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B20451 Justice vindicated from the false fucus [i.e. focus] put upon it, by [brace] Thomas White gent., Mr. Thomas Hobbs, and Hugo Grotius as also elements of power & subjection, wherein is demonstrated the cause of all humane, Christian, and legal society : and as a previous introduction to these, is shewed, the method by which men must necessarily attain arts & sciences / by Roger Coke.; Reports. Part 10. French Coke, Roger, fl. 1696. 1660 (1660) Wing C4979 450,561 399

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man can oblige or subject himself to any The Masters power does not arise from the Servants subjecting himself man or creature by any Act of his will for no Act of any mans will can have any power of himself Omnis potentia activa est principium transmutandi aliud every active power is the cause of alteration in another body the Act therefore of a mans will can make no obligation in his body who does will it Besides it is against all rules of relation that to bind and to be bound can be in the same thing therefore it is much more absurd to suppose the whole man should be obliged by a part of himself that is by his will Add hereunto that if a man be obliged to his will then is the most wilful man the most just man and every man is obliged to do any thing because he hath willed it then which there is nothing can be more immoral and destructive to all society with mankind 8. If the Masters power did arise from the Servants subjecting himself to him which is an Act of the Servants will then an Act of the Servants Nor from the Masters accepting his Servants submission Annot. will may have a power and obligation upon his Master which is absurd for this makes the Master to obey his Servant Yet in usual speaking voluntas is confounded with conatus as wee say that God did accept Abrahams will for the deed in that he was willing to have offered up his son Isaac whereas in proper speaking God did will or command Abraham to offer up his son and Abraham did obey that is receive or accept Gods will and did endeavor not will for it had been unnatural and murder in Abraham to have willed without cause the death of Isaac to have done it when God restrained him and so God was pleased to accept of Abrahams endeavor to have pleased him And so when any servant does endeavor to do his Masters will though he be not able to perform it yet ought the Master to accept it because he does what he can not to do any act of his own will but to perform an act of his Masters 9. But suppose the Declaration of the Servants will does evade into The Masters power does not arise from the Servants promise his promise given to his Master yet cannot the Masters power arise from thence because men are obliged to the performance of their promises by the Law of nature only and that Law does oblige only in Conscience but the Masters power obliges to corporal punishment I say therefore that no Masters power arising from any Act of the Servants will or promise nor from the Masters acceptance no Regal power can arise from the Princes acceptance of their Subjects submission for a great family is a kingdom and a little kingdom is a family saies Tho. Hobbes cap. 8. art 1. de Cive 10. If the Masters Power did arise from the Law of Nature then were The Masters power does not arise from the Law of Nature the power of a Master over his servant eternal and incommunicable but the contrary of this is evident in all places of the world for there is no place where the Power of Masters is not only dissolvible by the Laws and consents of the Master and Servant but where it is not slavery there the Masters power is terminated to years moneths weeks daies or houres c. which expiring the relations of Master and Servant are dissolved the Masters power therefore is not from the Law of Nature 11. If the Masters power did arise from Divine positive institution Nor by Divine positive institution then where Gods revelation of himself in the Scriptures is not received and believed have Masters no power over their Servants But this is evidently false for not only before Gods revelation of himself in the Scriptures had Masters every where power or dominion over their Servants but also every where in the world Masters have power over their Servants as well where the Scriptures are not received as where they are The Masters power therefore does not arise from Divine positive institution 12. Nascitur servus says Aristotle most truly There was no man that From whence the Masters power does arise was ever born in the world unless a posthumous King but was born in a threefold subjection first to the Laws of God secondly to the Laws of his Parents and thirdly to the Laws of his Country And the Laws of every Country obliging men to the performance of their pacts and contracts the Law of the place is the efficient cause by the Contract of the Master and Servant being the instrumental causes of the Masters power and not only gives the Master a power over his Servant but also obliges the Master to perform all his promises specified in the Contract to his Servant It is evident therefore that where there is no precedent Humane Law Annot. obliging there cannot be any Family for the Law by the Masters Contract with his Servant gives him the power over his Servant All Grotius his Government then founded upon the Contracts of Men is utterly false and by consequence no one true Proposition can follow from thence Yet truly it is an error pardonable in him who with his first milk sucked in this Popular principle No question but he was a man as eminent in Humane learning as any man of this last Age and I doubt not but of a sincere and peaceable disposition It is the excellency of Truth that it is plain and easie to be perceived whereas Falshood with all art and learning is rendred more obscure by how much more is added to it And it is strange for a stander by to see what monstrous absurdities Grotius runs into to uphold his fabrick For he makes God at the Creation and Flood lib. 2. cap. 2. par 2. to give Mankind a natural right viz. all men alike over all things and this natural right to be immutable by God himself and yet without giving lib. 1. par 10. any reason for it he makes it mutable by the will of man and Dominion which he there says was brought in by the will of man he says is Jus naturale too So Jus naturale does signifie that which God gave to mankind and Jus naturale does signifie that which mans will brought in contrary to what God gave to mankind then which what can be more absurd But Mr. Hobbs cap. 2. art 9. makes a Contract the act of two or more Annot. 2. mutually transferring their rights and a Pact to be when one or both is trusted and he who is trusted does promise that he will perform and supposeth the Civitas institutive to take its first being from the Pacts of men Which will not help him for such Pacts as well as Contracts receive their obligation from precedent humane laws And therefore all his book de Cive which is
established several Laws for manners and by them have been often altered but that there is no such thing as the Law of Nature and that all men as well as other creatures are naturally carried to their profits And so there is no such thing as Justice or if there were it were the greatest folly because men by endeavoring the good of others prejudice themselves Since the Grecians and Romans were the first who in the world did make all power to be from the People I suppose that Mr. Hobbs and Grotius took their Principles from them Let us see whether by the People they understand the same thing with the Romans and Grecians or the same thing with one another By the People of Rome or Athens the Romans and Athenians understood them and them only who were civitate donati and not men born in a promiscuous rout and parity without all order and subordination but made so by violent usurpation By the People Mr. Hobbs understands the King or Court governing By the People Grotius every where I believe for he no where that I can find defines the People understands the Subjects governed and they who in a parity or equal condition constituted the Civitas Upon these and many other considerations and observations upon them I was so far from being convinc'd that I became much more firmly established then before in my Judgment for Opinion I will not have of those things wherein I am possest of the constant practice of the world in all ages places the plain undubitable and uncontrolled places of Scripture both in the Old and New Testament and no colour of allegation against them from any other places the Authority of the highest Philosopher my Country-Laws and all those Theses and Axiomes upon which almost all Reason and Philosophy are grounded and these things opposed by such monstrous feigned equivocal and silly beggings of the question which no man not blinded with faction or stupid ignorance can grant yet had not these Observations become publique if it had not been upon an odd occasion which was Upon a time being with a Brother-in-law a Kinsman of mine at dinner came to my Brothers where in discourse he asked me if I had seen a Book of Tho. Whites called The Grounds of Obedience and Government I answered no nor did I desire to see any thing of his doing having conceived a prejudice of the Mans ability and ingenuity He confidently replied that I should be convinced if I did but read it and that he would send me the book Yet was I so far from accepting his courtesie that I importunately desired him not to do it But he notwithstanding all importunity on purpose sent his man with it that night to me being at that time much afflicted with my wonted Melancholy which became more excited when I had read some part of it And seeing a thing so sensless and void of all humanity to be imposed upon the world which questionless was intended to prefer some Faction or Interest of his and yet forsooth he tells us it is a second Edition corrected and amended by the Author wheresoever therefore I name our Author I mean Tho. White Gent. I did in detestation of the Thing not of the Man for I never saw him in all my life set my self to make these Observations upon it He harps upon the same string with Mr. Hobbs and Grotius That all Supreme Power is originally created by Mens wills subject to it Yet being a fine Gentleman in quirpo he dances a Galliard by himself and most senselesly makes men out of society to be a Rational multitude and to have Property before they had Laws or Government and to be a People after they had given up their power to another to govern them But lest it should be objected that though our Author be hood-winked yet Mr. Hobbs and Grotius might be very clear-sighted and bare-faced I thought it not amiss to make these Observations upon them also As a Preparative to a Purge I pray Reader take these few Notes 1. First I say they falsly derive Government For though they all differ in the manner of it yet is all Government so far from being so derived as any of them would have it in the first Institution that if any of them can shew any one Government so derived since the beginning of the world I will yeeld the cause 2. They feign that for a Principle which never was viz. That men by nature are in a parity or equal condition For never were men since the Creation in any age or place of the world in such a condition But suppose somewhere in the world it might have been found that men in a like condition did by their acts and wills form themselves into a Society yet is it a most unreasonable thing to conclude from thence that all power in Government is from the People For Singulars are deduced and concluded from Universals not Universals by Singulars 3. The Principle they beg is destructive to all good manners for Justice is the fountain of all humane Virtues and Morality as all Philosophers and best and wisest men hold And if Justice be the duty which men owe their Superiors and that it may be truly and ultimately resolved into the first cause without any detriment or damage to it and if all order superiority and power in Government may truly and ultimately be resolved into the People or the wills of the Subjects or Party governed then the wills of the Subjects being the fountain and first cause of all Order and Justice that is Justice in the People to do what they list then which nothing can be more destructive to all Virtue Justice and Good manners 4. It is damnably destructive to Faith for All powers are of God Rom. 13. and No power can be given but from above S. John 19. 11. Nor were these Men when they wrote their several Treatises De Cive De Jure Belli Pacis and Grounds of Obedience and Government much better in their Religion if I conceive a right Notion of Religion viz. That it is Actus Divini cultus or the Publick worship and service of God in an unity form and communion then their Writings shew them to be for Justice and Government For though our Author be a Pretender to be of the Religion of the Church of Rome yet it would trouble the greatest Critique of this Age to shew where the Religion of either of the other were to be found And who but such men as these would pin their faith upon the tales and fictions of Poets before the most venerable and sacred Authority of Holy Scripture Nor can the eldest of Poets writings be compared in antiquity with the Scriptures For if it could Cur supra bellum Thebanum funera Trojae Non alias alii quoque res cecinêre Poetae And the Theban and Trojan War hapned after the Year of the World 2750. The Trojan War about the time
Lex naturae is that which is so willed or commanded by God I deny therefore that any Creature can have Jus divinum but that all right which any Creature hath is either from some Divine or Humane law Jus naturae is superior and must precede Lex naturae By Art 3. cap. 1. Every man hath Jus naturae Therefore every man hath a right above the Law of Nature and so Mr. Hobbs may save himself the trouble of his Philosophical Elements De Civie For since he makes every man above the Law of Nature sure he can never make him subject to any Humane Law 25. It is impossible for the Civil Law to command any thing contrary to Cap. 14. ar 10. the Law of Nature Observ Is it not a wonderful thing that this man should make the Civitas to be a humane Artifice and invention and the Law of Nature to be the immutable Law of God and yet that it should be impossible that this Artifice or created Deity to command any thing contrary to this immutable Law of God Sure the greatest Papalian never ascribed so much to the Pope in Cathedra I will then tell him wherein the Civitas may command Wherein the Civitas may command contrary to the Law of Nature contrary to the Law of Nature and wherein he is mistaken The Laws of Nature are either upon supposition of Humane Laws or not upon supposition of Humane Laws as Thou shalt not steal supposes a Humane Law which gives Property but Honor thy Parents Be grateful for benefits received c. supposes no Humane Law And therefore if the Civitas commands me to dishonor my Parents or to be ingrateful for benefits received which de facto it may this being but a Humane Law I am notwithstanding obliged to honor my Parents and be grateful for benefits received But Mr. Hobbs supposing no Laws of Nature but upon supposition of Humane Laws is the reason I conceive why he says It is impossible for the Civitas to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature Yet will he have one exception viz. That the Civitas commands nothing Ibidem Observ 2. to the contumely of God If a man should ask him whether there be no Law of Nature but the Honoring of God If there be no other Law of Nature then to what purpose are all his Laws of Nature of standing to Pacts of seeking Peace c. Well but if men by the Law of Nature are obliged to honor God and it be impossible as he says for the Civitas to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature then is it impossible for the Civitas to command any thing to the contumely of God and so he has made a needless exception But it may be he does not think that men by the Law of Nature are bound to honor God for he has not so much as mentioned it in his Laws of Nature For then they are no Laws Mr. Hobbs Yes the Statues of Omri were Statutes although they commanded to the contumely of God and so was Nebuchadnezors command for the worshiping Observ 3. the Golden Image a Law though made to the contumely and dishonor of God Whereas he saies Quid sit Adulterium does depend upon the Civitas I would know of him whether it were Adultery in David in lying with Bathsheba Observ 4. during Uriahs life if it were then is it not true which Mr. Hobbs here saies if it were not then did God unjustly so severely to punish him therefore Tyranny is not a State of a City different from rightful Monarchy Cap. 7. art 3. Observ True upon your false and feigned Principles where the wills and pacts of men are made the cause and origination of all Power in Government where Mens wills are made their Laws then which nothing can be more destructive to all Laws divine and humane and the most Wilful man should be the most Just man for to what purpose should there be any Laws Divine or Humane if a Man 's own will be a rule and Law to himself and by this Mans principles it is only mens wills from which all Power in Government is derived and to which Men ought to be subject Yet good Man some difference he makes viz. only in the exercise Mr. Hobbs of their Power he forsooth is a King that rules well and he is a Tyrant that rules otherwise Observ As if Absoloms kissing the Israelites when they came to demand Justice and his desire to judge the people righteously had made him a good Title to the Crown of Israel or that Jeroboam or Athaliah had not been Usurpers but very Rightful Princes if they had ruled well But though he makes no difference between Swordbearers and Swordtakers between Gods Ministers and Theeves and Robbers yet the Holy Ghost does for Gods Minister is a Swordbearer and if he be not Gods Minister and a Rom. 13. 4. Swordbearer but a Swordtaker as our Saviour calls them who have not a St. Matth. 26. 52. just Authority then whosoever sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed for in the image of God made he man And if ever Man had a just Gen. 9. 6. cause to have taken the sword then had St. Peter in defence of his Lord God and Master but our Saviour reprehends him telling him that whosoever takes the Sword shall perish by the Sword And it is not wicked men whom Usurpers Tyrants and Swordtakers so much murder for it is no better as vertuous and honest The worst of private Malefactors may justly with the Whore in Terence answer to the best of Swordtakers if there be any degree of goodness in any of them quamvis ego digna sum hac contumelia maxime indignus tamen tu qui feceris And whereas he only makes Tyrannus ab exercitio it is false for the abuse of a thing does not alter the nature of a thing as a Man is a Man although a bad Man who abuses those good parts which God hath given him so is a Father and a Master a Father and Master yet bad ones where they abuse their Power and so is a King a King although he abuses his Power and the Holy Ghost many times calls them wicked and idolatrous Kings c. but never Tyrants as this Man does I would here gladly be satisfied of Mr. Hobbs how if God made Man Cap. 1. art 12. and Cap. 8. art 10. in the state of pure nature as he saies in such a cut-throatly condition and so much worse than any other creature that men might jure naturali everlastingly kill one another and commit no offence if the King or Civitas does not restrain it God could in justice have punished Cain for killing Abel Cap. 6. art 16. if Cain or Abel had not gone to Do or Dedi and not to Dabo or Faciam with Adam and made him their King or Civitas over them and Adam have given them
4. has to 6. he supposes Lex to have to Aequitas and what proportion 8. has to 12. which is the same with 4. to 6. has Legis actio to Judicis officium and what proportion 4. has to 8. has the Law to the action of the Law and what proportion 6. has to 12. which is the same with 4. to 8. viz. double has Equity to the office of the Judge He has indeed taken four numbers out of which Arithmetical and Harmonical proportion may be taken as 4. 8. 12. is in Arithmetical proportion and 6. 8. 12. is in Harmonical but 4. 6. 8. 12. is in Geometrical proportion Harmonical proportion is when three numbers are so ordained that the proportion of the greatest number to the least is the same with the differences between the two greater and the two lesser As in these three numbers 6. 8. 12. the proportion between 12. the greatest number and 6. the least number is double and the difference between 12. and 8. the greater numbers is 4. and between 8. and 6. the lesser numbers is 2. and 4. is the double of 2. And therefore 6. 8. 12. are in Harmonical proportion 8. to 6. is in proportione sesquitertia a It self and a third part for 4. is 3. and a third part of 3. which makes Diatessaron or a fourth Note in Musick 12. to 8. is in proportione sesquialtera b It self and half as much 12. is 8. and half 8. which makes Diapente or a fifth Note in Musick 12. to 6. is dupla proportio a Diapason or an Eight All other Notes are in proportione sesquioctava c It self and an eight part as 72. contains 64. an eight part of 64. Suppose Ela 64. D-la-sol is 72. Bfa-bemi is a fourth from Ela inclusively 85â…“ Alamire is a fifth it self and half so much 96. Elami is an eight from Ela 128. double to Ela. Multiply 64. and you may take the Gamut infinitely in rational numbers without fractions as from 512. and so forward Nor can Harmonical or Musical mediety consist in four terms or numbers as Bodin would have it But if either Justice Equity or Harmony be comprehended in the Writings of these three terms Grotius Hobbs and White then let me never expect Justice but from a Committee nor Equity but from the University of Bethlem and be eternally doomed to the Noise that is made at the Yelling of Tom Sternholds Psalms To what a condition here would these men reduce Mankind For what a condition are men in where there are no Laws To what purpose are Laws where there are not they who may bear rule Parum est nisi sunt qui possint jura gerere And who would look for Rulers out of these mens Writings where men must cut one anothers throats to find them and when they are found then must men subject themselves to them either body and soul actively and not passively only that is suffer when in their consciences they dare not act or else to obey so long as the fickle and inconstant Multitude will pretend a necessity of rebelling or resisting or judge it rational to resist and depose and so to the old trade of cutting throats again Whether this thing or that thing this man or that man be Supreme And after all this shall the poor Hobnail be no wiser nor in any better but much worse condition then he was before It is rarely seen that where men are not content with those Heirs See Sir Edw. Coke Instit 3. p. 35 36. which God gives them that God does bless those men which are put in the place of such Heirs But without all question where Subjects are not content with what Soveraign God gives them God did scarce ever bless any such as they made to themselves And let any sober man consider into what a miserable condition such Subjects or People have brought themselves For they must needs live in continual fear lest the true Heir should recover his right against him whom they have set up But suppose that there be no fear that ever the right Heir should come into his place yet they have given a president to all Posterity not to submit to this whom they have set up For why in reason should Posterity be obliged to obey this whenas they were not bound to obey the right Heir Neither was Subjects condition under Monarchy ever so bad but the endeavoring to reform it by force of Arms has made it much worse The examples of this are infinite It is usual therefore where Subjects have taken up Arms and deposed Government to alter the Species of their Government For this if the Government be converted from Monarchy into any other See Mr. Hobbs Annotation upon the 3. Article of the 10. Chap. De Cive FINIS POSTSCRIPT The Observators charge against his Adversaries grounds and superstructure wherein they all agree SInce there is so little harmony between these Three in their superstructure not only to one another but also to themselves it would make any man suspect if there were nothing else that their grounds were false We will therefore before we state our own principles and superstructure set down theirs and shew wherein they all agree and wherein we differ And 1. Herein do all my three Adversaries and I differ They all say that by Nature all men are in a like equal condition and out of society until by voluntary pacts and acts of their will they shall have formed themselves into society I say that men are by Nature born into society and subordination To warrant this I have not only the consent of the present Age but the constant practice of all Ages in the world from the testimonies of all Prophane and Sacred History and that not only since the Flood but before if God made Adam an universal Monarch as well over his wife and children as over all other creatures and that that there was a constant succession of the Patriarchs in the First-born from Seth to Noah Whereas none of them can give testimony of one man in the world that ever lived out of Society or tell when or who first violated Nature so as to introduce it and from whence it hath ever since continued all over the world against the right of Nature 2. They say All power in Government was originally in the People I say that for above three thousand years after the Creation excepting the Locedemonian Duarchy was no Government but only Monarchy nor was there any of them derived from the People And that wheresoever since the Creation the People did assume to themselves the Supremacy they did it by unjust usurpation Beside Nature I have almost infinite places in Sacred Writ to warrant that all Supreme power is from God immediately They no colour of any one 3. They making men by Nature to be out of society and by acts of their wills to be in society make Nature to be depending and subservient
King comes to be in the exercise of another Kings power he is subject to that King so long as he continues in the exercise or dominion of that King By more reason therefore ought the Subjects of any Prince to be in subjection to Supreme powers so long as they continue in the exercise of their power whether it were by Conquest or not Besides God hath ordained Supreme powers for mens preservation not their destruction And there must be some visible power upon earth which may put a period to and decide differences or they will be endless But there is no power under heaven but their sword that can put a period to the differences of Princes what therfore in such case the sword decides ought to be obeyed and the conquered Subjects nay Princes who come into the dominion or exercise of anothers power ought to be subject to it so long as they continue therein God therefore pronounceth Zedekiah a Rebel against Nebuchadnezzer But this reason cannot 1 Chro. 36. 13. hold for Subjects against their Soveraign where the Law may decide their Regal power cannot be transferred nor communicated by any humane or voluntary act differences and where by no Law of God or Man they are permitted to take the sword 26. Cujus est velle ejus est nolle No power less then that which made any thing can alter it But Regal power is Gods ordinance therefore nothing less then the power of God can alter transfer or communicate it Yet is the exercise of it subject to violence As Gravia sursum levia deorsum feruntur yet may a man by violence throw a stone upward and depress smoke from ascending without altering the nature of either So though Regal power cannot be transferred nor communicated by Man yet is the exercise of it not only subject to violence and usurpation but also being voluntary may be suspended by Supreme powers themselves without any diminution of the power or right of exercise of it When therefore Subjects or Enemies do unjustly invade and possess the Dominion of another this possession does not divest the right or jus ad rem of that other but only suspend the exercise of the others power or right during such usurpation So may a King by a league or peace with others by his act suspend the exercise of his power in any place unjustly usurped from him by others yet without diminution of his power or right to that place But this act cannot oblige his Successor nor himself after such term but they have a just cause of war if it be no● restored Having thus far treated of the efficient or final cause of Regal power it is time to descend to the Attributes of it CHAP. III. Of the Attributes of Regal power and incidently of the Power of Magistrates 1. WHo hath the Supreme power hath the sword of Justice to punish The sword of Justice is his who hath the Supreme power them who transgress Laws and endeavour to cause sedition He is the Minister of God to thee for good but if thou do that which is evil be afraid for he beareth not the sword in vain for he is the Minister of God a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil Rom. 13. 4. And Gods rod in his hand Exod. 17. 9. 2. The end of all Government is either to preserve the governed inwardly The power of making War and Peace belongs to the Supreme power in peace or to defend them from the outward violence and opposition of others In vain therefore should Government be if he who hath the Supreme power may not as well defend Subjects from the violence of others outwardly as to preserve them from factions and feditions within And this power God gave to Moses Joshuah David and all the Kings of Judah nor can any King be a Supreme Prince without it nor the governed in a probable condition of hoping for preservation from it 3. Judgment is the determining of a good or bad action which cannot All Judgment is with him be in any who is subject to another What therefore could be a more subtile temptation of the Devil to our first Parents then to tell them Gen. 3. 5. that by eating the forbidden fruit they should be like to God knowing good and evil Solomon as the most requisite thing prays to God that he would give him an understanding heart that he might be able to judge between good and bad 1 King 3. 9. And The King by judgment establisheth the land Pro. 29. 4. And Give the King thy judgments O God and thy righteousness to the Kings Son that he may judge the people according to right and defend the poor Psal 72. 1 2. 4. The right of making Laws is with him The Scepter shall not depart Jus legislativum penes eum from Judah nor a Lawgiver from between his feet until Shilo come Gen. 49. 10. Submit your selves therefore to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as Supreme 1 Pet. 2. 12. And this is the onely visible means by which Subjects may become safe rich and happy 5. In punishment Equals cannot judge Equals much less can Inferiors That he does all things without punishment judge Superiors But a Supreme Prince cannot have an Equal much less a Superior therefore a Supreme Prince cannot be punished If a Supreme Prince might be punished for any thing he doth then cannot he do any thing but he will be liable to punishment for so doing For what property can he give to one which will not offend some other Nor did the veriest Thief or Murderer ever suffer punishment but some of his Comrades would seek revenge and if they might would punish the Lawgiver Besides who shall judge his Prince If any one then every one may Let no man therefore be hasty to go out of his sight nor stand in an evil thing for he doth whatsoever pleaseth him Where the word of a King is there is power and who shall say unto him what doest thou Eccles 8. 3 4. The Lord forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords Anointed to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the Lords Anointed 1 Sam. 24. 6. It may seem to some that this unlimited power of doing any thing Annot. with impunity will only beget a confidence in Kings of doing what they list without ever taking care of their duty in preserving their Subjects from intestine broils and factions and from the outward force and violence of their Enemies whereas more narrowly looked into no men are so subject to care and have their wills less then they For private men if they do any thing in their passion their fame and fortunes are alike neither much removed from their persons few take notice of it But they who are set in high place all men take notice of their actions In the greatest Fortune therefore is the
Realm in Treason against the King and Queen and the indictment concluded contra ligeantiae suae debitum For he owed the King a Local Obedience but if he have issue here that issue is a Natural born Subject and it is not caelum nec solum neither clymate nor soyle but Ligeantia which makes a natural Subject and therefore if Enemies possess any fort c. the issue borne there is no Subject of the Kings by as much reason those Subjects borne after Conquest by any King of England are his Natural Subjects 6. Legal Ligeance is when at suit of the King the Subject takes the Oath of Ligeance to the King which is You shall sweare that from this day ●igeantia Le●●●●s tit 4. ●●g 6. 7. forward you shall be true and faithful to our Soveraign the Lord King Charles his Heirs and truth and faith shall beare of life and member and Terrene honor and you shall neither know nor heare of any ill or damage intended unto him that you shall not defend so help you Almighty God The substance and effect hereof is due by the Law of Nature ex institutione natura the form and addition of the Oath is ex previsione hominis In this Oath five things are observed 1. For the time it is indefinite and without limit from this day forward Five observable things in the Oath of Ligeance 2. Two excellent things are required that is to be true and faithful 3. To whom To our Soveraign Lord the King and his heirs 4. In what manner And faith and troth shall bear c. of life and member that is until the letting out of the last drop of our dearest blood 5. Where and in what places ought these things to be done In all places whatsoever for You shall neither know nor hear of any ill or damage c. that you shall not defend c. So as Natural Ligeance is not circumscribed within any place 7. Subjection as well as Regality being by the Law of Nature Quae The consequent upon Subjects endeavoring to dissolve their subjection Deus conjunxit nemo separet And let no man or men ever think to mend what God hath made For besides the innocent blood which will be shed besides the rapine plunder sacrilegious profaning of all sacred things in the mending if God in his judgments doth permit seditious men to prosper in their wickedness so as they suppose they have attained their Ends yet their Ends never end in peace among themselves For abstracting from the general fear common to them all of the right Heirs recovering his right it cannot be expected that all Competitors will be pleased some will think others too great none will think themselves great enough They themselves have made a president to evade all subjection and obedience to Laws and Government by pretending Liberty and Reformation So that after so much bloodshed what can be expected but the shedding of more without ever hoping to have an end Well therefore says Sir Edward Coke Inst 3. p. 36. Peruse over all our Books Records and Histories and you shall find a principle in Law a rule in Reason and a trial in Experience That Treason does ever produce fatal and final destruction to the Offender and never attaineth to the desired end two incidents inseparable thereunto And therefore let all men abandon it as the most poisonous bait of the Devil of Hell and follow the precept of holy Scripture Fear God honor the King and meddle not with the seditious But it may be objected That though Subjects Allegiance be natural Object 1 or due by the Law of Nature yet since there cannot be any visible power under Heaven which can judge between an Usurper and rightful Prince what rule have Subjects to direct them to whom they owe their subjection or obedience Sol. It is true there is no visible Power under Heaven which can judge between an Usurper and rightful Prince but the Consciences of men Yet being natural a man may as well ask how a man shall know whether every Being be of less excellency then the Cause of its being or that things equal to a third are equal to one another I am confident that where the confusion was not made by Popular rage and usurpation since the begining of the world God did scarce ever leave men so destitute but they were morally certain to whom they did owe their Topical and Natural obedience But if Regal power be the Ordinance of God and Primogeniture be Object 2 preferred by the Law of Nature then can there be but one rightful King in all the world and he the first-born from Adam which no man can believe Answ I answer That though Primogeniture be preferred by the Law of Nature and immutable by the will of Man yet is not God subject thereunto but before the Flood he rejected Cain though the first-born of Adam and made him a Vagabond and none of the Patriarchs So in the first age after the Flood God subjected Canaan although the son of Ham Japhets elder brother to Japhet And so did God prefer Jacob before Esau and Gen. 9. 27. Ephraim before Manasses and Solomon before Adonijah Yet where and when God did not reveal himself to Man otherwise was ever Primogeniture preferred Nor can it in reason be expected that God should be so cruel a Taskmaster to require subjection upon penalty of Damnation if it were not evident to whom this subjection were due It is sufficient that Subjects pay their obedience to him against whose title no just or superior title can be taken Yet is not this subjection always to be understood of active subjection For no man is bound Government being intended for mans preservation not destruction actually so to submit to rightful Governors that he be morally certain of destruction therefore Yet ought every man rather to suffer death then actually to renounce or resist rightful Governors to whom by the Law of Nature they owe obedience Quaere 8. But suppose there be such a succession from an Usurper that not only the Heir to the Usurper but all men in his Government were born Subjects to him and his Ancestors from whom he is descended as in the time of Henry 6. when all men were born either in subjection to him his Father or Grandfather who had no colour or title to the Crown whether in such case may Subjects so born assist such a Prince against the right Heir I say I pray God avert the like from ever being again in the English Nation 'T is true the right Heir hath a just title of war against such a Prince but whether Subjects so born their being so born being no act of their will but was caused by a higher cause viz. the will of God may actually assist him to whom they were so born in subjection against him who hath the superior title I leave to God and mens consciences 9. But this Quaere can only
have reference to Subjects who are born Diversity in Hereditary Monarchies for in Aristocracies and Democracies there neither is or ever was any original right or power in them but their Conventions do necessarily depend upon an antecedent act of them or the major part of them to meet at a certain time and place Where therefore such Assemblies are dissolved sine die they are totally dissolved however this dissolution happens nor does any man owe them obedience any longer but his or their title who next possesseth is good enough against them and all others who cannot make a superior or more just claim Nor can this have any reference to men born in Elective Monarchies for the Election depending upon the wills of men viz. the Electors who originally had no right of Election any Possession brought in against such Election by the will of man is title equivalent to it nor do Subjects in conscience owe obedience but to him who is possest or can make a superior claim by a true descent from him against whom no just title can be taken 10. Bodin in his Republique makes a Quaere Whether it were better Wherein consists the liberty of the Subject for Subjects ro be governed by few Laws with a reservation in the breast of the Judge or some special Court to redress extraordinary abuses which cannot be comprehended in the Laws or so to multiply Laws that no man should be punished where he could evade the Laws And determines for the former and the reason he gives is That Laws be they never so many are finite but mens actions are infinite and therefore though never so many Laws be made yet may men find evasions out of them to abuse and wrong other men whereby this multiplicity of Laws will rather ensnare other men than avoid the end for which they were intended It is a folly much incident to Englishmen that they place not only Freedom in serving many Masters but Liberty in many Laws Let any man take a survey of the Statute-Laws and Ordinances made since Henry the Eighth his dissolution of Monasteries to this year 1660. and see if they be not four times more than all the Acts made before only to the liberty of the Lawyers Fees for the ensnaring of the Subjects it being no doubt the greatest liberty of the Subject to be governed by few Laws and these the same in all places if it were possible 11. The power of Parents being from the law of nature Childrens Of subjection of children to parents subjection to them is due from the law of nature Solon having written the Athenian laws being asked why he did decree no punishment upon him who should kill his Parent answered There was no man so detestable as to think to do such an act He therefore did wisely not to make any law against that which was never heard of lest by doing so he should not so much forbid as admonish Children to it And what a curse did Canaan contract upon himself for but discovering his Fathers nakedness Gen. 9. 25. And no question Gods blessings and cursings are never more efficaciously pronounced than out of the mouths of Parents And To honor thy father and mother is the first Precept to which there is a promise of reward annexed viz. That thy days may be long in the land c. 12. Although the power of Masters over their Servants be created by Of servants to their masters positive humane laws and therefore subjection of Servants to their Masters is caused by humane laws Yet does not this exclude the obedience and subjection which is due from Servants to their Masters by the law of nature and Divine positive laws but Divine laws do include the subjection due from Servants to their Masters in thesi or general and the laws of every Country ex hypothesi or particular As Thou shalt not steal is from the law of Nature but that the doing of such a thing is Theft depends upon the particular laws or usages of every Nation And no question but Servants generally when the Apostles wrote were no other than Slaves over whom their Masters had not only absolute dominion of whatsoever was theirs but also power of life and death and that by no consent or submission of theirs And if such Servants ought to count their Masters worthy of all honor how 1 Tim. 6. 1. much more ought Servants to thank God and willingly to serve and honor such Masters who not only command over them not against their consents but also command such things as they may easily perform 13. Although this subjection be last in expression yet it is first in Of subjection to Ecclesiastical powers intention For if this subjection or obedience had not been due before any obedience to Temporal commands how could the Primitive Christians have met in dens and caves in daily Prayers and Breaking of bread whenas Temporal powers did not only not permit but forbid it Nor did God ever shew such terrible vengeance upon any disobedience and presumption as he did upon Corah Dathan and Abiram Num. 16. and their Competitors although their pretences were very fair forsooth That all the multitude were holy every one among them and the Lord was among them and Moses and Aaron did lift up themselves against the congregation of the Lord They though none of the tribe of Levi nor separated persons could offer sacrifice and burn incense to the Lord as well as Aaron or any Priest And no doubt but spiritual crimes are in their kind much worse and displeasing to God than carnal whatsoever offenders do pretend And let us see what manner of men these pretended Reformers are which teach otherwise and consent not to the wholsom words even to the words of our Lord Jesus Christ and to the doctrine which is according to godliness They are proud knowing nothing but doting about questions and strife of words 1 Tim. 6. 3 4 5. from whence cometh envy strife railings evil surmisings perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds and destitute of the truth supposing that gain is godliness from such withdraw thy self O my soul enter not into their secrets 14. In all Humane Society or Society which is created by the law of Diversity Nature viz. of Supreme Powers and Subjects of Husband and Wife of Parents and Children the relations are indissolvible only by God in those individual persons in whom the offices are nor can they be aliened transferred either by any act of themselves or any power else All Society created by Humane laws or Legal Society is alienable not only by the act of God and by the Laws which created it for Unumquodque dissolvi potest eo ligamine quo ligatum est But also by the act of the Master and Servant for Omnis consensus tollit errorem Christian Society does differ from either Humane or Legal for though the cause of Christian power be by Divine positive
uniting to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm the ancient Jurisdiction Authorities Superiorities and Preheminencies to the same of right belonging and appertaining By reason whereof her most humble Subjects from the time of the 25 H. 8. were continually kept in good order and were disburdened of divers great and intollerable charges and vexations before that time unlawfully taken and exacted by such foreign Power and Authority as before that was usurped * And to the The Statute of 1 2 Ph. Ma. cap. 8. which restored to the Pope all which this Stat. takes away declares that nothing was done prejudiciall to the Crown in so doing intent that all usurped power Spirituall and Temporall might for ever be extinguished and never be used or obeyed in this Realm or any other her Majesties Dominions It was therefore by the Authority of that Parliament enacted That no forrein Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate Spirituall or Temporall should at any time after the last day of that Session of Parliament use enjoy or exercise any manner of Power Jurisdiction Authority Preheminence or Priviledge Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall within this Realm or within any other the Queens Dominions or Countries that then were or hereafter should be but from henceforth the same should be clearly abolished out of this Realm and all other her Dominions for ever And it was then also established and enacted That such Jurisdiction Priviledges Superiorities and Preheminences Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall as by any Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall Power or Authority had heretofore been or might lawfully be exercised or used for the visitation of Ecclesiasticall state and persons and for reformation order and correction of the same and of all manner of errors heresies schismes abuses offences contempts and enormities should for ever by authority of that Parliament be united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm And that the Queen her Heirs and Successors Kings or Queens of this Realm should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England to assigne name and authorize when and as often as the Queen her Heirs and Successors shall think meet and convenient and for such and so long time as should please the Queen her heirs and successors such person or persons being naturall born Subjects to the Queen her heirs or successors as the said Queen her heirs or successors should think meet to exercise use occupy and execute under the said Queen her heirs and successors all manner of Jurisdictions Priviledges and Preheminences in any wise touching or concerning any Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction within these Realms of England or Ireland or any other her Dominions and Countries and to visite reform redress order correct and amend all such errors heresies schismes abuses contempts and enormities whatsoever which by any manner spirituall or ecclesiasticall Power Authority or Jurisdiction could or might lawfully be reformed ordered redressed corrected restrained or amended to the pleasure of Almighty God the encrease of virtue and conservation of the peace and unity of this Realm And that such person or persons so to be named assigned authorized and appointed by the said Queen her heirs and successors after the said Letters Patents to him or them made and delivered as is aforesaid should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act and of the Letters Patents under the said Queen her heirs and successors to exercise use and execute all the premisses according to the tenor and effect of the said Letters Patents any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding This Statute doth create the oath of Supremacy to be taken by all men who hold any Office or take from the Queen her heirs and successors any Fees or Wages within this Realm or other her Highnes Realms or Domiminions the form and tenor of it is I A. B. doe utterly testifie and declare in my conscience that the Queens Highness is the only supreme Governor of this Realm and all other her Highness Dominions and Countries as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes as Temporall and that no forrein Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within this Realm and therefore I doe utterly renounce and forsake all forrein Jurisdiction Powers Superiorities and Authorities and do promise that from henceforth I shall bear faith and true allegiance to the Queens Majesty her Heirs and lawfull Successors and to my power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the Queens Highness her Heirs and Successors or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm So help me God and the contents of this Book If any person dwelling or inhabiting within this Realm or any other of the Queens should within 30. dayes after the determination of the Session of that Parliament by Writing Printing Teaching c. maintain any forrein Power or Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall or shall advisedly put in use any such forrein Power or Jurisdiction within any of her Highness Dominions he and his Aiders Abettors Counsellors c. shall forfeit to the Queen her Heirs and Successors all his goods and chattels as well reall as personall If any person so convict be not worth in Goods and Chattels the summe of 20 s. every such person upon conviction over and besides the forfeiture of his Goods and Chattels shall suffer imprisonment by the space of a whole year without Bail or Mainprise And that all and every the Benefices Prebends and other Ecclesiasticall promotions and dignities of every person spirituall so offending and being attaint shall be utterly void and the Patron and Donor may present as if the Incumbent were actually dead For the second offence the party offending shall incur the danger of a Premunire For the third offence after conviction and Attainder the party offending shall suffer death and forfeiture of all his Goods as in case of High Treason The offender must bee impeached for preaching teaching or speaking any thing against the Premisses within a yeere after such preaching teaching or speaking and if any person shall be imprisoned for preaching teaching or speaking against this Statute and if be not indicted within the space of one half yeer next after his offence that he be discharged and set at liberty No matter of Religion or cause Ecclesiasticall made by this Parliament shall be judged Error Heresie Schism or schismaticall opinion Such Persons as shall bee authorized by Letters Patents under the Broad-seale of England shall have jurisdiction power or authority spirituall to visite reform order or correct any errors heresies schisms abuses or enormities But by virtue of this Act they have not authority to determine or adjudge any thing to bee heresy but only such as heretofore have beene determined by Canonicall-Scripture or the 4 first generall Councells or any
from voluntary and contingent causes of man so contactus naturalis in bodies apted and disposed doth necessarily generate yet is there no necessity that this contactus should bee but it might not have beene c. Universall causes in nature produce nothing of themselves but as meeting with particular and materiall causes disposed to production the universall causes are alwaies prime and necessary but their meeting with particular causes are not alwaies so but often times contingent and voluntary As God by the confluence of naturall causes is alwaies the first cause of all creatures by Generation so is he the first cause of the preservation of all Creatures yet doth not he preserve them by any absolute necessity of his part alone but by such meanes as he hath ordained for every Creature I say this meanes doth not alwaies come to passe from inevitable necessity of the part of God but often times from the will of men and contingent causes for example no man lives but as he daily repaires nature by eating and drinking yet there is no necessity that he should eat or drink but he may choose whether he will or not Nor is God less the prime preserver of intellectuall and rationall creatures yet doth he not preserve them as other creatures void of understanding but thus using the intellectuall and rationall faculty of their Soul yet there is no man but may chuse whether he will use his understanding and reason in his actions and that man who doth not use his understanding in his actions but only his affections and passions how great soever he be will live to see misery enough And though Religion and Justice cannot of themselves preserve men in Peace and Happinesse but some superior cause which must order and dispose them thereunto yet so necessary are they for the preservation of peace and happiness that whersoever they are neglected men did ever degenerate into straction confusion and prophanenesse this superior cause which dignifies men above all other creatures as well intellectuall as sociable is God who is the prime efficient and necessary cause of peace and happinesse among sociable Creatures and Religion and Justice are the necessary meanes which he hath ordained therefore But though Religion and Justice be necessary for the peace and happinesse of any Nation yet is it not alwaies necessary on Gods part men should be Religious and Just but men may chuse whether they will do religious and just acts or not God therefore is the first and necessary cause of peace and happinesse among men and Religion and Justice the necessary meanes which he hath ordained thereunto and this to be performed by man and let no man thinke that God will save any man in this world or blesse him in the world to come against his Will when men will not endeavor these things by such meanes as hee hath ordained Man therefore by Religion and Justice ought to endeavour through God's blessing to attaine to Peace and Happinesse as well in this World as in the next without which hee cannot reasonably hope for eyther Having thus far treated of the causes of all society and vindicated the Government and Lawes of my native Country and mother-Church of England It will not be amisse before I conclude to add a word or two in vindication of Sir Edward Coke my most honored Ancestor since by words and writing he is so traduced as indeed Quis ille a tergo quem nulla aconia pinsit by men so maliciously or ignorantly or both Among the rest one a late writer of a Pamphlet I will not call it because of the subject being the life of our late Soveraigne yet it is without name although I thinke few men but are sufficiently assured of the Author upon a seditious and reproachfull speech he sayes tending to the dishonour of his Majesties Government made by Mr. Coke after the wonted rate of his lavish pen without any more adoe makes him a Chip of the old Block But of all men I am content he next after one of our Mercuries should say it since if he be not traduced unjustly hee can asperse the Nobility upon the faith of a Mercury and so many others upon none at all and his Quotations upon his Geography So fals that upon search made by a Reader and scarce any to be found to be true upon the reprinting he blotted out the pages and only quoted the Authors and left the Reader to finde them where he could If these be true then certainly his ipse dixit is of small account if false then let him deny them But I can tell our Historian newes of his Soldier whom he page 156. made openly to be shot to death in Saint Pauls Church yard for as is confidently reported and beleeved he was apprehended about Whitehall June 17. and is at this time in faire election of being hanged And being no lesse a more famous Geographer then Historian though his second Edition suffers much for want of his expunged pages to finde out his quotations hee page 123. makes the Town and Castle of Conway a place of principall command on that narrow channell which runs between the County of Carnarvan and the Isle of Anglesey whereas the Town and Castle of Conway stand upon the River Conway which parts Denbighshire from Carnarvanshire a little below the mouth of the River Gessen nay let any man see whether the River Conway falls not into the Irish or Virgivium Sea but whether it fals into the Irish or Virgivium Sea or not yet certainly it cannot fall into the narrow Channell which parts Carnarvanshire from Anglesey which begins at Abermenay ferry and ends at Porthathir ferry whereas the mouth of Conway is little lesse distant from Porthathir ferry then that is from Abermenay Porthathir ferry being upon the matter equidistant from either What heed then is to be taken to the ipse dixit of such a Geographer and Historian let any man Judge Sure he had more need mend his own Errors then be so rash and lavish a Censurer of other mens Although I take not this mans tongue to be any slander so not worth an answering or at most a bare denyall of what he sayes were sufficient which I doe since it is but gratis dictum yet since other men have assumed to themselves such licence of aspersing him it will not ill become mee to shew how unjustly he is aspersed in those things whereof they traduce him as first this man makes him a seditious man certainly it is very strange that in the living of 83 yeeres the many of his writings and his many imployments doth not produce so much as any suspicion thereof that I ever heard of One thing yet pleases me that in all these seditious commotions Judge Jenkins and almost all the assertors of the Kings Cause have next after Divine Laws maintained it principally out of his writings nor doe I remember that any of the adverse part I am sure
Nor was that less abhorrent to me which men in this factious age beg for a Principle viz. That all men by Nature or the Law of Nature are in a like equal condition and that the Laws of Nature are eternal and immutable even by God himself And yet by a continued violence upon these eternal and immutable Laws men should every where in the world live in Society or in the mutual offices of commanding and obeying Yet did not I so confidently resolve these things as to exclude what I could argue against them I therefore did suppose in my self a company of such men as were in a parity of condition yet could I never conceive it possible that ever any Civitas or Supreme power could be derived or created by them For either this Civitas must be superior to the Cives or People that made it or not If it were not superior to it then could it not govern or rule them for dominion is always placed in the superior part If superior to it then was the Creature or Instrument superior to the Cause and Creator which is most absurd Nor was it to me less monstrous to imagine that any thing could give or transfer that to another which it self hath not but this people or multitude who should make this civitas had neither Jus vitae or necis nor Property seperately nor conjunctly they could not therefore endue another with that power which none of them nor all of them together had and without which there can be no supream power which may protect and defend Subjects But I did not insist onely upon this but supposed that the cives could make a civitas which should be superior to them and endew it with a power which none of them nor all of them had yet was I no less perplexed then before who these cives which should make this civil Pact should be and who should be subject to it If onely those be the cives who made this civitas and they onely subject to it then were Women and Children who were none of the cives that made this civitas free and independent from it Nor could all the people or multitude of both Sexes and all Ages in such an imaginary state be the cives which must constitute this civitas by virtue of the civil Pact For many must necessarily be so yong as not being compotes mentium they could have understanding sufficient for the doing such an act And if no Laws oblige Men to their Pacts and Contracts done under such an age then sure it must be unreasonable that Children and Infants should be obliged to their act if they then did it or therefore obliged because others had done it upon whom they had no dependence Well but suppose these men in such a condition to be qualified to do such an act yet did another doubt arise which I could no ways salve viz. Who should define at what age the Men should be who should constitute this civitas Well I went yet further I supposed it granted That it should be agreed at what age Men in such a condition might give up their wills and constitute a civitas yet was it not in reason probable that this civitas should be of one days continuance For being formally constituted of such individual cives it could not be of any longer continuance then the cause Sublata causa tollitur effectus but the next day some of the cives would be probably dead and others grown up to be of age who were none of those individuals which did constitute the civitas Well but I supposed the cives who made Formae rerum sicut numeri consistunt in indivisibili They could not therefore be the cives that did constitute the civitas and by consequence no such could remain as the civitas this civitas to be immortal and no posterity yet could not I in reason expect it to be of any continuance for cujus est velle ejus est nolle and not onely all just and legal actions but all Arts and Sciences may truly and ultimately be resolved into their first Principles without any diminution to them The People therefore constant in nothing but inconstancy could not in reason be expected constant and obedient to their Creature the civitas onely and yet so in nothing else Besides I always did believe and yet do that all Mens Pacts and Wills must be conformable to the Laws of every place and where they are against them then do they oblige no further then to Repentance Much more therefore ought all mens Wills and Pacts to conform and submit to the Laws of Nature and never transgress that and that all Pacts and Acts of mens Wills made against it oblige to nothing but Repentance Nor is there any thing more abominable then to conceive that the Acts of mens Wills should irritate the Law of Nature which they say is immutable by God Hence it is I conceive that Mr. Hobbs will not have all men to be of a like and equal condition lege naturae but jure naturae and therefore most absurdly makes jus naturae to be contrary to lex naturae and yet oftentimes in his Preface and Cap. 8. Art 10. confounds jus with lex and that the Acts of mens Wills to make them in a better estate then God hath made them should be the Law of Nature or of God Whereas on the contrary If no man that ever was born in the World which was not a Posthumus King but was born in subjection not onely to his Parents or as a Servant in a Family but to something superior to these then cannot the will of that man nor all the men in the World alter or make that man in another condition then that whereof neither any act of his will nor the will of any man else was the cause But yet did not I conclude things onely as I was an intellectual or rational Creature but being a Christian I submitted all my Reason and Understanding to the most high Authority of sacred Scripture in those plain places which admit of no Controversie where both in the Old and New Testament the first causes of supream Power are owned to be Gods Ordinance Rom. 13. By God Kings raign and Princes decree Prov. 8. Justice and there can be no power but from above Joh. 19. 11. And all power is in relation to something subject to it But because I would not seem to see only with mine own eyes I desired yet to be better informed of these things and from whom better then Mr. Hobbs and Hugo Grotius Men no doubt of as eminent learning and parts as any this last Age hath produced these Men both derive their civitas from such Principles as is before spoken of viz. From the Pacts and contracts of Men in a parity and equal condition but so far was I from being convinced that if I understand them aright I was amazed to see such inconsistible
and impossible things to come from Men otherwise so learned For though Mr. Hobbs does lay down his Principles and persue his method much more clearly then Grotius does yet his Principles are so monstrous That to me it is impossible any ingenuous Man should assent to them Indeed if Mr. Hobbs would have supposed that the state of Man had been either in Society or out of Society and that out of Society Men had been in such a state as he makes them in his state of pure Nature I should never have stumbled at it But he forsooth requires it for a Yet thus much I will tell Mr. Hobbs he may as wel suppose a Brute an intellectual or rational Creature or a man no intellectual or rational Creature as no sociable or out of Society Principle That all Men jure naturali are in a parity and equal condition and may kill one another without any offence or sin and that Men continue in this estate until by their civil Pact they oblige themselves to one another that the will of the civitas shall be the will of them all Notwithstanding this I must needs say of Mr. Hobbs That if Men have so little understanding as to make Jus naturale to be contrary to Lex naturalis and so little grace as to believe that the civitas hath all its power from the Pacts and wills of Men and yet impossible to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature which he says is the Law of God and tyranny to be onely ab exercitio when as it is impossible for Kings to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature and all Faith and Ghostly Power which our Saviour left in his Church to be instrumental and subservient to it and never look how little he understands a Pact or from whence Men become obliged to it the cives of this Vtopia may do well enough If I edified but little by Mr. Hobbs yet I received much less satisfaction from Grotius for Mr. Hobbs defines his terms so clearly as to me he was easily understood whereas all Grotius his Principles are so perplexed and equivocal that it is not possible for any Man to understand any thing clearly from him As the first thing in his Preface he confounds is Societas Communitas whereas Societas is as different from Communitas as black is from white Societas according to the definition of Aristotle being Pol. lib. 1. cap 5. Vnum quid it a constans ex diversis personis ut sit unum quod imperet alterum quod pareat Society is one thing so made up of divers persons that one may command another obey Whereas community is where any company of Creatures are without the offices of commanding and obeying Well but having got out of his Preface after some Propositions of his Method c. he in the Tenth Paragraph of the First Chapter of the First Book De jure Belli Pacis defines Jus Naturale in a tedious general thing to be dictatum rectae rationis c. and this to be the Law of God and about the middle to be immutable by God himself and towards the latter end to continue but for a certain space and towards the beginning he makes the Dominion which is now in use to be brought in by the will of Man and this to be Jus Naturale too Now let any ingenuous Man judge what can be clearly deduced from Jus Naturale which is the Law of God and immutable by God and yet to continue but for a certain time until a Dominion brought in by the will of Man should abrogate what was immutable by God and this Dominion thus brought in against this Jus Naturale to be Jus Naturale too If I have slandered Grotius let any Man see the Paragraph aforesaid It was to me an admirable thing to consider that men so learned should one of them define the Law of Nature to be Dictamen rectae rationis the other Dictatum rectae rationis Well I will therefore see what Ratiocinatio is and what Dictamen or Dictatum rectae rationis which is the same thing and whether this can to any ingenuous man be any probable definition of the Law of Nature Aristotle Eth. Lib. 6. Cap. 3. makes Ratiocination and by consequence every dictate of Reason to be from Universals and that there are some Principles which do constitute the Ratiocination of which there can be no Ratiocination These Principles for which no Reason can be given and yet the reason of all those things which can be deduced from them are called Axiomata Dignitates or Communes Notiones and from these men by Ratiocination or Right Reason do infer Arts and Sciences a Scientia est actio ars effectio Eth. l. 6. c. 4. Both begotten by right Reason Ars est habitus ad faciendum idoneus cum verâ ratione conjunctus Nay all Ratiocination or Right reasoning whatsoever may be resolved into somewhat which is superior to this Ratiocination for which no reason can be given * These things thus premised I say it is impossible the Law of Nature should be the dictate of Right Reason and thus I prove it Every Principle which does constitute Ratiocination and for which no Reason can be given is no dictate of Right Reason But the Law of Nature is a Principle which does constitute Ratiocination and for which no reason can be given Therefore the Law of Nature is no dictate of Right Reason If Mr. Hobbs denies the Minor Proposition set him shew into what it can be further resolved or what can prove it For though God be the prime and efficient cause of all things but what proceeds from the will of man and into which all things may be ultimately resolved yet by Principles Aristotle and all Philosophers understand those things which immediately proceed from God and the Law of Nature could not be the Law of God if it did not immediately proceed from him but the Law of that thing from which it did immediately proceed the Law of Nature therefore is a Principle Well but let us suppose the Law of Nature to be the dictate of Right Reason and see the consequence Every dictate of Right Reason is of less Dignity Authority and Excellency then the Right Reason viz. The Effect then the Cause But ex hypothesi the Law of Nature viz. the Law of God the Creator is the dictate of Right Reason Therefore is the Law of the Creator of less Dignity authority and excellency then the faculty and attribute of the creature viz. Right reason then which what can be more monstrous and blasphemous Nor is this definition less ridiculous then impossible and blasphemous For the dictates of Right reason are understood by one man and not by another and may be learned and taught Suppose now one of these Masters of Reason should come to the most plain and ignorant man in the world who is
have Election in their Actions Passions to inform their Will viz. appetitus timor and that they take information from both these is evident to any man for there is no Creature that pursues any Appetition but apprehending danger forbears it It is observed of the Fox that whensoever hunted to ground he never comes out but at the mouth of the Burrow he lies and vents a while and afterwards for some space runs directly into the wind and if he vents any thing which causes fear returns to ground again Having been much addicted to hunt the Fox I have observed that many times when the Fox hath been hunted to ground and watched to be taken he hath not come out further then the mouth of the Burrow if he vented the watcher who therefore lies down the wind and hath continued sometime five or six nights in the ground until he hath been almost starved whereas at no time if he were not watched but he came out that night And after they were taken they would not of a long time eat in sight of any man how hungry soever until they became so habituated to men that they apprehended no danger from them So Deer do naturally desire to eat Apples but if approaching they vent them to have been handled by man they forsake them and flee away affrighted And so all other Creatures upon apprehension of danger cease to pursue their appetite Thus we see in Creatures irrational among themselves when they rage most in their lust and appetite yet give way to them by whom they are overcome And from hence it is I conceive that irrational Creatures are not onely reclaimed from their natural fierceness but are taught to do those things which they have no appetite or natural inclination to by cunningly insinuating danger to them upon their not doing them and that this must be done by insinuation and cunning and not by outward force onely is evident for the most furious and robust man is not the best horse-breaker and pacer 29. Aristotle Eth. Lib. 3. Cap. 7. makes Virtue and Vice to be sited in the power of Man and therefore that Legislators may justly punish Vices Man is a free Lord of all his Actions and reward Virtues and that all exhortation to Virtue and dehortation from Vice were vain and ridiculous if it were not in the power of Man Yet truly I am rather of Plato's opinion who makes Virtue to be from Meno a higher cause then is in Man For though I do assent to Aristotle that all punishment for disobeying or transgressing Laws and Exhortation there unto were vain and ridiculous if it were not in our power to do them yet is it not the doing or not doing of things commanded or forbidden by them who have a right to command or forbid them a Virtue but the doing or not doing them in such a formality as they are so commanded or forbidden which makes them virtues which must needs proceed from a higher cause then is in man or can be taught him As if a Prince commands another to do something which he ought to do he does it but takes a reward or bribe from another to do it I say this is not virtue in the Agent because he did it not as commanded but bribed Whereas another does his duty without reward and it may be to his much temporal detriment this is virtue and must needs be from some higher cause then is to be found ordinarily in men 30. All Creatures have Souls but not Mindes Other living Creatures What is the Minde and whether to be found in Creatures irrational as well as Men have vegetative Souls The Minde is sometime taken for the Will rightly informed from the Understanding and Reason Plato Meno Sometime for the Understanding Arist Eth. lib. 6. c. 6. Sometime for Reason or Counsel as we say oft times My minde gives me that such a thing is or is not And Virgil. Aenead Nostram nunc accipe mentem In each sense this is proper onely to intellectual and rational Creatures Aristotle Pol. lib. 1. cap. 5. makes the animus or vegetative Soul to have dominion over the body of a Man or other Creature as a Master of a Family over his Servants who is notwithstanding commanded and in the power of the King or Civitas but the Minde or the Will informed from the Understanding and Reason to have the dominion not onely over the body but also over the sensual or vegetative Soul as a King or Civitas hath over the Masters of Families 31. Man therefore being endowed not onely with a vegetative Soul Mans Actions are more free then other Creatures void of reason which is common to all Creatures as well as Man but with a minde superior to it his actions are so much more free then other Creatures by how much more liberty he hath to make election but other Creatures actions can take information onely from their appetites and fears whereas a Man in all his actions may consult and take information from his Understanding and Reason 32. Sin is an omission or transgression of some Law but unreasonable Onely Mans Actions are sinful Creatures not having any other Law then their appetite and fear and their actions being always conformable to them they never sin But man does not always conform his actions to what he understands to be just and forbears those things which he understands and his Reason tells him he ought not to do Therefore onely Mans actions are sinful 33. It is true that Aristotle says That the minde of Man hath the dominion What are Actions and not voluntary of all his actions and passions as a King or Civitas hath over his subjects Yet many times the King cannot restrain the disorders of his Subjects nor the minde always the passions of a man And there is a Knowledge in irrational Creatures as the Ox knows his owner and the Ass his Masters Crib and the whole body of them is but the organ or instrument of their vegetative Soul And there is mad Dogs and Horses as well as men where therefore madness so far seizes upon Men or other Creatures as they know not what they do such actions are not voluntary Nor is this onely in men frantick and not compotes mentium but oftentimes in men well disposed as excess of grief or joy many times transports them into sudden and violent motions or actions which is not in their power to restrain But these actions being ignorantly done by the definition are not voluntarily done and by consequence not sinful 34. Memory is that faculty of the soul in living creatures which retains What is the Memory If Aristotle had said there is nothing in the memory which was not before in the senses I should have assented to it I do much wonder Aristotle and the Doctor should affirm that experience is subsequent to memory and is from multiplied memory whereas it is impossible but
creature until they become united into some place apted and disposed for production where from the benign influence of the Sun or celestial bodies as from a more universal and efficient cause they evade into living creatures Nor does this hold less true in the production or generation of all rational Science for the Reason by it self without matter cannot form dispose or define any thing Nor does the outward sense or memory apprehend things otherwise then as seen c. or remembred not as formed disposed or defined so as to be the subject of a Proposition Since therefore the Reason cannot prepare apt or define unless the Memory or outward senses supply matter nor the Memory without the Reason dispose prepare or define any thing so as to be the subject of a Proposition it does necessarily follow that the Reason united or conjoined with the Memory does prepare the subject of every Scientifical Proposition But in every Scientifical Proposition there must be a Predicate which comprehending the Subject must be understood The Understanding therefore is the prime and efficient cause of all rational Science and the Reason is the formal cause which does dispose and prepare the matter in the Senses or Memory to be comprehended judged or discerned by the Understanding And by consequence the Reason and Memory or Senses are but the Instruments by which the Understanding does generate and produce Science 63. Only Man can rightly infer and deduce particular Conclusions Why only Man is a reasonable creature from universal Causes and can direct his actions conformable to things in his understanding and not to his appetite and senses which is common to all living creatures as well as man only Man therefore is a rational creature 64. All men naturally desire to know And though by Aristotles judgment By what means men attain to Science all Science is begotten from preexistent Knowledge which from things granted does demonstrate the Conclusions yet must there be some manner and method which men must use by which others as well as themselves may understand this or that thing to be a Science or scientifical Conclusion Men therfore must propose that method which Euclid observes or all their science will be equivocal and obscure viz. First to define all those things of which his science is compounded in such terms that every singular or individual may be so comprehended that it may be wholly with all the parts of it contained in the definition excluding every thing else For if a man define a thing so that there be any so much as equivocation in it as that it does not signifie this only thus desined but may something else then of necessity must all the Science that bears a part of this definition be equivocal and uncertain And as the definition must not be equivocal to signifie more then the thing defined another thing as well as this so neither must it signifie less viz. any part of the thing defined for the thing for then all in which this thing is a part will be infinitely deficient and imperfect Secondly After the definitions I require such things as no ingenuous man will deny As that I may adde divide multiply convert c. these things thus defined Thirdly I set down those Axioms Principles Effata Pronuntiata Common Notions or Indemonstrable Propositions which are the first causes of the Science and do demonstrate all the Conclusions of it but in themselves are indemonstrable and for which no reason can be given but only the good will and pleasure of him that made them so And these Principles must be granted before any man can by his Reason produce any Conclusion And if a man denies these Principles all Argumentation is at an end for Contra negantem principia non est disputandum And no mans Reason can work upon nothing nor prove nor find out any thing before something be first granted by which a man may prove it or find it out 65. I have known and know many men who have vast memories Why some men are more phantastical then others and very strong phantasies who notwithstanding have been as unreasonable as any and would never admit of any discourse of any thing they fancied to themselves but upon a very slender opposition would fall into passion And the reason is because they phancie things only because they please them and do not understand them as true And if any man shews such a man some Consequence which will not follow from what he phancies or that it is inconsistible with some known universal Truth then does he seek to supply with passion what he wants in reason because he is crossed in what he desires should be true Whereas men who understand or desire to understand their Thesis or Notion not only take pleasure that nothing can be inferred from it which is false and that it is not inconsistible with any thing true whatsoever but will be so far from falling into passion with any man that opposes it that they would thank any man and take him for their friend that can shew them wherein what they suppose to be universally true is not or that it is inconsistible with something which they suppose to be universally true The Spirit of God says He is a fool that rages and is confident These light phantastical men who will phancie things for truth not because they are so but because they would have them so do not only rage when they are convinced that those things they phancie for truth are made to appear either but verisimilitudes or falshoods but will take them for illwillers who convince them and continue as confident in their foolish apprehensions as before 66. As the levity of the Phantasie which is always in agitation apprehending Why some men are more dull then others things without Reason is the cause why men too suddenly apprehend Verisimilitudes for Truth so the want of Phantasie is the cause why many men of vast memories very slowly apprehend the cause of any thing Where the Phantasie is too light there men apprehend or believe every thing for Truth they affect or desire and are soon perswaded to any thing they are not wilfully prejudiced to Where it is crass and dull and moves slowly or as we say where men are endued pingui Minerva there men are hardly moved to understand any thing 67. Sensible Knowledge is the retaining the Idea of things in the What is Sensible Knowledge memory which before were in the outward senses And there being neither Reason nor Understanding to the attaining of this Knowledge it is common to other Creatures as well as Man The Ox knows his owner and the Ass his masters crib says our Saviour 68. But all Causes from whence men do infer and discourse are not Of Argumentation à Posteriori so perspicuous as are the Axiomes in Geometry or the Laws of God and a mans Country But some Causes are known to Nature and
Conclusions such as those in Philosophy and Physick As I would know the reason why Summer is hotter then Winter for so I find it to be why thus I reason It cannot be from the propinquity of the Sun to the Earth in Summer more then in Winter for the Earth is but a Point in proportion to the Universe besides the Sun is nearer to the Earth in Winter then in Summer for the Orbis magnus is not Spherical or Circular but Eccentrical and Elliptical which is plain because the revolution of the Earth or the Suns motion is finished in less time from the Autumnal Equinox to the Vernal then from the Vernal to the Autumnal and therefore nearer to the Earth in Winter then in Summer It is not then from the Suns nearness to the Earth which makes the Summer hotter then the Winter I find that the higher the Sun rises in our Horizon that is the nearer it comes to our Zenith when at the Meridian the hotter it is I therefore probably conclude that the heat in Summer is caused from the reflexion of the Sun and the nearer the radii are reflected to right angles the hotter it is and the more obliquely they are reflected the colder it is Or as when a Physitian from the symptoms of his indisposed Patient endeavors to find out the causes of his distemper c. this is reasoning à posteriori from the effect to find out the cause And men may reason from uncertain and false Principles as well as true but then always the Conclusions are so And therefore all Clavius his Demonstrations in his Practical Geometry and at the end of the sixth Book of Euclid of the Quadrature of a Circle though the Demonstrations be truly deduced are uncertain because it does not certainly appear That from the imaginary motion of the two right lines he there speaks of the Quadratrix line does cut the Base so that the side of the Quadratrix is a mean proportional between the Base and the Arch of the Quadrant And the Inferences and Conclusions which have caused so much confusion and distraction in these times are drawn from feigned and false Principles But in all true Propositions whatsoever no reason can be given for the first grounds and principles of them but only the will of the great Creator of all things who therefore so made them because it so seemed good unto him Of all the creatures upon earth Man only is reasonable for Man only contemplates God and looks up to heaven as thence expecting his beatitude Ovid. Metam Pronaque cum spectant anamalia caetera terram Os homini sublime dedit coelumque tueri Jussit erectos ad sydera tollere vultus And a little after Sanctius his animal mentisque capacius altae Deerat adhuc quod dominari in caetera possit Natus homo est Only Man from universal causes can by Reasoning the faculty of his understanding and memory rightly infer and conclude from them only Man has freedom in his will of doing or not doing and may if it be not his own fault in all his actions let his Will be informed by his Understanding and Reason whereas other Creatures do all things spontaneously that is by an impulse of Nature as they are moved by their objects or fears Therefore only Man does well and only Man does ill and only Man is happy and only Man is miserable Author But our Author goes on and tells you of a Tailor and a Mariner and I know not what indeed and concludes That now not the nature of two men but their words and what follows out of them ground their being active and passive This power of activity is in Latine called Jus or Justum in English Right or Due Our Author says before He that makes a promise to another man puts himself and his Promissary into a rank of agencie and patiencie upon a new score to wit that of Fidelity and Negotiating Observ Did ever man huddle up so much insignificant bumbast as here is or who in this world did from hence ever claim any Right or Property in any thing Well let us see then what we understand by Right or Due Right or Due is what any Man or company of Men claim to be his or theirs excluding all their fellow-Subjects And this Right Due or Property we no where find to be given by God immediately to any Man or Men but only the Land of Promise to the Children of Israel the Portion of whose Inheritance fell to them by Lot And by nature no Man has any property in any thing more then another if it be true as Cicero saies Privata nulla natura And Horace Non propriae telluris herum natura nec illum Nec me nec quenquam statuit What then gives it but the Law or Supreme Power of the Nation for Martial Hoc lege quod possis dicere jure meum est The Seventh GROUND Why Men desire to live in Community and of the necessity of Government Author HEre our Author tells us First It is fit to understand why Men desire to live in Flocks and Multitudes Observ Now would I know of our Author what these Men are and where to be found who desire to live so Or when did Men ever in the World in any place either live or desire to live so Indeed it is a received opinion that Man is born a living Creature apt and fit for society the Greeks called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but indeed no Man does naturally desire the society company or conversation of another Man because he is a Man and therefore Men do not nor ever did live promiscuously in flocks and multitudes as our Author saies without subordination one under another but in any the meanest and most contemptible Family that ever was the company are not all alike to one another as those are which live in flocks and herds c. But because no Infant can live nor any Man live well without the help of another naturally there is in every Man a solitude how to live and so to live that his living be not a burden or troublesom to him Man does not therefore desire the company or society of others as men for then he would desire the company and society of all men alike of Good of Bad of Vertuous of Vicious of Servants and Vile as well as Noble and Generous but accidentally as expecting Profit Honor Knowledge c. from him or them with whom he consorts or associates himself And therefore on the Exchange in Faires Markets c. Men do not Meet so as only to see one another and to make up such a Herd for then they would meet in other places as well as there but that from their buying and selling and their exchanging of Merchandise they may derive from thence profit to themselves It is an admirable thing to see what a strange Ingenuity there is in those men in acquiring those things from other places which
Father was wont to say his Son commanded all Greece For the Athenians commanded the other Grecians He commanded the Athenians his Wife him and his Son commanded his Wife How much greater power had our Author in this Government than Themistocles his Child had over the Grecians For in all our Authors Government you shall find two degrees of Comparison above the superlative viz. the peoples Power over their supreme and absolute Governor and our Authors supreme supremest Power who has a Power when he will to make what he list the Peoples Laws which shall oblige and tie up their absolute Governor And when the toy takes him they shall be the Governors Laws And Ground 11. latter end No supreme Magistrate can be bound to any Laws contrary to what our Author or Governor shall call good Government And now who would think so wise a fellow as our Author who in this Government had such a monstrous and most unlimited soveraignty should by shewing his power in giving his Rational multitude liberty to dissolve it lose it all in an instant sure this Icarus if he neither drowns nor otherwise kills himself in the fall will only rise up again to hang himself Well but let us see whether upon our Authors principles this Government can be dissolved or be in the power of his People or Rational multitude All Men who have written of the Cause and Nature of things have put a difference between Natural and Voluntary or Rational causes or things Natural causes or things are those which proceed immediately from God and are above the Will or Reason of Man Voluntary causes or things are those which do not immediately proceed from God but from the Will and Reason of Man But ex Hypothesi this Government Ground 7. page 48. is connatural and Ground 8. page 50. Natural and therefore this Government is superior to the Wills or Reason of the People and cannot be by them dissolved but the resisting of it is a violence upon Nature and not only Irrational but Immoral and unjust Thus have we seen our Author make a Government and thus have wee seen our Author marre his Government Let him tell us Ground 15 ●herein consists the Liberty of the Subject Ground 16. Of the dispossession of a Supreme Governor and his Right And Ground 17. Of a Governor dispossessed only because our Author Ground 17. tells us that Pope Urban the eight was an Intelligent generous Prince and well versed in publick Government and he made a decision that after five years quiet possession of an Estate the Church was not bound to take notice whether the title were lawful or no I will tell our Author that if Pope Urban might not take notice after five years who is the lawful Governor yet Pope Pius the fourth after above twice the time declared by Pope Urban might take notice of it as you may see Hist Con. Triden 423. and 443. So then Pope Pius may do that which Pope Urban is not bound to do or say what he will for me I am content if after all this pains on my part I shall not in the Judgment of wiser and more discerning Men then my Author or self have made my self like our Author in thus far answering him to his Grounds of Obedience and Government OBSERVATIONS ON Mr. HOBBS De Cive Observ HIs first Axiome or Principle he begs both in the Preface and second Article of the first Book De Cive is That the beginning of Civil Society is from Mutual Fear Yet in his Preface and second Annotation upon this Article He fears that some men may deny it yea it is true that very many men do deny it This therefore being required for a Principle and the first Principle and by consequence not to be proved but to prove all that may be inferred from it and since that he grants that very many do deny this Principle Then by very many men must the whole body of De Cive be rejected For Contra negantes principia non est disputandum But if men will not grant this Principle in the Pref. and Annot. abovesaid he will prove it so that he will make them ashamed of it and how think you It will be somewhat odd sure to prove Principles He tells you That all Cities although they be at peace with their neighbors yet keep Garrisons and Soldiers upon their Frontiers And that when men go to sleep they shut their doors and that men taking a journey do it with a sword and that men treat usually before they fight Observ All Science all Learning and all Reasoning whatsoever by the authority of Aristotle is begotten from pre-existing Principles which prove the Science and Learning but by the judgment of Aristotle and all Philosophers and men in their wits no Science Learning or Reasoning can prove the Principles Besides it is a contradiction to say any thing is a Principle which can be proved for that which proves it is prime and a principle to it Would any man now think that these Critiques and pretended Masters of Reason had ever read one line in Logick or Aristotle who go about to prove Principles by such silly things as have scarce any verisimilitude in them Nor does he only make Fear to be the prime cause of all Humane Government and Civil Society but also chap. 16. art 1. he makes it the cause of all Religion and Worship of God Observ As if that men were not obliged to submit to higher Powers not only for wrath take it in what sense you will either fear of the wrath of the higher Powers or mutual fear of the wrath of other men but also for conscience sake And that God were not in gratitude to be worshiped and served by ingenuous men because he is good and created them intellectual and reasonable creatures but only by a servile fear of his Judgments from whence only vile and vitious men seem to but never truly serve or honor him A pretty institution of Religion and Government for the Men of Bedlam and Wives of Billingsgate He divides the whole Treatise into three titles viz. Liberty Empire and Religion Under the title of Liberty he speaks of men as they are in a state of meer Nature viz. of a state of men before they have by Pact given up their natural right to one Person or one Court or Company of men so that the will of this Man or Court shall be the will of all of them and this he calls cap. 5. art 9. Civitas or Persona civilis If Mr. Hobbs had by a state of Nature understood such a state as S. Paul Observ Rom. 2. 14. does viz. of men who have only the Law of Nature and not Gods Divine Law supernaturally revealed in the Scriptures to be their rule and guide and that men in such a state not having the Law may by Nature do the things contained in the Law for this Law is ingraven in the hearts of all men he
should have disputed without an Adversary for me But when he makes all men Jure naturali which is superior and the cause of all Laws of Nature to be equal and in a parity of condition and every man by his own natural right to have a power over every man and to kill and destroy them whensoever it seems good unto him and yet without any sin and that this State is only to be cured by the Laws of Nature of his own making although he would have them to be Divine Laws and contrary to Natural rights is such a monstrous Paradox and absurdity as I wonder any Ingenuous man should assent to it Under the title of Empire he is not less wild and extravagant in his concessions to the thing be it King or Court created by Do or Dedi and not Dabo or Faciam For he makes it not only Soveraign Judge of all Ecclesiastical as well as Civil causes but also impossible to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature Yet he makes the Law of Nature the Law of God and this Creature of creatures to be so infallible that it is impossible to command any thing contrary to it It is not worth the examining what he would have under the title of Religion for men say the man is of none himself and complains they say he cannot walk the streets but the Boys point at him saying There goes HOBBS the Atheist It may be therefore the reason why in all his Laws of Nature he allows no place for the Worship and Service of GOD. But it is time to examine the particular Articles upon which this Body De Cive is built 1. His marginal Note upon Art 3. Cap. 1. is Homines naturâ aequales esse inter se Observ There is no one Proposition in the world more false then this nor more destructive to all faith and truth of Sacred History For whereas he says that by nature Men are equal to one another if the Scriptures be true that God made Adam an Universal Monarch as he says as well over his Cap. 10. art 3. Wife and Children as other Creatures and that since Adam God did never create any Man but the species of Mankind was continued by generation and that as he says Primogeniture is preferred by the Law of Cap. 3. art 18. Nature which Cap. 3. Art 29. is immutable then it is impossible that Cap. 4. art 15. since Adam any two Men in the world can be equal where God does not make them so Indeed if Mr. Hobbs had been an Athenian who stiled the Men of Observ 2. Attica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Men of the same Land or a Peripatetick who held that Men and the other things of the World were from Eternity as well as the World or an Egyptian who held that from the example of divers creatures generated out of the river Nile Men at first were generated from equivocal generation or that Men had sprung out of the ground fungorum more there might have been some small semblance for his opinion 2. His Argument to prove the Natural equality of all Men is Aequales sunt qui aequalia contra se invicem possunt At qui maxima possunt nimirum occidere aequalia possunt Ergo Homines natura aequales inter se His minor Proposition is no where proved and I am sure contrary Observ Gen. 9. 6. to what God says Whoso sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed for in the image of God made he man 3. Nature hath given to every Man a Right to all things Cap. 1. art 10. Observ What thing is mine naturali jure as he says or lege naturali is mine so that it is impossible it should be aliened or made anothers by any act of my will or the will of all the men in the world For natural causes do not depend upon voluntary humane actions and therefore the natural right which Nature has given to every man remains still with every man 4. Filium in statu naturali intelligi non posse Annot. art 10. Observ And therefore from Adam to our Saviour could there be no such natural state For S. Luke cap. 3. gives a Genealogie of Adams sons and sons sons to our Saviour And since I do not think Mr. Hobbs can shew that ever there was such a state in the world 5. The state of Man in Nature is hostile And cap. 8. art 10. he says Art 12. Men in the state of Nature may kill one another so often as it seems good unto them And therefore he must invent and seek to make himself in a better condition then God hath made him and that forsooth is by seeking Art 15. cap. 1. Observ Peace which he says is the first Law of Nature Is it not strange that a thing invented and made by the wit and will of Man and that contrary to the state and condition in which God hath made Man should here prove to be a Law of Nature which is the Law of God And is not more strange that God hath made Man upright and he hath Observ 2. Eccles 7. 27. sought out many inventions and yet Man should have need of Mr. Hobbs his help to invent and make him in a better state then God hath made him or else he says his conservation cannot be long expected Art 15. Neither is it possible in such a state where all men may kill one another Observ 3. and where all things are alike and common to all men that men should make any pacts or contracts one with another For besides that where men have nothing proper there men cannot make pacts or contract for any thing also where there is no precedent humane Law obliging there cannot any man be obliged or bound to any thing by his pact or contract for to be bound is in relation and must presuppose something which does bind but if nothing binds me but my Will which is a contradiction I may unbind me when I will for my Will is free I deny that any man or any company of men can will any thing to be Observ 4. a Law to themselves For Omnis potentia activa est principium transmutandi aliud And therefore the act of no mans Will can have a power or obligation upon himself and by consequence cannot any man or company of men will or make another who shall give them Laws for Nemo potest transferre id in alium quod ipse non habet 6. Legem naturalem esse dictamen rectae Rationis Cap. 2. art 1. Observ Wold any man think that these Critiques and pretended Masters of Reason did either understand Reason or Logick If Lex naturalis be dictamen rectae Rationis I ask of Mr. Hobbs what is the reason of it If it be a prime cause or principle then by the authority of Aristotle Eth. lib. 6. cap. 3. 6. does it constitute the
to the wills of men whereas Natural causes do immediately proceed from God and are above the will of man Society therefore being natural the actions of the wills of the most perverse and wicked men in the world could never make them out of society but where they would not be commanded by their rightful Superiors fell a commanding and obeying among themselves 4. They all not only invert Nature and make Wills and Pacts superior to it in the cause of Society but all of them make the natural relations of rightful Princes and Subjects to be dissolvible by the wills of men yet after a different manner Grotius when there is a necessity makes them dissolvible by the Subjects Our Author when the Subjects judge it reasonable And Mr. Hobbs when the King or Civitas will give or sell the relations Whereas Regal power being Gods ordinance is therefore superior to mens wills and cannot be aliened or dissolved by the will of man 5. They all not only invert Nature and make it alterable by the will of man but make the Law of Nature or God to take its origination from the civil pact or will of man whereas the Law of Nature is eternal and immutable by the will of man and connatural with every man and always had and ever shall have a like obligation upon all men in all ages and places 6. I say They not only blasphemously make Nature and the Law of God alienable and depending upon the will of man but also most illogically confound the relations of agencie and patiencie in the same subject and make the Cives to constitute the civil pact and to be subject to it whereas Omnis potentia activa est principium transmutandi aliud 7. They invert Grammatical construction in making the Cives who constitute the Civitas the patient or governed and the Civitas who accepts the wills of the Cives to be the agent or governor Whereas the contrary is true in both for Obligans is the governor who does will and obligatus the governed who accepts the will of the governor 8. They all most ridiculously make the Creature the Civitas superior to and the Governor of the Creator viz. the Cives whereas it is impossible any Being should be prime or superior to the cause of its being 9. They all of them make the Cives to endue the Civitas with that which none of them have either separately or conjunctly viz. a power of life and death and creating property whereas Nil dat quod non habet nemo potest transferre id in alium quod ipse non habet If all these things be true and that I have not unjustly charged them in my Observations how contrary they are not only to one another but to themselves in their superstructure then let the world judge especially you my dear and native Countrymen whether grounds so unnatural so blasphemous so illogical so contrary to common sense and grammatical construction so ridiculous and impossible should be worthy to be accounted the Principles of Humane society Or whether they ought not to be exploded by mankind as fit for nothing but to abuse ignorant men and to open a gap for Sedition and Atheism If I have here or heretofore unjustly charged them two of my Adversaries are alive and of age and may answer for themselves and no question but Grotius hath followers enough who may vindicate him if he hath wrong done him Or if I have committed any of these things in these Elements let them make it appear I will thank them for it A Premonition to the Reader BEside that part of this Treatise which shews the causes and means by which men attain Arts and Sciences in this Preface Observations and Elelements I have designed three things First in the Preface I designe to demonstrate That it is impossible that the Cause of Humane Society should be originally created by the pacts and wills of men and the occasion of writing these Observations Secondly in the Observations I designe to shew That the Causes of Humane Society do not appear from these mens Grounds and Principles Thirdly in the Elements I endevour to demonstrate the Causes of all Humane Christian and Legal Society And if any of my Adversaries or any man else shall shew me any errors in any of them I profess I will ascribe it as an act of Friendship to him I have one request more to the Reader That he would look upon all these Elements and Observations except one half-sheet added to the Observations to be passed the Press before His MAJESTIES Acknowledgment or Restitution until the last Book or one sheet or two of the Fourth Book of Justice c. And to insert in pag. 9. of this Preface line 22. after For which no reason can be given what is contained in the Margin from These things thus premised c. ELEMENTS OF Power Subjection Or the Causes of all Humane Christian Legal SOCIETY Vir bonus est quis Qui consulta Patrum qui Leges juraque servat By ROGER COKE LONDON Printed by T. N. for G. Bedel and T. Collins at the Middle-Temple Gate 1660. TO THE READER MAns thoughts of Life and Living are odd things pritty Antitheses he thinks his whole Life though he should live a Thousand years too short and yet every day nay hour of his living too long Vicious Men therefore misplace their happiness in entertaining worldly pleasures thereby to delude and spend their time which they desire so much to continue in their Life that in their living it might not seem to be Virtuous Men have the same thoughts of Life and living with vicious Men but their actions discern them For those hours which in their Life would otherwise seem tedious to them they entertain either in the Contemplations of God or his Works or by doing virtuously sweeten those sowre effects which idleness causes So that the old Philosophers would affirm That not Years but Virtue should be the measure of Mans life And this reward hath God the Author of Virtue in Men as Plato divinely affirms given Meno prope finem to virtuous Men that they not onely take pleasure in remembring time past but also hope well in time to come notwithstanding all the frowns of perverse and wrinckled Fortune whereas vicious Men are onely pleased with deceiving the present time ashamed to look back upon their actions past and affrighted upon the apprehensions of death and worldly calamities which notwithstanding all their Proteus shapes and Janus faces happens to them as well as virtuous Men in time to come There is no time wherein virtuous Men may not contemplate God either as God or in his Works or do well whereas many times vicious Men though never so rich and able to maintain their Vices are either wearied with them or have not means to attain to what they call the fruition of them and then they may be truly accounted miserable because they know not what to
to instance the Acts of Parliament which give one Jointenant a power to compell the others to sue a Writ of Partition which was denied at Common-Law and right of Entry where they were put to their Cui in vita c. It may suffice that in no Kings reign there have not been Acts of Parliament which have been so far from making declarations of the Common-Law that they have made manifest alterations in it And as the Common-Law hath no force nor reason against an Act of Parliament so hath no particular Custom any force or reason against it for no man can prescribe against an Act of Parliament and all Lands in Gavel-kind were particular Customs but taken away by Act of Parliament And many Acts of Parliament have not declared the Succession of the English Diadem according to the usual custom thereof but made manifest alteration thereof as in the Succession of Hen. 4. 5. 6. Rich. 3. Hen. 7. 8. which being unjust and the cause not depending upon Humane laws ought not to be obeyed Nor secondly is that a less error that Judicial Records are equivalent to Acts of Parliament for they are so far from being equal to Acts of Parliament that in truth they are no Laws but Inferences and Conclusions which are deduced from Laws For there is not any Judicial Record which is not unjust if it cannot truly and ultimately be resolved in some general or particular Custom Act of the Parliament or grant of the King So that Acts of Parliament the Common Law Particular Customs and Prescriptions and Royal Grants are as Axioms Postulata or Principles in Arts or Sciences and Judicial Records Reported Cases and Yearsbooks are Inferences Conclusions or Sciences deduced from Acts of Parliament the Common Law and particular Customs of this Land or Concessions of the King Touching Royal Government Royal Government being the ordinance of God and from the Law of Nature is paramount to all Humane laws and the prime and efficient cause of them they cannot therefore declare the cause so as to create any obligation of what they are but the effects and from whence derived We have thus far treated of the means by which the Kings of this Nation have until 1640. governed and preserved their Subjects internally But because it is the office of Kings to preserve their Subjects as well from foreign force as internal broil there is yet something wanting of which we have not treated viz. The power of making War and Peace and maintaining Alliance and Traffique Of these in regard they refer to Foreign powers and jurisdictions and are not subject to the Laws of the Nation we shall forbear to treat only affirming that it is necessary that at all times this power must be so vested in the King that at all times he may have the aids and assistance of his Subjects in prosecution of the Ends aforesaid The end of the Third Book The Contents of the Fourth Book HAving thus far treated of all created Rights and the causes of all Laws and created Powers and Vertues and these being previous and necessary to all Justice and Obedience We in this Book descend to treat of Justice in the first Chap. as the most eminent and noble of all Humane vertues it being that which not only conserves private Families but all Nations and Kingdoms in unity peace and society and demonstrate it neither to be in Geometrical proportion as Plato would nor Arithmetical proportion as Zenophon held nor in Harmonical proportion as Bodin taught Nor is that corrective and distributive Justice which Aristotle affirmed to be in Arithmetical and in Geometrical proportion The Second Chap. treats of Obedience and shews how that it necessarily proceeds and yet is different from Justice The Third Chap. treats of Judgment and shews how it differs from Law and Justice The Fourth Chap. treats of Equity and shews how it differs from Judgment and how necessary Courts of Equity as well as Judicature are THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Of Justice 1. JUstitia est habitus animi communi utilitate Cicero's definition of Justice servata suum cuique tribuens Societatem conjunctionis Humanae munifice atque aequè tuens Justice is a habit of the Minde common utility being conserved giving to every one their right and bountifully and equally Cicero lib. 1. de legibus defending the Society of Mankinde Et Justitia est quae suum cuique distribuit Justice is that which does distribute to every man what is his right Where he says That Justitia est obtemperatio scriptis legibus we will shew that is not properly Justice but Obedience onely 2. Justice is the upright doing of an act conserving Society in that Quid sit Justitia formality as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it Justice is the doing of a just action the doing of a just action is the upright doing of any act as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it preserving Peace and Society I say Justice must have these two properties viz. upright doing that is abstraction from all affections of love hate or self-interest and the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act Other actions proceeding from Wisdom Reason Experiment or Discourse c. are prudent profitable c. but none are just or honest actions which cannot be truly and ultimately resolved into the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act So Quotuplex that Justice is twofold either commanded or permitted 3. Injustice is the abuse or falsifying the Law or Command of him What is Injustice who by right commands to the hurt or prejudice of another As a Law preceding and Integrity are inseparable incidents to Justice so Hypocracy seeming just and yet abusing or falsifying a Law and the damage of another or more are incidents inseparable to injustice 4. Let us see who may by right command and who are obliged to do God commands by highest right in conformity to their Laws and Commands I say God by highest right ought to command all the created things in Heaven and Earth and all Creatures are chiefly and absolutely obliged to do whatsoever he commands without any reasoning or disputing why he so commands For the earth is Psal 24. 1. Job 41. 11. Psal 50. 12. the Lords and all that therein is the compass of the World and all that dwell therein And whatsoever is under the whole Heaven is Gods and the World is mine and the fulness thereof All Gods commands therefore have a like and equal influence upon all his Creatures all Creatures as compared to him are alike vile and between him and them is no proportion To abuse then or falsifie any Law of God or Nature to the hurt or prejudice of another is a sin of injustice in all Gods Creatures and
Tribute or of St. Peter Cap. 20. Who shall deny the peny of St. Peter the peny let him pay by the Justice of the Church and thirty pence forfeiture and if he will be impleaded concerning it by the Justice of the King let him forfeit to the Bishop thirty pence and forty shillings to the King Of Religion and the publick Peace 51. First of all we Ordain above all things That one God be worshipped all over our Kingdom and the one Faith of Christ be always kept inviolate c. The Laws are Translated out of the Original set forth by Mr. Abraham Whelock in his Appendix to the History of Bede from page 150. to 107. Sir Ed. Coke in Caudrys Case cites a quare Impedit 7 Ed. 3. tit 19. where it is agreed that no man can make an appropriation of any Church having cure of souls being a thing Ecclesiastical and to be made by some person Ecclesiastical but he that hath Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction but William the first of himself without any other as King of England made appropriation of Churches with cure to Ecclesiastical persons wherefore it does follow he had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Here is nothing but argumentum à facto ad jus and a man may as well infer that Saul Jeroboam and Azariah did offer sacrifice and burn incense and therefore they had Sacerdotal power in them or that King John did give the Crown and received it again from him and therefore the Crown of England is holden of the Pope Ecclesiastical Laws made by Henry the first Who began to Reign in the year of Christ 1100. THese at last are the happy joys of the long wished for peace and liberty Proem by which the glorious Cesar Henry doth shine forth to his whole kingdom in Divine and Secular Laws written Institutes and Exhibitions of good Works Moderate Just Valiant Prudent whom God may make to command with happy auspices and healthful prosperity of body and minde with his famous wife Maud the second and their children for ever and the everlasting peace of this Nation His Epistle to all his Leigmen 1. Henry by the Grace of God King of Englishmen to all Barons and his Leigmen French English health Know that I by Gods mercy and the Common Counsel and consent of the Barons of the Kingdom of England am Crowned King of the Kingdom aforesaid and because the Kingdom was oppressed by unjust exactions I in respect of God and the love which I have towards you all first of all make the Church of God free so that I will neither sell nor let to farm nor after the death of an Archbishop or Bishop or Abbot will take any thing of the Demesns of the Church or her men until the successor be come in c. Of the propriety of Causes Cap. 5. In all Causes Ecclesiastical and Secular legally and in order to be handled some are Accusers some Defenders some are Witnesses some are Judges In every discussion of honesty fitting men are to be joyned together and that without any exaction until the quality of the Causes and the intention of the Accused the manner of Witnesses and election of Judges be weighed with upright scrutiny Let there be no foreign Judgements nor celebrated by their improper Judge in place or time nor in a doubtful case or the party accused being absent the sentence being pronounced notandum that for all if the accused had competent warning and lawful leave of answering and defending he be not denied or impleaded or outlawed or circumvented by some stealth or judged by deceit If he be satisfied in the Witnesses Judges and Persons If he consent to the Judges or hurt or contradict It is not altogether so in Ecclesiastical business as Secular in Secular business after that any is called shall come and begin to plead in the Court it is not lawful to go back before the Cause be determined although they shall agree but in Ecclesiastical business it is lawful to go back in the Cause aforesaid If a man suspect a Judge or think himself oppressed surely Judges ought not to be so nisi quos impetitus Elegerit Neither may any one be heard or give judgement before that they be chosen and he who refuses to consent to the elected let no man communicate with him until he obey but if in judgement there arises dissention among the parties of which a strife comes forth let the sentence of the more prevail It is Enacted in the Cause of Faith or of any Ecclestastical Order he ought to judge who neither takes reward nor is of another Law and will do nothing without an accuser For God and our Lord Jesus Christ did know Judas to be a Thief but because he was not accused therefore he was not rejected and whatsoever he acted among the Apostles for the dignity of his Office remained firm As also Clerks ought not to receive Laiks Accusers so ought not Laicks to receive Clerks to be Accusers of Clerks in their Accusations and Informations and Witnesses ought to be legitimate and present without any infamy or suspition or manifest spot because they cannot rightly accuse Priests who cannot be Priests nor of their Order nor is it needful to Judge a man before he hath had lawful Accusers present and accepts a place of defence to wash out his crimes And it is our pleasure as often as many crimes are objected to Clerks by Accusers and they cannot make good one of the first of which they are accused they shall not be admitted to the rest And a Bishop shall not be condemned unless by seventy two Witnesses nor the Archbishop be judged of any A Presbyter-Cardinal Note the preheminence of a Bishop in England at this time above a Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by forty four Witnesses a Deacon-Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by twenty six Witnesses nor a Sub-Deacon under seven nor let the greater despair for the force of the lesser men and there always the Cause may be Pleaded where the Crime is admitted If a man stricken will he may plead his cause before his Judge and if he will not before his Judge he may hold his peace and as for men stricken as often as they desire respit let it be granted And every man which objects a crime let him write that he will prove it and if before he be changed he will not follow he is convinced no crime is to be accounted But if he will prosecute if he shall not prove what he objects let him undergo the penalty which he brought the Apostle says Against a Presbyter a writing is not to be received without two or three approved witnesses how much more against Bishops if these things be observed of Presbyters and other faithful men If any one will accuse any of the Clerks in an accusation of Fornication according to the precept of St. Paul two or three testimonies are required from him but if he
suffet imprisonment for six moneths without bail or mainprize And for the second offence shall suffer a years imprisonment and be deprived of all his spiritual promotions and for the third offence shall suffer imprisonment during life It was Enacted that the Justices of Oyer and Terminer and Justices of Assize should have power and authority in the open and general Sessions to hear and determin the offences committed against this Act yet so that every Archbishop and Bishop had liberty to joyn and associate himself to the said Justices of Oyer and Terminer or to the Justices of Assize All books called Antiphoners Missals Grails Portuasses Primers in Latine An. 3. 4. Ed. 6. Cap. 10. or in English and other books used for service in the Church saving such as are set forth by the Kings Authority shall be clearly abolished All Images graven painted or carved taken out of any Church or Chappel and the aforesaid books shall be defaced or openly burnt Such form and manner of making and consecrating of Archbishops and Anno 3 4. Ed. 6. Cap. 12. Bishops Priests and Deacons and other Ministers of the Church as by six Prelates and six other men of this Realm learned in the Law of God by the King to be appointed and assigned or by most of the number of them shall be devised for that purpose and set forth under the Great Seal before the first of April next coming shall be lawfully exercised and used and none other An Act for uniformity of Prayer and administration of the Sacraments An. 5. 6. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. in the English Tongue and that every person upon every Sunday and Holiday having no lawful cause to be absent do resort to his Parish-Church and they which refuse are to be punished by the censure of the Church and that all persons who shall be at any other common prayer or Sacraments shall for the first offence suffer Imprisonment for six moneths without bail or mainprise for the second Imprisonment during a whole year and for the third Imprisonment during life All the Sundays of the year the Feast of our Lord Jesus his Circumcision of the Epiphany of the Purification of the blessed Virgin of St. Matthew An. 5. 6. Ed. 6. Cap. 2. the Apostle of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin of St. Mark the Evangelist of St. Philip and Jacob the Apostles of the Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist of St. Peter the Apostle of St. James the Apostle of St. Barthelomew the Apostle of St. Matthew the Apostle of St. Michael the Archangel of St. Luke the Evangelist of St. Simon and Jude the Apostles of All Saints of St. Andrew the Apostle of St. Thomas the Apostle of the Nativity of our Lord of St. Stephen the Martyr of St. John the Evangelist of the holy Innocents Munday and Tuesday in Easter-week Munday and Tuesday in Whitson-week are to be observed and kept for Holy days and none other And that every even or day next going before any of the aforesaid days of the Feasts of the Nativity of our Lord of Easter of the Ascension of our Lord Pentecost of the Purification of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin of all Saints and of all the Feasts of the Apostles other then the Feasts of St. John the Evangelist and Philip and Jacob shall be kept for fasting days and none other Archbishops Bishops in their Dioces and all other having Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction may enquire of every person offending in the premises and punish every offender by censures of the Church and enjoyn him such penance as by the spiritual Judge shall be thought meet This Statute does not abrogate abstinence from flesh in Lent and Fridays and Saturdays or any day appointed to be kept by vertue of an Act made the second and third Ed. 6. Cap. 19. When any Holy day happens on the Munday the fast of that day shall be kept upon the Saturday immediately before and not upon the Sunday A view of the Reformation of Ed. 6. and of the lawfulness of it That the Book of commom Prayer Administration of the Sacraments The Reformation made by Ed. 6. was not meerly a civil sanction and other rites and ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England was framed and composed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops of the Land assembled to that purpose by the King is clearly expressed in the Preface to the Act of the 2. 3. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. The right that Christian Kings have to call and assemble Synods It is no new thing for Kings to assemble the Bishops and Church to redress and reform errors Councels and Convocations for the redress and reformation of errors and corruptions in the Church is properly the subject of another Treatise but that the Kings and supream Powers before Christianity under the old Law from Moses to Maccabees did always use it and that the first great Nicene Councel the second general Councel at Constantinople the third at Ephesus the fourth at Calcedon the fifth at Constantinople the sixth at Constantinople the seventh at Ephesus were all called by Christian Emperors is manifested by the Bishop of Winchester Andrews in the Sermon of the Right and Power of calling Assemblies nor were the general Councels convoked by Emperors but the Emperors and Kings did convoke and assemble Provincial and National Assemblies and Synods He shews that the Bishop of Syracuse in Sicily and Restitutus Bishop of London in Britain were summoned to a Synod in France by the Emperor Constantine ' Writ onely this was in the beginning of his Reign in the latter end of it in the thirtieth year of his Reign and the year before his death he called the Councel at Tyre and from thence removed it to Jerusalem and from thence called them to appear before himself at Constantinople After him Constans called one at Sardis Valentinian at Lampsacus Theodosius at Aquileia Gratian at Thessalonica Nay when the Emperors were professed Arrians even then did the Bishops acknowledge their power to call Councels came to them being called sued to them that they might be called came to them as Hosius to that of Arimine Liberius to that of Sirmium and that of Seleucia sued for them as Liberius to Constantius as Leo to Theodosius for the second Ephesine Councel Innocentius to Arcadius and sometime they sped as Leo and sometime not as Liberius and Innocentius and yet when they sped not they held themselves quiet and never presumed to draw themselves together of their own heads After the Empire fell in pieces and the Western Empire fell into the hands of Kings in Italy Theodoric called one at Rome Alaric at Agatha In France Clowis the first Christian King there called one at Orleans Childebert at Auvern Theodebert called another at Orleans and Cherebert at Toures And
School-master presuming to teach any thing contrary to this Act and being thereof lawfully convict shall be disabled to be a Teacher of Youth and shall suffer imprisonment without Bayl ot Mainprise for the space of a year No Ordinary or their Ministers shall take any thing for the allowance of any Schoole-master All offences aforesaid and all offences against the first Eliz. 1. 5 Eliz. 1. 13 Eliz. 2. c. are inquirable into by the Justices of peace and other Justices named in the said Act within a year and day after such offences committed Justices of Oyer and Terminer of Assiize of Goale-delivery in their limits Justices of Peace in their Quarter-sessions have power to hear and determine the offences aforesaid except Treason and Misprision of Treason Every person guilty of any offence against this Statute other then Treason Misprision of Treason which shall before he be indicted or at his Arraignment before Judgement submit and conform himself before the Bishop of the Diocess where he shall be resident and before the Justice of Peace where he shall be arraigned or tried having not before made like submission shall upon his recognition of such submission in open Assises or Sessions in the County where such person shall be resident be discharged of all the said offences The forfeitures of the moneys limited by this Act shall be divided into three equall parts whereof one third part to the Queen to her use another for the relief of the poor in the Parish where such offence is committed to be delivered by warrant of the principle Officers in the receipt of the Exchequer without further warrant from her Majesty the other third part to such person as will sue for the same in any court of Record in which no Essoin or Protection or Wager of Law shall be allowed He that shall forfeit such summes as are specified in this Act and be not able or shall not pay the same within 3. moneths after Judgement shall be committed to prison and there remain untill he have paid the said summes or conform himself to goe to Church He that usually on Sunday shall have in his house the Divine Service as it is established and be thereat usually present and not obstinately refuse to come to Church and shall at least four times in the year be present at the Divine Service in his Parish Church or in some open Church or Chappell of ease shall incur no damage nor danger by this Act. Every Grant Conveyance Bond Judgement and Execution of covetous purpose to defraud the Queen or any other person shall be holden utterly void Tryall of a Peer for any Treason or misprision of Treason by this Act shall be by his Peers This Act nor any thing contained therein is said not to extend to take away any or abridge the authority or jurisdiction of the Ecclesiasticall Censures for any cause or matter but that Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other Ecclesiasticall Judges may do and proceed as before the making of it All Jesuits made within or without the Realm since the Nativity of St. Stat. 27 Eliz. cap. 2. John the Baptist in the first year of the Queen shall within 40. dayes next after the Session of Parliament if they be not wind-bound depart out of England and other the Queens Dominions If any Jesuit Seminary Priest or other such Priest Deacon or Religious or Ecclesiasticall person whatsoever born within the Dominions of the Queen and made since the feast of the Nativity of St. John in the first year of the Queen or hereafter to be made by any Authority from the Church of Rome shall after the said forty dayes after the Session of Parliament other then in such speciall cases as in this Act is expressed be found in any of the Queens Dominions every such person shall be adjudged a Traitor All they which shall receive any such Jesuit or Priest after such time shall be adjudged a felon without benefit of Clergy If Any Subject of England then being or after shall be of or brought up in any Colledge of Jesuits or seminaries already erected or to be erected out of the Realm shall not within six moneths next after Proclamation in that behalf made in London under the broad Seal return into this Realm and within two dayes after before the Bishop of the Diocesse or two Justices of the peace of the County where he shall arrive submit himself to her Majesty and her Lawes and take the Oath set forth in the first year of her Reign That then every such person which shall otherwise return shall be taken and deemed as a Traitor Whosoever shall any wayes send relief to any Jesuit or seminary beyond the seas or give any maintenance to any Colledge of Jesuits or Seminaries shall incur the danger of a Premunire None during the Queens life shall send his or her Child or other person except Merchants or such only who serve in their Trade as Merchants or Mariners beyond the Seas without the Queens speciall licence or under four of the Councells hands upon the penalty of one hundred pounds Every offence committed against this Act may be heard and determined as well in the Kings Bench as also in any County within this Realm or any of the Queens Dominions where the offence shall be committed or where the offendor shall be apprehended This Act shall not extend to any Jesuit c. before mentioned as shall within the said 40. dayes or within 40. daies after he come into the Realm submit himself to some Arch-bishop or Bishop of this Realm or to some Justice of Peace within the County where he shall arrive and doe thereupon truly and sincerely before the Arch-bishop Bishop or Justice of Peace take the said Oath set forth the first of Eliz. and under his hand confesse afterward to continue in due obedience to the Queens Lawes made or to be made in causes of Religion Peers shall be tried by their Peers for any offence made Treason Felony or Premunire by this Act. Any person being a Subject of this Realm which shall after the said 40. daies know any such Jesuit or Priest c. and shall not discover the same to some Justice of Peace or Higher Officer within 12. dayes every such person shall be fined and imprisoned according to the Queens pleasure and every such Justice of Peace or higher Officer which shall not discover the same within 28. dayes to some of the Queens Councell or to the President or Vice-president of the Queens Councell established in the North or Marches of Wales then he or they so offending shall forfeit 200 Markes Such of the Privy Councell President or Vice-president abovesaid to whom such information shall be made shall thereupon deliver a note in writing subscribed by his own hand to the party by whom he shall receive such information testifying that such information was made to him All such Oaths Bonds and Submissions as shall be made by force of
are the English and Scottish And also since the corruption of the best thing is worst it will not be amiss before we conclude this Chapter and Book to discourse this Probleme whether upon all occasions it be the only and necessary way to cure all distempers of State by a full convention in Parliament according to the usuall constitution And first we will see what may be said for it That the passing of Lawes in Parliament where the major part of the Object 1 Freeholders are represented creates and begets a right understanding between the King and his Subjects that it is not the intention of the Prince to alter the old Lawes and introduce new ones to their prejudice To this I subscribe That when Lawes are so passed it confirmes and strengthens the Prince both by the person and purse of his Subjects in any designe he shall undertake because the representatives of the Freeholders consent unto it To this I subscribe That Parliaments have been of that antiquity and the Nation so habituated to them that it will never long be governed peaceably without them To this I subscribe That the grievances of the Nation can never be so well represented and redressed as in Parliament where the major part of the Freeholders are represented To this I subscribe That men will lesse dare to abuse their Prince or Country by any sinister or indirect means when Parliaments are frequent and free To this I subscribe The frequent use of Parliaments takes away all strangenesse between the King and his Subjects and begets a confidence and right understanding between them To this I subscribe That since it is necessary that every Prince in governing must necessarily ultimately resolve his confidence into something besides the Lawes to which upon all occasions he may betake himself for the Execution and defence of himself and Subjects and this must be by a constant Army in pay of his Subjects according to the institution of the Roman Legions or out of a diffidence of his own Subjects or from some reason of state trust the protection of his Person and Lawes into the hands of Foreigners as did the Kings of Aegypt before Sclymus conquered them or as the King of France now does in the hands of Switz and Scots or he must betake himself to the protection of a mercinary Army made up of his Subjects and Foreiners as the Turks Janizaries and Spahi are or establish his security and refuge up-the affection of his subjects and intrust them with the Militia in such manner as hath beene used heretofore in England and that this agrees better with the nature and constitution of English-men then any of the other as being established as well by common-Law as many Acts of Parliament To this I subscribe To these may be added that Tacitus in the life of Agricola makes it one great cause of the Romans conquering our Ancestors That they consulted not in common Nec aliud adversus validissimas Gentes pro nobis utilius quam quod in commune non consultant Rarus ad Propulsandum commune periculum conventus It a dum singuli pugnant aniversi vincuntur Quaere Yet quaere whether Rising-Chase in Norfolke and old Sarum in Wilts where are no Inhabitants but a few meane Tenants sending twice the numbers to the Parliament with the county of Yorke and whether the County and City of Durham sending none at all and whether Cornwall's sending ten times as many as either Warwick-shire or Leicestershire and yet eyther of them bigger and far more rich Counties Or whether Cities and Boroughs not only sending a like number of Citizens and Burgesses with the County having alike Vote with them of the County be an equall representative of the Freeholders Or whether the waies used in the Elections doe not animate the Electors and those that stand in Competition against one another and that to such a height That many of the Electors and those who stand are never after reconciled Answer It is true indeed that if God had determined all things in this inferior Orbe without any variation and that this thing were alwaies to be attained only by some one means that this in governing were by councell in Parliament then could there be neither reason or discourse upon variation and alteration of things and no difference betweene the wisest of Princes and the most foolish but this is so far from truth that there is nothing sublunary not only variable but doth vary every moment neither is there any thing in Reason Physick or State alike to all men nay in all of them the same thing may be at one time good and profitable at another time bad and hurtfull What man sees not that in health nature is not repaired by any man without a proportionable measure of diet which when he is indisposed may surcharge nature to the overthrow of it in him Strong physick may be proper to a man at one time and kill him at another Parliaments although ordinarily are the Kings surest refuge yet by how much they are more excellent by so much the worse are they corrupted Times are and will be bad when they are not made so by any cause in the Prince and so bad that in such conjuncture it may prove the utmost evill if the Houses or eyther of them shall assume the title of Parliament or give head to such Factions and distempers And no question when the Scots invaded England in 1640 it was unsafe Councell that advised the King to summon a Parliament and worst of all to convene it at London as things then stood For that saying of Tacitus it is rather Rhetoricall and makes against the Antiquity of Parliaments then any way proves necessity of them upon all occasions unless he could make consulere and pugnare the same thing nor could Agricola ever have obteined such victory against our Ancestors if he had fought with no more then had councelled him Epilogue WHen I looke back and consider the unstable condition of mankinde especially among Islanders and that often times the fate of good religious and just men is in this World more calamitous then of bad and vicious men I did then conclude with my self that Religion Justice and Piety cannot of themselves procure peace and society to mankind nay what is yet more lamentable that first sublunary cause from whence all Subjects derive and expect their protection is more subject to calamity then the condition of the meanest of mortall men Let a man take a survey of all the Kings in Britain since there were any Records of time and see whether neer one halfe of them did attain a naturall death nor is this confined within the Seas which encompass our Isle or a new thing in other parts of the world for Adgenerum Cereris sine caede sanguine pauci Juvenal Sat. 10. Descendunt Reges I shall therefore before I conclude endeavour to shew whether any peace and happinesse may be reasonably
expected in this World and if that may then by what means it is to be attained but that I might by degrees accomplish my end I begin with man in his first Cause and being Man then in his first being is to be considered either as created or begotten as created sure no man in his wits will deny but that God was the prime and only efficient cause of his creation who without any ordinary concurrence of naturall causes did so create him and that this was not from a confluence of naturall causes is evident for otherwise it had been a Generation not a Creation and necessarily something must be Created before any thing can be Generated of it Nor is God if a man rightly considers it lesse the prime and efficient cause of man in his Generation then in his Creation for it must needs be evident to every man That male and female are not the first cause of Generation because then they would alike of themselves without the influence of a superiour cause be apted for Generation and so every Creature of it selfe in a like power of Generating one as much as another the contrary of which every one daily sees Nor are all Creatures at all times alike disposed to Generation but apted and disposed thereunto from some exterior cause as we see in Foxes about the Brumall solstice and Ravens in January other creatures generally about the Vernal Equinox and Deere about the Autumnall which without all doubt doth proceed from the influence of the Sun which in those seasons disposes them thereunto but that the Sun is not the prime and efficient cause of Generation is confessed by Aristotle where hee faith * That in omni creature divinum quid reperiri respondens Elemento stellarum Lib. 2. cap. 3. de Gen. Anim. esseque omnipotentis creatoris vicarium It is not therefore the Sun nor male and female which can be the first cause of a man or any other creature but that minde or Soul which governs the innumerable and vast bodies of the Univers and by a perpetuall motion of the Earth from West to East according to the new Hypotheses in Astronomy or of the Sun from East to West after the former Hypotheses through the divers Regions of the Earth doth apt and dispose all things therein to their production and dissolution So that God is the prime efficient cause as wel in the generation as creation of man other creatures the manner only is different God in generation from the confluence of necessary contingent causes doth Generate Man and other creatures and originally did create them without any confluence of causes Nor is God lesse the prime preserver of all Creatures then the first cause of the Creation and Generation of them for not all the sublunary meanes of eating drinking sleeping exercise physick c. can preserve any creature thus Generated or Created but some internall cause whether it be called anima or pars animae or quid animae or aliquid habens animam aut intellectus aut denique numen and this is it in every Creature which doth worke towards its end and orders all these things with unimitable and incomprehensible art and providence alwaies procures what is best as well for its being as well-being as well for defence as ornament Spiritus intus alit totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem Virg Aenei And though all these outward things however necessary for the preservation of every Creature are accidentall and may be more or less acquired and communicated by every creature yet this internall cause this numen this Lar familiare or anima which disposes and orders all these outward causes is not to be acquired or communicated by any Creature So that a man must needs confesse That in all Creatures as well as Man there is some particle of divine Aire which doth order and dispose of all sublunary meanes in a wonderfull and diverse manner towards their preservation untill by a propense naturall disposition they all resolve into their first Principles But these outward meanes are acquired and communicated by severall Creatures divers and severall waies Some doe acquire these outward meanes from an innate impulse never with understanding or reason moving them others rarely without their understanding or reason and this latter only is Man Yet how fraile a mans reason and understanding is even to the acquiring of things necessary for his preservation is evidenly seen almost in all men for there is no man in this world who can by his understanding and reason so govern his actions that those things so directed by him have alwaies a like event nay often times the same thing propounded by the same man upon the same grounds and reasons hath so contrary an event that at this time it ruins him which other while was of much advantage to him And this is daily seen among all sorts of men so that it is most manifest that a mans understanding or reason cannot preserve him as he is an intellectuall rationall Creature nor Justice Religion and Piety as a sociable but somthing superior to these What then shall we say to these things Is Religion Justice and Piety and a mans understanding and reason of no account because they cannot procure peace and preservation Nothing lesse for God having first created man and other creatures without the confluence of naturall causes did ever after their first creation cease to make any other but the species of all things have ever since been renewed by Generation but in Generation God doth not renew the species of all creatures from an absolute act of his own but from the coition of male and female disposed thereunto in perfect creatures oftentimes from matter disposed many creatures are aequivocally generated without the coition of male and female which thing is evidently seene from the yeerly renuing of of frogs caterpillars c. The antient Aegyptians from the observation of the very many creatures thus generated in the River Nile did believe that all perfect creatures were originally not from creation but from aequivocal generation Yet though these spurious and imperfect creatures are thus generated yet do they all generate their like Aristotle Hist Anim. only excepts the Eele and I could never yet see either Row or Milt in any of them But though God be the prime efficient cause of the generation all creatures and therefore absolutely necessary to the production of every creature and though the conditions which he hath ordained be absolutely necessary to the generation of every creature yet are not these conditions alwaies performed from any absolute necessity of the part of God but oftentimes from contingent causes and the will of the creature For example it is necessary that the influence of the Sun from matter disposed in standing pools should produce Frogs yet are not alwaies those Pooles necessary to be but are often made and often filled up
power which God hath given Fathers and Husbands by the law of Nature 7. The Husband being the head of the Wife she is in all respects of law The Wife has nothing proper against her Husband deemed civiliter mortua nor can take or purchase any thing during the coverture but whatsoever is given to the Wife is ex facto the Husbands Yet Marriage being a Sacrament by the institution of our Saviour and Ephes 5. 25 32. a Mystery of Christ and his Church and so the cognisance thereof due to the Ecclesiastical power the Church upon the penalty of Ecclesiastical censure may compell the Husband to allow his Wife Alimony if without sufficient cause he shall refuse to cohabit with her 8. If Poligamy had not been lawful before our Saviour Christs time Poligamy was lawful before our Saviour then had our Saviour been illegitimate being descended of Bathsheba when David had many other wives Nor can the argument drawn from the necessity of propagating Mankind take place when David reigned for there never was in so small a Continent so great a number of people as the Israelites were when David reigned as appears by the Number which Joab took and for which David was punished with so great a pestilence If it were before the divine law of our Saviour lawful every where for Annot. Men to have many Wives I do wonder why Mr. Hobbs cap. 17. art 8. de Cive says That our Saviour made no laws but the institution of the Sacraments which are Baptism and the Eucharist And if Matrimony be a Civil institution as he affirms then Poligamy is lawful for all Christians who are in subjection to the Turks c. where by the Temporal laws it is permitted and the Kingdom of Congo rejected Christianity for no other reason but because they were not allowed plurality of wives which Mr. Hobbs could easily have dispenced with I do challenge Mr. Hobbs to shew any one instance where ever in the Christian world before all things ran riot here in England since 1642. the Temporal power took cognisance of Marriage 9. Matrimony is the act of two free persons viz. neither precontracted What Matrimony is nor married nor within the degrees prohibited by God Levit. 18. of different sexes capable of performing the end of marriage mutually taking one another for Husband and Wife I N. take thee D. to be my wedded Wife I D. take thee N. to be my wedded Husband But this must be done publiquely and Banns of both parts publiquely pronounced three Holidays or a Licence procured from the Ordinary for dispensation with all the rites and solemnities injoined by the Church or else the Church takes no cognisance of it 10. Where the Matrimony is subsequent to the allegation there the Whether Matrimony be dissolvible Vinculum is dissoluble As if one man marries another mans Wife or a Husband his Wife living marries another or if the parties contracting or marrying be within the degrees forbidden by God or if either party were Lev 18. precontracted or frigid these necessarily preceding the Matrimony do dissolve the bond But where the matter or allegation is subsequent to the Matrimony there the bond of Matrimony cannot be dissolved but only a Divorce upon just cause is grantable to separate the Complainant à mensa à thoro The reason why in this latter case the Matrimony cannot be dissolved is because Marriage being an institution of God it is in the cause superior to any Humane law or act and so by consequence cannot by them be dissolved And indeed in proper speaking where the Matrimony is subsequent it is rather not done then dissolvible the persons marrying being personae incapaces for such an action 11. The Holy Ghost Ephes 5. 25 c. shews the duty of Husbands The duty of Fathers and Husbands And Cato though no lover of women did think it sacrilege in the Husband to strike his wife Plut. vita Caton cens No question the right and careful education of Children is the onely means by which Parents may hope to have any comfort of them here or hereafter for Train a child in the way when he is young and he will not depart from it when he is old says the Preacher Nor can Parents expect to have their Children virtuous if they be vitious themselves for with what face can any Father condemn his Child for any thing which he allows in himself Besides there is nothing ill which naturally Youth doth not more suddenly apprehend then Men therefore Maxima debetur puero reverentia si quid Juveval Turpe paras And ill habits are soon gotten by Children if they be not carefully observed and restrained and hardly if possibly left when they are Men. CHAP. VIII Of Domestical power 1. THere are three sorts of Families either by Affinity or Alliance How many sorts of Families there be or by Consanguinity or a Legal or Houshold-Family Of such a Family and of its Cause and Jurisdiction we shall in this ensuing Chapter treat 2. A Family is not the cohabitation of divers persons in one house A legal family is not the cohabitation of divers persons in the same house for then Inmates and Travellers c. were subject to the power of the Master and Host Besides subjection cannot be where it depends upon the will of the Subject when he will he may choose whether he will obey But it is evident that Inmates and Travellers may when they will cease their subjection by leaving of the house 3. A Family is contained in the mutual offices of commanding and What a legal family is obeying of several persons under one head in the same house And the same head may be of divers Families as when a Master keeps servants in two or more different houses 4. A Family may consist of Paterfamilias who is Father and Husband Of what persons a family in the largest sense is compounded and the head or commanding part of the family of Wife Children and Servants who are the obeying part of the family or of the Mistress of the family who commands and of Children and Servants who obey 5. But because a Family may consist where as parts of the Family In the more proper sense there is neither Father nor Mother Husband nor Wife nor Children A Family is properly where several Servants obey the same Master or Mistress in the same house 6. Servants are twofold either voluntarily serving with their consent Of Servants first given such as are those servants who for such wages serve their Masters for such a terme or where they serve whether they give consent or not as where men are slaves or apprentices The power which the head of the family has over his Servants is called potestas herilis or despotica the Masters or Mistresses power We speak first of Masters power over Servants serving for wages 7. It is impossible that any