holde on a course more to vpholde credit then likely in his owne conceit happily to succeed The issue of such actions being alwayes miserable not guided by God who abhorreth confusion and disorder hath left this for admonition being the first attempt by our nation to plant vnto such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter not to be discouraged from it but to make men well aduised how they handle his so high and excellent matters as the cariage is of his word into those very mighty and vast countreys And action doubtlesse not to be intermedled with base purposes as many haue made the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise scarse iustifiable which doth excite Gods heauy iudgements in the end to the terrifying of weake mindes from the cause without pondering his iust proceedings and doth also incense forren princes against our attempts how iust soeuer who can not but deeme the sequele very dangerous vnto their state if in those parts we should grow to strength seeing the very beginnings are entred with spoile And with this admonition denounced vpon zeale towards Gods cause also towards those in whom appeareth disposition honourable vnto this action of planting Christian people and religion in those remote and barbarous nations of America vnto whom I wish all happinesse I will now proceed to make relation briefly yet particularly of our voyage vndertaken with sir Humfrey Gilbert begun continued and ended aduersly When first Sir Humfrey Gilbert vndertooke the Westerne discouery of America and had procured from her Maiesty a very large commission to inhabit possesse at his choice all remote and heathen lands not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince the same commission exemplified with many priuileges such as in his discretion he might demand very many gentlemen of good estimation drew vnto him to associate him in so commendable an enterprise so that the preparation was expected to grow vnto a puissant fleet able to encounter a kings power by sea neuerthelesse amongst a multitude of voluntary men their dispositions were diuers which bred a iarre and made a diuision in the end to the confusion of that attempt euen before the same was begun And when the shipping was in a maner prepared men ready vpon the coast to go aboord at that time some brake consort and followed courses degenerating from the voyage before pretended Others failed of their promises contracted and the greater number were dispersed leauing the Generall with few of his assured friends with whom he aduentured to sea where hauing tasted of no lesse misfortune he was shortly driuen to retire home with the losse of a tall ship and more to his griefe of a valiant gentleman Miles Morgan Hauing buried onely in a
preparation a great masse of substance wherby his estate was impaired his minde yet not dismaid he continued his former designment purpose to reuiue this enterprise good occasion seruing Upon which determination standing long without meanes to satisfy his desire at last he granted certaine assignments out of his coÌ„mission to sundry persons of meane ability desiring the priuilege of his grant to plant fortifie in the North parts of America about the riuer of Canada â—o whoÌ„ if God gaue good successe in the North parts where then no matter of moment was expected the same he thought would greatly aduance the hope of the South be a furtherance vnto his determination that way And the worst that might happen in that course might be excused without preiudice vnto him by the former supposition that those North regions were of no regard but chiefly a possession taken in any parcell of those heathen countrâ—ys by vertue of his grant did inuest him of territories extending euery way two hundred leagues which induced sir Humfry Gilbert to make those assignments desiring greatly their expedition because his commission did expire after six yeres if in that space he had not gotten actuall possession Time went away wâ—thout any thing done by his assignes insomuch that at last he must resolue himsâ—lfe to take a voyage in person for more assurance to keepe his patent in force which then almost was expired or within two yeres In furtherance of his determination amongst others sir George Peckam knight shewed himselfe very zealous to the action greatly aiding him both by his aâ—uâ—ce in the charge Other gentlemen to their ability ioyned vnto him resoluing to aduenture their substance liues in the same cause Who beginning their preparation from that time both of shipping munition victual men and things requisit sâ—me of them coÌ„tinued the charge two yeres coâ—plâ—at without intermission Such were the difficulties and crosse accidents opposing these procâ—edings which tooke not end in lesse thâ—n two yeres many of which circumstances I will omit The last place of our assâ—mbly before we left the coast of England war in Causet bay neere vnto Plimmouth then resolued to put vnto the sea with shipping and prouision such as we had before our store yet remaining but chiefly the time and season of the yeere wâ—re too farre spent Neuerthelesse it seemed first very doubtfull by what way to shape our course and to bâ—gin our intended discouerâ— either from the South Northward or from the North Southward The first that is beginning South without all controuersie was the likeliest wherein we were assured to haue commodity of the current which from the cape of Florida setteth Northward and would haue furthered greatly our nauigation discouering from the foresayd cape along towards cape Briton and all those lands lying to the North. Also the yere being farre spent and arriued to the moneth of Iune we were not to spend time in Northerly courses where we should be surprised with timely Winter but to couet the south which we had space enough then to haue attained and there might with lesse detriment haue wintred that season being more milde and short in the South then in the North where winter is both long and rigorous These and other like reasons alleged in fauour of the Southerne course first to be taken to the contrary was inferred that forasmuch as both our victuals and many other needfull prouisions were diminished and left insufficient for so long a voyage and for the wintering of so many men we ought to shape a course most likely to minister supply and that was to take the Newfoundland in our way which â—as but seuen hundred leagues from our English coast Where being vsually at that time of the yere and vntill the fine of August a multitude of ships repairing thither for fish we should be relieued abundantly with many necessaries which after the fishing ended they might well spare and freely impart vnto vs. Not staying long vpon that Newland coast we might proceed Southward and follow still the Sunne vntill we arriued at places more temperate to our content By which reasons we were the rather induced to follow this Northerly course obeying vnto necessity which must be supplied Otherwise we doubted that sudden approch of Winter bringing with it continuall fogge and thicke mists tempest and rage of weather also contrariety of currents descending from the cape of Florida vnto cape Briton and cape Râ—se would fall out to be great and irresistable impediments vnto our further proceeding for that yeere and compell vs to Winter in those North and colde regions Wherfore suppressing all obiections to the contrary we resolued to begin our course Northward and to follow directly as we might the trade way vnto Newfoundland from whence after our refreshing and reparation of wants we intended without delay by Gods permission to proceed into the South not omitting any riuer or bay which in all that large tract of land appeared to our view worthy of search Immediatly we agreed vpon the maner of our course and orders to be obserued in our voyage which were deliuered in writing vnto the captaines and masters of euery ship a copy in maner following Euery shippe had deliuered two bullets or scrowles the one sealed vp in ware the other left open in both which were included seuerall watch-words That open seruing vpon our owne coast or the coast of Ireland the other sealed was promised on all hands not to be broken vp vntill we should be cleere of the Irish coast which from thencefoorth did sâ—rue vntill we arriued and met altogether in such harbors of the Newâ—oundland as were agreed for our Rendez vouz The sayd watch-words being requisit to know our consorts whensoeuer by night either by fortune of weather our fleet dispersed should come together againe or one should hale another or if by ill watch and steerage one ship should chance to fall aboord of another in the darke The reason of the bullet sealed was to keepe secret that watch-worâ— while we were vpon our owne coast lest any of the company stealing from the fleet might bewray the same which knowen to an enemy he might boord vs by night without mistrust hauing our owne watch-word Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters to be obserued by the fleet of Sir Humfrey Gilbert FIrst the Admirall to cary his flag by day and his light by night 2 Item if the Admirall shall shorten his saile by night then to shew two lights vntill he be answered againe by euery ship shâ—wing one light for a short time 3 Item if the Admirall after his shortening of saile as aforesayd shall make more saile againe then he to shew three lights one aboue another 4 Item if the Admirall shall happen to hull in the night then to make a wauering light ouer his other light wauering the light vpon a pole 5 Item if the fleet should happen to be scattered
or so short a time may be supposed albeit true in euery particularitie as partly by the former relation may be collected and some I suppressed with silence for their sakes liuing it pleased God to support this company of which onely one man died of a maladie inueterate and long infested the rest kept together in reasonable contentment and concord beginning continuing and ending the voyage which none els did accomplish either not pleased with the action or impatient of wants or preuented by death Thus haue I deliuered the contents of the enterprise and last action of sir Humfrey Gilbert knight faithfully for so much as I thought meete to be published wherein may alwaies appeare though he be extinguished some sparkes of his vertues he remaining firme and resolute in a purpose by all pretence honest and godly as was this to discouer possesse and to reduce vnto the seruice of God and Christian pietie those remote and heathen Countreys of America not actually possessed by Christians and most rightly appertaining vnto the Crowne of England vnto the which as his zeale deserueth high commendation euen so he may iustly be taxed of temeritie and presumption rather in two respects First when yet there was onely probabilitie not a certaine determinate place of habitation selected neither any demonstration of commoditie there in esse to induce his followers neuertheles he both was too prodigall of his owne patrimony and too careles of other mens expences to imploy both his and their substance vpon a ground imagined good The which felling very like his associates were promised and made it their best reckoning to bee salued some other way which pleased not God to prosper in his first and great preparation Secondly when by his former preparation he was enfeebled of abilitie and credit to performe his designements as it were impatient to abide in expectation better opportunitie and meanes which God might raise he thrust himselfe againe into the action for which he was not sit presuming the cause pretended on Gods behalfe would carie him to the desired ende Into which hauing thus made reentrie he could not yeeld againe to withdraw though hee sawe no encouragement to proceed left his credite foyled in his first attempt in a second should vtterly be disgraced Betweene extremities hee made a right aduenture putting all to God and good fortune and which was worst refused not to entertaine euery person and meanes whatsoeuer to furnish out this expedition the successe whereof hath bene declared But such is the infinite bountie of God who from euery euill deriueth good For besides that fruite may growe in time of our trauelling into those Northwest lands the crosses turmoiles and afflictions both in the preparation and execution of this voyage did correct the intemperate humors which before we noted to bee in this Gentleman and made vnsauorie and lesse delightfull his other manifold vertues Then as he was refined and made neerer drawing vnto the image of God so it pleased the diuine will to resume him vnto himselfe whither both his and euery other high and noble minde haue alwayes aspired Ornatissimo viro Magistro Richardo Hakluyto Oxonij in Collegio aedis Christi Artium Philosophiae Magistro amico fratri suo SNon statueram ad tescribere cùm in mentem veniret promissum literarum tuarum Putabaste superiore iam Iunio nos subsecuturum Iraque de meo statu ex doctore Humfredo certiorem te fieri iusseram Verùm sic tibi non esset satisfactum Itaque scribam ad teijsdem ferè verbis quia noua meditari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mihi hoc tempore non vacat Vndecimo Iunij ex Anglia reuera tandem feriò soluimus portu terra apud Plemuthum simul relictis Classis quinque nauibus constabat maxima quam frater Amiâ—alij accommodauerat ignotum quo coÌ„silio statim tertio die à nobis se subduxit Reliqui perpetuò coniunctim nauigauimus ad 23. Iulij quo tempore magnis nebulis intercepto aspectu alij aliam viam tenuimus nobis seorsim prima terra apparuit ad Calendas Augusti ad gradum circiter 50. cùm vltrà 41. paucis ante diebus descendissemus spe Australium ventorum qui tamen nobis suo tempore nunquam spirauêre Insula est ea quam vestri Penguin vocant ab auium eiusdem nominis multitudine Nos tamen nec aues vidimus nec insulam accessimus ventis alio vocantibus Caeterùm conuenimus omnes in éundem locum paulò ante portum in quem communiconsilio omnibus veniendum erat idque intra duas horas magna Dei benignitate nostro gaudio Locus situs est in Newfoundlandia inter 47. 48. gradum Diuum Ioannem vocant Ipse Admiralius propter multitudinem hominum angustiam nauis paulò afflictiorem comitatum habuit iam duos dysentericis doloribus amisie de caeteris bona spes est Ex nostris nam ego me Mauricio Browno verè generoso iuuenime coniunxeram duo etiam casu quodam submersi sunt Caeteri salui longè firmiores Ego nunquam sanior In hunc locum terâ—io Augusti appulimus quinto autem ipse Admiralius has regiones in suam regni Angliae possessionem potestatemque vendicauit latis quibusdam legibus de religione obsequio Reginae Angliae Reâ—icimur hoc tempore paulò hilariùs lautiùs Certè enim qualibus ventis vsi simus quà m fessi esse potuerimus tam longi temporis ratio docuerit proinde nihil nobis deerit Nam extra Anglos 20 circiter naues Lusitanicas Hispanicas nacti in hoc loco sumus â—ae nobis impares non patientur nos esurire Angli etsi satis firmi à nobis tuti authoritate regij diplomatis omni obse quio humanitate prosequunturâ— Nunc narrandi erant mores regiones populi Caeterùm quid narrem mi Hakluyte quando praeter solitudinem nihil video Piscium inexhausta copia inde huc commeantibus magnus quaestus Vix hamus sundum attigit illicò insignialiquo onustus est Terra vniuersa montana syluestris arbores vt plurimùm pinus cae partim consenuêre partim nunc adolescunt magna pars vetustate collapsa aspectum terrae iter euntium ita impedit vt nusquam progredi liceat Herbae omnes procerae sed rarò à nostris diuerse Natura videtur velle niti etiam ad generandum frumentum Inueni enim gramina spicas in similitudinem secales facilè cultura satione in vsum humanum assucfieri posse videntur Rubi in syluìs vel potiùs fraga arborescentia magna suauitate Visi circa tuguria non-nunquam apparent conficluntur sed albi sunt vt mihi ex pellibus coniicere licuit minores quà m nostri Populus an vllus sic in hac regione incertum est Nec vllum vidi qui testari posset
of the Reader to the end it might most manifestly and at large appeare to all such as are not acquainted with the histories how the king of Portugall whose Countrey for popularity and number of people is scarce comparable to some three shires of England and the king of Spaine likewise whose natural Conntrey doth not greatly abound with people both which princes by means of their discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres post haue as it appeareth both mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent whose aid we shall not need to doubt seeing the cause and quarell which we take in hand tendeth to his honour and glory by the enlargement of the Christian faith To conclude since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray And that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous predecessors of renowmed memorie and leaue vnto our posteritie a deuine memoriall of so godly an enterprise Let vs I say for the considerations alledged enter into iudgement with our selues whether this action may belong to vs or no the rather for that this voyage through the mighty assistance of the omnipotent God shall take our desired effect whereof there is no iust cause of doubt Then shal her Maiesties dominions be enlarged her highnesse antient titles iustly confirmed all odiâ—us idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished diuers decayed townes repaired and many poore and needy persons relieued and estates of such as now liue in want shall be embettered the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannicall neighbours the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures abolished All which no man doubteth are things gratefull in the sight of our Sauiour Christ and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie Bee of good cheere therefore for hee that cannot erre hath sayd That before the ende of the world his word shall bee preached to all nations Which good worke I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts Wherefore my deere countreymen be not dismayed for the power of God is nothing diminished nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and planting of the Gospell any whit abated Shall wee then doubt he will be lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this quarell which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement of the Christian faith abroad and the banishment of idlenes at home then he was to Columbus Vasques Nunnes Hernando Cortes and Francis Pizaâ—ro in the West and Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Alonso de Albuquerque in the East Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts giue the attempt and leaue the sequell to almightie God for if he be on our part what forceth it who bee against vs Thus leauing the correction and reformation vnto the gentle Reader whatsoeuer is in this treatise too much or too little otherwise vnperfect I take leaue and so end A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie and of furthering new discoueries c. I Understand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of Bristoll as by conference with sir George Peknam that you haue endeuoured giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet vnknowen as your studie in these things is very coÌ„mendable so I thanke you much for the same wishing you do continue your trauell in these and like matters which are like to turne not only to your owne good in priuate but to the publike benefite of this Realme And so I bid you farewell From the Court the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth merchant and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie AFter my heartie commendations I haue for certaine causes deferred the answere of your letter of Nouember last till now which I hope commeth all in good time Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot but much commend And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert as you haue heard long since hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within these 10. dayes who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he hath I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you write of be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with him or so soone after as you may I hope this trauell wil proue profitable to the Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme herein I pray you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt and M. Thomas Steuenton to whome I referre you And so bid you heartily farewell Richmond the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the Citie of Bristoll to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham principall Secretary to her Maiestie concerning a Westerne voyage intended for the discouery of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of Cape Briton RIght honourable vpon the â—eceit of your letters directed vnto me and deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton bearing date the 11. of March I presently conferred with my friends in priuate whom I know most affectionate to this godly enterprise especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants whereupon my selfe being as then sicke with as conuenient speede as he could hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered where after dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this citie he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me piruatly to be read in publike and after some good light giuen by M. Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterpriseâ— and were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be liked that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present apparently knowen by their own speach and very willing offer the summe of 1000. markes and vpward which summe if it should not suffice we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery a ship of threescore and a barke of 40. tunne to bee left in the countrey vnder the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlilâ— of whom we haue heard much good if it shall stand with your honors good liking and his acceptation In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M. Steuenton your honours messenger and one well knowen to vs as captains And here in humble maner desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your further direction by a generall
lesse gratefull to you here then I know it to be acceptable to many great and worthie persons there And no maruaile though it were very welcome vnto you and that you liked of the translation thereof since no history hitherto set sorth hath more affinitie resemblance or conformitie with yours of Virginia then this of Florida But calling to minde that you had spent more yeeres in France then I and vnderstand the French better then my selfe I forthwith perceiued that you approoued mine endeuour not for any priuate ease or commoditie that thereby might redound vnto you but that it argued a singular and especiall care you had of those which are to be employed in your owne like enterprise whom by the reading of this my translation you would haue forewarned and admonished aswell to beware of the grosse negligence in prouiding of sufficiency of victuals the securitie disorders and mutinies that fell out among the French with the great inconueniences that thereupon ensued that by others mishaps they might learne to preuent and auoyde the like as also might be put in minde by the reading of the manifolde commodities and great fertilitie of the places herein at large described and so neere neighbours vnto our Colonies that they might generally bee awaked and stirred vp vnto the diligent obseruation of euery thing that might turne to the aduancement of the action whereinto they are so cheerefully entred Many speciall poynts concerning the commodities of these partes the accidents of the French mens gouernment therein the causes of their good or bad successe with the occasions of the abandoning one of their forts and the surprise of the other by the enemie are herein truely and faithfully recorded Which because they be quoted by me in the margents and reduced into a large alphabeticall table which I haue annexed to the ende of the worke it shall be needlesse to recken vp againe And that the rather because the â—ame with diuers other things of chiefest importance are liuely drawne in colours at your no smal charges by the skilfull painter Iames Morgues sometime liuing in the Black-fryers in London whom Monsieur Chastillion then Admirall of France sent thither with Laudonniere for that purpose which was an eye-witnesse of the goodnesse and fertility of those regions and hath put downe in writing many singularities which are not mentioned in this treatise which since he hath published together with the purtraitures These foure voyages I knew not to whom I might better offer then to your selfe and that for diuers iust considerations First for that as I haue sayd before they were dedicated vnto you in French secondly because now foure times also you haue attempted the like vpon the selfe same coast neere adioyning thirdly in that you haue peâ—sed as farre vp into the maine and discouered no lesse secrets in the partes of your aboad then the French did in the places of their inhabiting lastly considering you are now also ready vpon the late returne of Captaine Stafford and good newes which he brought you of the safe arriual of your last Colony in their wished hauen to prosecute this action more throughly then euer And here to speake somewhat of this your enterprise I affirme that if the same may speedily and effectually be pursued it will prooue farre more beneficiall in diuers respects vnto this our realme then the world yea many of the wiser sort haue hitherto imagined The particular coÌ„modities whereof are wel knowen vnto your selfe and some few others and are faithfully and with great iudgement coÌ„mitted to writing as you are not ignorant by one of your fellowers which remained there about a twelue month with your worshipful Lieutenant M. Ralph Lane in the diligent search of the secrets of those Countreys Touching the speedy and effectuall pursuing of your action though I wote well it would demaund a princes purse to haue it throughly followed without lingring yet am I of opinion that you shall drawe the same before it be long to be profitable and gainful aswel to those of our nation there remaining as to the merchants of England that shall trade hereafter thither partly by certaine secret commodities already discouered by your seruants partly by breeding of diuers sorts of beasts in those large and ample regions and planting of such things in that warme climat as wil best prosper there and our realme standeth most in need of And this I find to haue bin the course that both the Spaniards and Portugals tooke in the beginnings of their discoueries conquests For the Spaniards at their first entrance into Hispaniola fouÌ„d neither suger-canes nor ginger growing there nor any kind of our cattel But finding the place fit for pasture they sent kine buls and sundry sorts of other profitable beasts thither transported the plants of suger-canes and set the rootes of ginger the hides of which oxen with suger and ginger are now the chiefe merchandise of that Island The Portugals also at their first footing in Madera as Iohn Barros writes in his first Decade found nothing there but mighty woods for timber whereupon they called the Island by that name Howbeit the climate being fauourable they inriched it by their own industry with the best wines and sugers in the world The like maner of proceeding they vsed in the Isles of the Açores by sowing therin great quantity of Woad So dealt they in S. Thomas vnder the Equinoctial and in Brasil and sundry other places And if our men will follow their steps by your wise direction I doubt not but in due time they shall reape no lesse commoditie and benefit Moreouer there is none other likelihood but that her Maiesty which hath Christned and giuen the name to your Virginia if need require will deale after the maner of honorable godmothers which seeing their gossips not fully able to bring vp their children themselues are wont to contribute to their honest education the rather if they find any towardlines or reasonable hope of goodnesse in them And if Elizabeth Queene of Castile and Aragon after her husband Ferdinando and she had emptied their cofers and exhausted their treasures in subduing the kingdome of Granada and rooting the Mores a wicked weed out of Spayne was neuerthelesse so zealous of Gods honour that as Fernandus Columbus the sonne of Christopher Columbus recordeth in the history of the deedes of his father she layd part of her owne iewels which she had in great account to gage to furnish his father foorth vpon his first voyage before any foot of land of all the West Indies was discouered what may we expect of our most magnificent and gracious prince ELIZABETH of England into whose lappe the Lord hath most plentifully throwne his treasures what may wee I say hope of her forwardnesse and bounty in aduancing of this your most honourable enterprise being farre more certaine then that of Columbus at that time especially and tending no
abundance Diamonds of inestimable value with great store of pearle The report of a French man called Bountillier of Sherbrouke concerning Trinidad and Dorado HE saith that beeing at Trinidad in 1591. he had of an Indian there a peece of Golde of a quarter of a pound in exâ—hange of a knife the sayde Indian tolde him hee had it at the head of that riuer which commeth to Paracoa in Trinidad and that within the Riuer of Orenoque it was in great abundance Also in 1593. beeing taken by the Spanyardes and brought prisoner into the Iland of Madera the place for his prison there came in this meane time a Barke of sortie Tunnes from a new Discouery with two millions of Golde the company whereof reported Golde in that place to bee in great abundance and called it El Nueuo Dorado This Frenchman passed from Spaine in the Barke and hauing a cabben neere a gentleman one of the Discouerers that came from that place in the sayde Barke had diuers times conference with him and amongst other things of the great abundance of Golde in the sayd Dorado being as they sayd within the riuer of Orenoque Reportes of certaine Marchants of Rio de Hacha concerning El Nueuo Dorado THey sayd aduancing the kings great treasure in the Indies that Nueuo Reyno yeelded very many Golde mines and wonderfull rich but lately was discouered a certaine Prouince so rich in Golde as the report thereof may seeme incredible it is there in such abundance and is called El Nueuo Dorado Antonio de Berreo made the said discouerie The report of a Spanyard Captaine with Berreo in the discouerie of El Nueuo Dorado THat the information sent to the King was in euery poynt truely sayde that the riuer Orenoque hath seuen mouths or outlets into the sea called Las Siete bocas de dragon that the sayd riuer runneâ—h farre into the land in many places very broad and that Anth. de Berreo lay at Trinidad making head to goe to conquere and people the sayd Dorado A Relation of the second Voyage to Guiana performed and written in the yeere 1596. by Laurence Keymis Gent. TO THE APPROVED RIGHT VALOROVS AND worthy Knight Sir Walter Ralegh Lord warden of the Stanneries Captaine of her Maiesties Guard and her Highnesse Lieutenant generall of the Countie of Cornewall I Haue here briefly set downe the effect of this your second Discouerie without any enlargement of made wordes for in this argument single speech best beseemeth a simple trueth Where the affinitie of the matter with your person leadeth mee to write of your selfe vnto your selfe that small libertie which I haue therein vsed shall I doubt not without offence or sinister construction be giuen to the cause in hand which whether it suffer not detriment by attributing lesse then of right belongeth the iudgement bee theirs that vprightly and indifferently shall weigh the consequents of their euill purpose who in seeking to detract from the Author of these Discoueries doe so much as in theÌ„ lieth wound deface tread vnder foot the thing it selfe But this is no nouelty nor proper only to these our dayes For long since it hath bin said Laudes eo vsque sunt tolerabiles donec ea dicunturâ— quae auditores se quoque facere posse existimant simaior a proferantur inuident non credunt The feruent zeale loyalty of your minde in labour with this birth of so honorable expectation as it hath deserued a recompence farre different so needeth it not my poore suffrage to endeare the toyle care and danger that you haue willingly vndergone for the good and aduancement of our weale publique The praise-worthinesse thereof doeth approue it selfe and is better read in your liuing doings then in my dead vnregarded papers All that I can wish is that my life were a sufficient pledge to iustifie how much more easie and more materiall the course for Guiana would bee then others which requiring greater charge yeelde not so large benefit and are subiect to more doubtfull euents If vnto their wisdomes who sit in place and authority it shall appeare otherwise and that in following of other attempts there is lesse difficultie certainer profit and need-fuller offence vnto the enemie the cost and trauaile which you haue bestowed shall not I hope be altogether lost if vnto your Honour I can proue how and where the amends is to be had maugre the force and preuention of all Spaniards Your Lordships to be commanded in all seruice LAVRENCE KEYMIS To the Fauourers of the Voyage for Guiana IN things earnestly desired though neuer so likely we are still suspicious thinking it more credite to our common wisedome to discredite most noble and profitable indeuours with distrust then touch to our valours and safeties to lie wilfully idle So that howsoeuer an action well and iudicially attempted bee esteemed halfe performed yet is this my iealous conceite concerning Guiana that nothing is begun before all be ended In this regarde gentle Reader I haue presumed to burthen thine eares with the weake plea of a good cause and in stead of opening it throughly to thy prudent consideration to note only mine owne vnsatisfied affection hoping that because I doe name Guiana vnto thee thou wilt vouchsafe hoc nomine to vaile and couer all other my defects in the desert of a good meaning In publishing this Treatise my labor principally tendeth to this end to remoue all fig-leaues from our vnbeliefe that either it may haue cause to shake off the colourable pretences of ignorance or if we will not be perswaded that our selfe-will may rest inexcusable They that shall apply and construe this my doing to serue the Spaniard his turne so wel as our owne in so much as it may seeme to instruct warne and arme him for their satisfaction herein they must not be ignorant that his eyes in seeing our shipping there doe as effectually informe him that many of our hearts are toward that place as if it should be credibly aduertised by some corrupt hireling that we thinke write and discourse of nothing els Neither can I imagine that to conceale our knowledge herein which to conceale may perhaps proue be hereafter taken for worse theÌ„ paricide would be of better purpose then to hoodwinke our selues as who would say No man shall see vs. Besides if the action were wholy to bee effected at her Maiesties charge then might it at her Highnesse pleasure be shadowed with some other drift and neuer be discouered vntill it were acted But since it craueth the approbation and purses of many Aduenturers who cannot be so prodigall both of their possessions and liues as voluntarily to run themselues out of breath in pursuing they know not what great reason it is that where assistance is to be asked due causes be yeelded to perswade induce them vnto it The Spaniard is not so simple vnsetled vncertaine in his determinations as to build them on our breath or to make
spent not any during the time of our abode here Our Captaine and Master falling into the consideration of our estate and dispatch to goe to the Generall found our wants so great as that in a moneth wee coulde not fitte our shippe to set saile For wee must needes set vp a Smiths forge to make boltes spikes and nayles besides the repairing of our other wants Whereupon they concluded it to bee their best course to take the pinnesse and to furnish her with the best of the company and to goe to the Generall with all expedition leauing the shippe and the rest of the company vntill the Generals returne for hee had vowed to our Captaine that hee would returne againe for the Streights as hee had tolde vs. The Captaine and Master of the pinnesse being the Generals men were well contented with the motion But the Generall hauing in our shippe two most pestilent fellowes when they heard of this determination they vtterly misliked it and in secret dealt with the company of both shippes vehemently perswading them that our Captaine and Master would leaue them in the countrey to bee deuoured of the Canibals and that they were mercilesie and without charitie whereupon the whole company ioyned in secret with them in a night to murther our Captaine and Master with my selfe and all those which they thought were their friendes There were markes taken in his caben howe to kill him with muskets through the shippes side and bullets made of siluer for the execuâ—ion if their other purposes should faile All agreed hereunto except it were the bote-swaine of our shippe who when hee knew the matter and the slender ground thereof reueâ—led it vnto our Master and so to the Captaine Then the matter being called in question those two most murtherous fellowes were found out whose names were Charles Parker and Edward Smith The Câ—ptaine being thus hardly beset in perill of famine and in danger of murthering was constrained to vse lenitie and by courteous meanes to pacifâ—e this furie shewing that to doe the Generall seruice vnto whom he had vowed faith in this action was the cause why hee purposed to goe vnto him in the pinnesse considering that the pinnesse was so necessary a thing for him as that hee could not bee without her because hee was fearefull of the shore in so great shippes Whereupon all cried out with cursing and swearing that the pinnesse should not goe vnlesse the shippe went Then the Captaine desired them to shewe themselues Christians and not so blasphemously to be haue themselues without regard or thankesgiuing to God for their great deliuerance and present sustenance bestowed vpon them alleaging many examples of Gods sharpe punishment for such ingratitude and withall promised â—o doe any thing that might stend with their good liking By which gentle speaches the matter was pacified and the Captaine and Master at the request of the company were content to forgiue this great treachery of Parker and Smith who after many admonitions concluded in these wordes The Lord iudge betweene you and mee which after came to a most sharpe reuenge euen by the punishment of the Almightie Thus by a generall consent it was concluded not to depart but there to stay for the Generals returne Then our Captaine and Master seeing that they could not doe the Generall that seruice which they desired made a motion to the companie that they would lay downe vnder their handes the losing of the Generall with the extremities wherein we then stoode whereunto they consented and wrote vnder their hands as followeth The testimoniall of the companie of The Desire touching their losing of their Generall which appeareth to haue beene vtterly against their meanings THe 26 of August 1591 wee whose names bee here vnder written with diuers others departed from Plimmouth vnder M. Thomas Candish our Generall with 4 ships of his to wit The Galeon The Robuck The Desire and The Black pinnesse for the performance of a voyage into The South sea The 19 of Nouember we fell with the bay of Saluador in Brasil The 16 of December we tooke the towne of Santos hoping there to reuictuall our selues but it fell not out to our contentment The 24 of Ianuary we set saile from Santos shaping our course for The Streights of Magellan The 8 of Februarie by violent stormes the sayde fleete was parted The Robuck and The Desire arriued in Porte Desire the 6 of March The 16 of March The Black pinnesse arriued there also and the 18 of the same our admirall came into the roadeâ— with whom we departed the 20 of March in poore and weake estate The 8 of Aprill 1592 we entred The Streights of Magellan The 21 of Aprill wee ankered beyond Cape Froward within 40 leagues of The South sea where wee rode vntill the 15 of May. In which time wee had great store of snowe with some gustie weather the wind continuing still at Westnorthwest against vs. In this time wee were inforced for the preseruing of our victuals to liue the most part vpon muskles our prouision was so slender so that many of our men died in this hard extremitie Then our General returned for Brasil there to winter to procure victuals for this voyage against the next yeere So we departed The Streights the 15 of May. The 21 being thwart of Port Desire 30 leagues off the shoare the wind then at Northeast and by North at fiue of the clock at night lying Northeast wee suddenly cast about lying Southeast and by South and sometimes Southeast the whole fleete following the admirall our ship comming vnder his lee shot ahead him and so framed saile fit to keepe companie This night wee were seuered by what occasion wee protest wee know not whither we lost them or they vs. In the moruing we only saw The Black pinnesse then supposing that the admirall had ouershot vs. All this day wee stoode to the Eastwards hoping to find him because it was not likely that he would stand to the shoare againe so suddenly But missing him towards night we stood to the shoareward hoping by that course to finde him The 22 of May at night we had a violent storme with the winde at Northwest and wee were inforced to hull not being able to beare saile and this night we perished our maine tressâ—etrees so that wee could no more vse our maine top-saile lying most dangerously in the sea The pinnesse likewise receiued a great leake so that wee were inforced to seeke the next shoare for our reliefe And because famine was like to bee the best ende wee desired to goe for Port Desire hoping with seales and penguins to relieue our selues and so to make shift to followe the Generall or there to stay his comming from Brasil The 24 of May wee had much winde at North. The 25 was calme and the sea very loftie so that our ship had dangerous foule weather The 26 our fore-shrowdes brake so that if wee had not beene