proceeded this not only unchristian but barbarous and inhumane perfidious bloudy action of Charles 9. Hence the suspition of his Brother and Successors Henr. 3. Hence all the licentiousness and wickedness which we see every where in the World And to all this is no small occasion given by the complying Conduct Commutations of Penances and other practices of the Jesuites and other Romanists But the same Apostle informs us of another cause near of kin to this and no less effectual to the provocation of this judgment of obduration of mens minds which is very likely to have had no little influence in this case and that is the resisting rejaction or not receiving and embracing of the Truth when offered which he mentions in a passage which if I be not much mistaken concerns the defection of the Church of Rome and hath been so understood by the Christians in all ages though somewhat obscurely and imperfectly as is usual in the interpretations of prophetick writings before they be fulfilled as well agrees with the conjecture Because they receive not the love of the Truth saith he For this cause God shall send them strong delusions 1 Thes 2. And this 't is very likely had no small influence in this case For if out of the Roman Religion we take all that which the Protestants receive and profess which the Romanists must needs confess to be truly Catholick the greatest part of the rest hath been either introduced or so new modelled and accommodated to the secular interest and advantage of the See of Rome within this 600 years last past as hath not only given occasion to most of the troubles and mischiefs in Europe ever since but very much injured dishonoured and prejudiced Christianity it self And when it pleased God by his providence both long since and again of latter days to raise up a people in the Confines of France who retaining that which of all sides is confessed to be truly Catholick rejected those novel corruptions and abuses though perhaps with them some things which might be tolerated and thereby gave so fair occasion to the French upon further consideration and with more mature deliberation to reform the same as Queen Eliz. did here that a great part of the most sober and pious of the French Nation even Bishops and Cardinals being thereupon sensible of the need of it did earnestly desire and sollicit the convention of a National Synod to that purpose the French Kings were unhappily so far wrought upon by the arts of Rome as not only ungratefully to reject that benefit offered by the Divine Providence but at last to persecute those who were made the occasions of it And this seems to have been so manifest a cause of the troubles mischiefs and adversities which by the providence of God have befallen that Nation and their Princes since the beginning of that Century that it is strange but that the height of contentions then on foot might perhaps hinder it that neither those prudent considering men did take notice of it in this case nor yet our judicious and can did Author who relates their judgment and had himself observed almost as much in Lewis 12. If it be fit says he for a mortal man to speak his opinion concerning the eternal Counsels of God ◠v. 1. I should say that there was no other cause why that most excellent Prince in so many respects commendable and worthy of a better fortune should meet with so many conflicts with adversities than that he had contracted so near alliance with Pope Alexander 6. and cherished the cruelties lusts perfidiousness and fortunes of that impure Father the Pope and of his Son Caesar Borgia a man drowned in all kind of wickedness and then relating the King's calling of a Synod upon his provocations by the next Pope Julius 2. undoubtedly so ordered for the same purpose by the Divine Providence first at Lions and then at Pisa for the reformation of the Church and his medals coined with this Inscription PERDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN and how after all this he renounced the Council at Pisa through the importunities of his wife and subscribed to the Lateran Council to gratifie the next Pope Leo 10. and adding that in the judgment of many he had done more advisedly if he had persevered in his purpose of reforming the Church he concludes These therefore were the causes both of the declination of our Empire and of the adverse fortune of Lewis who after all his other misfortunes died without issue male which he much desired to succeed him And in this King is very observable that as there was in him no want of magnanimity humane prudence or care for himself the glory of his Kingdom and prosperity of his affairs to which his misfortunes could be imputed which makes the judgment of God therein the more apparent so neither could any vice or other fault be noted in him which might be assigned as a cause of that judgment but what is here mentioned the neglect of that duty whereunto he was so fairly led and whereof he was so far convinced as that he began to put it in execution In the time of his successor Francis 1. all things seemed to conspire in giving occasion every where to the Reformation of the Church what through the Pope's differences with several Princes which produced the abolition and abrogation of the Papal Authority for some time in Spain and afterward in England what through that abominable imposture of Indulgences and other their gross wickedness and abuses which provoked Martin Luther and other learned men to search into and detect their mystery of iniquity and discover many gross errors and abuses crept into the Church whereupon ensued the Reformation happily begun and promoted by many Protestant Princes and Cities in Germany and other parts But Francis not only neglected the occasion and rejected and made himself unworthy of the common benefit of it but moreover contracted that * He married his Son Henr. 2. to Katharine of Medices daughter to Lawrence D. of Urbin who was Nephew to Leo 10. and Cousin to Clem. 7. alliance with the Popes and at last began those †V. 3. Sect. 39. pag. 56. persecutions the unhappy consequence of both which we are now relating Nor was the King of Spain much more happy in his persecutions of the Protestants in the Low-Countries the consequence whereof was the loss of the best part of them and all he got by the Inquisition in Spain was but the exclusion of light and truth from his people and his own slavery to the strong delusions and infatuations of the Jesuites who precipitated him into divers dishonourable unsuccesful and to his own affairs pernitious undertakings 49. But to return to the effects and consequences of that bloudy act whereof what hath yet been related was but the first fruits of those Counsels from which so much happiness tranquility and glory were so long expected instead whereof
undone partly to consult the credit of their King and Countrey partly to accommodate the present state of affairs endeavoured either by feigned praises or officious excuses to cover and palliate that fact which in their hearts they detected And some were therein so far transported and over-shot themselves out of zeal for the honour and good of their Countrey that our ingenuous author deplores their actings in it especially as to that foul business of the Trial and Sentence above-mentioned But generally the French Courtiers who were more ingenuous than to prostitute their reputation by asserting that pitiful pretence of the conspiracy yet used all their art to represent the case as a sudden accidental thing and not so long before contrived as the Italians and Spaniards relate 48. It is very usual and even natural to men especially to the more considering minds when any thing rare and extraordinary doth occur not to rest satisfied with the bare contemplation of the thing but also to reflect back and enquire into the causes of it And therefore since Thuanus relates that the more prudent of those Lib. 53. who being no way addicted to the Protestant party with good and honest meaning sought how to excuse this execrable fact yet in their heart detesting the same did also seriously consider the causes of it their sense and judgment in that respect may likewise deserve our observation They saw apparently that so infamous and pernitious counsels could not proceed but from minds so strangely infatuated and blinded and did seem to argue a special judgment of God upon them And of that the causes to which it might be reasonably attributed were very obvious and easy to be discovered For such was the profaneness debauchery and wickedness which prevailing in the King through his evil Education by his Mother and those Tutors to whom she committed him and in the Court were by the evil example thereof derived to the City and thence to the Countrey-Towns and Villages and so diffused through the whole Kingdom as could not but provoke the Holy Majesty of God to send down his judgments upon them This is the sum of their judgment only he gives more particular instances in the sins of common Swearing Adultery and Fornication to which others add many more and tell us in general that then never was there any more vicious or more corrupted Court. And indeed those were such causes as being so obvious and notorious no serious Christian believing and instructed in the Sacred Scriptures but would readily assign in the case Rom. 1â— For thus doth St. Paul inform the Romans of such as hold the truth in unrighteousness and our Romanists might do well to be admonished by it that because when they knew God they glorified him not as God their foolish heart was darkened and he gave them up to the lusts of their own hearts to vile affections and to a reprobate mind to do those things which are not convenient being filled with all Injustice Fornication Murder Deceit breach of Faith c. What-ever be the profession which such men make of Religion most certain it is that there is either great error and corruption in their Religion or little sincerity and life in their profession or lastly such impotence in the professors that the prevalence of their sensual affections doth easily over-power and fascinate their reason which argues their desertion by that Sacred Spirit which infuses light and life and heat and power into humane souls as they are disposed to receive it no less than doth the Sun communicate its kind influences to the corporal and animal nature And as this doth maturate and sweeten crude and sour fruits and confirm and strengthen the tender plants so doth that where it is indeed heartily embraced admirably dispose mens minds to sweetness and tranqâ—ility in themselves to sweetness and devotion to God to sweetness kindness and benignity to men and makes these dispositions strong and powerful in them Where the Spirit of the Lord is there is power it informs the mind and understanding it reforms the will and affections and transforms the whole man into its own likeness These are the fruits of the Spirit by which we are to judge of the tree This is that whereby all true Christians have a real and internal not meerly external or political communion and union with their Head Christ Jesus and through him with the fountain from whom by him it is derived to all his true members of his fulness we all receive and one with another they are all partakers of the same Spirit a nearer alliance than that of bloud and are filled with a tender affection to all the children of the same Father and love to all the creatures of their great Lord and for his sake even to their enemies to those that persecute and injure them pitying their blindness and madness and desiring their conversion not destruction But no sooner or further is any man deserted by this blessed Spirit or devoid of his sweet influences but he presently becomes so much the more obnoxious to all the malevolent aspects of wicked spirits and is impregnated and â—illed with the poison of their infections which excites and exalgitates to exorbitancy his sensual affections dementates his understanding and continually foments and promotes the assimulation and likeness of their own nature in him cherishing and fructifying the roots which are in him of Pride Ambition Envy Malice Revenge Perfidiousness and all manner of lusts and wickedness according to his particular disposition And because there is so strong and powerful a propensity to Religion rooted and fixed in the very nature of man as is very difficult if not impossible utterly to extirpate or depress this in such a person is by the subtil operation of these agents either if more languid and remiss diverted by exciting him to an eager prosecution of his other more strong inclinations or if more intense and active perverted either into superstition or some other conceived heroick acts of a partial Religion consisting and concurring with the satisfaction of his other inclinations whence ordinarily proceeds much of that heat and zeal which we frequently see in men for their several parties for the shells and out-sides of Religion for opinions and notions no more necessary to be known and determined to make men compleat Christians than the speculations of Philosophers and often for pernitious and destructive principles especially in the Romanists and inconsiderate endeavours by fraud and injustice sedition or oppression and violent persecutions and such like most unchristian actions for the advancement of the cause which they espouse whereby they encourage themselves with secret hopes to expiate their licentiousness and indulgence to their own inclinations in other matters and easily perswade themselves that so long as they are such good Catholicks or well affected to the truth and the cause of God and his Church that all must needs be well with them And hence
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING THE ORIGINAL OF THE POVVDER-PLOT Together with a Relation of the CONSPIRACIES AGAINST Queen Elizabeth And the Persecutions of the PROTESTANTS In FRANCE To the death of Henry the Fourth Collected out of Thuanus Davila Perefix and several other Authors of the Roman Communion As also Reflections upon Bellarmine's Notes of the Church c. LONDON Printed for John Leigh at the Sign of the Blew-Bell by Flying-horse-Court in Fleet-street 1674. MVNIFICENTIA REGIA 1715 GEORGIVS D.G. MAG BR FR. ET HIB REX F.D. TO THE READER An Account of the Occasion Matter Method and Manner of Writing of the Discourse annexed with the Reasons of it THE Narration of the Gun-powder Treason by Thuanus being commended to me after I had look'd into it I perswaded a friend to translate it into English which being done I gave it to the Book-seller to print and for a Preface to it wrote the first Sect. of the Discourse not intending any more than that which was printed but not all the sheets wrought off when having met with that notable passage of Del Rio briefly cited in a Book lately printed and perusing the same more at large in Del Rio himself I thought it worthy of further consideration and therefore ordered the Printer not to work off that Preface but go on with the Translation of Thuanus and the while wrote so much of the ensuing Discourse as concerns THE ORIGINAL OF THE POWDER-PLOT that is to Sect. 24 though the whole Discourse through want of timely notice to the Printer bears that Title and that was all I then intended But when I came to the conclusion of that part I began to perceive that COMBINATION OF ROME AND SPAIN AGAINST ENGLAND which continued all the time of Queen Elizabeths Reign and doth not a little confirm what had been said in the former part of the Discourse and though I thought that the former part of the Discourse did not stand much in need of confirmation from this yet I thought it very pertinent and useful to shew that Combination in their various practices against that Queen but as briefly as I could This continues to Sect. 37. nor did I then intend more But reflecting upon the admirable Providence of God in preserving that blessed Queen from so many and so various attempts against her and in my turning over of Thuanus for the Story of the Combination having perceived something of the unhappy issue of her Neighbours Persecutions of the Professors of that Reformed Religion which she happily established and defended I began to perceive something of that DISTINGUISHING PROVIDENCE which is very Observable and Remarkable in the ensuing part of the Discourse to Sect. 61. Wherefore having cursorily run over some of the principal parts of that Story and satisfied my self that it would make good what I undertook I thought it an unworthy piece of laziness or negligence not to add that part also so pertinent so remarkable and necessary but hoped to have done it more briefly than I found I well could when I again set my self to the perusal of the History Having finished this I made some Reflections upon the whole and thereupon added the OBSERVATIONS Inferences and the rest which make up the last part and conclusion And this was the Occasion this the Matter and Method of the Discourse Now for the Manner of writing it when I began I was wholly a stranger to the Story and to all or most of the Books I have made use of had never read two leaves in Thuanus save part of the History of the Powder-Plot had never seen Davila had only occasionally if at all looked into any other of the Books I have made use of Besides being most of it written in the Countrey and my own stock being but short I could not have that assistance from variety of Books which I desired and yet it pleased God many things fell in my way beyond my expectation and the Authors I have generally used are such whose Authority is beyond all exception the incomparable Thuanus Davila Pâ—refix and others of the Roman Communion for I have but rarely followed any Writers of the Reformed Religion and more rarely without the concurrent authority of others But what is most considerable the greatest part being sent away in single sheets by the Post as it was written I could neither my self have the perusal of the entire work together nor have it perused by my friends before it was printed This I mention for my excuse of such mistakes as possibly may occur in it For I did not design to injure the Truth in any particular nor have I to my knowledg done it in any thing material only Sect. 12. you will meet with Lovain in Flanders which perhaps is in Brabant though by Flanders I then meant that part of the Low-Countries which was then under the King of Spain or the Archdukes Obedience and I know the name Flanders is used in as large a sense by many and commonly by the Italians and Sect. 34. pag. 48. 't is said he made them amends for it afterwards whereas that excommunication there mentioned was before which I did not then observe when I wrote it Again Sect. 42. pag. 74. you 'l find the D. of Tuscany Father to the Qu Mother which is a mistake for he was of the same Family and succeeded her Brother but was not her Father and therefore the Reader may either amend it or quite strike it out But these are such mistakes as are rarely escaped by those who write at more leisure and are no prejudice at all to the Story If any other mistake that is material shall come to my knowledge whether by my own observation or the information of any other whether friend or foe I will not fail God willing publickly to acknowledge the same and if this discourse shall be thought worthy of another Edition to reform it For I approve not the use of Piae Fraudes and think Lying and Slandering as always unlawful and unworthy of a Christian so where matters of Religion are concerned to be prophane and sacrilegious The God of Truth is able to defend his own cause the Truth without such wicked shifts and when he pleaseth to suffer it to be oppressed for a time he doth with great wisdom permit it but in the mean time allows not us to vindicate it by such indirect means whereby we do as much as in us lyes oppose the design and course of his Providence Numquid Deus indiget vestro mendacio ut pro illo loquamini dolos Job 13.7 But if my hast hath made me in any thing through mistake to mis-represent any actions of the Papists to their prejudice it is likely it hath made me overlook as much more which might have been said against them Nor have I thereby so much injured them as they have injured themselves and their cause by such indirect and wicked practises as are beyond all contradiction to the great
was shed in the barbarous and horrid murders and slaughters which were made upon the Protestants of Merindol and Cabriers condemned meerly for their Religion Thu. l. 6. by a most rigid and severe Sentence of the Parliament of Provence after which he never enjoyed himself says Raleigh nor indeed his life long after his approbation of that Execution wherein their towns and villages to the number of two and twenty were burned and themselves without distinction of age or sex most barbarously murthered But being touched with remorse of Conscience and repenting of it upon his death bed he charged his Son that the injuries done to that people should be enquired into and their murtherers who in the cruelty of their execution had exceeded the severity of the Sentence to be duly punished threatening him with Gods judgments Thu. l. 3. Davil p. 14. if he neglected it And among other Admonitions which he then gave him this was one to beware of the Ambition of the Guises whom he foresaw if admitted to the administration of the Kingdom would reduce both his Children and the People of France to great miseries But Henry 11. no sooner came to his Fathers throne but he presently began to practise the contrary to his directions Davila p. 15.19 displacing those that before had any part in the government and substituting in their room the same men whom his Father had discharged and Guise with the first and at length the three brothers of Guise got into their hands all the principal governments and chief dignities of the Kingdom together with the super-intendancy of all affairs both Martial and Civil the Consequence of which did afterwards make good the truth of his fathers prediction Nor did he much better perform his fathers charge in doing Justice upon the bloody offenders Thu. l. 6. for though he gave the cause a long hearing yet did not the issue of the judgment answer the great expectations which the so many horrid crimes whereof they were accused did raise in mens minds one only of the offenders for want of friends at Court being executed but the principal actors of that wickedness restored to their former dignity and places so that instead of that Justice which if duly executed upon the offenders might possibly have averted or mitigated the Divine vengeance which hath since prosecuted his fathers guilt in his posterity he not only by neglect thereof but also by his own continuance of the like cruelties and for the same cause of Religion appropriated his fathers guilt to himself and with the addition of his own transmitted the same to his posterity with the Divine Vengeance further provoked attending it He began his Persecutions of the Protestants in the first year of his reign and continued the same to the last days of his life with that resolution that no sollicitation of neighbour Princes his allies could mitigate his fury He used his uttermost endeavour says Davila p. 40. to extirpate the roots of those seeds in their first growth and therefore with Inexorable Severity resolved that All who were found convict of this imputation should suffer death without mercy And although Many of the Counsellors in Every Parliament either Favouring the same Opinions or Abhorring the Continual Effusion of blood made use of all their skill to preserve as many as they could from the Severity of his Execution notwithstanding the Kings Vigilance and Constancy was such chiefly by the Incitements of the Cardinal of Lorain one of the Guises that he had reduced things to such a point as would in the end though with the Effusion of much blood have expelled all the peccant humours he means the Protestants out of the bowels of the Kingdom if the accident which followed had not interrupted the course of his resolution That which he calls an accident was the violent and in respect of the course of nature untimely but in respect of Gods Providence most seasonable death of that cruel King in the height of his Resolutions of Inexorable Severity against the Protestants by the hands of that same man whom he had but few days before imployed to apprehend and imprison some of the chief Senators for no other cause but their Religion and their free delivering of their Sentence according to the Laws in Parliament concerning the cause of the Protestants and at the same that Queen Elizabeth was with Her Senators Consulting and Resolved to Establish that Religion which he persecuted which she happily by Gods Blessing effected and procured a Blessing upon her self and her Kingdom while he furiously fighting against God was in a Ludicrous fight running at Tilt by a Splinter of a broken lance which found entrance at his eye though his head and body were clad in armour cut off from further prosecuting his resolutions in the midst of his years and in the midst of his publick Solemnities of the Nuptials of his eldest daughter to the King of Spain which whom he had concluded to make a war against the Protestants and of his only Sister to the Duke of Savoy in the view of the Bastile where those Senators were kept in Prison and within two or three days if not less after one of the chief of them was declared heritick and delivered over to the Secular Power Leaving behind him a Curse upon his posterity and Misery and Confusion to his Kingdom principally caused and promoted by those very instruments whose Counsels and Instigations he had followed in his wicked and bloody practises 40. He left four sons all in a manner children the eldest Francis 11. who succeeded him under the age of sixteen who by reason of his youth Lib. 1. or rather as says Davila his natural incapacity requiring if not a direct Regent yet a prudent assiduous Governour till his natural weakness was overcome by maturity of years the Ancient Customs of the Kingdom called to that Charge the Princes of the Blood among which for nearness and reputation it belonged to the Prince of Conde and the King of Navarre But Katherine of Medicis the Kings mother and Francis Duke of Guise with Charles his brother Cardinal of Lorain uncles to Mary Queen of Scots whom the King in the life-time of his father had married severally aspiring to the Government to which neither had right by the Laws of the Kingdom and therefore despairing by their own power and interest to obtain and retain it alone they resolved to unite their several interests and powers and to share it among them and they quickly obtained she by her interest in the King her Son and they by the means of their Niece his Queen that to the Duke was committed the Care of the Militia Davil l. â— the Civil affairs to the Cardinal and to the Queen-mother the Superintendance of all the Princes of the blood and others of the prime Nobility being excluded not only from the Government but also by arts and affronts removed or repulsed from the
involve them all yet great question there was how it should be prevented To complain they by experience knew what effect of that might be expected to Arm though in so great occasion of necessity and extremity they easily foresaw many inconveniences attending that They only unhappily not foresaw the proper remedy by their great Master prescribed in such case to fly though it had been to the greater humanity of the uncivilized Indians whereby they might perhaps better have consulted their own safety and also have promoted his service in the propagation of his Truth and Gospel But to Arm besides the mischiefs of a Civil War they thought that could not be without many calumnies and slanders cast upon them by their adversaries as if they were the Authors of it and undertook it against the King to whom they did not so much as impute their former injuries and oppressions or present dangers but only to their adversaries who having at first by force gotten the King into their power abused his immaturity and authority to ruine and destroy them and although they should take up Arms only against them and meerly for the necessary defence of the lives and fortunes of themselves their wives and children and for the preservation of the Kingdom yet should they not escape that imputation and therefore they unanimously agreed rather being innocent after the example of their ancestors to bear what injuries should be done them than to offer any to those who were indeed nocent lest by an ill defence of a good cause they should desert that Equity or Justice which had hitherto stood on their part till by the discourse of Andelot a person of great authority among the Peers and besides of known probity and virtue they were perswaded that after so often breach of Faith by their adversaries there was no further trust to be given to them and for the calumnies and slanders which should be cast upon them the issue of their so necessary undertakings if it pleased God to bless them in so just a cause would sufficiently clear them Upon which they changed their resolutions and agreed to take up Arms for their own defence which accordingly they did to the no little joy of the Cardinal of Lorain that the business was brought to the necessity of a War which Cardinali Lotaringus rem ad belli necessitatem deductam gaudens says Thuanus and a little before speaking of him Turbas consiliis suis opportunas existimans after several ineffectual treaties for an accommodation shortly ensued And these were the true causes and occasions of the second Civil War which after many Noblemen and Gentlemen of both sides slain at the Battel of St. Denis and among them the Constable the last of the Triumvirate and a principal Author of the late oppressions at least by protecting the actors in them from Justice and some other acts of Hostility was about six moneths after it began by a fraudulent peace rather intermitted than concluded for about six moneths after it broke out again upon the like causes and occasions 44. In the mean time that we may note it by the way Philip King of Spain a principal promoter and inventer of those oppressions and troubles to his neighbours escaped not a remarkable judgment of God upon him for at this same time Thu. l. 43. his eldest and then only son Prince Charles designed to kill him or at least he thought so or however suspecting that he favoured the Protestants in the Low-Countreys or for some other reason pretended so and therefore caused him to be taken out of his bed in the night and committed to custody Whereupon the young Prince falling distracted and often attempting to kill himself he was at last by Philip his Fathers own command having first consulted with the Inquisition poysoned Few months after his Queen whom he had employed in those bloudy consultations at the enterview at Bayonne died great with child and not without suspition of poison by his own means being as was thought jealous and suspitious of her too much familiarity with his own son whom he had not long before thus murthered And in her who was the eldest daughter of Hen. 2. of France married at the time of his death as hath been said and in this late consultation in France prosecuting his cruelties and so by her own act contracting a participation of his guilt we may take notice of the divine vengeance pursuing his posterity Nor was this divine vengeance upon King Philip thus remarkable only in those his domestick troubles but also in the Civil Commotions both in the Low-Countreys which by his bloudy consultations with the Inquisition the just judgment of God giving him up to be infatuated by them and the Jesuites and the the cruelties of Alva the same instrument whom he had employed to raise those troubles in France and now made Governor of the Low-Countreys produced there when he thought all things so safe and secure as that he might be at leisure to assist in the troubles which he had raised in France and besides these which as they at present afflicted him so afterward produced his loss of a great part of those Countreys in those Commotions even in Spain it self Thu. l. 43. by the Moors in Granada which for two years during those wars which he had caused in France made him feel the smart at home of such commotions and troubles as he had procured to others abroad And by these means as on the one side his pernitious counsels were justly punished so on the other was he diverted from prosecuting the same by sending those Forces against the Protestants in France which otherwise he had undoubtedly done Thu. l. 58. And to these might be added his loss of Goletta in Africa an 1574. and with it the Kingdom of Tunis which concerned him in point of safety and security for navigation as well as of reputation but that some few years intervene 45. But to return to France the War after six months intermission upon the like causes and occasions breaking out again like diseases upon a relapse was both more violent and of longer continuance Yet the counsels of the Queen-mother prevailing who according to the genius and mode of her Country sought all along rather by her Italian arts and surprizes to compass her ends than by the hazard of a Civil War which Spain and the Guises most desired as best accommodate to their designs Thu. l. 47. it was within the compass of two years brought to conclusion upon such conditions granted to the Protestants as were so much more fair and reasonable by how much with greater fraud and deep design to ensnare them they were granted and yet so qualified and limited as not to give cause of suspition by too great indulgence And now the King was grown up to a capacity of deriving upon himself his Fathers guilt and the guilt of all those murthers and cruelties acted indeed
both to them and to the Princes and States abroad Thu. l. 52. It had been considered before-hand out of that sense and pre-apprehension they had of the wickedness and foulness of the design how to cast the imputation of it upon the Guises who also out of the same sense and pre-apprehension endeavoured all they could to avoid the odium of it And being done the King immediately whether affrighted and terrified says Thuanus with the atrocity of the fact or fearing the odium of it dispatched his Letters to the Presidents of the Provinces to lay all the blame upon the Guises alledging that it was done without his privity or consent that they fearing that the friends and relations of Colinius would revenge the injury done to him upon them had raised the tumult which he was not able to repress in time with a great deal to this purpose And to the same purpose were Letters written by the Queen and sent not only through France but also to the Helvetians and dispersed through England and in divers parts of Germany But as it usually happens upon the perpetration of such horrid crimes and wickedness that the authors of them distracted with the horrors of their guilty conscience when they find no satisfaction or assurance of security in any course they take to conceal or palliate their crime continually devise and attempt new ways and means and by their often change and inconstancy to any promote that discovery which they seek to evade so it happened in this case For as these Letters were disproved by his express commands which as Davila relates he had but few daies before sent out so doth he now again in few days after contract the same and in full Senate declares that all was done by his own will and command and orders so much to be entred of record in the publick acts of the Curt. Cicaâ—el in vita Gâ—â—â— 13. Thu. l. 53. And though to the Pope and Spaniard he owned that he did it upon the score of Religion yet knowing that with others this would not so much excuse as aggravate and increase the odium of it some other cause was to be devised and pretended And therefore first to extenuate the fact 〈◊〉 l. 54. he pretends that his commands extended only to the cutting off of Colinius and his Confederates which thing being once undertaken the tumult at Paris proceeded further than he intended or was able so soon as he desired to restrain and that other Cities taking example from thence did the like without his license and to his great grief and trouble and then for the cause pretends a Conspiracy against himself his Mother and Brothers and Navar himself and to make Conde King and afterwards to kill him also and set up Colinius And though the causes pretended against Colinius in the judgment of the most prudent men who were not at all addicted to the Protestant party says Thuanus had not so much colour of truth as will perswade even children to believe them much less any sufficient proof yet to put some colour upon the business a Trial was ordered to be had in form of Law and two days after a Jubilâ—e as hath been said was appointed and an Edict published wherein the King declares that what had happened was done by his express command but not out of hatred to the Protestant Religion or to derogate from the Edicts of Pacification which he still desired should be inviolably and religiously observed but to prevent the Conspiracy of Colinius and his Confederates c. and Letters to like purpose were sent to the Presidents of the Provinces declaring as was pretended the TRUE causes of the tumult and commanding them to treat the Protestants in all friendly manner Thu. l. 53. c. And that nothing might be wanting says Thuanus to the height of madness that they might seem to glory and triumph in so detestable an enterprise in emulation of the ancient Emperors Medals were coyned with the Inscriptions VIRTUS IN REBELLEIS PIETAS EXCITAVIT JUSTITIAM Divers other such like arts were used to put a face upon the business and make it look like a happy prevention of some terrible Conspiracy But what was the most detestable of all by the accumulating of sin upon sin as is usual in such cases was the gross abuse of Justice it self whereby the Courts of Justice were drawn into the participation of the guilt by an horrible and abominable Sentence not only against Colinius who was dead but his children who were alive and also against Monsieur de Briquemaut who had fled to the English Ambassadors and Arnald Cavagnes Master of Requests who had hid himself hard-by with a friend who admonished him of the danger but were both taken and imprisâ—ned in the Palace and the same day that Sentence was given against Colinius were condemned to death which Cavagnes suffered with admirable constancy reciting Prayers out of the Psalms by heart in Latin for three hours together with his eyes steadily fixed towards Heaven but his companion at first affrighted with his approaching death made an unworthy offer for the redemption of his life to discover a means how to surprize Rochel yet afterwards when the King refused that condition but offered him another which was that he should acknowledg himself guilty of the crimes objected to him and confess before the people that there was a Conspiracy entred into by Colinius against the King he refused that and chose rather to suffer death which accordingly he did with Cavagnes While these such like arts were used to excuse and disguise the business at home to do it abroad besides the Queens Letters above-mentioned were several Ambassadors employed in Helvetia Germany England Poland and other foreign Countries where they either resided before or were sent on purpose for this service and Learned men suborned and perswaded to do it by printed Books But all these not having any certain ground of truth as a common foundation for all to build upon while each alledged not what he did know or believe to be true but what his own genius dictated as most plausible and likely to put some colour upon the business some extenuating the fact as to the King 's acting in it and others on the contrary justifying the same some excusing it only by way of recrimination for things done in the late Wars and others insisting upon the pretended conspiracy of Colinius were not only confuted by others who also in print answered their writings and speeches but of themselves betrayed and detected the vanity of their several pretences and allegations by their inconsistency and disagreement one with another The Learned Lawyer Fr. Baldwin was hereunto sollicited but was more ingenuous than to be retained in the patronage of so foul a cause and yet among those who undertook this office besides the Mercenaries were some persons otherwise of honour and repute who because what was done could not be
was reaped only horror shame and anxiety whereunto succeeded a plentiful harvest of other real troubles For the King and that Faction which prevailed at Court after so many former breaches of publick Faith by this so inhumane cruelty and foul breach of Faith so much the greater by how much the greater arts and deep dissimulation had been used before to raise a trust confidence of their sincerity had now driven those of the Protestants who remained alive to that distrust and jealousie the usual fruits of perfidiousness of what-ever Letters Promises Edicts or other means could be devised to satisfy them that nothing could give them any assurance of their lives and safety but retaining those places which by the last agreement of Peace were left in their possession for their security and were now had the agreement been performed Thu. l. 53 to have been delivered to stand upon their defence And though many of them not only doubting of their strength but making scruple of the justice of the cause now since not only the Princes of the blood to whom the administration of the Kingdom did belong were absent but moreover the King himself was grown a man did dispute against it and from both those grounds urged all the arguments they could yet against the first of these the horror of these slaughters which they had so lately seen and did foresee prevailed and despair made the most timerous couragious And this also made the answer which was returned by others to the latter more satisfactory to the rest that to take up Arms for their just defence not to offer violence to any but only to repel the injury and save themselves from slaughter was neither by the Laws of God or man unlawful that it ought not to be reputed a war against the King but a just defence against their enemies who abused the King's authority to destroy them who if so powerful as to have proceeded so far in the late tumult beyond his consent or privity or prevalent with him as to work his assent to so unjust and foul an action they had the more reason to secure themselves against their power and treachery till justice should be done upon them nor ought they to doubt but in so just a cause upon their serious repentance trust in God and humble supplications to him he would graciously pity their misery and provide some unexpected means for their relief And therefore seeing La Charite was surprized at the time of the massacre and the same was attempted against Montabon Da. p. 377. and being further warned by what was lately done at * Castrum in Albigensi agro Castres which after great promises of safety by the King was notwithstanding permitted to be plundered and layed waste by the slaughters and rapines of Creuseta Rochel having for some daies kept a solemn fast with divers other places prepare for their defence And at last when arts failed especially after the massacre at Burdeaux in the midst of their treaties the King's Forces were sent to assault them And these says Thuanus after a more particular relation of them were the beginnings of the Fourth Civil War in France the more memorable because from so small beginnings beyond the hope and expectation even of those who through necessity rather than upon counsel and design did manage it when so many Commanders being slain the Nobility who remained dispersed abroad and the people in all places astonished all was thought subdued within the compass of a year without the foreign aid of any Prince and money every where after so great plunders failing them it restored the affairs of the Protestants to good condition again And yet this was only a defensive War on their part and as he says of necessity wherein those poor people sought only for their lives and safety and not to neglect the King's commands were willing to keep their meetings at Sermons only secretly in the night and not openly in the day-time which yet could not be denied them without manifest injustice and breach of publick Faith But such were their apprehensions of the perfidiousness and cruelty of their enemies and resolutions thereupon that they chose rather to suffer all the miseries and necessities that humane nature is able to bear than again to trust to the mercy or promises of them whom they had so often found perfidious and moreover at last so barbarously inhumane and cruel And therefore at Samerre it is almost incredible what they suffered Thu. l. 55. Having spent their stores they killed and eat their Asses Mules Horses Dogs and all other living creatures they could meet with and when that also was spent they devised ways to make Hydes Skins Parchment Bridle-rains and what-ever was made of leather edible and Bran Straw Nutshels the Horns and Hoofs of Beasts even dugg out of the dunghils and the very dung of Horses and such things as scarce any other creatures will feed on insomuch that whereas in eight moneths siege they had not lost 100 slain in forty days above 500 died of hunger Thu. l. 56. and 200 more were famished almost to death Rochel indeed was not driven to that extremity partly having made better provisions for themselves partly by an extraordinary supply little less than miraculous for all the time of the siege the tides it being a Sea Town left the poor people such plenty of a kind of shell-fish as very well supplied them with food which when the siege was ended presently vanished and were not seen in such plenty much longer Yet did they testify as great abhorrence of the perfidiousness and cruelty of their enemies by their incredible courage and activity even of their women in the repulse of several fierce assaults and also in sallies and in conclusion the assailants seeking rather occasions how to raise the siege with credit Thu. l. 56. than having any hope to obtain the City by force they came to this agreement for themselves Montabon and Nismes Da. p. 392. confirmed by an Edict That free profession of their Religion should be permitted them according to the Edicts made in behalf of the Protestants their priviledges confirmed no Garrison imposed on them only the King should appoint them a Governor and they should be governed by the Laws and Customs which they had used even since they became Subjects to the Crown of France c. Some time after Samere obtained by agreement to enjoy the benefit of the Pacification made with Rochel but paying 40000 l. for the saving of their Movables And this end says our Author had this fourth Civil War after the tumult at Paris when the Courtiers thought all subdued by that slaughter begun and finished in the assaulting of certain Cities and especially in the siege of that one City of Rochel which for so many months did most stifly beyond the opinion of all men sustain and at last break the strength and force of the whole Kingdom
and aggravated the load of it upon his own head the one during the Reign of his Brother in the Massacre wherein he was both a Counsellor and an Actor the other after he came to the Crown himself in his breach of publick Faith with the Protestants Of both which we may observe a very correspondent and exemplary judgment and punishment His sickness of a * Da. p. 777. Thu. l. 94. Bloudy-flux for some time before he was stabbed his death without issue and ere he had lived out half his days may perhaps have respect to his Grand-fathers and Fathers sins seeking by bloudy courses to extirpate the Protestants because these were not peculiar to himself but common to him with his other Brothers But when we see that very City of Paris where the Protestants with the concurrence of his †Eorumque Lotaringorum in gratiam pracipuus author suasor Parisiensis lanienae suisse creditur de qua gloriarisapius auditus est Thu. l. 96. counsel and assistance had been so furiously destroyed now no less furious against him that City which to others had given example of cruelty against the Protestants now gives them example of rebellion against him and him on the other side no less enraged against it saying but the day before that fatal stroke that he hoped within a few days there should be neither walls nor houses but only the very foot-steps of Paris when we see almost all those who had been the executors of that Massacre and were not cut off at the Siege of Rochel as most of them were of the common sort especially now engaged in Arms against him and those who had joyned with him to destroy the Protestants now conspiring his destruction when we see him excommunicated by the Pope whose pretended authority is the principal part of that Religion which with so much cruelty and perfidiousness was sought to be established by that Massacre Lastly when we see after all imaginable injuries and indignities offered him his murder not only plotted and counselled by the chief of the Grand Council at Paris but also executed by an Emissary sent from thence by a religious Zealot of that Religion for which himself had been so barbarously cruel and in that * Thu. l. 51. Serres p. 789. very place at St. Cloud where some time the Council of the Massacre had been held This we may not without reason look upon as the just judgment of God upon him for his wicked dealings in that barbarous Massacre Again when we see his Popish Subjects every where break faith with him and all bonds and oaths of Obedience and Fidelity to him and teach and hold it to be their duty so to do when we see them through whose importunity he had violated the publick faith given to the Protestants to rage and storm and furiously exclaim upon his breach of faith with themselves when we see him brought to need and desire the assistance of the King of Navar and his Protestants with whom he had broken faith against those for whom to comply with their perfidious and rebellious humours he did it and by them notwithstanding thus brought to his end and murthered with whom he had so basely complied in that perfidious dealing this we may likewise with great reason look upon as a just judgment of God upon him for that his perfidious dealing with the Protestants And certainly if all the circumstances of the History from that barbarous Massacre of the Protestants at Merindol and Cabriers under Francis 2. to the death of this his Grand-son Henr. 3. the last of his race for almost 50 years be duly considered it will be hard to find in any History a more eminent example of Divine Vengeance prosecuting a Family to the utter extirpation of it than this an example wherein the judgment of God is more conspicuous and remarkable or the causes of that judgment more manifest and apparent wherein the sin and the punishment do more exactly agree or of a more remarkable distinguishing providence if with this the hapy reign and actions of their neighbour Prince Queen Elizabeth be impartially compared This was a judgment not upon one person alone nor upon a Family so as to involve all in one sudden destruction as is sometimes seen but a continued prosecution of vengeance against a whole Family for three generations without intermission V. Sect. 39. the Grand-father Fran. 1. not long enjoying himself or his life after he had authorized that fatal persecution His Son Henr. 2. having time to repent and reform and admonished so to do by his dying Father but persevering in his Fathers sin cut off by a violent death in the height and heat of his persecutions against the Protestants and upon his consummation of an agreement for a War against them His four Sons all living to be men but not to half the age of men three of them coming successively to the Crown but so as rather only to wear the Crown than by a just and peaceable exercise of their authority to sway the Scepter being at first over-ruled by the deceitful and pernicious counsels of their Mother and her Italians and the violent courses of the Guisian Faction to destroy their subjects and at last necessitated by the bold attempts of the Guisians and fury of the Leaguers to fight for Crown Liberty and Life against them whereby they and their Kingdom were continually embroiled in Civil Wars and miserable confusions each of them succeeding other as in their access to the Crown so in their unhappy reign if they might be said to reign while so obnoxious to the wills of others and continually imbroiled in such confusions and exit and catastophre of it the first Francis 2. cut off by a death remarkable though not for the kind yet for the time and season of it both in respect of his years and of those who were preserved by it V. Sect. 40. p. 63 64. the next Charles 9. living some years longer and thereby more capable by his own personal management of the affairs of the Kingdom to derive the guilt of his Ancestors miscarriages upon himself and increase it by his own which accordingly he did in no mean degree being likewise cut off by a death every way remarkable in respect both of the time and all other circumstances and lastly the third Brother Hen. 3. coming likewise to that unhappy end which hath been but now related all of them with their Brother Alancon dying without issue to succeed them Nor did this fate attend only the succession but light also upon those who were incapable to succeed in the Government their bastard Brother Angolesme who had been a forward actor in the Massacre being also as hath been said cut off by a violent death and of their Sisters Elizabeth the eldest * V. Sect. 39. p. â—â— married to Phil. 2. of Spain a Marriage concluded with an agreement between him and her Father of a
War against the Protestants but solemnized with the otherwise untimely death of her Father and by Philip her Husband first employed in the * V. Sect. 42. p. 74. Consultation at Bayonne and at last brought to that †V. Sect. 44. unhappy end when great with child and in the 23 th year of her age which hath been mentioned before and is more fully related in the late French History of Dom Carlos and Margaret the youngest first forced by her Mother and Brother Charles to a Marriage with the King of Navar that unhappy Marriage which was made the introduction to the Massacre afterwards for her * V. Busbeq ep Aug. 27. 1583. Da. p. 599. Thu. l. 80. lewdness and incontinency reproachfully turned from the Court by her next Brother Henr. 3. and at last divorced from her Husband when King of France without issue by him unless she had any by any other which was kept secret as her Brother objected to her If their other Sister Claud married to Charles Duke of Lorain was less unhappy in this respect she seems less to have merited the like misfortune for we meet with no mention of her in all the story of these confusions in France Thus were five Kings in a continued succession cut off besides three others of the same line the youngest son of Francis 1. in few months after the beginning of those persecutions at his age of 23. and the second and youngest of Hen. 2. who never came to the Crown and their whole line and posterity extirpated in France while they sought the extiâ—pation of the Protestants there whereby the Crown at last notwithstanding all opposition and endeavours to hinder it descended to a Protestant Prince and all this by a constant course of Divine Vengeance upon that Family for about 44 years for so long it was from the execution of the Decree of the Parliament of Province Apr. 1545. and the death of the King 's youngest son Sept. 8. following to the murder of Henr. 3. Aug. 1589. the very same space of time which Queen Elizabeth happily and prosperously reigned in England and most of it contemporary Wherein it is very plain and observable a triple difference between her and them viz. a different cause or end and aim of their actions a different manner of proceeding and a different success As to the Cause they designed and endeavoured the suppression of the reformed Religion and extirpation of the Professors of it in their territories she established and promoted it in her Dominions As to their manner of proceeding they sought to attain their ends by fraud and violence slaughters and inexecrable severity either without Law or contrary to Law or by executions exceeding in severity the very rigour of the Decrees Laws or Edicts against the Protestants and all for no other cause but their Religion a Religion which teacheth nothing dishonourable to God or Christ or injurious to man which embraceth all that can reasonably be proved to have been taught by Christ or his Apostles receiveth honoureth and commends to the diligent study of all the sacred Scriptures such a Religion as they who persecute it confess to be true in what it affirms and is the most essential part of their own only believes not what they are not sufficiently convinced to be true and with no little reason suspect to be false or not proposed to their belief by Divine authority She did nothing without Law or contrary to the Laws was very moderate in making and no less in executing any Laws against Papists The first she made in the first and fist years of her Reign being so far from introducing any new severity that they take off from the harshness of what was in force before and those and the rest not being made against their Religion in general but upon special and particular necessary and urgent occasions for the necessary asserting and preservation of her own just authority against those who endeavoured to set up a pretended foreign jurisdiction against her to absolve her subjects from all duty and obligation of obedience to her and excire them to rebellions and to joyn with foreign enemies or by assassination to destroy her whereby she was necessitated and forced through their continual wicked seditious and rebellious practices for the curbing and restraining of them to proceed contrary to her own disposition to more and more severities of Laws which though none of them made without just cause and some special provocation yet were executed with admirable moderation the next after those above mentioned which was made in the thirteenth year of her Reign V. Caâ—nd an◠〈◊〉 p. â—86 being occasioned by the Northern Rebellion and the Pope's Bull to absolve her subjects from their obedience yet notwithstanding in six whole years after was not put in execution against any one though there were those apprehended who had offended against it and in ten years after that rebellion were there but five executed till the further provocations before mentioned in the 29th and following Paragraphs necessitated the execution of the Laws then in force and the enacting of some others in the 23 27 29 and 35 years of her Reign and yet did not the severity which was exercised in all her Reign against Papists equal what was done against the Protestants in two years of her Sisters Reign and oftner than once in few days in France and professedly for their Religion only whereas it cannot be proved * Sir Fr. Bacon in his Observations upon the Libel point 3. and Collection of the Queens Felicities and the late Treatise of the Grounds Reasons and Provocations necessitating the Sanguinary Laws Edit Lond. 1664. quarto that throughout her whole Reign there was any one executed meerly for their Religion Such certainly was her lenity and moderation in this respect considering the daily and high provocations against her as plainly argues an admirable magnanimity and piety in her and is scarce to be parallell'd in any History not to be denied but by such as have cast off all ingenuity and sense of their own credit and reputation and hath extorted the †V. Warson Widdrington c. apud Foulis l. 7. c. 2. The Jesuits reasons unreasonable confession and provoked the free acknowledgment of her more candid and ingenuous adversaries There might also be observed a great difference between the actions of the Protestants in France and the Papists both here and there too but that for brevity sake shall be left to the Readers own observation from what hath been related of each Therefore lastly as to their success they while by fraud and violence they sought the utter extirpation of the Reformed Religion and Professors of it in France were themselves extirpated there and the last of their race cut off by his own Subjects of that same Religion which by those wicked courses was sought to be established and the Religion which they sought to suppress and extirpate
Common Law and renounced all priviledges contrary to it But the Parliament thought fit rather to remit the whole business to a General Council or to a Convention of the Gallicane Church And at a great meeting of the Bishops at the Conference at Poisy they were admitted to teach but under many conditions to change their name be subject to the Bishop of the Diocess to do nothing to the prejudice of the Bishops Colledges Curates Universities or other Orders or their Jurisdiction and Function but be governed according to the prescript of the Common Law and renounce all contrary priviledges c. Hereupon was opened Clermont School at Paris But when this liberty was interrupted by the whole University of Paris the business was again brought before the Parliament The University having before advised with Carolus Molinaeus his Consultation or opinion and resolution of the Case which was afterwards published was that the University had good cause to declare against them for a Nusance because they had erected a new Colledge contrary to the ancient decrees of Synods the General Council under Innocent 3. the Decrees of the Court c. their Institution was not only to the detriment of the several Orders but to the danger of the whole Kingdom and every wise man might justly fear that they might prove spies and betray the secrets of the Kingdom they seemed to be instituted to lie in wait for the estates of dying people they set up a new School in a University to which they would not obey which was not only monstrous but a kind of sedition c. And it was argued on both sides in full Parliament by Pet. Versorius for the Society highly commending their Original and Institution and by Steph. Pascasius for the University as much condemning both their Institution and their Practice their Institution in respect of their obligation by vow both to their General who is always chosen by the King of Spain and whom they profess to respect as God present upon earth and promise a blind Obedience as they call it to him absolutely in all things and to the Pope to whom because they are so obsequious they ought so much the more to be suspected by the French who indeed acknowledge the Pope as Head and Prince of the Church but so as that he is bound to obey the sacred Decrees and Oecumenical Councils as inferiour to them that he can decree nothing against the Kingdom or their Kings or contrary to the Decrees of the Court of Parliament or in prejudice of the Bishops within their limits and therefore to admit those new Sectaries would be to nourish so many enemies within the bowels of the Kingdom who if it should happen that the Popes in a fury should raise arms against us would denounce war against the King and Nation of France also in respect of their unreasonable and exorbitant priviledges contrary to the Common Law and of their ambitious Title their Practice for corrupting of youth and ruining of Families and lastly addressing himself more especially to the Senators he admonished them to beware that they did not when too late condemn their own credulity when they should see through their connivance that the publick tranquility not only in this Kingdom but through the Christian World should be endangered by the craft guiles superstition dissimulation impostures and evil arts of these men But the Senate whether through security or hatred of the Protestants whom these men were believed born to subdue determined to deliberate further on the business 5 Apr. 1565. in the mean timegranting them liberty publickly to open their Schools and instruct the youth And here we may take notice by the way who were the first and chief favourers and introducers of the Jesuites and thence further observe whose Scholars they were who were the chief actors in those troubles in France Apr. 1594. Thu. l. 110. But thus hung the cause till after the discovery of Barrieres conspiracy the University with unanimous consent nemine reclamante renewed their Suit and prayed Judgment by their supplication to the Parliament wherein they set out that the Estates in the Senate had long since complained of this new Sect that great confusions were then raised by them in the discipline of the Schools that from that time they have given occasion of greater troubles since the factious did openly addict themselves to the Spaniards party and have confounded not only the City but the whole Kingdom with horrid seditions that this was prudently foreseen from the beginning by the Colledge of Divines who by their Decree declared this new sect to have been introduced to the destruction of all Discipline as well Civil as Ecclesiastical and namely denying the obedience of the University as well to the Rector of it as moreover to the Arch-Bishops Bishops Curates and others the Prelates of the Church that notwithstanding those Jesuites made supplication to the Senate to be incorporated into the University and the cause being heard the Senate suspended the the Suit Salvo partium jure so that nothing in the interim should be innovated in the cause in prejudice of the Decree that yet the Jesuites have not only not at all obeyed the Decree of the Court but forgetting their sacerdotal profession have thrust themselves into publick businesses carried themselves as spies for the Spaniards and managed their concerns and therefore pray that since all these things are openly and publickly known the Senate will interpose their authority and by their Decree command that Sect to depart not only from the University of Paris but out of the Kingdom and exterminate them thence Hereupon after various delays by the Jesuites the cause came again to an hearing in the Parliament not openly but at the instance and through the importunity of the Jesuites and their friends the dores being shut And Ant. Arnald of Counsel for the University deploring the condition of France heretofore formidable but of late become despicable to all through sactions which factions have been caused by the Jesuites largely confirmed from experience of what had since been acted the truth of what was wisely foreseen and foretold so many years before That the Emperor Charles 5. when fortune favouring him he conceived hopes of obtaining and transferring to his Family a universal Monarchy and by his own sagacity and long experience found that many were tied up by scruples of conscience could not devise a more effectual means to work upon them than by introducing men of the Spanish design the Jesuites to the destruction of others under shew of Religion who in secret at confessions and openly also when occasion should be offered in their Sermons alienating the credulous and simple people from the obedience of their lawful Governors should insensibly draw them to his party That the principal Vow of these men is to be absolutely and in all things obedient to the General of their Order who for the most part is a
Scotland those of James Gordon and Edmond Hay and with us that so often mentioned of Barriere But among the ancient Christians these monsters were unheard of Of the Christians was no Cassius no Niger no Albinus as Tertullian speaks Nor was that crime ever heard of in France till the coming in of the Jesuites For it was brought in by them from Spain whence they had their original where the Gothes as an ancient Author informs us took up this detestable custom that if any of their Kings pleased them not they put him to the sword and set up whom they pleased in his place On behalf of the Jesuites Cl. Dureus rather pleaded in bar of the action than spoke to the merits of the cause but P. Barnius answered more copiously in writing But as much of what was spoken by the others is here purposely omitted for brevity sake so those things particularly which I find answered by him except that of Portugal which notwithstanding his answer seems very probable as well agreeing with their principles and actions though such mysterious practices are not easy to be fully proved And thus stood the case with the Jesuites in France when the King was about to * Which was done 17. Jan. proclaim war against their great Patron the King of Spain and whether the particular consideration of these or either of these to prevent what they feared might be the consequence of them †V. Perefix 229. did produce that attempt of their Scholar Chastel or not for he was more deeply seasoned with their principles and instructions than to make a full confession yet certain it is that that attempt did produce a more speedy determination of the cause than could otherwise have been expected by a Decree 29 Dec. 1594. Thu. l. 111. whereby the Court did ordain that the Priests and Students of the Colledge of Clermont for they would not call them by the name of Jesuites and all others of that Society as corrupters of Youth perturbers of the publick Tranquillity and enemies of the King and Kingdom shall within three days after denunciation depart from Paris and all other Cities where they have opened School and within fifteen days after out of the Kingdom upon pain to be prosecuted as guilty of Treason and that their Goods and Lands shall be imployed for pious uses and be distributed at the pleasure of the Court and all the Kings Subjects were interdicted to send their children to the Schools of that Society out of the Kingdom to be instructed in Learning upon pain of Treason This was executed the Summer following Li. 112. Some few days after this was made another Decree whereby Chastel's Father's house which was neer to the Palace was ordered to be pulled down and a Pyramid to be erected in the place of it with the Decree inscribed upon it ad aeternam facti memoriam which was likewise done with other inscriptions in detestation of the crime V. l. 134. 58. How necessary for the safety both of the King and Kingdom this was and that the Decree should be strictly executed throughout the whole Kingdom and duly and constantly observed for the future many in the Court and most in the Parliament of Paris and of the Clergy were very sensible and the King could not be ignorant especially after such fair warnings And yet whereas the Jesuites being by virtue of this Decree exterminated out of the Jurisdictions of the Court of Paris Thu. l. 129. which extends to near half the Kingdom and likewise of Burgundy and Normandy continued notwithstanding for three years after to keep up their Schools in the Territories of Tholouse and Bourdeaux to which many sent their Sons to be taught and many again from that Society changing their habits as if they had also renounced their vow crept into other Schools though the King was often importuned to command those Courts by his Edict to publish the Decree and it was once or twice so resolved in Council the execution notwithstanding was continually retarded by the craft and subtilty saith our Author of some about the King but perhaps some thoughts of a peace with Spain which had been proposed might make it thought unseasonable at that time But the Parliament of Paris was not wanting to do what in them lay 21 Aug. 1597. and by another Decree under a severe penalty prohibited all Cities Colledges and Universities to admit any of that society though pretending the renunciation of their vow to preach or to excrcise any sacerdotal Ministery or to teach children either publickly or privately Thu. l. 12â— The year following the King was again provoked through the obstinacy and insolency of the Court of Tholouse to send out his Edict commanding those Courts to publish the Decree and was moved by the Chancellor Ph. Huraltus Cevernius so to do but by some Courtiers says 〈◊〉 Author the business was at present delayed and at last wholly put off and very likely was now also though unseasonable in respect of the King's desire to obtain a dissolution of his Marriage with the Queen Margaret Thu. ib. Perefix p. 294. that he might marry his beloved Mistress La belle Gabrielle whereof he began about this time to treat with the Pope's Legate And indeed though I know not whether so much be written by any yet it seems very legible in the actions and occurrences which are written that this was so powerful a motive with him as made him not only desist from further enforcing the execution of the Decree and total extermination of the Jesuites but on the contrary to yield to their Restitution Thu. ibid. For the Jesuites about this time taking occasion upon a Convention of the Clergy to offer him a supplication ceased not afterwards till by supplications and recommendations every where sought they at last obtained their desire the Pope's Legates sparing no pains on their behalf So out Author who afterward tells us L. 129. that when Ignatius Armandus their Provincial about a year before they were restored had made a Speech to the King for them the King answered that the business was now in the Pope's hands without whose direction he would determine nothing negotium penes Pontificem esse quo inconsulto nihil velit decernere But it may be more plainly perceived in a passage afterward at their restitution L. 1â—â— for when the Parliament interceded against their restitution and were very averse from publishing the Kings Eidict for that purpose at lâ—st comes 〈◊〉 Huraltus Messius into the Senate and acquaints them from the King with the whole series of the business and tells them that above five years since the Pope had dealt with the King that the Jesuites might be restored to the same state in the Kingdom wherein they were before the Decree This was about the beginning of the year 1604 and the King having in the year 1598 treated with the Legate about the dissolution
or State or repute for Learning as are thought inconsistent with a real belief of what they possess whence some who affect to know more than the vulgar will needs perswade themselves and others that all such are Atheists and Infidels and thereupon bring all Religion under a suspition of being nothing else but a more refined piece of policy and because I have found by experience that many have no better arguments for their affected infidelity than this and yet few of those who have written of the verity of the Christian Religion have taken any notice of it or thought it worth a particular answer I shall recommend these things to their consideration 1. That this is no argument or evidence against Religion but only a bare supposed opinion and judgment of such persons without any evident and express ground or reason for it 2. That the opinion or judgment of great Statesmen or Scholars meerly as such is of no greater authority in this particular than the judgment or opinion of other men for such men may in general well deserve that reputation which they have and yet be utterly ignorant of those Principles which are necessary to be known to ground a judgment in this case There are very rarely found any men that are well skilled in all the parts of Learning or of some one profession as for example of the Law some are good Conveyancers who are very unskilful in Bar-Practice many good Chancery-men who are no great Common Lawyers c. So in Divinity some are well skilled in Textual some in Polemical or Scholastical some in Casuistical Divinity and yet but meanly skilled in the other parts of it and this part which considers the evidences of Religion is but rarely studied by any but such as have to do with Infidels each man ordinarily applying himself especially to that part to which his peculiar employment engageth him and usually men in great place have of all others least leisure for this particular study 3. But were their judgment never so considerable yet could it not in this case be certainly concluded from their actions For 1. It is agreed by all sorts of men Christians and Heathens and daily experience confirmeth the same that men frequently act contrary to their setled judgment and who may not often truly say Video meliora proboque deteriora sequor Nor is the thing it self more apparent than the reasons of it But I shall not here trace it to its first and original causes but only shew it in its next and immediate causes which are Surpize Impotence and Presumption From Surpize there is certainly no man whose care and caution can always secure him that he may not sometimes through the heat of passion or suddenness of a tentation be * Gal. 6.1 overtaken This we may all observe in our selves and in most we familiarly converse with Nay our very caution it self in many things makes us apt to be surprized by fear and thereupon to do those things we otherwise would not or neglect what we would otherwise do And though there be not a like Impotence in all yet is there more or less in every one whence men often do themselves contrary to what they would advise their children or dearest friends We daily see those who doubt not the directions of their Physitians to be good and necessary to be observed yet frequently overcome to transgress them to the hazard of their health and life it self nay Physitians themselves do the same whereof I could give a late notable instance in one of the most famous of his time Nor are we to think great Statesmen Polititians and learned men more exempt from all impotence than others are It is sufficient that they be well qualified for the places they hold to which their very impotence in some respects may sometime be a special qualification and they who are not easily overcome by one passion or affection may yet be perfectly enslaved to another What is wanting to these two causes is frequently made up by Presumption whether upon God's mercy in general and hope of pardon upon an intended repentance afterward or upon the priviledg of being within the pale of the Church by profession of Christianity or being members of the Catholick Church or zealous for the party they espouse that is as the Prophet saith Trusting in lying words saying The Temple of the Lord Jer. 7.3 The Temple of the Lord The Temple of the Lord a Presumption so powerful heretofore that notwithstanding that reproof and after a notable experience of the vanity of it we find it in our Saviour's days still continued and again reproved by John Baptist Think not to say within your selves we have Abraham to our Father c. Mat. 3.9 And yet after all this as experience sheweth still prevalent in our days and very common among the Romanists and the Disciples of the Jesuites especially their new Proselytes who seem to hope for indulgence in their sinful courses or to expiate the same by their zeal for the Church whereunto great occasion is given by their abominable abuse of Absolution Commutation of Penance Indulgences and complying Conduct 2. Tâ—â—â—e actions may proceed from error in the understanding and ignorance or mistake about some particular Christian Doctrine through an erronious Conscience thinking that to be lawful or a Christian duty which is absolutely unlawful So our Saviour telleth his Disciples that they who should kill them would think they do God service Jo. 16.2 and Saul thought that he ought to persecute the Christians Act. 26.9 and this may be consistent with a firm belief of the Christian Doctrine in general And this I take to be in truth the case of the Romanists and that they are given up to believe a lye through strong delusions wherein they do not more deceive their disciples than they are themselves deceived for do but admit me one or two of their Principles and there is nothing so monstrous in their actions but I think I can easily prove it lawful I had therefore intended to have shewed from what Principles those actions have proceeded that those Principles are mistaken and are no Christian but rather Antichristian Doctrines what hath been the cause occasion and progress of that mistake and lastly that this defection from the Christian Doctrine and Manners hath been foretold by the first Propagators of the Christian Faith in that manner as I think would not only do much to the removing of the scandal but moreover afford no inconsiderable evidence to the truth of Christianity it self but that I see would be too long for this place and time but I am well assured of the truth of what I say and doubt not but ere long it will be made manifest 3. There is one cause more from whence men may act contrary to Christianity and that in the highest degree and yet without the disbelief of the Truth of it in general or of any particular Doctrine
Appennage to his Brethren and in giving them authority which having read and acquainting Alanson with it whom she had perceived to favour Coligny This is your beloved cordial friend saith the Queen who thus advised the King To whom Alanson answered How much he loved me I know not but this advice could proceed from none but one that was faithful to the King and careful for his affairs Again there was among his papers found a breviate wherein among other reasons that he gave for the necessity of a War with the Spaniards in the Low-Countreys this was added as being omitted in the Speech which he made to the King lest it should be divulged and therefore was to be secretly communicated to the King that if the King did not accept of the condition that the Low-Countreys offered he should †V. Walsingham◠Letter 14 Septemb. 1572. in the Compleat Ambassador p. 241. not transfer it to his neighbours of England who though they were now as things stood friends to the King if once they set footing in the Low-Countreys and the Provinces bordering upon the Kingdom would resume their former minds and being invited by that conveniency of friends would become the worst enemies to the King and Kingdom Which being likewise imparted to Walsingham Queen Elizabeths Ambassador and the Queen telling him that by that he might judge how well Coligny was affected towards the Queen his Mistress who so much loved him He made her almost the same answer and said He did not know how he was affected towards the Queen his Mistress but this he knew that that counsel did savour of one that was faithful to the King and most studious of the honour of France and in whose death both the King and all France had a great loss So both of them by almost the same answer frustrated her womanish policy not without shame unto her self About the end of the month wherein Coligny was slain the King fearing lest the Protestants should grow desperate in other Provinces writes to the Governors with most ample commands Carnii Comes and principally to Feliomrus Chabolius President of Burgundy in which he commanded that he should go through the Cities and Towns that were under his jurisdiction and friendly convene the Protestants and acquaint them with the tumult at Paris and the true causes thereof That nothing was done in that affair through hatred of their Religion or in prejudice to the favour that was granted them by the last Edict but that he might prevent the conspiracy made by Coligny and his confederates against the King the Queen the King's Brethren the King of Navar and other Princes and Nobles That it was the King's pleasure that his Edicts might be observed and that the Protestants every where taking forth Letters of security from the Presidents should live quietly and safely under the King's protection upon pain of death to any that should injure or molest them in any thing On the other hand he should admonish the Protestants that they should keep themselves quiet at home and because in their Meetings and publick Assemblies there used to be such Counsels among the Protestants as were suspitious to Catholicks and which might put them upon new stirs therefore that they should abstain from those meetings and expect the same favour and safety from the King's clemency and goodness as he doth exercise towards others But if they should foolishly neglect this advice command and promise of the King and should presume to meet publickly stir up troubles and take up Arms under colour of their own defence he would then proceed against them as against Rebels To the same effect were Letters sent to Melchior Monpesatus President of Poictou Pria President of Toures and the Presidents of other Provinces Chabolius managed his office with great prudence and moderation having learnt that the Protestants who had hitherto been exasperated by severity and cruelty of punishments might be better reduced to their duty by clemency and mildness And matters were ordered without almost any bloud-shed in Burgundy many returning either through fear or of their own accord to the Religion of their Ancestors renouncing the Protestant Doctrines Only Claromontius Travius of the prime Nobility whose Sister Helena Antonius Grammontanus had married was when the news was hot slain at Dijon in the absence of Chabotius by the people Those that were suspected at Mascon being by the King's command apprehended and cast into prison by Philibertus sustained no further damage 30. So foul a tempest in France being in some sort allayed and the liberty of killing and plundering repressed when the more prudent that yet no way favoured the Protestant party did upon the sad thought of the present state of things by little and little come to themselves and abhorring the fact did curiously enquire into the causes of it and how it might be excused they thus judged That no example of like cruelty could be found in all Antiquity though we turned over the Annals of all Nations These kinds of outrages had been confined to certain men or to one place and might have been excused by the sense of injury newly offered or their rage did only exercise it self upon those whom it was their interest to remove out of the way For so by the command of Mithridates King of Pontus upon one message and the signification of one Letter 40000 Romans were slain in one day throughout all Asia The Sicilian Vespers So Peter King of Arragon commanded 8000 French-men to be slain in Sicily who had seized upon it in his absence But their case was far different from this For those Kings exercised their rage upon strangers and foreigners but this King upon his own subjects who were not more committed to his power than to his faith and trust They were obliged no otherwise by their faith given than to the strangers themselves but he was bound in a late league with his neighbouring Kings and Princes to keep that Peace which he had sworn to They used no arts unworthy of royal dignity to deceive them he for a snare abused his new engaged friendship and the sacred Nuptials of his own Sister whose wedding garment was even stained with bloud These are the vertues that use to be commended in Kings Justice Gentleness and Clemenoy but savageness and cruelty as in all others so especially in Princes use to be condemned Famous through all ages was Publius Scipio who was wont to say he had rather save one Citizen than slay a thousand enemies and Antonius who was called the Pious did often use that saying Kings indeed have power of life and death over the Subjects of their Realm but with this limitation that they should not proceed against them till their cause was heard upon a fair tryal This rage and blindness of mind was sent by God upon the French as a judgment for the daily execrations and reproaches of the Deity from which the King himself ill educated