between Christians themselves and that is the Protestant interest which is grounded not onely upon differences about Religion but also upon reason of State for alas as the world goes now men are not much acted with principles of Religion except there be with it one thing or other of temporal concernment Policy is the great mobile of the actions of States-men but if Religion be brought in 't is more the name then the power of it and according to the rule of Machiavel as a shew and a pretence only Therefore I say that Protestant Princes and States are not to neglect the Protestant Cause in the defence of which lyes the safety of their persons and preservation of their States and Authority for as ever it is the Popes interest so his constant endeavours are either to bring again into his Church all those who make profession of the Protestant Religion or else to destroy them And as it is natural for a man to wish that every one would be of his Religion So he is countenanced and assisted by those Princes who are of his perswasion wherein the house of Austria hath been so forward that 't is believed thereby she hath brought upon her self the heavy hand of God which at present hath so much humbled her I further assert another truth that the Pope is more dangerous to Protestants then the Turk First by reason of the distance of places for Providence hath so seated the States of the Protestants that excepted Transylvania and Hungary which yet belongs in part to a Roman Catholick Prince he cannot come nigh to them but the Pope and his upholders are close by and so the more formidable because in some sence he is a domestick enemy who ever is at work how to bring out some occasion which when he seeth he soon layes hold on 't which advantage the Turk is deprived of for though an opportunity was offered to him it would be lost before he were ready to make use of it Secondly The Turk comes in by meer force and violence which his Neighbours being warned of do provide against with the utmost of their Power but the Pope hath his Devices and his Depths whereby he plots and contrives designs destructive to others he hath his Thunderbolts of Excommunication which Protestants and at present some other States laugh at He takes upon him to dispense Subjects from the obedience they owe to their Soveraigns and an absolute Authority in every Ecclesiastical affair and over all Ecclesiastical persons in the Dominions of others a thing so unjust that some States of his perswasion especially France and Venice have denyed it to him He attributes to himself an unquestionable authority over Consciences of binding and loosing all spiritual things under which name of spirituals all moral things may directly or indirectly be reduced so that thereby he must take from Princes in their own Dominions the Sword of Justice and punish Adulterers Thieves Murtherers and all crimes expressed or implyed in the Decalogue or Ten Commandments And what else is this but to divest Princes of the Authority they ought to have within their own Dominions and to pull down their Tribunals and Seats of Justice to set up his own upon their ruines From this let every one judg how much all Princes are concerned to oppose this pretended and usurped Authority so destructive of their own Besides all this he takes upon himself to dispense with divine Precepts and yet he absolutely commands the observation of his own under pain as he saith of eternal damnation And when all these things cannot serve he hath Ravaillacs and such Emissaries who have vowed a blind obedience to his orders so that St. Pauls Sword doth cut what St. Peters Keyes cannot open But the Turk hath none of these helps Moreover The Turk is acted only by a principle of ambition but the Pope acts out of a desire of revenge The Turk pretends no right upon others but that which the Sword gives him but the Pope pretends a divine and spiritual right made over to him by Christ and so looks upon all Protestants as rebels to him because they are withdrawn from his obedience and consequently he is the more bitter enemy to them and wheresoever he could reach any of them he made the Sword the Fire the Gibbet and Prison instruments of his vengeance So that when a hundred thousand have had their throats cut in one night at Rome there hath been for it publick and extraordinary expressions of joy Fourthly The Turk hath no Inquisition within his States contrariwise by the means of an yearly Tribute he allows Protestants that liberty of Conscience which is denyed them by some Princes of the Roman perswasion and this very thing hath strengthened his interest in Hungary where whole Towns have somtimes submitted to his yoke so that in this the Popes and Turk's interests are contrary for the former will admit of no such tolleration and consequently by reason of his interest is more dangerous to Protestants then the other Yet for all this I do no wayes derogate from what I said before of the common interest of all Christians against the Turk provided the Protestant can be secured which can be done no better then by uniting the whole body under one head settling between all the Members a good correspondency grounded upon their common interest and safety having them all knitted in affection and as much as may be in judgment and concerning themselves in the affairs one of another being tender hearted and charitable to those members who are persecuted for Religion sake assisting each other and by no means suffering one Prince or State of the same profession to be oppressed upon any pretences whatsoever and they must watch and oppose the designs of those who are able and likely to carry on the Roman Interest out of the discovery which may be made of their Councils and in all these things Protestants ought to carry themselves unanimously and with vigour After this there is no danger for the chief amongst them and those who are able and can conveniently assist the Venetians to do it the question being not to assist the Pope but a Republick which hath had several fallings out with the See of Rome about priviledges and jurisdiction and which is moderate in the point of Inquisition besides that this is a matter of State and not of Religion and if the Pope were in the same condition as Venice he might be assisted Salva Conscientia by Protestant Princes just as are the outworks of a Town by those who are in the Town who have reason to concern themselves in their preservation for if once they be taken the Enemy will draw nearer to the City and make use of them against it so that when any Christian Prince doth repel the violence offered to another he doth nothing else but meet with that which is preparing against him he hastens to quench the fire which is in his
Gold and they who draw these do remain in the room but others do go into the great Council Hall in the mean while of the nine who remained the four who had the first four balls do name five men apiece whom they please and the five who had the five last balls do every one name four others which number makes forty in all and every one may name himself for one and these are called the Electors of the first Election who are confirmed by the Gran Consiglio after which they break up But the next day the forty men do put in forty balls of which twelve are of Gold and the rest of Silver of these remain onely the twelve who have drawn the golden balls who are called the Electors of the second Election Every one of these doth name two more but he who drew the first golden ball names three in all twenty five then these twenty five put in balls again of which nine are of gold and they who draw them are called the Electors of the third Election Again every one of these nine names what four he pleases but he who drew the last golden ball names only three this makes up thirty five who put in as many balls whereof eleven are of gold and they only who draw them do remain these eleven name every one four in all forty four after which are again thrown in forty one balls of gold and three of silver the three with the silver ones are excluded but the others remain who are confirmed by the Gran Council and these do Elect the Duke In order thereunto they lock up themselves within the Council Hall though the whole Palace be at that time under lock and key and three of the most venerable of the company they chuse to be Priori of the Election and two others to be Secretaries the other thirty six divide themselves into four parties every one going into what party he pleaseth after this the three Priori do sit upon three chairs higher then the rest and the two Secretaries over against with a Table before them then the Secretaries call the thirty six one after another who put every one in a Box prepared for that effect the name of him whom he desires should be Duke and usually all those of one party do put in but for one So that thereby four only are in nomination after this the Secretaries open the Box and read the names of those who are put in who if they be in the company are desired one after another to withdraw into another room after which the Priori or Presidents aske every one of the Electors whether they have any thing to object against those who are in nomination why any one should not be chosen and if any thing be brought against him he is called in to clear himself which if he cannot do he is excluded and another named in his place Then are laid two boxes before the Secretaries the one for the affirmative the other for the negative within these every one is to put alittle ball and if in the affirmative there be more then in the other it will remain and this is done for every one of the four of whom he who hath most balls doth remain but the Votes for the affirmative must not be less then twenty five and they will not give over voting till it be come to that number or past it This being done if he who is chosen be without he is sent for if within they make him sit and the forty or forty one acknowledge him to be Duke and waite upon him to his house where he stayes for two dayes till his Ducal habit be made then in the morning he goes to hear Mass at the Church of St. Mark attended by all his Electors and forrain Ministers then he goes into a Pozzo as they call it a kind of seat or chair with one of his nighest relations and the Chancellour and so is carried by twenty four Masters of the Arsenal about the Palace of St. Mark at the same time the Doge and his kinsman throwing monies amongst the people till they come to the gate of the Ducal Palace where he is expected by those who elected him and the chief of the Priori layes the Ducal Cap which is a kind of Crown upon his head giving him the title of Serenissimo and so wait on him to the ordinary lodging of the Doges where he begins to receive publick visits of the Magistrates and forrain Ministers He is allowed by the Republick five hundred Zecchini or about two hundred and fifty pound by the month for they are not very willing to bestow both honour and riches upon one it is true he hath also the disposal of some Ecclesiastical Offices and of other places which he may sell if they happen to be vacant in his time once a week that is every wednesday he uses to go down into the Courts of Justice when Judges do sit exhorting every one of them to do good speed and justice and if any one hath applyed himself to him he Commends the cause to the Judges as the case requires The Ceremony I mentioned of the Dukes instauration is the more considerable because it befalls him but once in his life But there is another which once a year he performs when he Espouses the Sea upon Ascension day which to see as well as the Carnaval is worth the curiosity of strangers for as one allows a great liberty of Mascarads and variety of sports so the other affords as curious a shew as can be seen The Duke attended by Ambassadours and by the Chief Nobles in a rich and stately Ship or Barge though indeed it is neither but of a singular making named Bucentoro attended by several thousands of Gondola's goes three or four miles out to Sea amongst the shooting of the Guns in the ships which are thereabouts and the sounding of Trumpets he casts a Ring into the Sea and pronounces these Italian words Io ti sposo in Segno di Dominio I Espouse thee in token of my Dominion over thee this he doth in the name of the Republick which by a grant of Pope Alexander the third thereby expressing his Obligation to her for her assistance against the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa with the approbation of all Italian Princes and States and of several parts of Europe and by a long successive possession hath the Royalty of the Adriatick Sea or gulf of Venice which hitherto the Republick hath stoutly secured from Turks and Pyrates Having mentioned the Carnaval I must explain what it is At a certain time of the year immediately before Lent about Shrove-Tuesday but some dayes sooner according to the new Stile Roman Catholicks do observe a custome which they received from Heathens which is to pass that time with all the mirth and sports they can conceive glutting themselves with pleasures before they enter into Lent which they account to be a time of
actions they avour one another not knowing how soon it may happen to be the turn of every one of them upon this account they go unpunished so that of a hundred hardly the third part is accused and of these the proofs are clear hardly against the half and those who are convinced are but slightly punished so that this proceeding encourages them to be imperious peremptory and unjust to others Yet the fault of this is not to be attributed to the Magistrates for in things of concernment they are very exact in doing justice when they who are wronged apply themselves to them for redress But the question is how they may bring in their complaints to them which is very difficult not only because clear proofs are not easily brought in against them some of their excesses being committed either in the dark and secretly or very dexterously but chiefly because as soon as a Nobleman hath misdemeaned himself he stops proceedings against him either with threatnings or flatteries promises and if need be with money which indeed is the last remedy they use but for the most part they lay the fault upon the Bravi that is in plain English the Hectors who being men of no fortune do for a subsistance accompany them and act according to their orders or else upon some of their Servants whom they send out of the way or they induce some to be false witnesses for them whereby they put a cheat upon the Lawes and Justice whence we see that in Venice they have also as in other places a new Logick and a way of drawing strange consequences as this He is a gallant man for he hath three or four thousand pound a year because by the strength of his monies he can come off with any bad and base actions like great flyes who having strong wings fly through cob-webs when poor weak ones are caught So that if sometimes it falls out that a Nobleman be punished with Exile or Prison in a short time he is released by the means of friends and monies This shews how the best things are apt to be corrupted and that this Republick so famous and so excellent doth degenerate in her members which in time may infect the head and the whole body for bad humours of this kind are apt to break out at one time or other especially in this place where the old as the young Noblemen are divided into factions and parties and have intestine hatred one for another and against the Citizens with the former by reason of envyings in point of honour and dignity with the latter upon the account of Riches and this ever causes corruption in a Common-wealth Hence it is that on the other side Subjects of all degrees and qualities are dissatisfied for things named before and particularly seeing themselves deprived of their goods upon slight grounds and that they cannot enjoy charges and offices wherein they think themselves used not as patriots but like strangers Merchants also and Tradesmen have some grounds of discontent because the Nobles having of late turned their Trade which was by Sea into that which is by Land either by Authority or by strength of monies have ingrossed it to themselves whether it be Corn Wine Silks Iron Wool Timber Coals and any other considerable commodities which is the cause of complaints and miseries pitty-worthy for the Nobles being monied men they get things over the head of their inferiours But the worst is that these excesses are committed in a cruel manner and they in great numbers are sent into all parts of the Dominions where they extort from the Subjects monies to satisfie their Covetousness and Ambition and act many unjust things which are effects of their tyranny but are the cause of the damages and injuries of Subjects whereby justice is perverted charity destroyed honesty suppressed the fear of God removed from before their eyes and the people defrauded of the protection they have a right to expect whence sad consequences may be drawn against those States where crimes go unpunished for 't is not enough to see good actions rewarded if bad ones be not discountenanced though as I have already expressed the Magistrate is not to be blamed for these miscarriages yet in time these things cause ruine and destruction to States A great prosperity is the greatest enemy of men for it makes them insolent licentious bold to do evil and even apt to disturb their own rest and of others and 't is certain that usurpation abuses and other injuries take so deep roots in the breasts of Subjects that upon a favourable occasion they will resent it These corruptions as they are prejudicial to the States wherein they are spread so they prove oftentimes beneficial to forraign Publick Ministers who know how to use the Covetousness of some useful persons and their Masters monies according to the fidelity they ought to have for his interests and 't is a thing which Venetians practise and the Spaniards most of all other Nations to leave it to the discretion of their Ministers in forrain places to distribute that way what sums they think fit for which they take their word and ask no further account of it knowing that to stint and confine would not onely discourage them but also prove prejudicial to their affairs no monies being better employed then those which are laid out upon such occasions and though they should amount high yet a good advice or another good affair pays for all And in this case no manner of friendship is to be slighted or rejected though it were never so low and contemptible because it may be profitable upon some accounts and it may serve at one time or another Now as to matter of Trade which just now I was speaking of although it be commonly known to be beneficial to Nations yet because every one is not well acquainted with the reason and causes of it 't will not be amiss to say something about it not as to the particulars of it for it would take up too much time there being so many and several wayes according to the nature of places and Countries and those who understand well the manner of it are to be esteemed in a State and their advice is to be taken about the way of settling and improving it by Princes and their Ministers the truth of which is so well known and so important that in all Countryes there are Councels and Committees settled about it who are willing to hear any thing that may be proposed tending to the advantage of it and they who make a constant practice and profession of it must needs by their own experience be able to give light and directions about it and herein their opinion is to be taken as soon if not sooner then that of the greatest Statesmen if reason be joyned to their experience The truth is I look upon this as the ground and bottome of Policy for let the occasions of the State as to charges be