very Order of Aug. 10. 1643. For the Assembly-Divines to 〈◊〉 the People to rise for their Defence There is another person also who is engaged iâ— This present Controversy to whom I would gladly Recommend a due Consideration of this following Extract When Kings Command Unrighteous things and people suit them with willing Commplyance none doubts but the destruction of them both is Just and Righteous A Fast Sermon to the House of Commons Ian. 31. 1648. Pa. 5. He that is Entrusted with the Sword and dares not do Justice on every one that dares do Jnjustice is affraid of the Creature but makes very bold with the Creator Pa. 15. The Kings of the Eaâ—th have given their Power to Anti Christ. How have they earn'd their Titles Eldest Son of the Chuach The Catholick and most Christian King Defender of the Faith and the Like Hath it not been by the Bloud of Saints is there not in every corner of These Kingdomes the Slain and the Banish'd ones of Christ to Answer for A Fast Sermon of Apr. 19. 1649. Pa. 22. Do not the Kings of all these Nations stand up in the Room of their Progenitors with the same Implacable Enmity to the Power of the Gospel Pa. 22. There are Great and Mighty Works in hand in this Nation Tyrants are punish'd the Jaws of Oppressors are broken bloudy Revengefull people in Wars disappointed A Thanksgiving Sermon for the Scots defeat at Worcester Octo 24. 1651. P. 2. What is This Prelacy A meer Antichristian Encroachment upon the Inheritance of Christ Pa. 5. A Monarchy of some hundred years continuance allways affecting and at length wholly degenerated into Tyranny destroy'd pull'd down Swallow'd up a great mighty Potentate that had caused terrour in the Land of the Living and laid his Sword under his head brought to Punishment for Blood P. 6. If any persons in the World had cause to sing the Song of Moses and the Lamb We have this day The Bondage prepared for us was both in Spirituals and Temporalls about a Tyrant full of Revenge and a Discipline full of Persecution hath been our Contest whether the Yoke of the One and the Other should by the Sword and Violence be put upon our Necks and Consciences is our Controversy Pa. 7. Is it not a Prodigious boldness for such Spirits as These to obtrude themselves either upon the Government or the People as men of Scruple and the most competent Agents for the Promoting of Vnity and Peace And you your self Mr. Baxter have not been out neither at this great work of Reforming Confusion as your own Confessions in some measure but your Conversation and Writings do Abundantly bear Witness Mr. Richard here I must confess furnishes you with a Salvo that Ignatious Loyola himself would have blush'd at You were ever True to the King you say but you did not know Who was King Some would have him to be where he was NOT and Others would not allow him to be where he WAS. Sir This doctrine might have done well enough in a Pulpit at Coventry when you were helping the Lord against the Mighty but from such a Restauration Sermon the Lord deliver us There is first not one word of Restoring the King in 't though it was a Fast that had a Particular Regard to That Debate 2. It Asserts the Loyalty of the Presbyterians and yet at the same time supposes the Supreme Power in the Two Houses which in few words makes the Late King both a Subject and with Reverence a Rebell 3. The Setling of the Presbytery for that 's allways the English of their SOUND DOCTRINE and CHURCH GOVERNMENT Pa. 46. is violently prest as the first thing to be done Give FIRST to God the Things that are Gods 43. with a Pharisaical Ostentation of the Conscionable Prudent Godly People of the Land Pa. 46. in opposition to the Prophane You could not do any thing in the world more to obstruct his Majestys Return and yet you are pleased to make this Sermon an Instance of your Zeal to advance it Ri· The Parliament did not raise War against the Person or Authority of the King nor did I ever serve them on any such Account but to defend themselves against the Kings Mis-guided will Holy Common-Wealth Pa. 476. Their Commissions all that ever I saw were for King and Parliament We had Two Protestations and a Solemn League and Covenant Impos'd upon the Nation to be for King and Parliament And if Dâ—claâ—ations Professions Commissions and National Oaths and Covenants will not tell us what the cause of the War was thâ—n there is no Discovery Ibid. Pa. 477. Mo. These Commissions Oathes and Covenants tell you the Pretext of the War but you must go to their Proceedings and Practices to find the Cause of it The Two Houses Seize the Kings Towns Magazins Forts and Shipping They violently take the Militia into their own hands Vote an Ordinance of Both Houses as binding as an Act of Parliament Declare his Majestys Commissions Voyd Issue out Orders for Securing the Kingdome Vote the Maintaining of a War and the Seizing of his Majestys Magazins Sequester the Church and Crown Revenues and justify all these Injuries as done in pursuance of their Protestations and Covenants and This is your way now of being FOR the King Suppose that any man had beaten you and Plundred ye and Imprison'd ye and abus'd your Friends for your sake and a body should tell you all this while that this man was FOR Mr. Baxter If you were really for the King why would not For the King according to the Oath of Allegiance do the businesse as well as For the King according to the Covenant Or how came you to Alienate your self from his Majesties Iurisdictino and to turh Subject to the Two Houses Who Absolv'd you from the One Oath or who Authoris'd you in the Other or when you found that the King in the Covenant clash'd with the King in the Oath of Allegeance why did you not rather comply with the Law then with the Usurpation For it is Impossible to be True to both Interests under so manifest an Opposition You see the Colour of the War and I shall not need to tell you that the Cause of it was Ambition of Dominion which was exercised to the highest degree of Tyranny Ri. If a People that by Oath and Duty are obliged to a Sovereign shall sinfully dispossess him and contrary to their Covenants chuse and Covenant with Another they may be obliged by their Latter Covenants notwithstanding the Former Holy-Common-Wealth Pag. 188. Ba. That cannot be my Friend for we hold it Impious and Papal to pretend to absolve Subjects from their Oaths to their Sovereign Holy Com. Pa. 359. It is not in Subjects Power by Vows to with-draw themselves from Obedience to Authority Non-Confor Plea P. 213. Mo. But why can ye not now
involved in their Cause which may be more fully manifested but that I would not stir too much in the Evils of times past All these and many mâ—re concurring perswaded me that it was Sinfull to be Neutrals and Treachâ—rous to be against the Parliament in that Cause It were a wonder if so many humble honest Christians fearful of sinning and Praying for Direction should be all mistaken in so weighty a Case and so many Damme's all in the Right pa. 481. Ba. Very Learnedly apply'd But do not I say Pa. 437 That if a Parliament would wrong a King and depose him Unjustly and change the Government for which they have no Power the Body of the Nation may refuse to serve them in it yea may forcibly restrayn them If they Notâ—riously betray their Trust not in some Tolerable matters but in the Fundamentalls or Points that the Common Good dependeth on and engage in a Cause that would destroy the Happynesse of the Common-wealth It is then the Peoples duty to forsake them anâ— cleave to the King against them if they be Enemies to the Common-wealth Pag. 438. Ri. Now I beseech ye Mr. Baxter be pleased to Compare pa. 43â— with pa. 424. where you lay down This Thesâ—â— Though some injâ—ry to the King be the Occasion of the War it is the Duty of all the Pâ—â—ple to defend the Common-wealth against him Yâ—t so as thâ—t tâ—â—y protest against That Injury Ba. But what say ye all this while to the Case of making Coâ—nt to an Usurper When it is Notorious say I that where a maâ— has no Right to Govern People are not bound to Obey him unlesse by Accident Thesis 339. Ri. We detest their Oâ—inion who think that a strong and prâ—sperous Vsurper may be defended against the King or that the Kiâ—g is not to be defâ—ndâ—d against him to the hazzard of our Estates 〈◊〉 Lives Non-Conf 2d part Pa. 77. Meer Conquest withâ—â—â— Consent is no Just Title Ibid. P. 108. And again Vsâ—rpâ—â— have no True Power nor do their Commands bind anb one in Conscâ—ence to formal Obedience nor may they be set up and defended agaiâ—â—â— the Lawfull Governour Pa. 55. And Those are Vsurpers 〈◊〉 by Force or Fraud depose the Lawfull Governour and take his place Ibid. If Vsurpers claim the Crown the Suâ—ject must Iudge whâ—â— is their King and must defend his Right Non-Con Plea 70. Ba. But what if the People shall Miss-Judge All things are not destructive to the Common-wealth that are Judg'd so by Dissenting Subjects Holy Com. Pref. Nor are Subjeâ—ts allow'd to Resist whenever they are consident that Rulers would destroy the Common-wealth Ibid. Oh how happy would the best of Nations under Heaven be If they had the Rulers that our Ingratitude hath cast off Our old Constitution was King Lords and Commons which we were sworn and sworn and sworn again to be faithfull to and to Defend The King with-drawing the Lords and Commons Ruled alone though they Attempted not the Change of the Species of Government Next This we had the Major part of the House of Commons in the Exercise of Sovereign Power the Corrupt Majority as the Army call'd them being cast out Ibid. c. 'T is no matter for the Following Revolutions To resist or depose the Best Governours in all the world that have the Supremacy is forbidden to Subjects on point of Damnation Ibid. Ri. Pray'e hold your hand a little Mr. Baxter If the Government was iâ— King Lords and Commons how came the Two Houses â—o Rule Alone with an Vsurpation And without changing the Species of the Government or how came we that you say were sworn over and over to all Three to depose the Head and Submit to the other Two and to let the Government sink from a Monaâ—chy into aâ— Aristocracy and why might not the Commons cast out the Lords and the Army the Commons as well as the Two Houses cast off the King Especially by your own Comment upon Let every Soul be Subject to the Higher Powers Ho. Com. 3E9 Where you expound the Higher Power to be Intended of the Governours in Actual Possession What hindred this Aâ—gument from holding when the King was in Actual Possession Ba. A people may give an Honourary Title to the Prince and not give the same to Others that have part in the Sovereignty So that Names are not the only Notes of Sovereignty Wherefore one must not Judge of the Power of Princes by their Titles or Names Ho. Com. Pa. 432. The Law saith the King shall have the Power of the Militia supposing it to be against Enemies and not against the Common-wealth nor them that have part of the Sovereignty with him To Resist him here is not to Resist Power but Usurpation and Private Will In such a Case the Parliament is no more to be Resisted then he because they are also the Higher Power Ho. Com. Pa. 431. And there 's more in 't yet If a Prince be statedly made a Begger or forsaken or Ejected by a Conqueror and so Uncapable of Governing if it be but pro Tempore the Subjects for That time that have no opportunity to Restore him are disobliged from his Actual Government Pa. 139. Ri. So that the Sâ—izing of a Prince's Revenue deposes him from 〈◊〉 Soverâ—ignty and descharges his Subjects of their Obedience But I took Inferior Magistrates to be Subjects of the King as well as the meanest men and to have no more Power to Depose or take up Armâ— against him then other Subjects Non-Con Plea 2d part p. 5â— And In all the times of Vsurpation and since I said and wrote that the Kings Person is Inviolable and to be Iudg'd by none either Peâ—r or Parliament and that it is none but Subjects that they mâ—y call to Account Iudge and Punish Pref. Ba. I shall leave Others to Judge in what Cases Subjeâ—â—s may Resist Kings by Arms We shall only Conclude that no Humane Power can Abrogate the Law of Nature Non-Câ—â— Plea 2 d. Part Pa. 57. Ri. And may not the Two Houses be Resisted by the Law of Nature as well as they oppoâ—â—â— the King Modâ—â—â— Subjâ—cts should rather study what Laws God hath made for Themselves then what 〈◊〉 he hath made for Kings and what 〈…〉 Own duty thâ—â— whâ—t iâ— the Kings Thâ—ugh 〈…〉 are not bound to be 〈◊〉 Non-Con Plea 2 d. Part. Pa. 48. Ba. Nay I am as little for Restraining of Sovereign Power as any â—lesh breathing It is not saâ—e or Lawfull for the People to Limit or Restrain the Sovereign Power from disposâ—â—g so far of the Estates of All as is necessary to the safety of Aâ—l which is the End of Government Thesis 115. Nay A Governour cannot Lawâ—ully be Restrayned by the People from preserving them Thes. 120. For the Multitude are Covetous Tenacious Injudicious and Incompetent Judges of the Necessities
The Casuist Uncas'd IN A DIALOGUE Betwixt RICHARD AND BAXTER With a MODERATOR Between Them For QUIETNESSE Sake By Roger L' Estrange The Second Edition LONDON â—rinted for H. Brome at the Signe of the Gun in S. Pauls Church-yard 1680. upon the Manners as well as the Services of the Royall Party What can I do better then to face him with the Acts of the Assembly and the Proceedings of the Two Houses to the Contrary And to produce his own Act and Deed in evidence against his Profession On the One hand you have Mr. Baxter valuing himself upâ—â— his Principles of Loyalty and Obedience And on the Other haâ—â— you have the very same Mr. Baxter according to the Outward Man not only pleading the Cause but Celebrating the Justice and Canonizing as in his Saints Rest Pa. 101. of the Old Editions the Prime Directors and Instruments of The Late Rebellion Asserting the very Doctrine of Those Positions whereupon it was founded When Mr. Baxter Sets up for a Toleration whâ—â— can be fairer then to shew him his own Arguments against it Or to ask him how HE a kinde of Heteroclite in his opinions that has Chalk'd out so singular a Plat-Form of Church-Regiment 〈◊〉 himself comes now to be a Common Advocate for all the Dissenting Parties Take him in One Mood as in his Five Disputations and elsewhere and he tells ye that a Diocesan Prelacy is plainly Antichristian and Intolerable And yet in his Noâ—-Conformists Plea and other parts of his Writings he tells ye agaâ—n that the Nonconformists would have submitted to it Now if the Constitution was so Abominable why should they submit to it And if it was not so why does Mr. Baxter say that it was Anâ— why does he still persist in Debauching and Alienating the heaâ—â— of the People from their Rulers in matters which he himself acknowledges to be Warrantable and Established by Law And so for 〈◊〉 Liturgy and Ceremonies he 's at the same Variance with himself about the Lawfulnesse or Vnlawfulnesse of Those Points also Now since Mr. Baxter has been pleased to take upon himself the Patronage of the Non-Conformists Cause and to put forth his Plea and his Plea again for That Interest what can be more Obâ—iging then to take him at his word and consider him under the Publick Character of Their Representative At This Rate Mr. Baxters Works will be as good as a Non-conformists Dictionary to us and assist the World toward the Vnderstanding of the Holy Dialect iâ— a Wonderful manner For the Purity of the Gospell the ways of Christ the Ordinances of the Lord the Power of Godlynesse the Foundations of Faith the Holy Discipline A Blessed Reformation c. These are Words and Expressions that signify quite another thing to Them then they do to Us. Faithful Pastors Laborious Ministers Heavenly Guides Zealous Protestants The Upright in the Land Humble Petitioners Just Priviledges Higher Powers Glorious Kings Holy Covenanting unto the Lord c. This is not to be taken now as the Language Câ—rrant of the Nation but only as a Privy Cypher of Intelligence betwixt Themselves and the Cant or Jargon of the Party Nay they fly from us in their Speech their Manners their Meaning as well as in their Profession The very Christ-Crosse in the Horn-Book is as much a Scandal to them as the Crosse in Baptisme and they make it a point of Honour to maintain the Freedome of their Own Tongue in token that they are not as yet a Conquer'd Nation But are the Non-conformists agreed upon it or not that Mr. Baxter shall be their Speaker and that what he delivers in Their Name shall be taken and deemed as the sense of the Party If it be so we have no more to do then to Consult Mr. Baxter himself and from his oâ—n Writings which I have here Cited and Apply'd with exact Faith and Justice to take our Measures of the Dissenting Brethren No man presses Obedience to the HIGHER POWERS more Imperiously then He does But then he makes Those Higher Powers to be still the Usurpers one after another as they get into ACTUAL POSSESSION Prove says he in the Preface to his Holy Common-Wealth that the KING was the HIGHEST POWER in the time of Division and I will offer my Head to Justice as a Rebell His meaning must Inevitably be This Either that the King had no Right to the Crown before the Divisions or that he forfeited his Title by the Rebellion which is an Admirable way of Transition from rank Treason to Lawfull Authority But in all Thâ—se Cases he has still a Recourse for a Salvo to his Box of Distinctions and tells ye that they Shot at CHARLES STUART in the Field for the Honour and Safety of the KING in the Two Houses And then Good Lord How he runs himself out of Breath with Detesting and Renouncing and Renouncing and Detesting KING-KILLING And yet upon Occasion when Oliver the King-killer falls in his Way How does he lay himself out in Euloyges upon the PIOUS Defunct Praying as the highest Instance of the Veneration he had for That Usurper that the Spirit of the Father might descend upon the Son We pray says he to Richard that you may INHERIT a tender care of the Cause of Christ Key for Catholicks Ep. Ded. But then in another Fit he shall advance ye into his Politicks with a Troop of Aphorismes Lay Principalities and Powers Levell with the Ground and tear up the very Ordinance it self of Government by the Roots If Providence Says he STATEDLY disable him that was the Governour c. Ho. Com. Thes. 136. And yet he does not down-Right â—vow the Doctrine of King-Killing He does indeed approve of giving Battle to the Kings WILL but whether to aym at it in his Maiestys HEAD or in his HEART is not as yet STATEDLY determin'd Now tâ— moderate the matter The Presbyterians only cut off his Majestys Hands and Feet so that he could neither Help nor Shift for himself and then gave him Sold him I should say to the Independents Who cut off his Head If Mr. Baxter speaks the Sence of the Non-Consormists as he pretends to do then must This serve for an Exposition of their Loyalty But if not Why does not the Party either disown or take away his Commission This is it which the Restlesse and Implacable Adversaries of our Common Repose make such a noyse in the World with as the work of the spirit of Persecution the Enflaming of Differences the Widening of Breaches and the Violation of the Act of Oblivion Whereas in Truth there 's nothing in it of a Spiteful Invective but on the other side it is only a playn and a necessary defence Mr. Baxter in his Non-Conformists Pleas delivers in his way a kind of Deduction of the War Particularly under the Head of Matters of Fact to be fore-known to the True Understanding of the Cause 2d Part. Pag. 120. In This Chapter from the Question of the
Concerning the opposing of Magistrates by Private persons and the Murthering of Kings by any though under the most specious and Colourable Pretenses Pa. 11. This is All which upon that desperate Crisis of State was said for that Pious and unfortunate Prince the saving of the King being if any Incomparably the least part of the Ministers business Beside that the dethroning of him was more Criminal then the beheading of him And in such a case it would have been no longer a Murther when they should once have voted the Fact to be an Execution of Justice We desire Say they that you would not be too Confident on former successes If God have made you prosper while you were in his way this can be no Warrant for you to walk in ways of your Own P. 12. So that the Old Cause is Gods still to this very day And besides you have eâ—gaged your selves by an Oath to preserve his Majestys Person and the Priviledges of Parliament and This is most clear that no Necessity can justify Perjury or dispense with Lawfull Oaths Pa. 15. I should be glad to know now how you came to be absolv'd of the Oath of Allegiance or how you can honestly pretend to Stand up for any Interest that renders the King Accountable to his Subjects Ba. Yet if I had taken up Arms against the Parliament in That War my Conscience tells me I had been a Traytor and Guilty of Resisting the Highest Powers Holy Com. Pa. 433. Mo. At This Rate the King was a Traytor on the other side Ba. Why do you cite the Holy Common Wealth so often for I have desired that the Book be taken as non Scriptus Non-Con â—lea 2 d part Pref. Mo. And would not any Malefactor that were deprehended in the manner say as much as this amounts to and wish that the thing might be taken as Non Factum This is rather a Shift then a Retractation And then again it is a wonderfull thing that you should overshoot your self so much upon a Subject that was expresly Suited to the demands and doubts of Thâ—se Timâ—s Holy Com. Pa. 102. That is to say The Restoring of the King was the point then in Agitation and out comes your Book of Aphorisâ—s expresly to possesse the People against it Ba. If you would have a Recantation more in Form I do here freely Profess that I repent of all that â—â—er I thougâ—t Sayd Wrote or did since I was Born against the â—â—ace of Church or State Against the King his Person or â—â—thority as Sâ—preme in himself or as Dâ—â—â—vative in any of his Officers Mâ—gistrats or any Commissioned by him 2 d Admonition to Bagshaw Pa. 52. Mo. This Mock Repentance is a Trick that will not pass either upon God or Man The Kings Headsman might have Sayd as much and yet account that execrable Office a meritorious work You are at your Fast Sermon again Always Obedient to the Highest Powers but divided somewhere about the Receptacle of the Sovereignty You ask God forgivenesse for all that ever you Thought Sayd Wrote or Did against the King and the Publick-Peace And what signifies This Repentance so long as you persist in maintaining that all the violences acted upon the Person Crown and Dignity of his Sacred Majesty in the Name of the King and Parliament were not AGAINST the King but FOR him This is All but the Hypothesis of a Transgression Lord forgive me all that ever I did amiss That is to say if ever I did any thing amiss But I charge my self with no Particulars Why do ye not Touch the Thesis that you condemn and say This That and tother Aphorisme I Renounce Nay why do ye not Reform and Correct your mistakes and state the matter aright toward the bringing of These people into their Wits again that have been Intoxicated by your false Doctrine and Poyson'd from your very Pulpit Ba. If you Quarrell with my Repentance as not In Particulars enow I answer you that as in the Revocation of the Book I thought it best to Revoke the whole though not as Retracting all the Doctrine of it because if I had named the Particular Passages some would have said I had mentioned too Few and some too many and few would have been satisfi'd Admon to Bagshaw Pag. 53. Mo. You have Mark'd Revoke and Retract with an Emphatical Character to give to Understand that you do not Retract though you do Revoke and you have put them in Italique to shew that there lies a stresse upon Those two Words You Revoke the whole Book you say not as Retracting all the Doctrine of it If by Revoke you mean Call in or Supprâ—ss you might as well call back your Breath again as the venome that was diffused by those Aphorisms And then to say that you do not Retract All the Doctrine of it does not necessarily Imply that you Retract any part of it Or if you do your Repentance is yet Frivolous for want of distinguishing the Right from the Wrong that your Disciples may not take the One from the Other Your Apprehension indeed of saying too much or too little if you should come to Particulars is very Reasonable For to please the Lovers to their Prince Church and Countrey you must not leave one Seditious or Schismatical Principle behind ye But then on the other side if you come to pronounce the Levying of Arms the making of a Great Seal and Exercising other Acts of Sovereignty without and against the Kings Commission to be High Treason by the Established Law you are lost to all Intents and Purposes with your own Party So that for fear of disobliging the One side or the Other by Confessing too much or too little you have resolved upon the middle way of confessing just nothing at all Ba. I do Repent again that I no more discouraged the spirit of pâ—evish Quarrelling with Superiours and Church-Orders and though I ever disliked and opposed it yet that I somâ—times did too much Encourage such as were of this Temper by speaking too sharply against Those things which I thought to be Church-Corruptions and was too loth to displease the Contentious for fear of being Uncapable of doing them good knowing the Prophane to be much worse then They and meeting with too few Religious persons that were not too much pleased with such Invectives Ibid. Mo. This Clause of Repentance is every jot as much a Riddle to me as the former You did not sufficiently discourage the spirit of Quarrelling with Superiours Which spirit you your self Raised You were a little too sharp upon what you thought to be Church-Corruptions So that here 's a Bit and a Knock You were a little too sharp but it was against Corrupâ—ions in the Church Your very Repentances are Calumnies But you were willing to oblige a Contentious Religious Party that was pleased with Invectives you could have done
remember a certain Dedicatory Epistle to Richard Protector iâ— your Key for Catholiques where you have these words Giâ—â— not leave to every seducer to do his worst to damn mens Soâ—lâ— when you will not Tolerate every Traytor to draw your Amâ—ieâ— or PEOPLE into Rebellion And again This is one thâ—t rejoyceth in the present happiness of England and honoureth all the Providences of God by which we have been brought 〈◊〉 what we are Do not you here acknowledge Richard the Prâ—tectors Sovereignty and blesse all the Providences that have brought matters so Comfortably about Ri. Ay Ay Baxter That 's a Doctrine you taught me in your Commonwealth I am bound to submit to the Present Government as set over us by God and to Obey for Conscience-sakâ— and to behave my self as a Loyal Subject towards Them For a Full and Free Parliament hath own'd it and so there is notoriously the Consent of the People which is the Evidence that former Princes had to Iustify their Best Titles Pa. 484. Whereas in Truth neither was This a Free Parliament nor any Parliament at all neither wâ—s your submission to the present Power an Act of Conscience for the same Conscience would have oblig'd you as well to the King upon the same Grounds Ba. In good time Mr. Richard And who taught ye I wonder your Complements to Prince Richard in the Five disputations Where you Addresse your self To His Highnesse Richard Lord Protectour of the Common-Wealth of England Scotland and Ireland Ep. Ded. And further Your Zeal for God will kindle in your SUBJECTS a zeal for you The more your Life Government is Divine the more Divine will you appear and therefore the more Amiable and Honourable to the Good and Reverend to the Evill Parliaments will Love and honour you and abhor the Motions that tend to a Division or your Iust Displeasure Ministers will heartily pray for you and prayse the Lord for his Mercies by you and Teach all the People to Love Honour and Obey you The People will Rejoyce in you and you will be lov'd or Fear'd of All. Such Happinesse attendeth Serious Piety when Impiety selfishnesse and Neglect of Christ is the shame and Ruine of Prince and People I crave your Highnesse Pardon for this Boldness and your Favourable Acceptance of the Tender'd Service of A Faithfull Subject to your Highness as you are an Officer of the Universal King Richard Baxter Ri. I' keep still to my Old Master Doctour of the Aphorisms If a Person enter into a military State against the People and by Them be Conquered they are not obliged to Restore him unless there be some other Special Obligation upon them beside their Allegeance Thes. 145. And moreover If the Person dispossest though it were Vnjustly do afterward become Vncapable of Government It is not the Subjects duâ—y to seek his Restitution Thes. 146. And yet again Whosoever expâ—lls the Sovereign though Injuriâ—usly and resolves to revive the Common-Wealth rather then he shall be restored and if the Common-Wealth may prosper without his Restauration It is the Duty of such an Injur'd Prince for the Common Good to resign his Government and if he wâ—ll not the People ought to Iudge him as mâ—de Incable by Providence and not to seek his Restitution to the Apparent Ruine of the Common-Wealth Thes. 147. Mo. Praye let me put in a Word betwixt ye What do you call Incapacitys Ba. When Providence depriveth a man of his VNDERSTANDING He is Materia Indisposita and Vncapable of Government though not of the Name Thes. 135. If God permits Princes to turn so WICKED as to be Uncapable of Governing So as is consisâ—ent with the Ends of Government he permits them to depose Themselves Thes. 136. Again If Providence Statedly disable him that was the Sovereign from the executing of Laws Protecting the Just and other Ends of Government it maketh him an Uncapable Subject of the Power and so deposeth him For a Government so Impotent is None A capacity for the Work and Ends is necessary in the Person and when That ceaseth the Power ceaseth Hâ—l Comm. Pag. 137.138 Ri. And then you say further Thes. 153. That Any thing that is a sufficient Sign of the Will of God that This is the Person by whom we should be Governed is enough as Ioyned to Gods Laws to oblige us to Consent and Obey him as our Governour Vpon which Ground you your self do Iustify all that I have either said or doâ—e in submission to Richard And so you do likewise in your Thesis 149. If the Rightfull Governour be so long dispossest that the Common-Wealth can be no longer be without Government but to the apparâ—nt hazzard of it's Ruine we ought to Iudge that Providence has dispâ—â—sest the Former and presently consent to another We must not say that because we cannot have such a man wee 'l have none but be Vngoverned This is to break an Express Commandement and to cast off the Order and Ordinance of God for a Persons sake P. 162. And then there 's another thing You put all the Cases that ever you could muster up against the Kings Return If a King you say dissolves the Government he can be no Governour If an Enemy no King A destroyer cannot be a Ruler and Defender He proclaimeth Hostility and is Therefore not to be Trusted Pa. 539. Ba. Well well Richard If you had pleased you might have found out some other Aphorismes where I have done as much Right I 'm sure to Sovereign Power as any man living Do not I say Thes. 326. That It is the Subjects Duty to defend their Prince with their Strength and hazzard of their Lives against all Forreign and Domestique Enemies that seek his Life or Ruine Ri. If you speak This to the Cause in Question how will you come off where you say If I had known that the Parliament had been the Beginners and in most faâ—â—t yet the Ruine of our Trustees and Representives and so of all the Security of the Nation is a Punishment greater then any fault of theirs against a King can from him deserve and That Their saulâ—s cannot disoblige me from defending the Common-Wealth â— Owned not all that ever they did but I took it to be my Duty to look to the mayn End And I knâ—w that the King had all his Power for the Common Good and therefore had none against it and Therefore that no Cause can Warrant him to make the Common-Wealth the Party which he shall exercise Hostility against Ho. Com. Pa. 480. All this sâ—â—med plain to me And When I found so many things Conjunct as Two of the Three Estates against the Will of the King Alone the Kingdoms Representatives and Trustees assaulted in the Guarding of our Liberties and the Highest Court defending them against offending Subjects and seâ—king to bring them to a Legal Tryal and the Kingdoms Safety and the Common Good
or Commodity of the Common-wealth Pa. 115. Ri. But what was it you were saying e'en now of the Best Governours in the World Ba. I was saying that the Best Governours in all the World that have the Supremacy have been Resisted or deposed in England I mean 1. Them that the Army called the Câ—rrupt Majority or an Hundred Forty and Three Imprison'd and Secluded Members of the Long Parliament who as the Majority had you know what power 2. The Powers that were last layd by I should with great Rejoycing give a Thousand Thanks to That man that will acquaint me of One Nation upon all the Earth that hath better Governours in Sovereign Power as to Wisdome and Holyness Conjunâ—t then those that have been Resisted or deposed in Englâ—â—â— Ho. Com. Pref. Ri. You Speak of the Secluded Members and the Two Cromwells But they all came in by Violence And I know none of the Non-Conformists that take it not for Rebellion to pull down or sâ—t up â—orcibly by the Sword any thing against the Supreme Râ—ler or Without him R. Bs. Letter to Mr. Hinckly Pa. 8â— Ba. The Parliament did Remonstrate to the Kingdom the danger of the Subversion of Religion and Liberties and of the Common Good and Interest of the People whose Trustees they were Ho. Com. Pa. 471. And If a Nation Regularly chuse a Representative Body of the most Noble Prudent Interested Members to discern their dangers and the Remedies and preserve their Liberties and Safety the People tâ—emselves are to discern These Dangers and Remedies by THEIR eyes Thes. 356. And I think it was time for us to believe a Parliament concerning our Danger and Theirs when we heard so many Impious persons rage against them Pa. 472. the Irish professing to raise Arms for the King to defend his Prerogative and their own Religion against the Parliament I say in such a time as This we had Reason to believe our entrusted Watchmen that told us of the danger and no Reason to suffer our Lives and Libertyes to be taken out of their Trust and wholly put into the hands of the King We had rather of the two be put upon the Inconvenience of Justifying our Defence then to have been Butcher'd by Thousands and fall into such hands as Ireland did Pa. 473. But all the Wars that have been since the Opposition to the Parliament and Violence done to the Person of the King were far from being own'd by the Common Sort of the Now Non-Conformists c. Non-Conf Plea Pa. 138. Ri. You were saying a while agoe as I remember that a Parliament that destroys Fundamentals is an Enemy to the Common-Wealth and the People ought to oppose them Pray'e Say 〈◊〉 not the Freedome and Right of the Electors as much a Fundamental as the Priviledge and Trust of the Elected How comes it then that you propound the Reducing of Elections to the Faithfâ—â—l honest Upright men c. Pref. to the Ho. Com. Ba. Let me speak afterwards of the Necessity and of the Utility of This Cause 1. It is known that Parliaments quà Tales are not Divine Religious Protestant or Just. The Six Articles by which the Martyrs were burnt were made by a Parliament All the Laws for the Papal Interests in the days of Popery have been made by them They have often Followed the Wills of Princes to and fro and therefore they are not Indefectible nor Immutable as such Ho. Com. Pa. 243. Mo. Very right and all the late Orders and Ordinances 〈◊〉 Sequestring Crown and Church-Revenues Commitments Plunders Decimations and the like were made by that which you call a Parliament But see now in what a Condition Thâ—t people must be that sees with the Parliaments Eyes in caâ—â— of such Parliaments as you suppose and the Remedy you prescribe is worse then the disease for take away the Freedome of Choyce and the Persons Chosen are a Faction rather then a Parliament Ba. 2. It is known that there are Mambers of Varioâ—â— minds in them all and sometime the miscarrying Party is so strong that by a few more voices they might brsng Misery oâ— the Common-wealth Ibid. Mo. This we have found in severall cases upon Experiment to the Ruine of three Kingdomes Ba. 3. It is well known that in most parts the Majoâ—-Vote of the Vulgar that are Chusers are Ignorant selfish of Private Spirits ruled by mony and therefore by their Landlords and other Great and Powerful men and withall they are bitterly distasted against the Serious diligent Practice of Religion according to the Rules of Christ. Ibid. 4. It is therefore apparent that if they had their Liberty They would chuse such as are of their minds and it was by Providence and Accident that heretofore they did not so Ibid. Mo. Here 's a Compendious Model Mr. Baxter of your Project for the due Regulation of the Electours and Elections of Parliament Thes. 211. First you propound to take away from the People of England their Ancient and Undoubted Right of Chusing their own Representatives 2. to Unqualify all the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty of the Land that are Well Affected to the Government of Church and State And 3ly To Pack a Faction under the name of a Parliament of your own Leaven Or if that will not doe 't is but employing the Rabble again to give the House a swinging Purge and you are at your Journeys End Proceed Ba. 5. It is certain that the Wars the Change of Church-Government and Forms of Worship the Differences of Religious men and the many Sects that have lately risen up among us and the strict Laws of Parliament about the Lords day c. and Specially their Taxes have deeply discontented them and exasperated them against such as they think have caused these so that many would now purposely design Their Ruine Ibid. In fine Without Regulating Elections what Probability is there but the next that is chosen by a Majority of Votes with absolute Freedom will undoe all that hath been done and be revenged to the full on all that were so odious to them and Settle our Calamity by a Law Mo. This is a more Candid Account Mr. Baxter then you Intended it For the People may well be allow'd to have Cursed the Authours of those bloudy Broyles The Prophaning of our Temples The suppressing of our Church-Government and Liturgy the Propagating of so many Sects and Schisms and bringing the Nation to Grone under Their Taxes like the Asse under the Burthen But how is That the Peoples Representative that Shuts the people out of the Election and acts both Without and Against their Consent The Tenth part of this encroachment upon the Common Liberty from the King would have been Cry'd out against as Arbitrary And Tyrannicall But what way would you direct for the Limiting of the Qualifications ba. Let all Pastors in England that are Approved have an
Instrument of Approbation and all that are Tolerated an Instrument of Toleration and let no man be a chuser or a Ruler that holdeth not Communion with an Approved or Tolerated Church and is not signify'd under the Pastors hand to be a Member thereof Thes. 219. Mo. A most excellent Invention to advance the Empire of Presbytery and enslave all other degrees and Perswasions of men whatsoever Ba. The Humble Petition and Advice determineth that under the Penalty of a Thousand pounds and Imprisonment till it be paid no person be Elected and sit in Parliament but Such as are persons of known Integrity fear God and of Good Conversation They are sworn also for Fidelity to the Protector c. A more excellent Act hath not been made for the happynesse of England concerning Parliaments at least since the Reformation Ho. Com. 257.258 Mo. But what is it that you mean by this Known Integrity or who are to be the Iudges of it I take That man that Publickly Sacrifices his Life his Fortune his Family and his Freedome to the service of his Prince and Countrey according to the Law to be a man of Known Integrity and him that Acts in opposition to the Law and to his duty to be clearly the contrary I take the Publican that smites his breast and crys Lord be merciful unto me a sinner to have more of the Fear of God in him then the Pharisee that Prays in the Market Place and thanks God that he is not as Other men are And I take him to be of as Good a Conversation that submits quietly to the Rules of the Government Reverences Authority and contents himself with his Lawful Lot As he is that values himself upon Out-braving Publique Order Reviling his Betters Living upon the spoil and devouring the Bread of the Oppressed What would you say now to the turning of the Tables and setting up of your Qualifications on the other side and to the Kings excluding of the Non-Conformists by an Oath of Fidelity to himself as your Richard excluded delinquents in the late Eections Ho. Com. P. 244. So that the People durst not go according otheir Inclinations Ibid. But why do I argue from your Practises when your Positions do naturally leade to the same undutyfull Ends Ba. My dull Brain could never find out any one point of difference in Theology about the Power of Kings and the Duty of Obedience in the People between the Divines called Presbyterians and Episcopal If you know any name them me and tell me your Proofs R. B's Letter to Mr. Hinckly Pa. 26. Ri. 'T is a Confounding of your Metaphysicks methinks with your Politiques to talk of Points of Theology in matters of Civil Power and Obedience without distinguishing between our Credenda and Agenda Notion and Practice Supernaturall Truths and Moral Duties And why The Divines CALLED Presbyterians and not rather the Presbyterian Divines For they are not ALL Presbyterians that are so CALLED and there 's a great deal of difference betwixt the Principles of Presbyterian Divines as Presbyterian and the 〈◊〉 of those very Presbyterians as they are rangeâ— undâ—r â—he Bâ—nner of a Civil Interest But over and above all Thiâ— you have carry'd it a great deal â—oo far to say that the Episcopal and the Presbyterian Divines hold the same Principles in the Point of King and Subject You shâ—uld rather have acknowledg'd the disagreements and maintain'd the Pâ—iâ—ciple We hold 1. Thâ—t the Parliament by the Constitution have part of the Sovereâ—â—â—tâ— Ho. Com. Pa. 457. 2. That the Sovereignty is joyntly iâ— Kâ—â—g Lords and Commons as Three Estates 465. 3. The Parliaâ—ent have a Power of Enacting Laws as well as of â—roposing them Pa. 462. Whereas The Episcopal Party pronoâ—â—ce the Sovereignty to be only in the King 2. They assert the Kings sole Supremacy in all Causes and over all Persons whatsoever as well Ecclesiastical as Civill and 3. That the two Houses have no share at all in the Sanction We hold likewise that It was Treason to resist the Parliament as the Enemy did apparently in Order to their Subversion Ho. Com. 478. That the Parliament was the highest Interpreter of Laws that was then Existent in the Division Ibid. And so we find that every step of the Parliamentary War was Iustify'd by the Assembly and the whole Current of the Presbyterian-Divines The Episcopal Clergy Vnanimously declaring themselves to the contrary Who but the Assembly July 19. 43. in the Names of Themselves and Others to call for the Execution of Iustice on All delinquents Husband 2d Vol. of Collections 241. And who again Aug. 10. 1643. but The Divines of the Assembly that are Reâ—iants of the Associated Counties and now Attending the Assembly are desired to go down into their several Counties to stir up the people in Those severall Counties to rise for their Defence Ibid. 285. So that in the Main we differ upon the very Constitution of the Government the Power of the Prince the Duty of the Subject and upon every point of the Parliamentary War And we are no lesse divided upon the Scheme of Forms and Ceremonies Ba. Prove that I or any of my Acquaintance ever practised Ejecting Silencing ruining men for things Unnecessary yea or for Greater things Whom did we ever forbid to Preach the Truth Whom did we cast out of all Church-Maintenance Whom did we Imprison R. R's Answ. to Dr. Stillingfleet Pa. 97. Ri. You forget your self Brother and I am for speaking the Truth though I shame the Devill Pray look into Mercurius Rusticus his Accompt of the London Clergy that were Ejected Silenced and Ruin'd by Order of Parliament See his Querela Cantabrigiensis for the Heads Fellows and Students of Colledges that were There Ejected Plunder'd Imprison'd or Banish'd for their Affections to the King and the Establish'd Religion Consider thâ—â— You your self took the liberty to Graze upon another mans Pastâ—re And all these Violence were carry'd on by your Encouragement Influenced by your Approbation and the Principal directors of theâ— extold to the Skyes as the Best Governours for Wisdome aâ—d Holynesse Ho. Com. Pref. under the Cope of Heaven Ba. But however Either they must prove that we hold Rebellious Principles or they shew that they do but in Plot accuse us I know very well that The Transproser Rehearsed Pa. 48. saith Mr. Baxter in his Holy Common-wealth mayntainteth that he the King may be called to Account by any Single Peer Must we say nothing to such bloudly slanders Never such a Thought was in my mind nor word spoken or Written by me But all is a meer False-Fiction Nay in all the times of Usurpation and Since I said and Wrote that the Kings Person is Inviolable and to be Judg'd by none either Peer or Parliament and that it is none but Subjects that they may call to accompt and Judge and Punish and