in him somewhat better and somewhat worse And verily by that meanes he that hath the worse part obedient to the better hath powre over himselfe yea and better than himselfe whereas he that suffreth the brutish and unreasonable part of his soule to command and go before so as the better and more noble part doth follow and is serviceable unto it he no doubt is worse than himselfe he is I say incontinent or rather impotent and hath no power over himselfe but disposed contrary to nature For according to the course and ordinance of nature meet and fit it is that reason being divine and heavenly should command and rule that which is sensuall and voide of reason which as it doth arise and spring out of the very bodie so it resembleth it as participating the properties and passions thereof yea and naturally is full of them as being deepely concorporate and throughly mixed therewith As it may appeere by all the motions which it hath tending to no other things but those that be materiall and corporall as receiving their augmentations and diminutions from thence or to say more properly being stretched out and let slacke more or lesse according to the mutations of the body Which is the cause that young persons are quicke prompt and audacious rash also for that they be full of bloud and the same hot their lusts and appetites are likewise firy violent and furious whereas contrariwise in old folke because the source of concupiscence seated about the liver is after a sort quenched yea and become weake and feeble reason is more vigorous and predominant in them as much as the sensuall and passionate part doth languish and decay together with the body And verily this is that which doth frame and dispose the nature of wilde beasts to divers passions For it is not long of any opinions good or bad which arise in them that some of them are strong venterous and fearelesse yea and ready to withstand any perils presented before them others againe be so surprised with feare and fright that they dare not stirre or do any thing but the force and power which lieth in the bloud in the spirits and in the whole bodie is that which causeth this diversitie of passions by reason that the passible part growing out of the flesh as from a roote doeth bud soorth and bring with it a qualitie and pronenesse semblable But in man that there is a sympathie and fellow mooving of the body together with the motions of the passions may be prooved by the pale colour the red flushing of the face the trembling of the joints and panting and leaping of the heart in feare and anger And againe on the contrary side by the dilations of the arteries heart and colour in hope and expectation of some pleasures But when as the divine spirit and understanding of man doeth moove of it selfe alone without any passion then the body is at repose and remaineth quiet not communicating nor participating any whit with the operation of the minde and intendement no more than it being disposed to studie upon any Mathematicall proposition or other science speculative it calleth for the helpe and assistance of the unreasonable part By which it is manifest that there be two distinct parts in us different in facultie and power one from another In summe Go through the universall world althings as they themselves affirme and evident experience doth convince are governed and ordred some by a certeine habitude others by nature some by sensuall and unreasonable soule others by that which hath reason and understanding Of all which man hath his part at once yea and was borne naturally with these differences above said For conteined he is by an habitude nourished by nature reason understanding he useth he hath his portion likewise of that which is unreasonable and inbred there is together with him the source and primitive cause of passions as a thing necessarie for him neither doth it enter into him from without in which regard it ought not to be extirped utterly but hath neede onely of ordering and government whereupon Reason dealeth not after the Thracian maner nor like king Lycurgus who commanded all vines without exception to be cut downe because wine caused drunkennes it rooteth not out I say all affections indifferently one with another the profitable as well as the hurtfull but like unto the good gods 〈◊〉 and Hemorides who teach us to order plants that they may fructifie and to make them gentle which were savage to cut away that which groweth wilde and ranke to save all the rest and so to order and manage the same that it may serve for good use For neither do they shed and spill their wine upon the floure who are afraid to be drunke but delay the same with water nor those who feare the violence of a passion do take it quite away but rather temper and qualifie the same like as folke use to breake horses and oxen from their flinging out with their heeles their stiffenes curstnes of the head stubburnes in receiving the bridle or the yoke but do not restreine them of other motions in going about their worke and doing their deed And even so verily reason maketh good use of these passions when they be well tamed and brought as it were to hand without over weakning or rooting out cleane that part of the soule which is made for to second reason and do it good service For as Pindarus saith The horse doth serve in chariot at the thill The oxe at plough doth labour hardin field Who list in chase the wild Bore for to kill The hardy hound he must provide with skill And I assure you the entertainment of these passions and their breed serve in farre better stead when they doe assist reason and give an edge as it were and vigour unto vertues than the beasts above named in their kind Thus moderate ire doth second valour and fortitude hatred of wicked persons helpeth the execution of Iustice and indignation is just and due unto those who without any merit or desert enjoie the felicitie of this life who also for that their heart is puffed up with foolish arrogancie and enflamed with disdainfull pride and insolence in regard of their prosperitie have need to be taken downe and cooled Neither is a man able by any meanes would he never so faine to separate from true friendship naturall indulgence and kind affection nor from humanitie commiseration and pitie ne yet from perfect benevolence and good will the fellowiship in joy and sorrow Now if it be true as it is indeed that they do grossely erre who would abolish all love because of foolish and wanton love surely they do amisse who for covertousnes sake and greedines of money do blame and condemne quite all other appetites and desires They do I say asmuch as those who would sorbid running altogether because a man may stumble and catch a fall as he runneth
division of the earth 15 The zones or climates of the earth how many and how great they be 16 Of earth quakes 17 Of the sea how it is concret and how it comes to be bitter 18 How come the tides that is to say the ebbing and flowing of the seas 19 Of the circle called Halo Chapters of the fourth Booke 1 Of the rising of Nilus 2 Of the soule 3 Whether the soule be corporall and what is her substance 4 The parts of the soule 5 Which is the mistresse or principall part of the soule and wherein it doth consist 6 Of the soules motion 7 Of the soules immortalitie 8 Of the senses and sensible things 9 Whether the senses and imaginations be true 10 How many senses there be 11 How sense and notion is performed as also how reason is ingendred according to disposition 12 What difference there is betweene imagination imaginable and imagined 13 Of sight and how we doe see 14 Of the reflexions or resemblances in mirrors 15 Whether darknesse be visible 16 Of hearing 17 Of smelling 18 Of tasting 19 Of the voice 20 Whether the voice be incorporall and how commeth the resonance called eccho 21 How it is that the soule hath sense and what is the principal predomināt part therof 22 Of respiration 23 Of the passions of the body and whether the soule have a fellow-feeling with it of paine Chapters of the fift Booke 1 Of divination or 〈◊〉 of future things 2 How dreames 〈◊〉 3 What is the substance of naturall seed 4 Whether naturall seed be a body 5 Whether femals as well as males doe yeeld naturall seed 6 After what maner conceptions are 7 How males and females are engendred 8 How monsters are ingendred 9 What is the reason that a woman accompanying often times carnally with a man doth not 〈◊〉 10 How twinnes both two and three at once be occasioned 11 How commeth the resemblance of parents 12 What is the cause that infants be like to some other and not to the parents 13 How women proove barren and men unable to ingender 14 What is the reason that mules be barren 15 Whether the fruit within the wombe is to be accounted a living creature or no. 16 How such fruits be nourished within the wombe 17 What part is first accomplished in the wombe 18 How it commeth to passe that infants borne at seven moneths end doe live and are livelike 19 Of the generation of living creatures how they be ingendred and whether they be corruptible 20 How many kindes there be of living creatures whether they all have sense and use of reason 21 In what time living creatures receive forme within the mothers wombe 22 Of what elements is every generall part in us composed 23 How commeth sleepe and death whether it is of soule or bodie 24 When and how a man beginneth to come unto his perfection 25 Whether it is soule or bodie that either sleepeth or dieth 26 How plants come to grow and whether they be living creatures 27 Of nourishment and growth 28 From whence proceed appetites lusts and pleasures in living creatures 29 How the feaver is ingendred and whether it be an accessarie or symptome to another disease 30 Of health sicknesse and olde age THE FIRST BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions The Prooeme BEing minded to write of naturall philosophie we thinke it necessary in the first place and before all things els to set downe the whole disputation of Philosophie by way of division to the end that we may know which is naturall and what part it is of the whole Now the Stoicks say that sapience or wisdom is the science of all things aswell divine as humane and that Philosophie is the profession and exercise of the art expedient thereto which is the onely supreame and sovereigne vertue and the same divided into three most generall vertues to wit Naturall Morall and Verball by reason whereof Philosophie also admitteth a three-folde distribution to wit into Naturall Morall Rationall or Verball the Naturall part is that when as we enquire and dispute of the world and the things conteined therein Morall is occupied in intreating of the good and ill that concerneth mans life Rationall or Verball handleth that which perteineth unto the discourse of reason and to speech which also is named Logique or Dialelectique that is to say Disputative But Aristotle and Theophrastus with the Peripateticks in maner all divide Philosophie in this maner namely into Contemplative and Active For necessarie it is say they that a man to atteine unto perfection should be a spectatour of all things that are and an actour of such things as be seemely and decent and may the better be understood by these examples The question is demanded whether the Sunne be a living creature according as it seemeth to the sight to be or no He that searcheth and enquireth into the trueth of this question is altogether therein speculative for he seeketh no farther than the contemplation of that which is semblably if the demand be made whether the world is infinit or if there be any thing without the pourprise of the world for all these questions be meere contemplative But on the other side mooved it may be How a man ought to live how he should governe his children how he is to beare rule and office of State and lastly in what maner lawes are to be ordeined and made for all these are sought into in regard of action and a man conversant therein is altogether active and practique CHAP. I. What is Nature SInce then our intent and purpose is to consider and treat of Naturall philosophie I thinke it needfull to shew first what is Nature for absurd it were to enterprise a discourse of Naturall things and meane-while to be ignorant of Nature and the power thereof Nature then according to the opinion of Aristotle is the beginning of motion and rest in that thing wherein it is properly and principally not by accident for all things to be seene which are done neither by fortune nor by necessitie and are not divine nor have any such efficient cause be called Naturall as having a proper and peculiar nature of their owne as the earth fire water aire plants and living creatures Moreover those other things which we do see ordinarily engendered as raine haile lightning presteres winds and such like for all these have a certeine beginning and every one of them was not so for ever and from all eternitie but did proceed from some originall likewise living creatures and plants have a beginning of their motion and this first principle is Nature the beginning not of motion onely but also of rest and quiet for whatsoever hath had a beginning of motion the same also may have an end and for this cause Nature is the beginning aswell of rest as of moving CHAP. II. What difference there is betweene a principle and an element ARistotle and Plato are of opinion that there is a
signified as much when he called the night 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the sharpenesse at the point of the said shadow and yet the Moone as it appeareth in her ecclypses being caught and comprehended within the compasse of that shadow hath much adoo to get out of it by going forward in length thrice as much as her owne bignesse comes to Consider then how many times greater must the earth needs be than the Moone if it be so that the shadow which it casteth where it is sharpest and narrowest is thrice as much as the Moone But yee are afraid least the Moone should fall if she were avowed to the earth for it may be haply that Aeschylus hath sealed you a warrant and secured you for the earth when he said thus of Atlas He standeth like a pillar strong and sure From earth to heaven above that reacheth streight To beare on shoulders twaine he doeth endure A massie burden and unweldy weight if under the Moone there runne and be spred a light and thin aire not firme and sufficient for to susteine a solide masse whereas according to Pindarus To beare the earth there standmost putssant Columns and pillars of hard diamant And therefore Pharnaces for himselfe is out of all feare that the earth will fall mary he pittieth those who are directly and plumbe under the course of the Moone and namely the Aethiopians and those of Taprobana least so weightie a masse should tumble downe upon their heads And yet the Moone hath one good meanes and helpe to keepe her from falling to wit her very motion and violent revolution like unto those bullets or stones or whatsoever weights be put within a sling they are sure enough from slipping or falling out so long as they be violently swong and whirled about For every body is caried according to the naturall motion thereof if there be no other cause to empeach or turne it aside out of course which is the reason that the Moone mooveth not according to the motion of her poise considering the inclination thereof downward is staied and hindred by the violence of a circular revolution But peradventure more cause there were to marvel if she should stand altogether as the earth immoveable whereas now the Moone hath this great cause to empeach her for not tending downward hither As for the earth which hath no other motion at all to hinder it great reason there is that according to that onely weight of the owne it should moove downward and there settle for more heavy it is than the Moone not so much in this regard that greater it is but more for that the Moone by reason of heat and adustion of fire is made the lighter In briefe it appeareth by that which you say if it be true that the Moone be fire it hath need of earth or some other marter to rest upon and cleave 〈◊〉 for to mainteine nourish and quicken still the power that it hath for it cannot be conceived or imagined how fire should be preserved without fuell or matter combustible And you your selves affirme doe yee not that the earth abideth firme and sure without any base or piedstall to susteine and hold it up Yes verily quoth Pharnaces being in the proper and naturall place which is the very mids and center For this is it whereto all heavy and weightie things doe 〈◊〉 incline and are caried to from every side and about which they cling and be counterpeized but the upper region throughout if haply there be any terrestriall and heavy matter by violence sent up thither repelleth and casteth it downe againe with force incontinently or to speake more truely letteth it goe and fall according to the owne naturall inclination which is to tend and settle downward For the answer and refutation whereof I willing to give Luctus some reasonable time to summon his wits together and to thinke upon his reasons and calling unto Theon by name Which of the tragicall Poets was it Theon quoth I who said that Physicians Bitter medicines into the body powre When bitter choler they meane to purge and scoure And when he made me answere that it was Sophocles Well quoth I we must permit them so to doc upon necessity but we ought not to give eare unto Philosophers if they would maintaine strange paradoxes by other positions as absurd or to confute admirable opinions devise others much more extravagant and wonderfull like as these here who broch and bring in a motion forsooth tending unto a middle wherein what absurdity is there not Holde not they that the earth is as round as a ball and yet we see how many deepe profundities hautie sublimities manifold inequalities it hath affirme not they that there be antipodes dwelling opposit one unto another and those sticking as it were to the sides of the earth with their heeles upward their heads downward all arse verse like unto these woodwormes or cats which hang by their sharpe clawes Would not they have even us also that are here for to goe upon the ground not plumbe upright but bending or enclining sidelong reeling and staggering like drunken folke Doe they not tell us tales and would make us beleeve that if barres and masses of iron waighing a thousand talents a peece were let fall downe into the bottom of the earth when they came once to the middle centre thereof will stay and rest there albeit nothing els came against them nor sustained them up And if peradventure by some forcible violence they should passe beyond the said midst they would soone rebound backe thither againe of their owne accord Say not they that if a man should saw off the trunks or ends of beams on either side of the earth the same would never settle downeward still throughout but from without forth fall both into the earth and so equally meet one another and cling together about the hart or centre thereof Suppose not they that if a violent streame of water should runne downeward still into the ground when it met once with the very point or centre in the midst which they holde to be incorporall it would then gather together and turne round in maner of a whirlepoole about a pole waving to and fro there continually like one of these pendant buckets and as it hangeth wagge incessantly without end And verily some of these assertions of theirs are so absurd that no man is able to enforce himselfe to imagine in his minde although falsely that they are possible For this indeed is to make high and low all one this is to turne all upside downe that those things which become as farre as to the midst shal be thought below and under and what is under the middle shall be supposed above and aloft in such sort as that if a man by the sufferance and consent of the earth stood with his navell just against the middle and centre of it he should by this meanes have his head and his heeles both
not proceed so farre in displeasing him that thereby he breake or undo the knot of friendship he ought I say to use a sharpe rebuke as a Physician doth some bitter or tart medicine to save or peserve the life of his patient And a good friend is to play the part of a Musician who to bring his instrument into tune and so to keepe it setteth up these strings and letteth downe those and so ought a friend to exchange profit with pleasure and use one with another as occasion serveth observing still this rule often times to be pleasing unto his friend but alwaies profitable whereas the flatterer being used evermore to sing one note and to play upon the same string that is to say To please and in all his words and deeds to aime at nothing els but the contentment of him whom he flattereth can not skill either in act to resist or in speech to reproove and offend him but goeth on still in following his humor according alwaies with him in one tune and keeping the same note just with him Now as Xenophon writeth of king Agesilaus that he was well apaied to be commended of them who he knew would also blame him if there were cause so we are to thinke well of friendship when it is pleasant delightsome and cheereful if otherwhiles also it can displease and crosse againe but to have in suspition the conversation and acquaintance of such as never doe or say any thing but that which is pleasing continually keeping one course without change never rubbing where the gall is nor touching the sore without reproofe and contradiction We ought I say to have ready alwaies in remembrance the saying of an ancient Laconian who hearing king Charilaus so highly praised and extolled And how possibly quoth he can he be good who is neuer sharpe or severe unto the wicked The gad-flie as they say which useth to plague bulles and oxen setleth about their eares and so doth the tick deale by dogges after the same maner flatterers take holde of ambitious mens eares and possesse them with praises and being once set fast there hardly are they to be removed and chased away And here most needfull it is that our judgement be watchfull and observant and doe discerne whether these praises be attributed to the thing or the person wee shall perceive that the thing it selfe is praised if they commend men rather absent than in place also if they desire and affect that themselves which they do so like and approve in others again if they praise not us alone but all others for the semblable qualities likewise if they neither say nor do one thing now and another time the contrary But the principall thing of all other is this If we our selves know in our owne secret conscience that we neither repent nor be ashamed of that for which they so commend us ne yet wish in our hearts that we had said or done the contrary for the inward judgement of our mind and soule bearing witnesse against such praises and not admitting thereof is void of affections and passions wherby it neither can be touched nor corrupted and surprised by a flatterer Howbeit I know not how it commeth about that the most part of men can not abide nor receive the consolations which be ministred unto them in their adversities but rather take delight and comfort in those that weepe lament and mourne with them and yet the same men having offended or being delinquent in any duetie if one come and find fault or touch them to the quicke therefore do strike and imprint into their hearts remorse and repentance they take him for no better than an accuser and enemie contrariwise let one highly commend and magnifie that which they have done him they salute and embrace him they account their wel-willer and friend in deed Now whosoever they be that are ready to praise and extoll with applause and clapping of hands that which one hath done or said were it in earnest or in game such I say are dangerous and hurtfull for the present onely and in those things which are next hand but those who with their praises pierse as faire as to the maners within and with their flatteries proceed to corrupt their inward natures and dispositions I can liken unto those slaves or housholde servants who rob their masters not onely of that corne which is in the heape heth in the garners but also of the very seed for the inclination and towardnesse of a man are the seed that bring forth all his actions and the habitude of conditions and maners are the very source and head from whom runneth the course of our whole life which they pervert in giving to vices the names of vertues Thucydides in his storie writeth That during civill seditions and warres men transferred the accustomed significations of words unto other things for to justifie their deeds for desparate rashnesse without all reason was reputed valour and called Love-friend provident delay and remporizing was taken for decent cowardise Modestie and temperance was thought to be a cloke of effeminate unmanlinesse a prudent and wary circumspection in all things was held for a generall slouth and idlenesse According to which precedent we are to consider and observe in flatterers how they terme prodigalitie by the name of liberalitie cowardise is nothing with them but heedfull warinesse brainsicknesse they entitle promptitude quicknesse and celeritie base and mechanicall niggardise they account temperate frugalitie Is there one full of love and given to be amorous him they call good fellow a boun-companion a man of a kinde and good nature See they one hastie wrathfull and proud withall him they will have to be hardie valiant and magnanimous contrariwise one of a base minde and abject spirit they will grace with the attribute of fellow-like and full of humanity Much like to that which Plato hath written in one place That the amorous lover is a flatterer of those whom he loveth For if they be flat nosed like a shoing borne such they call lovely and gracious be they hawk-nosed like a griffin ôh that is a kingly sight say they those that be blacke of colour are manly white of complexion be Gods children And as for the terme Melichriis that is Hony-coloured it is alwaies verily a flattering word devised by a lover to mitigate and diminish the odiousnesse of a pale hue which he seemeth by that sweet name not to mislike but to take in the best part And verily if hee that is foule ill favoured be borne in hand that he is faire and beautifull or one of small lowe stature made beleeve that he is goodly tall he neither continueth long in this his error neither is the damage that he susteineth thereby greevous great nor unrecoverable but the praises which induce inure a man to beleeve That vice is vertue insomuch that he is nothing at all discontented in his sinne and greeved therefore
every thing appeereth greater than it is through anger And therefore at these and such like faults we should winke for the time and make as though we sawthem not and yet thinke upon them neverthelesse and beare them in minde But afterwards when the storme is well overblowen we are with out passion do not suspect our selves then we may do well to consider thereof and then if upon mature deliberation when our mind is staied and our senses setled the thing appeere to be naught we are to hate and abhor it and in no wise either to for-let and put of or altogether to omit and forbeare correction like as they refuse meats who have no stomacke nor appetite to eat For certeinly it is not a thing so much to be blamed for to punish one in anger as not to punish when anger is past and alaied and so to be retchlesse and desolute doing as idle mariners who so long as the sea is calme and the weather faire loiter within the harbor or haven but afterwards when a tempest is up spread sailes and put themselves into danger For even so we condemning and neglecting the remissenesse and calmnesse of reason in case of punishment make haste to execute the same during the heat of choler which no doubt is a blustring and turbulent winde As for meat he calleth for it in deed and taketh it naturally who is a hungrie but surely he executeth punishment best who neither hungreth nor thirsteth after it neither hath he need to use choler as a sauce or deintie dish for to get him a stomacke and appetite to correct but even when he is farthest off from desire of revenge then of necessitie he is to make use of reason and wisdome to direct him for we ought not to do as Aristotle writeth in his time the maner was in Tuskane To whip servants with sound of flutes and hautboies namely to make a sport and pastime of punishing men and to solace our selves with their punishment for pleasures sake and then afterwards when we have done repent us of it for as the one is brutish and beastlike so the other is as womanish and unmanly but without griefe and pleasure both at what time as reason and judgement is in force we ought to let justice take punishment and leave none occasion at all for choler to get advantage But peradvenure some one will say that this is not properly the way to remedie or cure anger but rather a putting by or precaution that we should not commit any of those faults which ordinarily follow that passion Unto whom I answere thus That the swelling of the Spleene is not the cause but a symptome or accident of a fever howbeit if the said humour be fallen and the paine mitigated the feaver also will be much eased according as Hieronymus saith Also when I consider by what meanes choler is engendred I see that one falleth into it upon this cause another upon that but in all of them it seemeth this generall opinion there is that they thinke themselves to be despised and naught set by And therefore we ought to meet with such as seeme to defend and mainteine themselves as being angry for just cause and to cure them after this maner namely by diverting and remooving from them as far as ever we can all suspicion of contempt and contumacie in those that have offended them and mooved their anger in laying the fault upon inconsiderate follie necessitie sicknesse infirmitie and miserie as Sophocles did in these verses For those my Lords whose state is in destresse Have not their spirits and wits as heretofore As fortune frownes they waxen ever lesse Nay gone are quite though fresh they were before And Agamemnon albeit he laid the taking away of Briseis from Achilles upon Ate that is to say some fatall infortunitie yet He willing was and prest him to content And unto him rich gifts for to present For to beseech and intreat are signes of a man that despiseth not and when the partie who hath given offence becometh humble and lowly he remooveth all the opinion that might be conceived of contempt But he that is in a fit of choler must not attend and waite until he see that but rather helpe himselfe with the answer of Diogenes These fellowes here said one unto him do deride thee Diogenes but I quoth he againe do not finde that I am derided even so ought a man who is angry not to be perswaded that he is contemned of another but rather that himselfe hath just cause to contemne him and to thinke that the fault committed did proced of infirmitie error heady-rashnesse sloth and idlenesse a base and illiberall minde age or youth And as for our servants and friends we must by all meanes quit them hereof or pardon them at leastwise For surely they cannot be thought to contemne us in regard that they thinke us unable to be revenged or men of no execution if we went about it but it is either by reason of our remissenes and mildnesse or else of our love and affection that we seeme to be smally regarded by them whiles our servants presume of our tractable nature easie to be pacified and our friends of our exceeding love that cannot be soone shaken off But now we are provoked to anger not onely against our wives or servitors and friends as being contemned by them but also many times in our choler we fall upon In-keepers Mariners and Muliters when they be drunke supposing that they despise us And that which more is we are offended with dogs when they bay or barke at us and with asses if they chance to fling out and kicke us Like unto him who lifted up his hand to strike and beat him that did drive an asse and when the man cried that he was an Athenian But thou I am sure art no Athenian quoth he to the asse and laid upon the poore beast as hard as he could and gave him many a blow with his cudgell But that which chiefly causeth us to be angrie and breedeth a continuall disposition thereto in our minds causing us so often to breake out into fits of choler which by little and little was ingendred and gathered there before is the love of our owne selves and a kinde of froward surlinesse hardly to be pleased together with a certaine daintinesse and delicacie which all concurring in one breed and bring foorth a swarme as it were of bees or rather a waspes neast in us And therefore there cannot be a better meanes for to carrie our selves mildly and kindly towards our wives our servants familiars and friends than a contented minde and a singlenesse or simplicitie of heart when a man resteth satisfied with whatsoever is present at hand and requireth neither things superfluous nor exquisite But he that never is content With rost or sod but cooke is shent How ever he be serv d I meane With more with lesse or in a meane He is not
whiles we be tempering about this immoderate shamefacednesse for to remoove it that we do not draw away with it grace and modesty gentlenes and debonarity which be adjacents and lie close unto it under which qualities lieth lurking and sticketh close to the foresaid naughtie bashfulnesse flattering him that is possessed therewith as if he were full of humanitie courtesie civilitie and common sense not opinionative severe inflexible and untractable which is the reason that the Stoicke Philosophers when they dispute of this matter have distinguished by severall names this aptnes to blush or over-much bashfulnesse from modestie and shamefacednesse indeed for feare lest the aequivocation and ambiguitie of one common word might give some occasion and vantage to the vicious passion it selfe to do some hurt As for us they must give us leave to use the tearmes without calumniation or rather permit us to distinguish according to Homer when he saith Shame is a thing that doth mickle harme and profiteth as much neither without good cause is it that in the former place he putteth downe the harme and discommoditie thereof for surely it is not profitable but by the meanes of reason which cutteth off that which is superfluous and leaveth a meane behinde To come then unto the remedies thereof it behooveth him first and formost who is given to blushing at every smal matter to beleeve be perswaded that he is possessed with such an hurtfull passion now there is nothing hurtfull which is good and honest neither ought he to take pleasure and delight when he shall be tickled in the eare with praises and commendations when he shall heare himselfe called gentle jolly and courteous in steed of grave magnanimous and just neither let him do as Pegasus the horse in Euripides who When mount his back Bellerophontes should With trembling stoup'd more than his owne selfe would that is to say give place and yeeld after a base manner to the demaunds and requests of everie man or object himselfe to their wil and pleasure for feare forsooth lest one should say of him Lo what a hard man is this See how inexorable he is It is reported of Bocchorus a king of Egypt that being rough fell austere the goddesse Isis sent the serpent called Aspis for to wind and wreath about his head and so to cast a shadow over him from above to the ende that hee might be put in minde to judge aright but this excessive shamefastnesse which alwaies overspreadeth and covereth them who are not manly but faint-hearted and effeminate not suffering them once to dare to deny or gainsay any thing surely would avert and withdraw judges from doing justice close up their mouthes that in counsels and consultations should deliver their opinion frankly yea and cause them both to say and do many things inconsiderately against their minde which otherwhiles they would not For looke whosoever is most unreasonable and importunate he will ever tyrannize and dominier over such an one forcing by his impudencie the bashfulnesse of the other by which meanes it commeth to passe that this excessive shame like unto a low piece of soft ground which is ready to receive all the water that comes and apt to be overflowed and drowned having no power to withstand and repulse any encounter nor say a word to the contrarie whatsoever is proposed yeeldeth accesse to the lewdest desseignes acts and passions that be An evill guardian and keeper of childhood and yoong age is this excessive bashfulnesse as Brutus well said who was of this minde that neither he nor she could well and honestly passe the flower of their fresh youth who had not the heart and face to refuse and denie any thing even so likewise a bad governesse it is of the bride-bed and womens chamber according to that which shee saide in Sophocles to the adulterer who repented of the fact Thy flattering words have me seduced And so perswaded I am abused In such sort as this bashfulnes over and besides that it is vicious and faultie it selfe spoileth and marreth cleane the intemperate incontinent person by making no resistance to his appetites and demaunds but letting all ly unfortified unbard and unlockt yeelding easie accesse and entrance to those that will make assault and give the attempt who may by great gifts and large offers catch and compasse the wickedest natures that be but surely by perswasions and inductions and by the meanes withall of this excessive bashfulnesse they oftentimes conquer and get the mastrie even of such as are of honest and gentle disposition Here I passe-by the detriments and damages that this bashfulnesse hath beene the cause of in many matters and that of profit and commoditie namely how many men having not the heart to say nay have put forth and lent their money even to those whose credite they distrust have beene sureties for such as otherwise they would have beene loth and unwilling to engage themselves for who can approove and commend this golden sentence written upon the temple of Apollo Be surety thou maist but make account then to pay howbeit they have not the power to do themselves good by that warning when they come to deale in the world And how many have come unto their end and died by the meanes of this foolish qualitie it were hard to reckon For Creon in Euripides when he spake thus unto Medea For me Madame it were much better now by flat deniall your minde to discontent Than having once thus yeelded unto you sigh afterwards full sore and ay repent gave a very good lesson for others to follow but himselfe overcome at length through his foolish bashfulnesse graunting one day longer of delay at her request overthrew his owne state and his whole house Some there were also who doubting and suspecting that they were laide for to be bloodily murdered or made away by poison yet upon a foolish modestie not refusing to go into the place of daunger came to their death and were soone destroied Thus died Dion who notwithstanding hee knew well enough that Callippus laide wait for him to take away his life yet forsooth abashed he was to distrust his friend and host and so to stand upon his guard Thus was Antipater the sonne of Cassander massacred who having first invited Demetrius to supper was bidden the morrow after to his house likewise and for that he was abashed to mistrust Demetrius who the day before had trusted him refused not to go but after supper he was murdered for his labour Moreover when Polysperchon had undertaken and promised unto Cassander for the summe of one hundred talents to kill Hercules a base sonne of king Alexander by lady Barsine he sent and requested the said Hercules to sup with with him in his lodging the yoong gentleman had no liking at all to such a bidding but mistrusting and fearing his curtesie alleaged for his excuse that he was not well at ease whereupon Polysperchon came himselfe in person unto
tooles may be repaired if they be worne or new made if the first be gon but to recover a brother that is lost it is not possible no more than to make a new hand if one be cut away or to set in another eie in the place of that which is plucked out of the head and therefore well said that Persian ladie when shee chose rather to save the life of her brethren than of her children For children quoth shee I may have more but since my father and mother be both dead brother shall I never have But what is to be done will some man say in case one be matched with a bad brother First this we ought evermore to remember that in all sorts of amities there is to be found some badnesse and most true is that saying of Sophocles Who list to search throughout mankinde More bad than good is sure to finde No kinted there is no societie no fellowship no amitie and love that can be found sincere sound pure and cleare from all faults The Lacedaemonian who had married a wife of little stature We must quoth he of evils chuse ever the least even so in mine advice a man may very well and wisely give counsell unto brethren to beare rather with the most domesticall imperfections and the infirmities of their owne blood than to trie those of strangers for as the one is blamelesse because it is necessarie so the other is blame-worthy for that it is voluntarie for neither table-friend and fellow gamester nor play-fere of the same age ne yet hoast or guest Is bound with links of brasse by hand not wrought Which shame by kinde hath forg'd and cost us nought but rather that friend who is of the same blood who had his nourishment and bringing up with us begotten of one father and who lay in the same mothers wombe unto whom it seemeth that Vertue herselfe doth allow connivencie and pardon of some faults so as a man may say unto a brother when he doth a fault Witlesse starke naught yea wretched though thou be Yet can I not forsake and cast off thee lest that ere I be well aware I might seeme in my hatred towards thee for to punish sharpely cruelly and unnaturally in thy person some infirmitie or vice of mine owne father or mother instilled into thee by their seed As for strangers and such as are not of our bloud we ought not to love first and afterwards make triall and judgement of them but first we must trie and then trust and love them afterwards whereas contrariwise nature hath not given unto proofe and experience the precedence and prerogative to go before love neither doth she expect according to that cōmon proverbe That a man should eate a bushell or two of salt with one whom he minded to love and make his friend but even from our nativitie hath bred in us and with us the very principle and cause of amitie in which regard we ought not to be bitter unto such nor to search too neerely into their faults and infirmities But what will you say now if contrariwise some there be who if meere aliens and strangers otherwise yet if they take a foolish love and liking unto them either at the taverne or at some game and pastime or fall acquainted with them at the wrestling or fensing schoole can be content to winke at their faults be ready to excuse and justifie them yea and take delight and pleasure therein but if their brethren do amisse they be exceeding rigorous unto them and inexorable nay you shall have many such who can abide to love churlish dogs skittish horses yea and finde in their hearts to feed and make much of fell ounces shrewd cats curst unhappie apes and terrible lions but they cannot endure the hastie and cholericke humor the error and ignorance or some little ambitious humor of a brother Others againe there be who unto their concubines and harlots will not sticke to assigne over and passe away goodly houses and faire lands lying thereto but with their brethren they will wrangle and go to law nay they will be ready to enter the lists and combat for a plot of ground whereupon a house standeth about some corner of a messuage or end of a little tenement and afterwards attributing unto this their hatred of brethren the colourable name of hating sinne and wickednesse they go up downe cursing detesting and reproching them fortheir vices whiles in others they are never offended nor discontented therewith but are willing enough daily to frequent and haunt their company Thus much in generall tearmes by way of preamble or proaeme of this whole treatise It remaineth now that I should enter into the doctrine and instructions thereto belonging wherein I will not begin as other have done at the partition of their heritage or patrimonie but at the naughtie emulation hart burning and jealousie which ariseth betweene them during the life of their parents Agesilaus king of Lacedaemon was wont alwaies to send as a present unto each one of the auncients of the citie ever as they were created Senatours a good oxe in testimony that he honored their vertue at length the lords called Ephori who were the censurers overseers of each mans behavior cōdemned him for this in a fine to be paid unto the State subscribling and adding a reason withall for that by these gifts and largesses he went about to steale away their hearts and favors to himselfe alone which ought indifferently to regard the whole body of the city even so a man may do well to give this counsell unto a sonne in such wise to respect honour his father and mother that hee seeke not thereby to gaine their whole love nor seeme to turne away their favour and affection from other children wholy unto himselfe by which practise many doe prevent undermine and supplant their brethren and thus under a colourable and honest pretense in shew but in deed unjust and unequall cloke and cover their avarice and covetous desire for after a cautelous and subtill maner they insinuate themselves and get betweene them and home and so defraud and cousen them ungentlemanly of their parents love which is the greatest and fairest portion of their inheritance who espying their time and taking the opportunitie and vantage when their brethren be otherwise employed and least doubt of their practises then they bestir them most and shew themselves in best order obsequious double-diligent sober and modest and namely in such things as their other brethren do either faile or seeme to be slacke and forgetfull But brethren ought to do cleane contrarie for if they perceive their father to be angrie and displeased with one of them they should interpose themselves and undergo some part of the heavie load they ought to case their brother and by bearing a part helpe to make the burden lighter then I say must they by their service and ministerie gratifie their brother
publike exercises The Lacedaemonians likewise would never have put up the insolent behaviour and mockerie of Stratocles who having perswaded the Athenians to sacrifice unto the gods in token of thankesgiving for a victorie as if they had beene conquerours and afterwards upon the certaine newes of a defeature and overthrow received when he saw the people highly offended and displeased with him demaunded of them what injurie he had done them if by his meanes they had beene merrie and feasted three daies together As for the flatterers that belong to Princes courts they play by their-lords and masters as those fowlers do who catch their birds by a pipe counterfeiting their voices for even so they to winde and insinuate themselves into the favour of kings and princes doe resemble them for all the world and by this devise entrap and deceive them But for a good governour of a State it is not meet and convenient that he should imitate the nature and the manners of the people under his government but to know them and to make use of those meanes to every particular person by which he knoweth that he may best win and gaine them to him for the ignorance and want of skill in this behalfe namely how to handle men according to their humours bringeth with it all disorders and is the cause of irregular enormities as well in popular governments as among minnions and favorites of princes Now after that a ruler hath gotten authoritie and credit once among the people then ought he to strive and labour for to reforme their nature and conditions if they be faultie then is he by little and little to lead them gently as it were by hand unto that which is better for a most painefull and difficult thing it is to change and alter a multitude all at once and to bring this about the better he ought first to begin with himselfe and to amend the misdemeanours and disorders in his owne life and manners knowing that he is to live from thence foorth as it were in open Theater where he may be seene and viewed on everie side Now if haply it be an hard matter for a man to free his owne mind from all sorts of vices at once yet at least wise he is to cut-off and put away those that bee most apparent and notorious to the eies of the world For you have heard I am sure how Themistocles when hee minded to enter upon the mannaging of State-matters weaned himselfe from such companie wherein hee did nothing but drinke daunce revell and make good cheere and when he fell to sitting up late and watching at his booke to fasting and studying hard hee was woont to say to his familiars that the Tropheae of Miltiades would not suffer him to sleepe and take his rest Pericles in like case altered his fashions in the whole course and maner of his life in his person in his sober and grave going in his affable and courteous speech shewing alwaies a staied and setled countenance holding his hand ever-more under his robe and never putting it foorth and not going abroad to any place in the citie but onely to the tribunall and pulpit for publike orations or els to the counsell house For it is not an easie matter to weld and manage a multitude of people neither are they to be caught of every one and taken with their safetie in the catching but a gracious and gainfull piece of worke it were if a man may bring it thus much about that like unto suspicious craftie wilde beasts they be not affrighted nor set a madding at that which they heare and see but gently suffer themselves to be handled and be apt to receive instruction and therefore this would not in any wise be neglected neither are such to have a small regard to their owne life and maners but they ought to studie and labor as much as possibly they can that the same be without all touch and reproch for that they who take in hand the government of publike affaires are not to give account nor to answere for that onely which they either say or doe in publike but they are searched narrowly into and manie a curious eie there is upon them at their boord much listening after that which passeth in their beds great sifting and scanning of their marriages and their behaviour in wedlocke and in one word all that ever they doe privately whether it be in jest or in good earnest For what need we write of Alcibiades who being a man of action and execution as famous and renowmed a captaine as any one in his time and having borne himselfe alwaies invincible and inferiour to none in the managing of the publike State yet notwithstanding ended his daies wretchedly by meanes of his dissolute loosenes and outragious demeanour in his private life and conversation at home insomuch as he bereft his owne countrey of the benefit they might have had by his other good parts and commendable qualities even by his intemperance and sumptuous superfluitie in expence Those of Athens found fault with Cimon because he had a care to have good wine and the Romaines finding no other thing in Scipio to reproove blamed him for that hee loved his bed too well the ill-willers of Pompey the Great having observed in him that otherwhiles he scratched his head with one finger reprochedhim for it For like as a little freckle mole or pendant-wert in the face of man or woman is more offensive than blacke and blew marks than scars or maimes in all the rest of the bodie even so small and light faults otherwise of themselves shew great in the lives of Princes and those who have the government of the weale-publike in their hands and that in regard of an opinion imprinted in the minds of men touching the estate of governours and magistrates esteeming it a great thing and that it ought to be pure and cleere from all faults and imperfections And therefore deserved Julius Drusus a noble Senatour and great ruler in Rome to be highly praised in that when one of his workemen promised him if he so would to devise and contrive his house so that whereas his neighbours overlooked him and saw into many parts thereof they should have no place therein exposed to their view and discoverie and that this translating and alteration thereof should cost him but five talents Nay quoth he thou shalt have ten talents and make mine house so that it may bee seene into on everie side to the end that all the citie may both see and know how I live for in trueth he was a grave wise honest and comely personage But peradventure it is not so necessarie that a house lie so open as to be looked into on all sides for the people have eies to pierce and enter into the verie bottom of governours manners of their counsels actions and lives which a man would thinke to be most covert secret no lesse quick-sighted are
importing a generall striking out of all debts and a cancelling of bonds he imparted this desseigne and purpose of his to some of his friens who did him a shrewd turne and most unjustly wrought him much mischiefe for upon this inkling given unto them they made haste to take up and borrow all the money they could as farre as their credite would extend not long after when this edict or proclamation aforesaid concerning the annulling of all debts was come foorth and brought to light these frends of his were found to have purchased goodly houses and faire lands with the monies which they had levied Thus Solon was charged with the imputation of doing this wrong together with them when as himselfe indeede was wronged and abnused by them Agesilaus also shewed himselfe in the occasions and sutes of his frends most weake and feeble minded more iwis than in any thing else resembling the horse Pegasus in Euripides Who shrunke full low and yeelded what he could His backe to mount more than the rider would and helping his familiar frends in all their distresses more affectionatly and willingly than was meet and reason for whensoever they were called into question in justice for any transgressions he would seeme to be privie and partie with them in the same Thus hee saved one Phaebidas who was accused to have surprised secretly the castle of Thebes called Ladmia without commission and warrant alledging in his defence that such enterprises ought to be executed by his owne proper motive without attending any other commandement Moreover he wrought so with his countenance and favour that one Ephodrias who was attaint for an unlawfull and heinous act and namely for entring by force and armes with a power into the countrey of Attica what time as the Athenians were allied and confederate in amitie with the Lacedaemonians escaped judgement and was found unguiltie which he did being wrought thereto and mollified as it were by the amourous praiers of his sonne Likewise there is a missive of his found and goeth abroad to be seene which he wrote unto a certaine great lord or potentate in these tearmes If Nicias have not trespassed deliver him for justice sake if he have transgressed deliver him for my sake but howsoever it be deliver him and let him go But Phocion contrariwise would not so much as assist in judgement Charillus his own sonne in law who had married his daughter when he was called into question and indited for corruption taking money of Harpalis but left him and departed saying In all causes just and reasonable I have made you my allie and wil imbrace your affinitie in other cases you shall pardon me Timoleon also the Corinthian after that he dealt what possibly he could with his brother by remonstrance by praiers and intreaty to reclaime and disswade him from being a tyrant seeing that he could doe no good on him turned the edge of his sword against him and joined with those that murdered him in the end for a magistrate ought to friend a man and stand with him not onely with this gage as farre as to the altar that is to say untill it come to the point of being forsworne for him according as Pericles one day answered to a friend of his but also thus farre forth onely as not to doe for his sake any thing contrary to the lawes against right or prejudicial to the common-weale which rule being neglected and not precisely observed is the cause that bringeth great losse and ruine to a state as may appeare by the example of Phoebidas and Sphodrias who being not punished according to their deserts were not the least causes that brought upon Sparta the unfortunate warre and battell at Leuctrae True it is that the office of a good ruler and administratour of the weale-publicke doth not require precisely and force us to use everity and to punish every slight and small trespasse of our friends but it permitteth us after we have looked to the main-chance and secured the State then as it were of a surplussage to succour our friends to assist and helpe them in their affaires and take part with them Moreover there be certeine favours which may be done without envie and offence as namely to stand with a friend rather than another for the getting of a good office to bring into his hand some honourable commission or an easie and kinde ambaslage as namely to be sent unto a prince or potentate in the behalfe of a city or State onely to salute him and doe him honour or to give intelligence unto another city of important matters in regard of amity league and mutual societie or in case there fall out some businesse of trouble difficulty and great importance when a magistrate hath taken upon himselfe first the principall charge thereof he may chuse unto him for his adjunct or assistant in the commission some especiall frend as Diomedes did in Homer To chuse mine owne companion since that you will me let ulysses that renowmed knight how can I then forget Ulysses likewise as kindly rendreth unto him the like praise againe These coursers brave concerning which of me you do demand O aged fire arrived heere of late from Thracian land Are hither come and there were bred their lord them lost in fight Whom valiant Diomedes slew by force of armes outright And twelve friends more and doughtie knights as ever horse did ride Were with him slaine for companie and lay dead by his side This modest kinde of yeelding and submission to gratifie and pleasure friends is no lesse honourable to the praisers than to the parties praised whereas contrariwise arrogancie and selfe-love as Plato saith dwelleth with solitudes which is as much to say as it is forsaken and abandoned of all the world Furthermore in these honest favors and kinde courtesies which we may bestow upon some frends we ought to associate other frends besides that they may be in some sort interessed therein also and to admonish those who receive such pleasures at our hands for to praise and thanke them yea and to take themselves beholden unto them as having bene the cause of their preferment and those who counselled and perswaded thereto but if peradventure they moove us in any undecent dishonest and unreasonable sutes we must flatly denie them howbeit not after a rude bitter churlish sort but mildly and gently by way of remonstrance and to comfort them withall shewing unto them that such requests were not beseeming their good reputation and the opinion of their vertue And this could Epaminondas do of all men in the world best and shift them off after the cleanliest maner for when hee refused at the instant sute of Pelopidas to deliver out of prison a certeine Tavernor and within a while after let the same partie goe at libertie at the request of his lemon or harlot whom he loved he said unto him Pelopidas such graces and favours as these we are to grant unto
upon the land which had remained a long time among them and had passed by descent from father to sonne and by their forefathers had beene first brought unto them from Brauron unto the isle Lemnos and which they caried with them from thence into all places wheresoever they came after this sudden fright and tumult was passed as they sailed in the open sea they missed the said image and withall Pollis also was advertised that a flouke of an anker was wanting and lost for that when they came to weigh anker by great force as commonly it hapneth in such places where it taketh hold of the ground among rocks it brake and was left behinde in the bottome of the sea whereupon he said that the oracles were now fulfilled which foretold them of these signes and therewith gave signall to the whole fleete for to retire backe and so he entred upon that region to his owne use and after he had in many skirmishes vanquished those who were up in armes against him he lodged at length in the citie Lyctus and wan many more to it Thus you see how at this day they call themselves the kinsfolke of the Athenians by the mothers side but indeed by the father they are a colonie drawne from Lacedaemon THE LYCIAN WOMEN THat which is reported to have beene done in Lycia as a meere fable and tale devised of pleasure yet neverthelesse testified by a constant same that runneth verie currant For Amisodarus as they say whom the Lycians name Isarus came from about the marches of Zelea a colonie of the Lycians with a great fleet of rovers and men of warre whose captaine or admirall was one Chimaerus a famous arch-pirate a warlike man but exceeding cruell savage and inhumane who had for the badges and ensignes of his owne ship in the prow a lion and at the poope a dragon much hurt hee did upon all the coasts of Lycia insomuch as it was not possible either to saile upon the sea or to inhabit the maritime cities and townes neere unto the sea side for him This man of warre or arch-rover Bellerophontes had slaine who followed him hard in chase with his swift pinnace Pegasus as he fled untill he had overtaken him and withall had chased the Amazones out of Lycia yet for all this he not onely received no worthy recompence for his good service at the hands of Iobates king of Lycia but also which was woorse sustained much wrong by him by occasion whereof Bellerophontes taking it as a great indignitie went to sea againe where he praied against him unto Neptune that he would cause his land to be barraine and unfruitfull which done hee returned backe againe but behold a strange and fearfull spectacle for the sea swelled overflowed all the countrey following him everie where as he went and covering after him the face of the earth and for that the men of those parts who did what possibly they could to entreat him for to stay this inundation of the sea could not obtaine so much at his hands the women tooke up their petticots before went to meet him shewed their nakednes wherupon for very shame he returned back the sea likewise by report retired with him into the former place But some there be who more civilly avciding the fabulosity of this tale say That it was not by praiers imprecations that he drew after him the sea but because that part of Lycia which was most sertill being low and flat lay under the levell of the sea there was a banke raised along the sea side which kept it in and Bellerophon cut a breach thorow it and so it came to passe that the sea with great violence entred that way and drowned the flat part of the countrey whereupon the men did what they could by way of praiers and intrearie with him in hope to appease his mood but could not prevaile howbeit the women environing him round about by great troups companies pressed him so on all sides that he could not for verie shame deny them so in favour of them said downe his anger Others affirme that Chimaera was an high mountaine directly opposite to the sunne at noon-tide which caused great reflections and reverberations of the sunne beames and by consequence ardent heats in manner of a fire in the said mountaine which comming to be spread and dispersed over the champion ground caused all the fruits of the earth to dry fade and wither away whereof Bellerophontes a man of great reach and deepe conceit knowing the cause in nature caused in many places the superfice of the said rocke or mountaine to be cloven and cut in two which before was most smooth even and by that reason consequently did send back the beames of the sun cansed the excessive heat in the countrey adjoining now for that he was not well considered and regarded by the inhabitants according to his demerit in despite he meant to be revenged of the Lycians but the women wrought him so that they allaied his fury But surely that cause which Nymphus alleageth in his fourth booke as touching Heraclea is not fabulous nor devised to delight the Reader for he saith That this Bellerophontes having killed a wilde bore that destroied all the fruits of the earth all other beasts within the Xanthiens countrey had no recompense therefore whereupon when he had powred out grievous imprecations against those unthankfull Xanthiens unto Neptune hee brought salt-water all over the land which marred all and made all become bitter untill such time as he being wonne by the praiers and supplications of the women besought Neptune to let fal his wrath Loe whereupon the custome arose and continueth still in the Xanthiens countrey That men in all their affaires negotiate not in the name of their fathers but of their mothers and called after their names THE WOMEN OF SALMATICA ANnnibal of the house of Barca before that he went into Italic to make warre with the Romaines laid siege unto a great citie in Spaine named Salmatica the besieged were at the first affraid and promised to do whatsoever Annibal would commaund them yea and to pay him three hundred talents of silver for securitie of which capitulation to be performed they put into his hands three hundred hostages but so soone as Anmbal had raised his siege they repented of this agreement which they had concluded with him and would do nothing according to the conditions of the accord whereupon hee returned againe for to besiege them afresh and to encourage his souldiers the better to give the assault he said That hee would give unto them the saccage and pillage of the towne whereupon the citizens within were wonderfully affraid and yeelded themselves to his devotion upon this condition That the Barbarians would permit as many as were of free condition to goe foorth every man in his single garment leaving behind them their armes goods money slaves and the citie Now the dames
Philosophie But I pray you my very good friend quoth I unto him forbeare this vehement and accusatorie humour of yours and be not angry if haply you see that some because they be borne of leud and wicked parents are punished or else doe not rejoice so much nor be ready to praise in case you see nobilitie also of birth to be so highly honored for if we stand upon this point and dare avow that recompence of vertue ought by right and reason to continue in the line and posteritie we are by good consequence to make this account that punishment likewise should not stay and cease together with misdeeds committed but reciprocally fall upon those that are descended of misdoers and malefactors for he who willingly seeth the progenie of Cimon honoured at Athens and contrariwise is offended and displeased in his heart to see the race of Lachares or Ariston banished driven out of the citie he I say seemeth to be too soft tender and passing effeminate or rather to speake more properly over-contentious and quarrelsome even against the gods complaining and murmuring of the one side if the children childrens children of an impious wicked person do prosper in the world and contrariwise is no lesse given to blame and find fault if he doe see the posterity of wicked and ungracious men to be held under plagued or altogether destroied from the face of the earth accusing the gods if the children of a naughtie man be afflicted even as much as if they had honest persons to their parents But as for these reasons alledged make you this reckoning that they be bulwarks and rampars for you opposed against such bitter sharpe accusers as these be But now taking in hand again the end as it were of a clew of thread or a bottom of yearne to direct us as in a darke place and where there be many cranks turnings and windings to and fro I meane the matter of gods secret judgements let us conduct and guide our selves gently and warily according to that which is most likely probable considering that even of those things which we daily manage and doe our selves we are not able to set downe an undoubted certaintie as for example who can yeeld a sound reason wherefore we cause and bid the children of those parents who died either of the phthisick and consumption of the lungs or of the dropsie to sit with their feet drenched in water until the dead corps be fully burned in the funeral fire For an opiniō there is that by this meanes the said maladies shall not passe unto them as hereditarie nor take hold of their bodies as also what the cause should be that if a goat hold in her mouth the herbe called Eryngites that is to say Sea-holly the whole flocke will stand still untill such time as the goat-herd come and take the said herbe out of her mouth Other hidden properties there be which by secret influences and passages from one to another worke strange effects and incredible as well speedily as in longer tract of time and in very truth we woonder more at the intermission and stay of time betweene than we doe of the distance of place and yet there is greater occasion to marvell thereat as namely that a pestilent maladie which began in Aethiopia should raigne in the citie of Athens and fill every street and corner thereof in such sort as Pericles died and Thucydides was sicke thereof than that when the Phocaeans and Sybarits had committed some hainous sins the punishment therefore should fall upon their children go through their posteritie For surely these powers and hidden properties have certaine relations and correspondences from the last to the first the cause whereof although it be unknowen to us yet it ceaseth not secretly to bring foorth her proper effects But there seemeth to be verie apparent reason of justice that publicke vengeance from above should fall upon cities many a yeere after for that a citie is one entire thing and a continued body as it were like unto a living creature which goeth not beside or out of it selfe for any mutations of ages nor in tract and continuance of time changing first into one and then into another by succession but is alwaies uniforme and like it selfe receiving evermore and taking upon it all the thanke for well doing or the blame for misdeeds of whatsoever it doth or hath done in common so long as the societie that linketh holdeth it together maintaineth her unitie for to make many yea innumerable cities of one by dividing it according to space of time were as much as to go about to make of one man many because he is now become old who before was a yong youth in times past also a very stripling or springall or else to speake more properly this resembleth the devises of Epicharmus wherupon was invented that maner of Sophisters arguing which they cal the Croissant argument for thus they reason He that long since borrowed or tooke up mony now oweth it not because he is no more himselfe but become another he that yesterday was invited to a feast cōmeth this day as an unbidden guest cōsidering that he is now another man And verily divers ages make greater difference in ech one of us than they do commonly in cities and States for he that had seene the citie of Athens thirtie yeeres agoe and came to visit it at this day would know it to be altogether the very same that then it was insomuch as the maners customes motions games pastimes serious affaires favours of the people their pleasures displeasures and anger at this present resemble wholly those in ancient time whereas if a man be any long time out of sight hardly his very familiar friend shall be able to know him his countenance will be so much changed and as touching his maners and behaviour which alter and change so soone upon every occasion by reason of all sorts of labour travell accidents and lawes there is such varietie and so great alteration that even he who is ordinarily acquainted and conversant with him would marvell to see the strangenesse and noveltie thereof and yet the man is held and reputed still the same from his nativitie unto his dying day and in like case a citie remaineth alwaies one and the selfe same in which respect we deeme it great reason that it should participate aswell the blame and reproch of ancestours as enjoy their glorie and puissance unlesse we make no care to cast all things in the river of Heraclitus into which by report no one thing entreth twise for that it hath a propertie to alter all things and change their nature Now if it be so that a citie is an united and continued thing in it selfe we are to thinke no lesse of a race and progenie which dependeth upon one and the same stocke producing and bringing foorth a certeine power and communication of qualities and the same doth
likewise in all other things diligent industrious talkative and namely inclined to making of verses and chanting songs as much or rather more than any other passion which can enter into the heart of man THE SIXTH QUESTION Whether king Alexander of Macedonie were a great drinker THere was some speech upon a time as touching king Alexander the Great to this effect That he dranke not so much as sat long at his meat and passed the time away in devising and talking with his friends but Philinus shewed by certeine scroles papers and day-books of the said kings house that they who held that opinion knew not well what they said for that this particular instance was ordinarily and usually found in those records That such a day the king slept all day long upon his liberall drinking of wine yea and other-whiles it appeareth that he slept the morrow after likewise which is the reason that hee was not so forward in venerous matters nor given much to women though otherwise he was hastie quicke and couragious great arguments of an inward heat of bodie and it is to be seene upon record That his flesh yeelded from it and breathed a passing sweet smell insomuch as his shirts and other clothes were full of an aromaticall sent and savour as if they had bene perfumed which seemeth also to be an argument and signe of heat For we see that those be the hottest driest countries which bring foorth cynamon and frankincense according as Theophrastus saith That a sweet odour proceedeth of perfect concoction and digestion of humours namely when by naturall heat all superfluous moisture is quite chased and expelled And by all likelihood this was the principall cause that Callisthenes grew into disgrace and lost the kings favour for that he was unwilling to sup with him in regard that he would impose upon him to drinke so much For it is reported that upon a time the great boule or goblet surnamed Alexanders boule having passed round about the table thorowout untill it came to Callisthenes he refused it and put it backe saying withall I will not drinke in Alexander for to have need of Aesculapius And thus much was said then concerning king Alexanders much wine-bibbing Moreover king Mithridates he who warred against the Romans among other games of prise which hee exhibited ordeined one for those who could drinke best and eat most and by mens saying himselfe performed them both so well that he won the prize in the one and the other for he could eat and drinke more than any man living in his time by occasion whereof he was commonly surnamed Dionysus that is to say Bacchus But as touching the reason of this surname wee say it is an opinion rashly received for when hee was a very infant lying in the cradle the lightning caught the swadling clothes and set them on fire but never touched or hurt his body save onely that there remained a little marke of the fire upon his forehead which notwithstanding the haire did cover that it was not greatly seene so long as he was a childe againe when he was a man growen it chaunced that the lightning pierced into the bed chamber where he lay asleepe and for his owne person it was not so much as singed therewith but it blasted a quiver of arrowes that hung at his bed-side went through it and burnt the arrowes within which as the soothsaiers and wise men out of their learning did intepret signified that one day he should be puissant in archers and light armed men But most men affirme that hee gat his surname of Bacchus or Dionysus in regard of the resemblance and likenesse of such accidents of lightning and blasting as many times befall After these words passed they entred into a speech as touching great drinkers among whom was reckoned also one Heraclides a famous wrestler or champion whom the men of Alexandria in our fathers daies pleasantly called little Hercules This good fellow when he could not meet with a companion able to set foot to his and drinke with him continually used to invite some to breake their fast with him in a morning others to beare him company at dinner some he would bidde to supper and intreat others last of all to sit with him at his collation or banquet after supper now when the first were gone came in the second immediatly then you should have the third succeed them in place and no sooner were they departed but in steps the fourth crew without any interruption and he himselfe sat it out still and making no intermission was able to hold out with all and beare those fower repasts and refections one after another Among those who were familiarly acquainted with Drusus sonne to the emperour Tibetius a physician there was who in drinking would chalenge and defie all the world but observed it was by some that spied and looked neere unto him That to prevent drunkennesse he used to take alwaies five or sixe bitter almonds before every cuppe that he drunke and when he was once debarred of them and not suffered so to doe he was not able to beare his drinke nor resist the least headinesse and strength thereof And verily some there be who say that these almonds have an abstersive propertie to bite to clense and scoure the flesh in such sort as that they will take away the spottes and freckles of the visage by reason of which qualitie when they be taken afore drinke with their bitternesse they fret the pores of the skinne and leave the impression of a certeine biting behinde them by meanes whereof there ensueth a certaine revulsion downward from the head of those vapours which flie up thither and so evaporate away through the said pores But for mine owne part I am of this opinion rather that their bitternesse hath a vertue to dry up and spend humors which is the reason that of all vapours the bitter is most unpleasant and disagreeable to the taste for that indeed as Plato saith consuming moisture as it doth by meanes of the drinesse which it hath it doth unnaturally binde and draw in the little veines of the toong which of themselves be soft and spungeous after the same manner men use to restraine such wounds or ulcers which be moist with medicines or salves composed of bitter drougues according as the poet Homer testisieth in these verses A bitter roote he bruis'd with hands and laid upon the sore To take the anguish cleane away that it might ake no more And so applied when it was all paines were soone allaid The running ulcer dried anon and flux of bloud was staid He said well and truly of that which is in taste bitter That it hath a vertue propertie to drie And it should seeme also that the powders which women strew upon their bodies for to represse diaphoneticall and extraordinarie sweets be by nature bitter and astringent so forcible is their bitternesse to binde and restreine which being so great reason
those that rent them at their hands not to use the same as also not to cast into the furnace or fire with which they give an heat unto them the seed of Darnell for that the smoaks and fumes which ariseth from such matters ingender head-ach and heavinesse of the braine together with a dizzinesse and swimming in the head in as many as wash or bathe in them And therefore no marvell it is that there should be such a difference betweene the heat of the sunne and of the moone considerig that the one by his influence doth drie and the other by her power dissolveth humors and in somebodie 's by that meanes causeth rhewmes and therefore discreet and carefull nourses take great heed how they expose their sucking babes against the raies of the moone for that such infants being full of moisture like to sappy-greene wood will as it were warpe twine and cast at-one side by that meanes And an ordinary thing it is to be seene that whosoever sleepe in the moone-shine be hardly awakened as if their senses were stupefied benummed and astonied for surely the humors being dissolved and dilated by the influence of the moone doe make bodies heavie Moreover it is said that the full-moone by relaxing and resolving humors in this wise helpeth women in travell of child-bearing to easie deliverance Whereupon in my judgement Diana which is nothing els but the very moone is called Lochia or Ilithyia as having a speciall hand in the birth of children which Timotheus directly testifieth in these verses Thorow azure skie with starres beset by moone that giveth speed Of child-birth and doth ease the paine of women in their need Moreover the moone sheweth her power most evidently even in those bodies which have neither sense nor lively breath for carpenters reject the timber of trees fallen in the ful-moone as being soft and tender subject also to the worme and putrifaction and that quickly by reason of excessive moisture husbandmen likewise make haste to gather up their wheat and other graine from the threshing-floore in the wane of the moone and toward the end of the moneth that being hardened thus with drinesse the heape in the garner may keepe the better from being fustie and continue the longer whereas corne which is inned and laied up at the full of the moone by reason of the softnesse and over-much moisture of all other doth most cracke and burst It is commonly said also that if a leaven be laied in the full-moone the paste will rise and take leaven better for although it have but a little leaven lesse in quantitie than ordinary yet it faileth not by the sharpnesse thereof by meanes of rarefaction to make the whole masse and lumpe of dow to swell and be leavened To returne now unto flesh that is caught and beginneth to putrifie it is occasioned by nothing els but this that the spirit which mainteineth and knitteth the same fast turneth into moisture and so by that meanes it becommeth over-tender loose and apt to runne to water an accident which wee may observe in the very aire which resolveth more in the full of the moone than at any other time yea and yeeldeth greater store of dewes which the poet Alcman signifieth aenigmatically and covertly unto us when he saith in one place that dew is the daughter of the aire and the moone for these be his words What things on earth the dew as nourse doth feed Whom Jupiter and moone betwixt them breed Thus evident testimonies we have from all parts that the light of the moone is waterish and hath a certeine propertie to liquisie and by consequence to corrupt and putrifie As for the brasen spike or naile above mentioned if it be true as some hold and say that being driven into the body it preserveth the flesh for a time from rottenhead and putrifaction it seemeth to worke this effect by a certeine astrictive qualitie and vertue that it hath for the flower of brasse called Ver-de-gris physicians doe use in their astringent medicines and by report those that frequent mines out of which brasse-ore is digged finde much helpe thereby for bleered and rheumaticke eies yea and some thereby have recovered the haire of their eie-lids after they were shed and fallen off for the small scales or fine powder in maner of flowre which commeth and falleth from the brasse-stone 〈◊〉 getting closely into the eie-lids staieth the rhewme and represseth the flux of weeping and waterie eies and thereupon it is said that the poet Homer hath given these attributes and epithites unto brasse calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Besides Aristotle saith that the wounds inflicted by speares and lances with brasen heads by swords also made of brasse are lesse painfull and be sooner healed than those which are given by the same weapons of iron and steele for that brasse hath a kinde of medicinable vertue in it which the said weapons doe leave behinde them immediatly in the wounds Moreover that astringent things be contrary unto those that putrifie and that preservatives or healing matters have an opposit facultie to such as cause corruption it is very plaine and evident so that the reason is manifest of the said operation unlesse haply some one will alledge that the brasen spike or naile in piercing thorow the flesh draweth unto it the humours thereof considering that there is evermore a flux in that part which is hurt and wronged Over and besides it is said that there appeareth alwaies some marke or spot blacke and blew about that very place of the flesh bewraying as it were some mortification a probable argument that all the rest remaineth sound and entire when the corruption runneth and floweth thither as it doth THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR BANQUET-QUESTIONS The Contents or Summarie 1 WHether the food consisting of many and sundrie viands is easier of digestion than the simple 2 Why it is thought that Mushromes are ingendred by thunder wherein also the question is made wherefore it is a necessarie opinion that those who lie asleepe are not smitten with lightning 3 What is the reason that to a wedding supper many guests were invited 4 Whether the viands which the sea affoordeth be more delicate than those of the land 5 Whether the Jewes in a religious reverence that they have of swine or upon an abomination and abhorring of them forbeare to eat their flesh 6 What god the Jewes worship 7 Why the dayes of the weeke bearing the names of the seven planets are not disposed and reckoned according to the order of the said planets but rather cleane contrary where by the way there is a discourse as touching the order of nailes 8 What is the cause that rings and signets were worne especially upon the fourth finger or that next from the middle 9 Whether wee ought to carrie in our seale-rings the images of the gods engraven or of wise personages 10 What is the reason
that a stone hath beene ingendred in the paunch or guts and yet good reason it were that moisture there should congeale or gather to a stone as it doth within the bladder if true it were that all our drinke descended into the belly and the guts by passing through the stomacke onely but it seemeth that the stomacke incontinently when we begin to drinke sucketh and draweth out of that liquor which passeth along by it in the wezill pipe as much onely as is needfull and requisit for it to mollifie and to convert into a nutritive pap or juice the solid meat and so it leaveth no liquid excrement at all whereas the lungs so soone as they have distributed both spirit and liquor from thence unto those parts that have need thereof expell and send out the rest into the bladder Well to conclude more likelihood there is of truth by farre in this than in the other and yet peradventure the truth in deed of these matters lieth hidden still and incomprehensible in regard whereof it is not meet to proceed so rashly and insolently to pronounce sentence against a man who as well for his owne sufficiency as the singular opinion of the world is reputed the prince and chiefe of al philosophers especially in so uncerteine a thing as this and in defence whereof there may bee so many reasons collected out of the readings and writings of Plato THE SECOND QUESTION What is meant in Plato by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and why those seeds which in sowing light upon oxe hornes become hard and not easie to be concoted THere hath beene alwaies much question and controversie about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not who or what is so called for certeine it is that seeds falling upon ox hornes according to the common opinion yeeld frute hard and not easily concocted whereupon by waie of Metaphor a stubborne and stiffe-necked person men use to tearme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but as touching the cause why such graine or seeds hitting against the hornes of an ox should come to be so untoward And many times refused I have yea and denied my friends to search into the thing the rather for that Theophrastus hath rendred so darke and obscure a reason raunging it among many other examples which he hath gathered and put downe in writing of strange and wonderfull effects whereof the cause is hard to be found namely That an henne after that she hath laid an egge turneth round about and with a festure or straw seemeth to purifie and halow her-selfe and the egge also that the sea-calfe or seale consumeth the pine and yet swalloweth it not downe semblably that stagges hide their hornes within the ground and burie them likewise that if one goat hold the herbe Eryngium that is to say sea-holly in his mouth all the rest of the flocke will stand still Among these miraculous effects Theophrastus I say hath put downe the seeds falling upon the hornes of an ox a thing knowen for certeine to be so but whereof the cause is most difficult if not impossible to be delivered But at a supper in the citie Delphi as I sat one day certeine of my familiar friends came upon me in this maner that seeing not onely according to the common saying From bellie full best counsell doth arise And surest plots men in that case devise but also we are more ready with our questions and lesse to seeke for answeres when as wine is in our heads causing us to be forward in the one and resolute in the other they would request me therefore to say somewhat unto the foresaid matter in question howbeit I held off still as being well backed with no bad advocates who tooke my part and were ready to defend my cause and by name Euthydemus my colleague or companion with me in the sacerdotall dignitie and Patrocleas my sonne in law who brought foorth and alledged many such things observed aswell in agriculture as by hunters of which sort is that which is practised by those who take upon them skill in the foresight and prevention of haile namely that it may be averted and turned aside by the bloud of a mould-warpe or linnen ragges stained with the monethly purgations of women Item that if a man take the figs of a wilde fig-tree and tie them to a tame fig-tree of the orchard it is a meanes that the fruit of the said fig-tree shall not fall but tarrie on and ripen kindly also that stags weepe salt teares but wilde bores shed sweet drops from their eies when they be taken For if you will set in hand to seeke out the cause hereof quoth Euthydemus then presently you must render a reason also of smallach and cumin of which the former if it be troden under foot and trampled on in the comming up men have an opinion it will grow and prosper the better and as for the other they sow it with curses and all the fowlest words that can be devised and so it will spring and thrive best Tush quoth Florus these be but toies and ridiculous mockeries to make sport with but as touching the cause of the other matters above specified I would not have you to reject the inquisition thereof as if it were incomprehensible Well quoth I now I have found a medicine and remedie which if you do use you shall bring this man with reason to our opinion that you also your selfe may solve some of these questions propounded It seemeth unto me therefore that it is colde that causeth this rebellious hardnesse aswell in wheat and other corne as also in pulse namely by pressing and driving in their solid substance untill it be hard againe for heat maketh things soft and easie to be dissolved and therefore they do not well and truely in alledging against Homer this versicle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The yeere not field Doth beare and yeeld For surely those fields and grounds which are by nature hot if the aire withall affoord a kinde and seasonable temperature of the weather bring forth more tender fruits and therefore such corne or seed which presently and directly from the husbandmans hands lighteth upon the ground entring into it and there covered finde the benefit both of the heat and moisture of the soile whereby they soone spurt and come up whereas those which as they be cast do hit upon the hornes of the beasts they meet not with that direct positure or rectitude called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Hesiodus commendeth for the best but falling downe I wot not how and missing of their right place seem rather to have bene flung at a venture than orderly sowen therfore the cold comming upon them either marreth and killeth them outright or els lighting upon their naked husks causeth them to bring fruit that proveth hard and churlish as drie as chips and such as will not be made tender sidow without they
be steeped in some liquor as having not bene covered but with their owne bare coats for this you may observe ordinarily in stones that those parts and sides which lie covered deeper within the ground as if they were of the nature of plants be more frim and tender as being preserved by heat than those outward faces which lie ebbe or above the earth and therefore skilfull masons digge deeper into the ground for stones which they meane to square worke and cut as being melowed by the heat of the earth whereas those which lie bare aloft and exposed to the aire by reason of the cold prove hard and not easie to be wrought or put to any use in building semblably even corne if it continue long in the open aire and cocked upon the stacks or threshing floores is more hard and rebellious than that which is soone taken away and laid up in garners yea and oftentimes the very winde which bloweth whiles it is fanned or winnowed maketh it more tough and stubburne and all by reason of cold whereof the experience by report is to be seene about Philippi a citie in Macedonie where the remedie is to let corne lie in the chaffe and therefore you must not thinke it strange if you heare husbandmen report that of two lands or ridges running directly one by the side of another the one should yeeld corne tough and hard the other soft and tender and that which more is beanes lying in one cod some be of one sort and some of another according as they have felt more or lesse either of cold or of winde THE THIRD QUESTION What is the cause that the mids of wine the top of oile and the bottome of honie is best MY wives father Alexion one day laughed at Hesiodus for giving counsell to drinke wine lustilie when the vessell is either newly pierced or runneth low but to forbeare when it is halfe drawen his words are these When tierce is full or when it draweth low Drinke hard but spare to mids when it doth grow For that the wine there is most excellent For who knoweth not quoth he that wine is best in the middle oile in the top and honie in the bottome of the vessel but Hesiodus forsooth adviseth us to let the mids alone and to stay untill it change to the woorse and be sowre namely when it runneth low and little is left in the vessell Which words being passed the companie there present bad Hesiodus farewell and betooke themselves into searching out the cause of this difference and diversitie in these liquors And first as touching the reason of honie we were not very much troubled about it because there is none in maner but knoweth that a thing the more rare or hollow the substance of it is the lighter it is said to be as also that solid massie and compact things by reason of their weight do settle downward in such sort that although you turne a vessell up-side-downe yet within a while after each part returneth into the owne place againe the heavie sinks downe the light flotes above and even so there wanted no arguments to yeeld a sound reason for the wine also for first and formost the vertue and strength of wine which is the heat thereof by good right gathereth about the middes of the vessell and keepeth that part of all others best then the bottome for the vicinitie unto the lees is naught lastly the upper region for that it is next to the aire is likewise corrupt for this we all know that the winde or the aire is most dangerous unto wine for that it altereth the nature thereof and therefore we use to set wine vessels within the ground yea and to stop and cover them with all care and diligence that the least aire in the world come not to the wine and that which more is wine will nothing so soone corrupt when the vessels be full as when it hath beene much drawen and groweth low for the aire entreth in apace proportionably to the place that is void the wine the taketh winde thereby and so much the sooner chaungeth whereas if the vessels be full the wine is able to mainteine it selfe not admitting from without much of that which is adverse unto it or can hurt it greatly But the consideration of oile put us not to a little debate in arguing One of the companie said That the bottome of oile was the woorst because it was troubled and muddy with the leis or mother thereof and as for that which is above he said It was nothing better than the rest but seemed onely so because it was farthest remooved from that which might hurt it Others attributed the cause unto the soliditie thereof in which regard it will not well be mingled or incorporate with any other liquor unlesse it be broken or divided by force and violence for so compact it is that it will not admit the very aire to enter in it or to be mingled with it but keepeth it selfe a part and rejecteth it by reason of the fine smoothnesse and contenuitie of all the parts so that lesse altered it is by the aire as being not predominant over it neverthelesse it seemeth that Aristotle doth contradict and gainsay this reason who had observed as he saith himselfe that the oile is sweeter more odoriferous and in all respects better which is kept in vessels not filled up to the brim and afterwards ascribeth the cause of this meliority or betternesse unto the aire For that saith he there entereth more aire into a vessell that is halfe emptie and hath the more power Then I wot not well said I but what and if in regard of one and the same facultie and power the aire bettereth oile and impaireth the goodnesse of wine for we know that age is hurtfull to oile and good for wine which age the aire taketh from oile because that which is cooled continueth still yoong and fresh contrariwise that which is pent in and stuffed up as having no aire soone ageth and waxeth old great apparence there is therefore of truth that the aire approching neere unto oile and touching the superficies thereof keepeth it fresh and yoong still And this is the reason that of wine the upmost part is woorst but of oile the best because that age worketh in that a very good disposition but in this as badde THE FOURTH QUESTION What was the reason that the auncient Romans were very precise not to suffer the table to be cleane voided and all taken away or the lampe and candle to be put out FLorus a great lover of antiquitie would never abide that a table should be taken away emptie but alwaies lest some meat or other standing upon it And I know full well quoth he that both my father and my grandfather before him not onely observed this most carefully but also would not in any case permit the lampe after supper to be put out because for sparing of oile and that thereby
and DEMOCRITUS were of opinion that all things were made by Necessitie and that destinie justice providence and the Creatour of the world were all one CHAP. XXVI Of the Essence of Necessitie PLATO referreth some events to providence and others he attributeth to Necessitie EMPEDOCLES saith that the Essence of Necessitie is a cause apt to make use of the principles and elements DEMOCRITUS affirmeth it to be the resistance the lation motion and permission of the matter PLATO holdeth it to be one while matter it selfe and another while the habitude of that which is agent to the matter CHAP. XXVII Of Destinie HERACLITUS affirmeth that all things were done by fatall Destinie and that it and Necessitie be both one PLATO admitteth willingly this Destinie in the soules lives and actions of men but hee inferreth withall a cause proceeding from our selves The STOICKES likewise according with the opinion of Plato do hold that Necessitie is a cause invincible most violent and inforcing all things also that Destinie is a connexion of causes interlaced linked orderly in which concatenation or chaine is therein comprised also that cause which proceedeth from us in such sort as some events are destined and others not CHAP. XXVIII Of the substance of 〈◊〉 HERACLITUS saith that the substance of Destinie is the reason that pierceth throughout the substance of the universall world PLATO affirmeth it to be an eternall reason and a perpetuall law of the nature of the whole world CHRYSIPPUS holdeth it to be a certaine puissance spirituall which by order governeth and administreth all things And againe in his booke of definitions hee writeth thus Destinie is the reason of the world or rather the law of all things in the world administred and governed by providence or else the reason whereby things past have beene things present are and future things shall be The STOICKES are of opinion that it is the chaine of causes that is to say an order and connexion which cannot be surmounted and transgressed POSIDONIUS supposeth it to be the third after Jupiter for that Jupiter is in the first degree Nature in the second and fatall Destinie in the third CHAP. XXIX Of Fortune PLATO defineth Fortune to be in things proceeding from mans counsell and election a cause by accident and a verie casuall consequence ARISTOTLE holdeth it to be an accidentall cause in those things which from some deliberate purpose and impulsion tend to a certaine end which cause is not apparent but hidden and uncertaine And he putteth a difference between Fortune and rash adventure for that all Fortune in the affaires and actions of this world is adventurous but everie adventure is not by and by Fortune for that it consisteth in things without action againe Fortune is properly in actions of reasonable creatures but adventure indifferently in creatures as well unreasonable as reasonable yea and in those bodies which have neither life nor soule EPICURUS saith that Fortune is a cause which will not stand and accord with persons times and manners ANAXAGORAS and the STOICKS affirme it to be a cause unknowne and hidden to humane reason for that some things come by necessitie others by fatall destinie some by deliberate counsell others by Fortune and some againe by casualitie or adventure CHAP. XXX Of Nature 〈◊〉 holdeth that Nature is nothing only that there is a mixture and divulsion or separation of Elements for in this manner writeth he in the first booke of his Phisicks This one thing more I will yet say of things that be humane And Mortall mature none there is and deaths end is but vaine Amixture and divulsion of Elements and of all Onely there is and this is that which men do Nature call Semblably ANAXAGORAS saith that Nature is nothing else but a concretion and dissipation that is to say generation and corruption THE SECOND BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions The Prooeme HAving now finished the Treatise of PRINCIPLES ELEMENTS and such other matters linked and concurring with them I will turne my pen unto the discourse as touching their effects and works composed of them beginning first at that which is most spatious and capable of all things CHAP. I. Of the World PYTHAGORAS was the first who called the Roundle that containeth and comprehendeth all to wit the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the orderly digestion observed therein THALES and his disciples held that there is but one World DEMOCRITUS EPICURUS and their scholler METRODORUS affirme that there be innumerable Worlds in an infinite space according to all dimensions and circumstances EMPEDOCLES saith that the course and race of the Sunne is the verie circumscription of the bounds and limits of the World and that it is the verie confinement thereof SELEUCUS held the World to be infinite DIOGENES affirmed the universalitie to be infinite but the world finite and determinate The STOICKS put a difference betweene universall and whole for they say that the universall together with voidnesse is infinite and that the whole without voidnes is the World so as these termes the Whole and the World be not both one CHAP. II. Of the figure and forme of the World THe STOICKS affirme the World to be round some say it is pointed or pyramidal others that it is fashioned in manner of an egge but EPICURUS holdeth that his Worlds may be round and it may be that they are apt besides to receive other formes CHAP. III. Whether the World be animate or endued with a soule ALL other Philosophers agree that the World is animate governed by providence but DEMOCRITUS EPICURUS and as many as maintaine ATOMES and with all bring in VACUITY that it is neither animate nor governed by providence but by a certaine nature void of reason ARISTOTLE holdeth that it is not animate wholy and throughout all parts nor sensitive nor reasonable nor yet intellectuall or directed by providence True it is quoth he that celestiall bodies be capable of all these qualities as being compassed about with sphaeres both animate and vitall whereas bodies terrestriall and approching neere unto the earth are endued with none of them and as for the order and decent composition therein it came by accident and not by prepensed reason and counsell CHAP. IIII. Whether the World be incorruptible and eternall PYTHAGORAS and PLATO affirme that the world was ingendred and made by God and of the owne nature being corruptible shall perish for sensible it is and therefore corporall howbeit in regard of the divine providence which preserveth and mainteineth it perish it shall never EPICURUS saith that it is corruptible for that it is engendred like as a living creature or a plant XENOPHANES holdeth the world to be eternall ingenerable uncreated and incorruptible ARISTOTLE is of opinion that the part of the world under the moone is passible wherein the bodies also adjacent to the earth be subject to corruption CHAP. V. Whereof the World is nourished ARISTOTLE saith that if the World be nourished it is
side it lieth lowest of all things in the world and by occasion thereof resteth unmooveable hauing no cause why it should encline more to one part than to another but yet some places of her because of their raritie do jogge and shake EPICURUS keepeth his old tune saying it may well be that the earth being shogged and as it were rocked and beaten by the aire underneath which is grosse and of the nature of water therefore mooveth and quaketh As also it may be quoth he that being holow and full of holes in the parts below it is forced to tremble and shake by the aire that is gotten within the caves and concavities and there enclosed CHAP. XVI Of the Sea how it was made and commeth to be bitter ANAXIMANDER affirmeth that the Sea is a residue remaining of the primitive humidity whereof the Sunne hauing burnt up and consumed a great part the rest behind he altered and turned from the naturall kind by his excessive ardent heat ANAXAGORAS is of opinion that the said first humiditie being diffused and spred abroad in manner of a poole or great meere was burnt by the motion of the sunne about it and when the oileous substance thereof was exhaled and consumed the rest setled below and turned into a brackish and bitter-saltnesse which is the Sea EMPEDOCLES saith that the Sea is the sweat of the earth enchafed by the sunne being bathed and washed all over aloft ANTISTON thinketh it to be the sweat of heat the moisture whereof which was within being by much seething and boiling sent out becommeth salt a thing ordinary in all sweats METRODORUS supposeth the Sea to be that moisture which running thorough the earth reteined some part of the densitie thereof like as that which passeth through ashes The disciples of PLATO imagine that so much of the elementarie water which is congealed of the aire by refrigeration is sweet and fresh but whatsoever did evaporate by burning and inflammation became salt CHAP. XVII Of the Tides to wit the ebbing and flowing of the sea what is the cause thereof ARISTOTLE and HERACLITUS affirme that it is the sunne which doth it as who stirreth raiseth and carieth about with him the most part of the windes which comming to blow upon the Ocean cause the Atlanticke sea to swell and so make the flux or high water but when the same are allaied and cleane downe the sea falleth low and so causeth a reflux and ebbe or low water PYTHEAS of Marseils referreth the cause of Flowing to the full moone and of Ebbing to the moone in the wane PLATO attributeth all to a certeine rising of the waters saying There is such an elevation that through the mouth of a cave carieth the Ebbe and Flow to and fro by the meanes whereof the seas doe rise and flow contrarily TIMAEUS alledgeth the cause hereof to be the rivers which falling from the mountaines in Gaule enter into the Atlantique sea which by their violent corruptions driving before them the water of the sea cause the Flow and by their ceasing and returne backe by times the Ebbe SELEUCUS the Mathematician who affirmed also that the earth mooved saith that the motion thereof is opposit and contrary to that of the moone also that the winde being driven to and fro by these two contrary revolutions bloweth and beateth upon the Atlanticke ocean troubleth the sea also and no marvell according as it is disquieted it selfe CHAP. XVIII Of the round circle called Halo THis Halo is made after this manner betweene the body of the moone or any other starre and our eie-sight there gathereth a grosse and mistie aire by which aire anon our sight commeth to be reflected and diffused and afterwards the same incurreth upon the said starre according to the exterior circumference thereof and thereupon appeereth a circle round about the starre which being there seene is called Halo for that it seemeth that the apparent impression is close unto that upon which our sight so enlarged as is before said doth fall THE FOURTH BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions The Prooeme HAving runne through the generall parts of the world I will now passe unto the particulars CHAP. I. Of the rising and inundation of Nilus THALES thinketh that the anniversarie windes called Etcsiae blowing directly against Aegypt cause the water of Nilus to swell for that the sea being driven by these windes entreth within the mouth of the said river and hindereth it that it cannot discharge it selfe freely into the sea but is repulsed backward EUTHYMENES of Marseils supposeth that this river is filled with the water of the ocean and the great sea lying without the continent which he imagineth to be fresh and sweet ANAXAGORAS saith that this hapneth by the snowe in Aethiopia which melteth in summer and is congealed and frozen in winter DEMOCRITUS is of opinion that it is long of the snowe in the north parts which about the aestival solstice and returne of the sunne being dissolved and dilated breedeth vapors and of them be engendred clouds which being driven by the Etesian windes into Aethiopia and Aegypt toward the south cause great and violent raines wherewith both lakes and the river also Nilus be filled HERODOTUS the Historian writeth that this river hath as much water from his sources and springs in winter as in summer but to us it seemeth lesse in winter because the sunne being then neerer unto Aegypt causeth the said water to evaporate EPHORUS the Historiographer reporteth that all Aegypt doth resolve and runne at it were wholly into swet in summer time whereunto Arabia and Libya doe conferre and contribute also their waters for that the earth there is light and sandy EUDOXUS saith that the priests of Aegypt assigne the cause hereof to the great raines and the Antiperistasis or contrarie occurse of seasons for that when it is Summer with us who inhabit within the Zone toward the Summer Tropicke it is Winter with those who dwell in the opposit Zone under the Winter Tropicke whereupon saith he proceedeth this great inundation of waters breaking downe unto the river Nilus CHAP. II. Of the Soule THALES was the first that defined the Soule to be a nature moving alwaies or having motion of it selfe PYTHAGORAS saith it is a certeine number moving it selfe and this number he taketh for intelligence or understanding PLATO supposeth it to be an intellectuall substance mooving it selfe and that according to harmonicall number ARISTOTLE is of opinion that it is the first Entelechia or primitive act of a naturall and organicall bodie having life potentially DICEARCHUS thinketh it to be the harmonie and concordance of the foure elements ASCLEPIADES the Physician defineth it to be an exercise in common of all the senses together CHAP. III. Whether the Soule be a body and what is the substance of it ALl these Philsosophers before rehearsed suppose that the Soule is incorporall that of the owne nature it mooveth and is a spirituall substance and the action of a
was thought a great sinne and exceeding irreverence for a man to turne himselfe out of his apparrell naked in any church chappell or religious and sacred place 〈◊〉 so they carried a great respect unto the aire and open skie as being full of gods demi-gods and saints And this is the verie cause why we do many of our necessarie businesses within 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and covered with the 〈◊〉 of our houses and so remooved from the eies as it were of the deitie 〈◊〉 somethings there be that by law are commaunded and enjoined unto the priest onely and others againe unto all men by the priest as for example heere with us in 〈◊〉 to be crowned with chaplets of flowers upon the head to let the haire grow long to weare a sword and not to set foot within the limits of Phocis pertaine all to the office and dutie of the captaine generall and chiefe ruler but to tast of no new fruits before the Autumnall Aequinox be past nor to cut and prune a vine but before the Acquinox of the Spring be intimated and declared unto all by the said ruler or captaine generall for those be the verie seasons to do both the one the other In like case it should seeme in my judgement that among the Romans it properly belonged to the priest not to mount on horseback not to be above three nights out of the citie not to put off his cap wherupon he was called in the Roman language Flamen But there be many other offices and duties notified and declared unto all men by the priest among which this is one not to be enhuiled or anointed abroad in the open aire For this maner of anointing drie without the bath the Romans mightily suspected and were afraid of and even at this day they are of opinion that there was no such cause in the world that brought the Greeks under the yoke of servitude and bondage and made them so tender and effeminate as their halles and publike places where their yong men wrestled exercised their bodies naked as being the meanes that brought into their cities much losse of time engendred idlenesse bred lazie slouth and ministred occasion opportunity of lewdnesse and vilany as namely to make love unto faire boies and to spoile and marre the bodies of young men with sleeping with walking at a certaine measure with stirring according to motions keeping artificiall compasse and with observing rules of exquisit diet Through which fashions they see not how ere they be aware they befallen from exercises of armes and have cleane forgotten all militarie discipline loving rather to be held and esteemed good wrestlers fine dauncers conceited pleasants and faire minions than hardic footmen or valiant men of armes And verely it is an hard matter to avoid and decline these inconveniences for them that use to discover their bodies naked before all the world in the broad aire but those who annoint themselves closely within doores and looke to their bodies at home are neither faultie nor offensive 41 What is the reason that the auncient coine and mony in old time caried the stampe of one side of Ianus with two faces and on the other side the prow or the poope of a boat engraved 〈◊〉 WAs it not as many men do say for to honour the memorie of Saturne who passed into Italy by water in such a vessell But a man may say thus much as well of many 〈◊〉 for Janus Evander and Aeneas came thither likewise by sea and therefore a man may peradventure gesse with better reason that whereas some things serve as goodly ornaments for cities others as necessarie implements among those which are decent and seemely ornaments the principall is good government and discipline and among such as be necessary is reckoned plentie and abundance of victuals now for that Janus instituted good government in 〈◊〉 holsome lawes and reducing their manner of life to civilitie which before was rude and brutish and for that the river being navigable furnished them with store of all neceslary commodities whereby some were brought thither by sea others from the land the coine caried for the marke of a law-giver the head with two faces like as we have already said because of that change of life which he brought in and of the river a ferrie boate or barge and yet there was another kinde of money currant among them which had the figure portraied upon it of a beefe of a sheepe and of a swine for that their riches they raised especially from such cattle and all their wealth and substance consisted in them And heereupon it commeth that many of their auncient names were Ovilij Bubulci and 〈◊〉 that is to say Sheepe-reeves and Neat-herds and Swineherds according as Fenestella doth report 42 What is the cause that they make the temple of Saturne the chamber of the 〈◊〉 for to keepe therein the publicke treasure of gold and silver as also their arches for the custodic of all their writings rolles contracts and evidences whatsoever IS it by occasion of that opinion so commonly received and the speech so universally currant in every mans mouth that during the raigne of Saturne there was no avarice nor injustice in the world but loialtie truth faith and righteousnesse caried the whole sway among men Or for that he was the god who found out fruits brought in agriculture and taught husbandry first for the hooke or sickle in his hand signifieth so much and not as Antimachus wrote following therein and beleeving Hesiodus Rough Saturne with his hairy skinne against all law and right Of Aemons sonne sir Ouranus or Coelus sometime hight Those privy members which him gat with hooke a-slant off-cut And then anon in fathers place of reigne himselfe did put Now the abundance of the fruits which the earth yeeldeth and the vent or disposition of them is the very mother that bringeth foorth plentie of monie and therefore it is that this same god they make the author and mainteiner of their felicitie in testimonie whereof those assemblies which are holden every ninth day in the comon place of the city called Nundinae that is to say Faires or markets they esteeme consecrated to Saturne for the store foison of fruits is that which openeth the trade comerce of buying and selling Or because these reasons seeme to be very antique what and if we say that the first man who made of Saturns temple at Rome the treasurie or chamber of the citie was Valerius Poplicola after that the kings were driven out of Rome and it seemeth to stand to good reason that he made choise thereof because he thought it a safe and secure place eminent and conspicuous in all mens eies and by consequence hard to be surprised and forced 43 What is the cause that those who come as embassadours to Rome from any parts whatsoever go first into the temple of Saturne and there before the Questors or Treasurers of the citie enter their names in
was not this an holsome lesson and instruction of obedience to teach and advise men to obey their superiors not to thinke much for to be under others but like as the moone is willing to give 〈◊〉 as it were and apply her selfe to her better content to be ranged in a second place and as Parmenides saith Having aneie and due regard Alwaies the bright Sun beames toward even so they ought to rest in a second degree to follow after and be under the conduct and direction of another who sitteth in the first place and of his power authority and honor in some measure to enjoy a part 77 Why think they the yeeres dedicated to Jupiter and the moneths to Juno MAy it not be for that of Gods invisible and who are no otherwise seene but by the eies of our understanding those that reigne as princes be Jupiter and Juno but of the visible the Sun and Moone Now the Sun is he who causeth the yeere and the Moone maketh the moneth Neither are we to thinke that these be onely and simply the figures and images of them but beleeve we must that the materiall Sun which we behold is Jupiter and this materiall Moone Juno And the reason why they call her Juno which word is as much to say as yoong or new is in regarde of the course of the Moone and otherwhiles they surname her also Juno-Lucina that is to say light or shining being of opinion that she helpeth women in travel of child-birth bike as the Moone doth according to these verses By starres that turne full round in Azur skie By Moone who helps child-births right speedily For it seemeth that women at the full of the moone be most easily delivered of childbirth 78 What is the cause that in observing bird-flight that which is presented on the left hand is reputed lucky and prosperous IS not this altogether untrue and are not many men in an errour by ignorance of the equivocation of the word Sinistrum their maner of Dialect for that which we in Greeke call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say on the auke or left hand they say in Latin Sinistrum and that which signifieth to permit or let be they expresse by the verbe Sinere and when they will a man to let a thing alone they say unto him Sine whereupon it may seeme that this word Sinistrum is derived That presaging bird then which permitteth and suffreth an action to be done being as it were Sinisterion the vulgar sort suppose though not aright to be Sinistrum that is to say on the left hand and so they tearme it Or may it not be rather as Dionysius saith for that when Ascanius the sonne of Aeneas wanne a field against Mezentius as the two armies stood arranged one affronting the other in battel ray it thundred on his left hand and because thereupon he obteined the victory they deemed even then that this thunder was a token presaging good and for that cause observed it ever after so to fall out Others thinke that this presage and foretoken of good lucke hapned unto Aeneas and verily at the battell of Leuctres the Thebanes began to breake the ranks of their enemies and to discomfit them with the left wing of their battel and thereby in the end atchieved a brave victorie whereupon ever after in all their conflicts they gave preference and the honour of leading and giving the first charge to the left wing Or rather is it not as Juba writch because that when we looke toward the sunne rising the North side is on our left hand and some will say that the North is the right side and upper part of the whole world But consider I pray you whether the left hand being the weaker of the twaine the presages comming on that side doe not fortifie and support the defect of puissance which it hath and so make it as it were even and equall to the other Or rather considering that earthly and mortall things they supposing to be opposite unto those that be heavenly and immortall did not imagine consequently that whatsoever was on the left in regard of us the gods sent from their right side 79 Wherefore was it lawfull as Rome when a noble personage who sometime had entred triumphant into the city was dead and his corps burnt as the maner was in a funerall fire to take up the reliques of his bones to 〈◊〉 the same into the city and there to strew them according as Pyrrho the Lyparean hath left in writing WAs not this to honour the memorie of the dead for the like honourable priviledge they had graunted unto other valiant warriors and brave captaines namely that not onely themselves but also their posteritie descending lineally from them might be enterred in their common market place of the city as for example unto 〈◊〉 and Fabricius and it is said that for to continue this prerogative in force when any of their posteritie afterwards were departed this life and their bodies brought into the market place accordingly the maner was to put a burning torch under them and doe no more but presently to take it away againe by which ceremonie they 〈◊〉 still the due honour without envie and confirmed it onely to be lawfull if they would take the benefit thereof 80 What is the cause that when they feasted at the common charges any generall captaine who made his 〈◊〉 into the citie with 〈◊〉 they never admitted the Consuls to the feast but that which more is sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hand messengers of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them not to come unto the 〈◊〉 WAs it for that they thought it meet and convenient to yeeld unto the triumpher both the highest place to sit in and the most costly cup to drinke out of as also the honour to be attended upon with a traine home to his house after supper which prerogatives no other might enjoy but the Consuls onely if they had beene present in the place 81 Why is it that the Tribune of the commons onely weareth no embrodered purple robe considering that all other magistrates besides 〈◊〉 weare the same IS it not for that they to speak properly are no magistrates for in truth they have no ushers or vergers to carie before them the knitches of rods which are the ensignes of magistracie neither sit they in the chaire of estate called Sella 〈◊〉 to determine causes judicially or give audience unto the people nor enter into the administration of their office at the beginning of the yeere as all other magistrates doe neither are they put downe and deposed after the election of a Dictatour but whereas the full power and authoritie of all other magistrates of State he transferreth from them upon himselfe the Tribunes onely of the people continue still and surcease not to execute their function as having another place degree by themselves in the common-weale and like as fome oratours and lawiers doe hold that exception in law
capitulations and covenants of peace after mid-day Or rather this may be because it is not possible to set downe 〈◊〉 the beginning and end of the day by the rising and setting of the sunne for if we do as the vulgar sort who distinguish day and night by the sight and view of eie taking the day then to begin when the sunne ariseth and the night likewise to begin when the sunne is gone downe and hidden under our horizon we shall never have the just Acquinox that is to say the day and night equall for even that verie night which we shall esteeme most equall to the day will proove shorter than the day by as much as the body or bignesse of the sunne 〈◊〉 Againe if we doe as the Mathematicians who to remedie this absurditie and 〈◊〉 set downe the confines and limits of day and night at the verie instant point when the 〈◊〉 seemeth to touch the circle of the horizon with his center this were to overthrow all evidence for fall out it will that while there is a great part of the sunnes light yet under the earth although the sunne do shine upon us we will not confesse that it is day but say that it is night still Seeing then it is so hard a matter to make the beginning of day and night at the rising or going downe of the sunne for the absurdities abovesaid it remaineth that of necessitie we take the beginning of the day to be when the sunne is in the mids of the heaven above head or under our feet that is to say either noon-tide or mid-night But of twaine better it is to begin when he is in the middle point under us which is just midnight for that he 〈◊〉 then toward us into the East whereas contrariwise after mid-day he goeth from us Westward 85 What was the cause that in times past they would not suffer their wives either to grinde corne or to lay their hands to dresse meat in the kitchin WAs it in memoriall of that accord and league which they made with the Sabines for after that they had ravished carried away their daughters there arose sharpe warres betweene them but peace ensued thereupon in the end in the capitulations whereof this one article was expresly set downe that the Roman husband might not force his wife either to turne the querne for to grinde corne nor to exercise any point of cookerie 86 Why did not the Romans marie in the moneth of May IS it for that it commeth betweene Aprill and June whereof the one is consecrated unto Venus and the other to Juno who are both of them the goddesses which have the care and charge of wedding and marriages and therefore thinke it good either to go somewhat before or else to stay a while after Or it may be that in this moneth they celebrate the greatest expiatorie sacrifice of all others in the yeere for even at this day they fling from off the bridge into the river the images and pourtraitures of men whereas in old time they threw downe men themselves alive And this is the reason of the custome now a daies that the priestresse of Juno named Flamina should be alwaies sad and heavie as it were a mourner and never wash nor dresse and trim her selfe Or what and if we say it is because many of the Latine nations offered oblations unto the dead in this moneth and peradventure they do so because in this verie moneth they worship Mercurie and in truth it beareth the name of Maja Mercuries mother But may it not be rather for that as some do say this moneth taketh that name of Majores that isto say ancients like as June is termed so of Juniores that is to say yonkers Now this is certaine that youth is much meeter for to contract marriage than 〈◊〉 age like as Euripides saith verie well As for old age it Venus bids farewell And with old folke Venus is not pleasdwell The Romans therefore maried not in May but staied for June which immediately followeth after May. 87 What is the reason that they divide and part the haire of the new brides head with the point of a javelin IS not this a verie signe that the first wives whom the Romans espoused were compelled to mariage and conquered by force and armes Or are not theinwives hereby given to understand that they are espoused to husbands martiall men and soldiers and therefore they should lay away all delicate wanton and costly imbelishment of the bodie and acquaint themselves with simple and plaine attire like as Lycurgus for the same reason would that the dores windowes and roofes of houses should be framed with the saw and the axe onely without use of any other toole or instrument intending thereby to chase out of the common-weale all curiositie and wastfull superfluitie Or doth not this parting of the haires give covertly to understand a division and separation as if mariage the bond of wedlock were not to be broken but by the sword and warlike force Or may not this signifie thus much that they referred the most part of ceremonies concerning mariage unto Juno now it is plaine that the javelin is consecrated unto Juno insomuch as most part of her images and statues are portraied resting and leaning upon a launce or javelin And for this cause the goddesse is surnamed Quiritis for they called in old time a speare Quiris upon which occasion Mars also as they say is named Quiris 88 What is the reason that the monie emploied upon plaies and publike shewes is called among them Lucar MAy it not well be that there were many groves about the citie consecrated unto the gods which they named 〈◊〉 the revenues whereof they bestowed upon the setting forth of such solemnities 89 Why call they Quirinalia the Feast of fooles WHether is it because as Juba writeth they attribute this day unto those who knew not their owne linage and tribe or unto such as have not sacrificed as others have done according to their tribes at the feast called Fornacalia Were it that they were hindred by other affaires or had occasion to be forth of the citie or were altogether ignorant and therefore this day was assigned for them to performe the said feast 90 What is the cause that when they sacrifice unto Hercules they name no other God but him nor suffer a dog to be seene within the purprise and 〈◊〉 of the place where the sacrifice is celebrated according as Varro hath left in writing IS not this the reason of naming no god in their sacrifice for that they esteeme him but a demigod and some there be who hold that whiles he lived heere upon the earth Evander erected an altar unto him and offered sacrifice thereupon Now of all other beasts he could worst abide a dog and hated him most for this creature put him to more trouble all his life time than any other witnesse hereof the three headed dog Cerberus
things unlesse by way of exchange he might receive of them some of their land the children therefore taking up a little of the mould with both hands gave the same unto him and having received from him the foresaid gauds went their waies The Aeolians hearing of this and withall discovering their enemies under saile directing their course thither and ready to invade them taking counsell of anger and sorrow together killed those children who were entombed along that great high way by which men go from the citie to the streight or frith called Euripus Thus you see wherefore that place was called the Childrens sepulcher 23 What is he whom in Argos they call Mixarchagenas and who be they that are named Elasians AS for Mixarchagenas it was the surname of Castor among them and the Argives beleeve verily that buried he was in their territorie But Pollux his brother they reverenced and worshipped as one of the heavenly gods Moreover those who are thought to have the gift to divert and put by the fits of the Epilepsie or falling sickenes they name Elasiae and they are supposed to be descended from Alexidas the daughter of Amphiaraiis 24 What is that which the Argives call Encnisma THose who have lost any of their neere kinsfolkes in blood or a familiar friend were woont presently after their mourning was past to sacrifice unto Apollo and thirtie daies after unto Mercurie for this they thought that like as the earth receiveth the bodies of the dead so doth Mercurie the soules To the minister of Apollo they give barley and receive of him againe in lieu thereof a piece of flesh of the beast killed for sacrifice Now after that they have quenched the former fire as polluted and defiled they goe to seeke for others elsewhere which after they have kindled they roste the said flesh with it and then they call that flesh Encnisma 25 Who is Alastor Aliterios and Palamnaeus FOr we must not beleeve it is as some beare us in hand that they be Alitery who in time of famine goe prying and spying those who grind corne in their houses and then carrie it away by violence but we are to thinke that Alastor is he who hath committed acts that be Alasta that is to say not to be forgotten and the remembrance whereof will continue a long time after And Aliterius is he who for his wickednesse deserveth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say to be shunned and avoided of all men and such an one is otherwise called Palamnaeus and thus much saith Socrates was written in tables of brasse 26 What should the meaning of this be that the Virgins who accompanied the men that drive the beefe from Aenus toward the citie Cassiopaea go all the way even unto the verie borders chanting this dittie Would God returne another day To native soile you never may THe Aenians being driven out of their owne countrie by the Lapithae inhabited first about Aethacia and afterwards in the province of Molossis neere unto Cassiopaea But seeing by experience little good or none growing unto them out of that countrey and withall finding the people adjoining to be ill neighbours unto them they went into the plaine of Cirrha under the leading of their king Onoclus but being surprised there with a wonderfull drought they sent unto the oracle of Apollo who commanded them to stone their king Onoclus to death which they did and after that put themselves in their voiage againe to seeke out a land where they might settle and make their abode and so long travelled they until at the last they came into those parts which they inhabit at this day where the ground is good and fertill and bringing forth all fruitfull commodities Reason they had therefore you see to wish and pray unto the gods that they might never returne againe unto their ancient countrey but remaine there for ever in all prosperitie 27 What is the reason that it is not permitted at Rhodes for the her ault or publicke crier to enter into the temple of Ocridion IS it for that Ochimus in times past affianced his daughter Cydippe unto Ocridion but Cercaphus the brother of Ochimus being enamoured of his niece Cydippe perswaded the herault for in those daies the maner was to demand their brides in mariage by the meanes of heraults and to receive them at their hands that when he had Cydippe once delivered unto him he should bring her unto him which was effected accordingly And this Cercaphus being possessed of the maiden fled away with her but in processe of time when Ochimus was verie aged Cercaphus returned home Upon which occasion the Rhodians enacted a law that from thence forth there should never any herault set foot within the temple of Ocridion in regard of this injurie done unto him 28 What is the cause that among the Tenedians it is not lawfull for a piper or plaier of the fluit to come within the temple of Tenes neither is it permitted to make any mention there of Achilles IS it not because when the stepmother of Tenes had accused him for that he would have laien with her Malpus the minstrell avouched it to be true and most falsely bare witnesse against him whereupon he was forced to flie with his sister unto Tenedos Furthermore it is said that Thet is the mother of Achilles gave expresse commandement unto her sonne and charged him in any wise not to kill Tenes for that he was highly beloved of Apollo Whereupon she commanded one of his servants to have a carefull eie unto him and eftsoones to put him in mind of this charge that he had from her lest haply he might forget himselfe and at unwares take away his life but as he overran Tenedos he had a sight of Tenes sister a faire and beautifull ladie and pursued her but Tenes put himselfe betweene for to defend and save the honour of his sister during which conflict she escaped and got away but her brothers fortune was to be slaine but Achilles perceiving that it was Tenes when he lay dead upon the ground killed his servant outright for that being present in place during the fray he did not admonish him according as he was commanded but Tenes he buried in that verie place where now his temple standeth Lo what was the cause that neither a piper is allowed to go into his temple nor Achilles may be once named there 29 Who is that whom the Fpidamnians call Polletes THe Epidamnians being next neighbours unto the Illyrians perceived that their citizens who conversed commerced and traded in trafficke with them became nought and fearing besides some practise for the alteration of state they chose everie yeere one of the best approved men of their citie who went to and fro for to make all contracts bargains and exchanges that those of Epidamnus might have with the Barbarians and likewise dealt reciprocally in these affaires and negotiacions that the Illyrians had with them now this
the Elians of his owne accord to side with them at what time as they warred upon the Arcadians and as he passed with his bootie that he had gotten went through this sacred place when after the warre was ended he returned to Lacedaemon was by the Lacedaemonians delivered up to the Arcadians by direction and commandement of the oracle which enjoined them to render the Stag. 40 What is that Demi-god in Tanagra knowen by the name of Eunostus And what is the reason that women may not enter within the groave dedicated unto him THis Eunostus was the sonne of Elieus the sonne of Cephisus and Scias so named of Eunosta a certaine nymph that nourished and brought him up who being faire and just withall was also chast continent and of an austere life Howbeit the report goeth that one of the daughters of Collonus named Ochna being his cousin germane became enamoured upon him but when she had tempted him and assaied to win his love Eunostus repulsed and rejected her with reprochfull tearmes and went his way intending to accuse her unto her brethren which the maiden suspecting and fearing prevented him and slandered him first before her brethren Ochemus Leon and Bucolus whom she incensed against Eunostus that they would kill him as one who by force had defloured their sister These brethren then having lien in ambush for the young man murthered him trecherously for which fact Elieus cast them in prison and 〈◊〉 her selfe repenting of that which she had done was much troubled and tormented in mind therefore being desirous besides to deliver her selfe from the griefe and agonie which she endured by reason of her love and withall pitying her brethren imprisoned for her sake discovered the whole truth unto Elicus and Elicus againe unto Collonus by whose accord and judgement these brethren of Ochna fled their countrey and were banished but she cast her selfe voluntarily downe headlong from an high rocke according as Myrtis the poetresse hath left in verse And this is the cause that both the temple of Eunostus and also the grave about it remained ever after inaccessible and not to be appoched by women insomuch as many times when there happen any great earthquakes extraordinarie droughts and other fearefull and prodigious tokens from heaven the Tanagrians make diligent search and inquisition whether there have not beene some one woman or other who secretly hath presumed to come neere unto the said place And some have reported among whom was one Clidamus a noble and honourable personage that they met with Eunostus upon the way going to wash and cleanse himselfe in the sea for that there was one woman who had beene so bold as to enter into his sanctuarie And verely Diocles himselfe in a treatise that he made of Demi-gods or such worthy men as had beene deified maketh mention of a certaine edict or decree of the Tanagrians touching those things which Clidamus had related unto them 41 How commeth it that in the countrey of Boeotia the river that runneth by Eleon is called Scamander DEimachus the sonne of Eleon being a familiar companion with Hercules was with him at the Trojan warre during the time whereof continuing as it did verie long he entertained the love of Glaucia the daughter of Scamander who was first enamoured of him and so well they agreed together that in the end she was with child by him Afterwards it fortuned so that in a skirmish with the Trojans he lost his life and Glaucia fearing that her belly would tell tales and bewray what she had done fled for succour unto Hercules and of her owne accord declared unto him how she had beene surprised with love and what familiar acquaintance there had passed betweene her and Deimachus late deceased Hercules as well in pitie of the poore woman as for his owne joy and contentment of mind that there was like to remaine some issue of so valiant a man and his familiar friend beside had Glaucta with him to his ships and when she was delivered of a faire sonne caried her into the countrey of Baeotia where he delivered her and her sonne into the hands of Eleon The child then was named Scamander and became afterwards king of that countrey who surnamed the river Inachus after his owne name Scamander and a little riveret running thereby Glaucta by the name of his mother as for the fountaine Acidusa it was so cleped according to his wives name by whom he had three daughters who are even unto this day honoured in that countrey and called by the name of the virgins 42 Wherevpon arose this proverbiall speech 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say these things shall stand or prevaile DIno the captaine generall of the Tarentines being a right valiant and hardie warriour when as the citizens by their voices and suffrages denied a sentence which he had delivered as the herault or crier proclaimed and published with a loud voice that opinion which prevailed lifting up his owne right hand himselfe Yea but this quoth he shal carie it away when all is done Thus Theophrastus reporteth this narration but Apollidorus relateth moreover in his Rhytinus that when the herault had proclaimed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say these be more in number meaning the voices of the people Yea but quoth he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say these be better and in so doing confirmed the resolution of those who were in number the fewer 43 Upon what occasion was the citie of the Ithacesians named Alalcomenae MOst writers have recorded that Anticlia being yet a virgin was forced by Sisyphus and conceived Ulysses But Hister of Alexandria hath written moreover in his Commentaries that she being given in mariage unto Laertes and brought into the citie Alalcomenium in Baeotia was delivered there of Ulysses and therefore he to renew the memorie of that citie where he was borne and which was the head citie standing in the heart of that countrey called that in Ithaca by the name thereof 44 Who be they in the citie Aegina which are called Monophagi OF those Aeginets who served in the Trojane warre many died in fight howbeit more were drowned by meanes of a tempest in their voyage at sea But those few who returned were welcomed home and joifully received by their kinsfolke and friends who perceiving all their other fellow-citizens to mourne and be in heavinesse thought this with themselves they ought not to rejoice nor offer sacrifice unto the gods openly but in secret and so everie man a part in his privat house entertained those who were escaped and came home safe with feasts and banquets and served at the table in their owne persons unto their fathers their brethren cousens and friends without admitting any stranger whatsoever in imitation whereof they do yet every yeere sacrifice unto Neptune in secret assemblies which sacrifices they call Thyasi during which solemnitie they doe feast one another privatly for the space of sixteene daies
and the humiditie which it hath serveth to feed and nourish the heat thereof For it is not the solide part of wood that burneth but the oleous moisture thereof which if it be once evaporate and spent the solide substance remaineth drie and is nothing els but ashes As for those who labour and endevour to shew by demostration that the same also is changed and consumed for which purpose they sprinckle it estsoones with oile or temper it with greace and so put it into the fire againe prevaile nothing at all for when the fattie and uncteous substance is burnt there remaine still evermore behinde the terrestriall parts And therefore earth being not onely immooveable in respect of situation but also immutable in regard of the very substance the ancient called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say vesta standing as it were sure and stedfast within the habitation of the gods of which steadinesse and congealation the bond and linke is cold as Archilochus the Naturallist said And nothing is there able to relax or mollifie it after it hath once bene baked in the fire or hardened against the Sun As touching those who say that they feele very sensibly the winde and the water colde but the earth not so well surely these do consider this earth here which is next unto us and is no other thing in trueth than a mixture and composition of aire water sunne and heat and me thinks this is all one as if a man should say that the elementarie fire is not the primitive and originall heat but rather scalding water or an iron red hot in the fire for that in trueth there is no touching of these or comming neere unto them as also that of the said pure and celestiall fire they have no sensible experience nor knowledge by feeling no more than they have of the earth which is about the center which we may imagine to be true pure and naturall earth as most remote and farthest separate from all other howbeit wee may have some guesse and token thereof by these rockes heere with us which from their profunditie send forth a vehement colde which is in maner intolerable And they likewise who desire to drinke their water passing colde use to throw pibble stones into it which thereby commeth to be more colde sharpe and piercing by occasion of the great and fresh colde that ariseth from the said stones And therefore we ought thus to thinke that when our ancients those deepe clearks and great scholars I meane thought there could be no mixture of earthly things with heavenly they never looked to places high or low as if they hung in the scales of a ballance but unto the difference and diversitie of their powers attributing the qualities of heat cleerenesse agilitie celeritie and lightnesse unto that immortall and eternall nature but colde darknesse and tarditie they assigned as the unhappie lot and wretched portion of those infernall wights that are dead and perished For the very bodie of a creature all while that it doth breathe and flourish in verdure as the Poets say hath life and heat but so soone as it is destitute of these and left in the onely portion and possession of the earth it presently becommeth stiffe and colde as if heat were in any other body naturally rather than in that which is terrestriall Compare now good sir Phavorinus these arguments with the reasons of other men and if you finde that they neither yeeld in probabilitie nor over-way them much bid all opinions and the stiffe mainteining of them farewell and thinke that to forbeare resolution and to holde off in matters obscure and uncerteine is the part of the wisest philosopher rather than to settle his judgement and assent to one or other NATVRALL QVESTIONS The Summarie THis collection of divers questions taken out of Naturall philosophie and resolved by the authour according to the doctrine of Naturalists being so cleerely distinguished by it selfe requireth no long deduction for that at the very first sight ech question may sufficiently 〈◊〉 understood NATVRALL QVESTIONS 1 What is the cause that sea water nourisheth no trees IS it for the same reason that it nourisheth no land-creatures for that a plant according to the opinions of Plato Anaxagoras and Democritus is a living creature of the land For say that it serves for food to plants growing within the sea as also to fishes and is to them their drinke yet we must not inferre thereupon that it feedeth trees that be without the sea and upon the land for neither can it pierce downe to their rootes it is so grosse nor rise up in the nature of sappe it is so heavy That it is grosse heavy and terrestriall appeereth by many other reasons and by this especially for that it beareth up and susteineth both vessels and swimmers more than any other Or is it principally for this that whereas nothing is more offensive and hurtfull to trees than drinesse the water of the sea is very 〈◊〉 which is the reason that salt withstandeth putrifaction so much as it doth and why the bodies of those who are washed in the sea have incontinently their skin exeeding dry and rugged Or rather may it not be for that oile is naturally an enimy to all plants causing as many of them as are rubbed or anointed therewith to die Now the sea water standeth much upon a kinde of sartinesse and is very uncteous in such sort that it will both kindle and also increase fire and therefore we give warning and forbid to throw sea water into flaming fire Or is it because the water of the sea is bitter and not potable by reason as Aristotle saith of the burnt earth that is mixed with it like as lie which is made by casting fresh water aloft upon ashes for the running and passing through the said ashes marreth that sweet and potable quality of the water as also within our bodies the unnaturall heats of an ague turne 〈◊〉 into cholar As for those plants woods or trees which are said to grow within the red sea if they doe certeinly they beare no fruit but nourished they are by the fresh rivers which bring in with them a deale of mud an argument heereof is this for that such grow not farre within the sea but neere unto the land 2 What might the reason be that trees and seeds are nourished better with raine than any other water that they can be watered withall IS it for that raine as it falleth by the dint that it maketh openeth the ground and causeth litle holes whereby it pierceth to the rootes as Laetus saith Or is this untrue and Laetus was ignorant heereof namely that morish plants and such as grow in pooles as the reed mace canes and rushes will not thrive if they want their kinde raines in due season But true is that which Aristotle saith That the raine water is all fresh and new made whereas that of meeres and lakes is old and
what it will be is not some accident or passion of any motion but it is the cause the puissance and the principle of that proportion and order that conteineth and holdeth together all things according to which the nature of the world and this whole universality which also is animate doth move or rather the very same proportion it selfe and order which doth moove is the thing that we call time For walke it doth with silent pace In way where as no noise is made Conducting justly to their place All mortall things that passe and fade And verily according to the minde of auncient philosophers the substance of the soule was defined to be a number mooving it selfe which is the reason why Plato said That time and heaven were made together but motion was before heaven at what time as there was no heaven at all for why there was no order nor measure whatsoever no nor any distinction but an undeterminate motion like as the matter was rude without forme figure but after that nature once had cast this matter into a colour and had shaped it with forme and figure and then determined motion with periodicall revolutions she made withall both the world and time both at once which two are the very images of God to wit the world of his substance and time of his eternitie for God in that he mooveth is time and in that he hath being is the world This is the reason why he saith That both of them comming together shall likewise both be dissolved together in case that ever there will be any dissolution of them For that which had a beginning and generation cannot be without time no more than that which is intelligible without eternity in case the one is to continue for ever and the other being once made shall never perish and be dissolved Time then being so necessarily linked and interlaced with the heaven is not simply a motion but as we have said already a motion ordeined by order which hath a just measure set limits and bonds yea and certeine revolutions of all which the sunne being superintendent governour and directour for to dispose limit and digest all for to discover set out and shew the alterations and seasons the which bring foorth all things as 〈◊〉 saith confessed it must be that he is a workeman cooperant with that chiefe and sovetaigne God the prince of all not in petie base and frivolous things but in the greatest and most principall works that be 8 PLato in his books of common-wealth having excellently well compared the symphony of the three faculties powers of the soule to wit the reasonable the irascible concupiscible unto the musicall harmony of the notes Mese Hypate and Nete hath given occasion for a man to doubt whether hee set the irascible or reasonable part correspondent to the meane seeing that he shewed not his meaning in this present place for according to the situation of the parts of the body wherein these faculties are seated surely the couragious and irascible is placed in the middes and answered to the region of Mese the meane but the reasonable is ranged into the place of Hypate for that which is aloft first and principall our auncestours used to call Hypaton according to which sense Xenocrates calleth Jupiter or the aire that I meane which converseth above where all things continue the same and after one sort Hypatos like as that which is under the moone Neatos And before him Homer speaking of the soveraigne God and prince of princes saith thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say our soveraigne and supreme of all rulers And in trueth nature hath by very good right given unto the best part of the soule the highest place in lodging the discourse of reason as the governour of the rest within the head but hath remooved farre from thence to the base and inferior members the concupiscible for the low situation is called Neate according as appeereth by the denomination of the dead who are tearmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say inferior or infernall and for this cause some therebe who say that the winde which bloweth from beneath and out of places unseene that is to say from the pole Antarticke is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the south Since then it is so that there is the same proportion of contrariety betweene concupiscible and reasonable parts of the soule as there is betweene lowest and highest last and first it is not possible that reason should be the highest and principall and not withall correspondent to Hypate but to some other note in musicke for they who attribute unto her as unto the principall faculty and power Mese that is to say the meane see not ignorant as they be how they take from her that which is more principall to wit Hypate which cannot fit well either with ire or lust for both these the one and the other are made for to follow and be commanded by reason and not to command or goe before reason Moreover it should seeme by nature that anger ought to have the meane and middle place considering that naturally reason is to command and anger both to command and be commanded as being on the one side subject to the discourse of reason and on the other side commanding lust yea and punishing it when she is disobedient to reason And like as in grammar those letters which wee call semi-vowels be of a middle nature betweene mute consonants and vowels for that as they sound more than the one so they sound lesse than the other even so in the soule of man wrath is not simply a meere passion but hath many times an apparence of duty and honesty mixed with desire of revenge And Plato himselfe comparing the substance of the soule unto a couple of horses drawing a chariot and guided by a chariot man who driveth them and understandeth by the driver guide as every man well knowes the discourse of reason now of the two steeds that of lusts and pleasures is frampold skittish flinging winsing unruly altogether and unbroken stiffenecked deafe hardly caring either for whip or spurre where as the other of 〈◊〉 is for the most part tractable and obeisant to the bridle of reason yea and ready to joine with it in execution of good things And like as in a chariot with two horses the driver or chariot-man is not in vertue and puissance the middle but rather one of the horses which is woorse than the chariot man and better than his 〈◊〉 that draweth with him even so likewise hath not he given the middle place unto that part which doth rule and governe in the soule but unto that wherein there is lesse passion than in the first and more reason than in the third for this order and disposition observeth the proportion of the irascible to the reasonable part as is of 〈◊〉 to Hypate and to the
remaineth now that we should treat of Fortune and casuall adventure and of whatsoever besides that requireth discourse and consideration First this is certeine that Fortune is a kinde of cause but among causes some are of themselves others by accident as for example of an house or ship the proper causes and of themselves be the Mason Carpenter or Shipwright but by accident the Musician and Geometrician yea and whatsoever incident to the mason carpenter or shipwright either in regard of body or minde or outward things whereby it appeereth that the essentiall cause which is by it selfe must needs be determinate certeine in one whereas the accidentall causes are not alwaies one and the same but infinit and indeterminate for many accidents in number infinit and in nature different one from another may be together in one and the same subject This cause then by accident when it is found not onely in such things which are done for some end but also in those wherein our election and will taketh place is called fortune as namely to find treasure when a man diggeth a hole or grave to plant a tree in or to do and suffer any extraordinary thing in flying pursuing or otherwise going and marching or onely in retiring provided alwaies that he doeth it not to that end which ensueth thereupon but upon some other intention And heereupon it is that some of the anncient philosophers have defined fortune to be a cause unknowen and not foreseene by mans reason But according to the Platoniques who come neerer unto it in reason it is defined thus Fortune is an accidentall cause in those things that are done for some end and which are in our election and afterwards they adjoine moreover not foreseene nor knowen by the discourse of humane reason although that which is rare and strange by the same meanes appeareth also in this kinde of cause by accident But what this is if it appeere not manifestly by the oppositions and contradictory disputations yet at leastwise it will be declared most evidently by that which is writtē in a treatise of Plato entituled Phaedon where these words are found What Have you not heard how in what maner the judgement passed Yes iwis For one there was who came and told us of it whereat we marvelled very much that seeing the sentence of judgement was pronounced long before he died a good while after And what might be the cause thereof Ô Phaedon Surely there hapned unto him Ô Echecrates a certeine fortune For it chanced that the day before the judgement the prow of the galley which the Athenians sent to isle Delos was crowned In which words it is to be noted that by this tearme There hapned you must not understand There was but rather it so befell upon a concourse and meeting of many causes together one after another For the priest adorned the ship with coronets for another end and intention and not for the love of Socrates yea and the judges had condemned him also for some other cause but the event it selfe was so strange admirable as if it had hapned by some providence or by an humane creature or rather indeed by some superior nature And thus much may suffice as touching fortune and the definition thereof as also that necessarily it ought to subsist together with some one contingent thing of those which are meant to some end whereupon it tooke the name yea and there must be some subject before of such things which are in us and in our election But casuall adventure reacheth and extendeth farther than fortune for it compriseth both it and also many other things which may chance aswell one way as another and according as the very etymologie and derivation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sheweth it is that which hapneth for and in stead of another namely when that which was ordinary sell not out but another thing in lieu thereof as namely when it chanceth to be colde weather in the Dog daies for sometimes it falleth out to be then colde and not without cause In summe like as that which is in us and arbitrary is part of contingent even so is fortune a part of casuall or accidental adventure and both these events are conjunct and dependant one of another to wit casual adventure hangeth upon contingent and fortune upon that which is in us and arbitrarie and yet not simply and in generall but of that onely which is in our election according as hath beene before said And hereupon it is that this casuall adventure is common aswell to things which have no life as to those which are animate whereas fortune is proper to man onely who is able to performe voluntarie actions An argument whereof is this that to be fortunate happie and blessed are thought to be all one for blessed happinesse is a kinde of well doing and to doe well properly belongeth to a man and him that is perfect Thus you see what things are comprised within fatall destiny namely contingent possible election that which is within us fortune casuall accident or chance adventure together with their circumstant adjuncts signified by these words haply peradventure or perchance howbeit we are not to inferre that because they be conteined within destinie therefore they be fatall It remaineth now to discourse of divine providence considering that it selfe comprehendeth fatall destinie This supreame and first providence therefore is the intelligence and will of the sovereigne god doing good unto all that is in the world whereby all divine things universally and thorowout have bene most excellently and wisely ordeined and disposed The second providence is the intelligence and will of the second gods who have their course thorow the heaven by which temporall and mortall things are ingendred regularly and in order as also whatsoever perteineth to the preservation and continuance of every kinde of thing The third by all probabilitie and likelihood may well be called the providence and prospicience of the Daemonds or angels as many as be placed and ordeined about the earth as superintendents for to observe marke and governe mens actions Now albeit there be seene this threefolde providence yet properly and principally that first and supreame is named Providence so as we may be bolde and never doubt to say howsoever herein we seeme to contradict some Philosophers That all things are done by fatall destinie and by providence but not likewise by nature howbeit some by providence and that after divers sorts these by one and those by another yea and some also by fatall destinie As for fatall destinie it is altogether by providence but providence in no wise by fatall destinie where by the way this is to be noted that in this present place I understand the principall and sovereigne providence Now whatsoever is done by another be it what it will is evermore after that which causeth or maketh it even as that which is erected by law is after the law
gods together with their services and ceremonies Moreover as touching those which are called idle and harvest arguments as also that which is named beside or against destiny they are no better than cavils and sophistries according to this opinion but according to the contrary sentence the first and principall conclusion is that nothing is done without cause but all thing depend upon precedent causes the second that the world is governed by nature which conspireth and is compatible with it selfe the third may seeme rather to be testimonies unto these whereof the first is divination approved by all nations as being really and truely in God the second the aequanimitie and patience of wise men taking and bearing well all accidents and occurrents whatsoever as comming by divine ordinance the third which is so common a speech and divulged in every mans mouth namely that every proposition is either true or false Thus have we drawen this discourse into a small number of short articles to the end that we might remember and comprise in few words the whole matter and argument of Destinie All which points both of the one and the other opinion are to be discussed and examined with more diligent inquisition whereof particularly we will treat afterwards A COMPENDIOVS REVIEW AND DISCOURSE THAT THE STOICKS DELIVER MORE STRANGE OPINIONS THAN DO THE POETS The Summarie APetie declaration this is against the sect of the Stoicks which briefly and in a word is maketh odious giving out in plaine tearmes that such persons be the loudest liers in the world and that their opinion as touching the change and alteration of that party who rangeth himselfe unto them is so monstrous and ridiculous that the discovery only thereof is a sufficient refutation A COMPENDIOUS REVIEW and discourse That the Stoicks deliver more strange opinions than do the Poets PIndarus was reprooved for that after a strange maner and without all sense and probabilitie hee fained Caeneus one of the Lapithae to have had a bodie so hard as it could not be pierced by any weapon of iron and steele but that he remained unhurt and so afterwards Went under earth without en wound When with stiffe foot he cleft the ground But this Lapith of the Stoicks to wit their imagined wise man being forged by them of impassibilitie as of a mettall harder than the diamond is not such an one as is not otherwhiles 〈◊〉 diseased and assailed with paine howbeit as they say he abideth still fearelesse and without sorrow and heavinesse he continueth invincible he susteineth no force nor violence howsoever he be wounded what paine soever he suffereth be he put to all tortures or see his native countrey sacked and destroied before his face or what calamities els beside be presented to his eies And verily that Caeneus whom Pindarus describeth notwithstanding 〈◊〉 were smitten and bare many stroakes yet was unwounded for all that but the wise man whom the Stoicks imagine although he be kept enclosed in prison yet is not restreined of libertie say he be pitched downe from the top of a rocke yet susteineth no violence is he put to the strappado to the racke or wheele yet for all that is he not tormented and albeit he frie in the fire yet he hath no harm nay if in wrestling he be foiled and take a fall yet he persisteth unconquered when he is environed within a wall yet is he not besieged and being solde in port sale by the enemies yet is he no captive but remaineth impregnable resembling most properly for all the world those ships which have these goodly inscriptions in their poups Happie voyage Luckie navigation Saving providence and Remedie against all dangers and yet the same neverthelesse be tossed in the seas split upon the rocks cast away and drowned Iolaus as the Poet Euripides hath fained by a certeine praier that he made unto the gods of a feeble and decrepit olde man became all of a sudden a yong and lustie gallant ready for to fight a battell but the Stoicks wise man who longer agoe than yesterday was most hatefull wretched and wicked all at once to day is changed into a good and vertuous person he is of a rivelled pale leane and poore sillie aged man and as the Poet Aeschylus saith Who suffereth pangs in flanke in reines and backe With painfull cramps stretcht as upon aracke become a lovely faire beautifull and personable youth pleasant both to God and man Minerva in Homer rid Ulisses from his wrinkles his baldnesse and ill fovoured deformity that he might appeare full of favour and amiable but this wise man of there making albeit withered olde age leave not his body but contrariwise increase still and grow more and more with all the discommodities that follow it continuing still for example sake bunch backt if he were so before one eied and toothlesse yet forsooth is not for all this foule deformed and ill favoured For like as by report the bettils fly from good and sweet odors seeking after stinking sents even so the Stoicks love conversing with the most foule ilfavoured and deformed after that by their sapience and wisdome they be turned into all beauty and favor departeth and goeth from them With these Stoicks he who in the morning haply was most wicked will proove in the evening a right honest man who went to bed foolish ignorant injurious outragious intemperat yea a very slave a poore needy begger will rise the morrow morning a king rich happie chaste just firme and constant nothing at all subject to variety of opinions not for that he hath all on a suddaine put forth a beard or become under growen as in a yoong and tender body but rather engendred in a weake soft effeminate and inconstant soule a perfect minde perfect understanding soveraine prudence a divine disposition comparable to the gods a settled and assured science not wandring in opinions and an immutable and stedfast habitude neither went that leawd wickednesse of his away by little little but all at once I may well neeresay he was transmuted from a most vile beast into a demy god a daemon or a very god indeed For so soone once as a man hath learned vertue in the Stoicks schoole he may say thus unto himselfe Wish what thou wilt and what thou list to crave All shall be done doe thou but aske and have This vertue brings riches this carieth with it roialty this giveth good fortune this makes men happie standing in need of nothing contented in themselves although they have not in all the world so much as a single drachme of silver or one grey groat Yet are the fables of Poets devised with more probability and likelihood of reason for never doe they leave Hercules altogether destitute of necessaries but it seemeth that he hath with him alwaies one living source or other out of which there runneth evermore foison and plenty for himselfe and the company about him But he who hath once gotten
appertaine unto us to be most accordant unto humane life and the common prenotions inbred anticipations of knowledge abovesaid But to the end that no man might denie that he is repugnant and contrary to himselfe loe what he saith in his third booke of justice This is it quoth he that by reason of the surpassing grandure beawty of our sentences those matters which we deliver seeme feined tales and devised fables exceeding mans power and farre beyond humane nature How can it be that any man should more plainly confesse that he is at war with himselfe than he doth who saith that his propositions and opinions are so extravagant and transcendent that they resemble counterfeit tales and for their exelency surmount the condition and nature of man and yet forsooth for all this that they accord and agree passing well with humane life yea and come neerest unto the said inbred prenotions and anticipations that are in us Hee affirmeth that the very essence and substance of infelicitie is vice writing and firmly mainteining in all his books of morall and naturall philosophy that to live in vice is as much as to live in misery and wretchednesse but in the third booke of Nature having said before that it were better and more expedient to live a senselesse foole yea though there were no hope that ever he should become wise than not to live at all he addeth afterwards thus much For there be such good things in men that in some sort the very evill things goe before and are better than the indifferent in the middes betweene As for this how he hath written elswhere that there is nothing expedient and profitable in fooles and yet in this place setteth downe in plaine termes that it is expedient to live foolish and senselesse I am content to overpasse but seeing hee saith now that evill things goe before and one better than the indifferent or meane which with them of his sect are neither good nor ill surely it is as much as if hee affirmed that evill things are better than things not evill and all are as to say that to be wretched is more expedient than not to be wretched and so by that meanes he is of opinion that not to be miserable is more unprofitable than to be miserable and if it be more unprofitable than also it must be more hurtfull and dammageable But being desirous in some sort to mollifie this absurditie and to salve this sore he subnexeth as touching evill things these words My meaning is not quoth he that they should go before and be preferred but reason is the thing wherewith it is better to live although a man should ever be a foole than not to live at all First and formost then hee calleth vice an evill thing as also whatsoever doth participate of vice and nothing els now is vice reasonable or rather to speake more properly reason delinquent so that to live with reason if we be fooles and void of wisdome what is it els but to live with vice now to live as 〈◊〉 is all one as to live wretched Wherein is it then and how commeth it about that this should go before meane and indifferent things for it was not admitted that happie life should go before miserie neither was it ever any part say they of Chrysippus his meaning to range and count among good things To remaine alive no more than among bad To depart this life but he thought that these things were of themselves indifferent and of a middle nature in which regard otherwhiles it is meet for happy men to leave this life and for wretches to continue alive And what greater contrariety can there be as touching things eligible or refusable than to say that for them who are happy in the highest degree it is sit and beseeming to forgoe and for sake the good things that be present for want of some one thing that is indifferent And yet Chrysippus is of this minde that no indifferent thing is of the owne nature to be desired or rejected but that we ought to chuse that onely which is good and to shun that alone which is bad so as according to their opinion it comes to passe that they never divert their dessignments or actions to the pursute after things desirable nor the avoidance of things refusable but another marke it is that they shoot aime at namely at those things which they neither eschue nor chuse according thereto they live die Chrysippus avoweth confesseth that there is as great a difference betweene good things bad as possibly may be as needs there must in case it be true that as the one sort of them cause those in whom they are to be exceeding happy so the other extreme wretched miserable Now in the first booke of the end of good things he saith that aswell good things as bad be sensible for these be his very words That good and evill things be perceptible by sense we must of necessity acknowledge upon these arguments for not onely the very passions indeed of the minde together with their parts and severall kinds to wit sadnesse feare and such like be sensible but also a man may have a sense of theft adultery and semblable sinnes yea and of follie of cowardise and in one word of all other vices which are in number not a few and not onely joy beneficence and other dependances of vertuous offices but also prudence valour and the rest of the vertues are object to the sense But to let passe all other absurdities conteined in these words who will not confesse but that there is a meere contradiction in that which they delivered as touching one that becomes a wise man and knowes not thereof for considering that the present good is sensible and much different from that which is evill that one possibly should of a wicked person proove to be vertuous and not know thereof not have sense of vertue being present but to thinke that vice is still within him how can this otherwise be but most absurd for either no man can be ignorant and out of doubt whether he hath all vertues together or els he must confesse that there is small difference and the same hard to be discerned betweene vice and vertue felicity and infelicity a right honest life and a most dishonest in case a man should passe from the one to the other and possesse one for the other without ever knowing it One worke he wrote entituled Of lives and the same divided into foure books in the fourth whereof he saith That a wise man medleth not with great affaires but is occupied in his owne businesse onely without being curious to looke into other mens occasions his very words to this purpose be these For mine owne part of this opinion I am that a prudent man gladly avoideth a stirring life intermedleth little and in his owne matters onely for to deale simply in a mans owne affaires and to
the world whereby all things are governed How is it possible then that these two positions should subsist together namely that God is in no wise the cause of any dishonest thing and that there is nothing in the world be it never so little that is done but by common nature and according to the reason thereof For surely among all those things that are done necessarily there must be things dishonest and yet Epicurus turneth and windeth himselfe on every side imagining and devising all the subtill shifts that he can to unloose set free and deliver our voluntary free will from this motion eternall because he would not leave vice excuseable without just reprehension whereas in the meane while he openeth a wide window unto it and giveth it libertie to plead That committed it is not onely by the necessitie of destiny but also by the reason of God and according to the best nature that is And thus much also moreover is to be seene written word forword For considering that common nature reacheth unto al causes it cannot otherwise be but all that is done howsoever and in what part soever of the world must be according to this common nature and the reason thereof by a certeine stint of consequence without impeachment for that there is nothing without that can impeach the administration thereof neither mooveth any part or is disposed in habitude otherwise than according to that common nature But what habitudes and motions of the parts are these Certeine it is that the habitudes be the vices and maladies of the minds as covetousnesse lecherie ambition cowardise and injustice as for the motions they be the acts proceeding from thence as adulteries thefts treasons manslaughters murders and parricides Chrysippus now is of opinion That none of all these be they little or great is done without the reason of Jupiter or against law justice and providence insomuch as to breake law is not against law to wrong another is not against justice nor to commit sinne against providence And yet he affirmeth that God punisheth vice and doth many things for the punishment of the wicked As for example in the second booke of the gods Otherwhiles there happen quoth he unto good men grievous calamities not by way of punishment as to the wicked but by another kinde of oeconomy and disposition like as it falleth out usually unto cities Againe in these words First we are to understand evill things and calamities as we have said heeretofore then to thinke that distributed they are according to the reason and dispose of Jupiter either by way of punishment or else by some other oeconomie of the whole world Now surely this is a doctrine hard to bee digested namely that vice being wrought by the disposition and reason of God is also punished thereby howbeit this contradiction he doeth still aggravate and extend in the second booke of Nature writing thus But vice in regard of grievous accidents hath a certeine peculiar reason by it selfe for after a sort it is committed by the common reason of nature and as I may so say not unprofitably in respect of the universall world for otherwise than so there were no good things at all and then proceeding to reproove those who dispute pro contra and discourse indifferently on both parts he I meane who upon an ardent desire tobroch alwaies and in every matter some novelties exquisite singularities above all other saith It is not unprofitable to cut purses to play the sycophants or commit loose dissolute and mad parts no more than it is incommodious that there should be unprofitable members hurtfull and wretched persons which if it be so what maner of god is Jupiter I meane him of whom Chrysippus speaketh in case I say he punish a thing which neither commeth of it selfe nor unprofitably for vice according to the reason of Chrysippus were altogether irreprehensible and Jupiter to be blamed if either he caused vice as a thing unprofitable or punished it when he had made it not unprofitably Moreover in the first booke of Justice speaking of the gods that they oppose themselves against the iniquities of some But wholly quoth he to cut off all vice is neither possible nor expedient is it if it were possible to take away all injustice all transgression of lawes and all folly But how true this is it perteineth not to this present treatise for to enquire and discourse But himselfe taking away and rooting up all vice as much as lay in him by the meanes of philosophy which to extirpe was neither good nor expedient doeth heerein that which is repugnant both to reason and also to God Furthermore in saying that there be certeine sinnes and iniquities against which the gods doe oppose themselves he giveth covertly to understand that there is some oddes and inequality in sinnes Over and besides having written in many places that there is nothing in the world to be blamed nor that can be complained of for that all things are made and finished by a most singular and excellent nature there be contrariwise sundry places wherein hee leaveth and alloweth unto us certeine negligences reprooveable and those not in small and trifling matters That this is true it may appeere in his third book of Substance where having made mention that such like negligences might befal unto good honest men Commeth this to passe quoth he because there be some things where of there is no reckoning made like as in great houses there must needs be scattered and lost by the way some bran yea and some few graines of wheat although in generality the whole besides is well enough ruled and governed or is it because there be some evill and malignant spirits as superintendents over such things wherein certeinly such negligences are committted the same reprehensible and he saith moreover that there is much necessitie intermingled among But I meane not hereupon to stand nor to discourse at large but to let passe what vanity there was in him to compare the accidents which befell to some good and vertuous persons as for example the condemnation of Socrates the burning of Pythagoras quicke by the Cylonians the dolorous torments that Zeno endured under the tyrant Demylus or those which Antiphon suffred at the hands of Dionysius when they were by them put to death unto the brans that be spilt and lost in great mens houses But that there should bee such wicked spirits deputed by the divine providence to have the charge of such things must needs redound to the great reproach of God as if he were some unwise king who committed the government of his provinces unto evill captaines and rash headed lieutenants suffering them to abuse and wrong his best affected subjects and winking at their rechlesse negligence having no care or regard at all of them Againe if it be so that there is much necessity and constraint mingled among the affaires of this world then is not God the
so say namely the occupation or taking up of the middle place wherein it standeth because it is in the mids for if it were thought otherwise to be founded it were altogether necessarie that some corruption should take holde of it And againe a little after for even so in some sort hath that essence bene ordeined from all eternity to occupie the middle region being presently at the very first such as if not by another maner yet by attaining this place it is eternall and subject to no corruption These words conteine one manifest repugnance and visible contrariety considering that in them he admitteth and alloweth in that which is infinit a middle place But there is a second also which as it is more darke and obscure so it implieth also a more monstrous absurditie than the other for supposing that the world can not continue incorruptible if it were seated and founded in any other place of the infinitie than in the mids it appeareth manifestly that he feared if the parts of the substance did not moove and tend toward the mids there would ensue a dissolution corruption of the world But this would he never have feared if he had not thought that bodies naturally from all sides tend to the middes not of the substance but of the place that conteineth the substance where of he had spoken in many places that it was a thing impossible and against nature for that within voidnesse there is no difference by which bodies can be said to move more one way than another and that the construction of the world is cause of the motion to the center as also that all things from every side do bend to the mids But to see this more plainly it may suffice to alledge the very text in his second booke of Motion for when he had delivered thus much That the world is a perfect body and the parts of the world not perfect because they are respective to the whole and not of themselves Having also discoursed as touching the motion thereof for that it was apt and fitted by nature to moove it selfe in all parts for to conteine and preserve and not to breake dissolve and burne it selfe he saith afterwards But the universall world tending and mooving to the same point and the parts thereof having the same motion from the nature of the body like it is that this first motion is naturally proper to all bodies namely to encline toward the mids of the world considering that the world mooveth so in regard of it selfe and the parts likewise in that they be the parts of the whole How now my goodfriend may some one say what accident is befallen unto you that you should forget to pronounce these words withall That the world in case it had not fortuned for to settle in the mids must needs have bene subject to corruption and dissolution For if it be proper and naturall to the world to tend alwaies to the same middle as also to addresse the parts thereof from all sides thereto into what place soever of the voidnesse it be carried and transported certes thus 〈◊〉 and embracing as it were it selfe as it doth it must needs continue incorruptible immortall and past all danger of fracture or dissolution for to such things as be broken bruised dissipated and dissolved this is incident by the division and dissolution of their parts when ech one runneth and retireth into their proper and naturall place out of that which is against their owne nature But you sir supposing that if the world were seated in any other place of voidnesse but in the mids there would follow a totall ruine and corruption thereof giving out also as much and therefore imagining a middle in that where naturally there can be none to wit in that which is infinit have verily quit cleane and fled from these tensions cohaerences and inclinations as having in them no assured meanes for to mainteine and holde the world together and attributed all the cause of the eternall maintenance and preservation thereof unto the occupation of a place And yet as if you tooke pleasure to argue and convince yourselfe you adjoine to the premisses thus much In what sort every severall part moveth as it is cohaerent to the rest of the body it stands with good reason that after the same maner it should moove by it selfe alone yea if for disputation sake we imagine and suppose it to be in some void part of this world and like as being kept in and enclosed on every side it would move toward the mids so it would continue in this same motion although by way of disputation we should admit that all on a sudden there should appeare some vacuity and void place round about it And is it so indeed that every part what ever it be compassed about with voidnesse forgoeth not her naturall inclination to move tend to the mids and should the world it selfe unlesse some fortune blind chance had not prepared for it a place in the mids have lost that vigor power which conteineth and holdeth all together so some parts of the substance of it moove one way and some another Now surely heerein there be many other maine contrarieties repugnant even to natural reason but this particularly among the rest encountreth the doctrine of God divine providence to wit that in attributing unto them the least and smallest causes that be he taketh from them the most principall and greatest of all other For what greater power can there be than the maintenance and preservation of this universall world or to cause the substance united together in all parts to cohaere unto it selfe But this according to the opinion of Chrysippus hapneth by meere hazzard and chance for if the occupation of a place is the cause of worlds incorruption and eternity and the same chanced by fortune we must inferre there upon that the safety of all things dependeth upon hazzard and adventure and not upon fatall destiny and divine providence As for his doctrine disputation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say of things possible which Chrysippus hath delivered directly agaisnt that of fatall destiny how can it chuse but be repugnant to it selfe for if that be not possible according to the opiniō of Diodorus which either is or shall be true but whatsoever is susceptible naturally of a power to be although the same never come into act or esse is to be counted possible there will be a number of things possible which never shal have being by destiny invincible inexpugnable surmoūting al things And therefore either this doctrine overthroweth al the force and puissance of destiny or if it be admitted as Chrysippus would have it that which potentially may be wil fal out oftentimes to be impossible whatsoever is true shall be also necessary as being comprised contained by the greatest and most powerfull necessity of all others and whatsoever is false impossible as
upon him with this contradiction and say that he may aswel hold that whatsoever is beneath the Primum mobile or starrie firmament ought to be called Below In summe how is the earth called The middle and whereof is it the middle for the universall frame of the world called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is infinit and this infinit which hath neither head nor foot how can it in reason have a navill for even that which we call the mids of any thing is a kinde of limitation whereas infinitie is a meere privation of all limits and bounds As for him who saith it is not in the mids of that universalitie but of the world he is a pleasant man if he thinke not withall that the world it selfe is subject to the same doubts and difficulties for the said universall frame leaveth not unto the very world a middle but is without a certeine seat without assured footing mooving in a voidnesse infinite not into some one place proper unto it and if haply it should meet with some any other cause of stay and so abide stil the same is not according to the nature of the place And as much may we conjecture of the Moone that by the meanes of some other soule or nature or rather of some difference the earth 〈◊〉 firme beneeath and the Moone mooveth Furthermore you see how they are not ignorant of a great errour and inconvenience for if it be true that whatsoever is without the centre of the earth it skils not how is to be counted Above and Aloft then is there no part of the world to be reckoned Below or Beneath but aswell the earth it selfe as al that is upon it shal be above aloft and to be short every bodie neere or about the centre must go among those things that are aloft neither must we reckon any thing to be under or beneath but one pricke or point which hath no bodie and the same forsooth must make head and stand in opposition necessarily against all the whole nature besides of the world in case according to the course of nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say above and beneath be opposite And not onely this absurdity will follow but also all heavie and ponderous bodies must needs lose the cause for which they bend and incline hither for bodie there will be none toward which it should move and as for this pricke or centre that hath no bodie there is no likelihood neither would they themselves have it so that it should be so puissant and forcible as to draw to it and reteine about it all things And if it be found unreasonable and repugnant to the course of nature that the world should be all above and nothing beneath but a terme or limit and the same without body without space and distance then this that we say is yet more reasonable namely that the region beneath and that above being parted distinctly one from another have neverthelesse ech of them a large and spacious roume to round themselves in But suppose if it please you it were against nature that terrestriall bodies should have any motion in heaven let us consider gently and in good termes not after a tragicall maner but mildly This prooveth not by-and-by that the Moone is not earth but rather that earth is in some place where naturally it should not be for the fire of the mountaine Aetna is verily under the ground against the nature of it howbeit the same ceaseth not therefore to be fire The winde conteined within leather bottles is of the owne nature light and given to mount upward but by force it commeth to be there where naturally it ought not to be Our very soule it selfe I beseech you in the name of Jupiter is it not against nature deteined within the body being light in that which is heavie being of a firie substance in that which is colde as yee your 〈◊〉 and being invisible in that which is grosse and palpable do we therefore denie that the soule is within the bodie that it is a divine substance under a grosse and heavie masse that in a moment it passeth thorowout heaven earth and sea that it pierceth and entreth within flesh nerves and marrow and finally is the cause together with the humors of infinit passions And even this Jupiter of yours such as you imagine and depaint him to be is he not of his owne nature a mighty and perpetuall fire howbeit now he submitteth himselfe and is pliable subject he is to all formes and apt to admit divers mutations Take heed therefore and be well advised good sir lest that in transferring and reducing every thing to their naturall place you doe not so philosophize as that you will bring in a dissolution of all the world and set on foot againe that olde quarrell and contention among all things which Empedocles writeth of or to speake more to the purpose beware you raise not those ancient Titans and Giants to put on armes against nature and so consequently endevour to receive and see againe that fabulous disorder and confusion whereby all that is weightie goeth one way and whatsoever is light another way apart Where neither light some countenance of Sunne nor earth all greene With herbs and plants admired is nor surging sea is seene according as Empedocles hath written wherein the earth feeleth no heat nor the water any winde wherein there is no ponderosity above nor lightnesse beneath but the principles and elements of all things be by themselves solitary without any mutuall love or dilection betweene them not admitting any society or mixture together but avoiding and turning away one from the other mooving apart by particular motions as being disdainfull proud and carying themselves in such sort as all things do where no god is as Plato saith that is as those bodies are affected wherein there is no understanding nor soule untill such time as by some divine providence there come into nature a desire and so amity Venus and Love be there engendred according to the sayings of Empedocles Parmenides and Hesiodus to the end that changing their naturall places and communicating reciprocally their gifts and faculties some driven by necessity to moove other bound to rest they be all forced to a better state remitting somewhat of their 〈◊〉 and yeelding one to another they grew at length unto accord harmony and societie For if there had not beene any other part of the world against nature but that ech one had bene both in place and for quality as it ought naturally to be without any need of change or transposition so that there had beene nothing at the first wanting I greatly doubt what and wherein was the worke of divine providence or whereupon it is that Jupiter was the father creator and maker For in a campe or field there would be no need of a man who is expert and skilfull in ranging and ordering of battell
and with his dagger gave him such a stabbe as he laied him along and killed him out of hand but see the malice of Fortune there runnes me forth out of a milihouse or backhouse thereby another villaine with a pestle and comming behinde him gave him such a souse upon the very necke bone that he was astonished therewith and there lay along in a swoone having lost his sight and other senses for a time But vertue it was that assisted him which gave both unto himselfe a good heart and also unto his friends strength resolution and diligence to succour him for Limnaeus Ptolemeus and Leonnatus with as many besides as either had clambred over the walles or broken thorow came in and put themselves betweene him and his enemies they with their valour were to him in stead of a wall and rampier they for meere affection and love unto their king exposed their bodies their forces and their lives before him unto all dangers whatsoever For it is not by fortune that there be men who voluntarily present themselves to present death but it is for the love of vertue like as bees having drunke as it were the amatorious potion of naturall love and affection are alwaies about their king and sticke close unto him Now say there had beene one there without the danger of shot to have seene this sight at his pleasure would not he have said that he had beheld a notable combat of fortune against vertue wherein the Barbarians by the helpe of fortune prevailed above their desert and the Greeks by meanes of vertue resisted above their power and if the former get the better hand it would be thought the worke of fortune and of some maligne and envious spirit but if these become superior vertue fortitude faith and friendship should cary away the honour of victory for nothing els accompanied Alexander in this place As for the rest of his forces and provisions his armies his horses and his fleets fortune set the wall of this vile towne betweene him and them Well the Macedonians in the end defaited these Barbarians beat the place downe over their heads and rased it quite and buried them in the ruins and fall thereof But what good did all this to Alexander in this case Caried he might well be and that speedily away out of their hands with the arrow sticking still in his bosome but the war was yet close within his ribbes the arrow was set fast as a spike or great naile to binde as it were the cuirace to his bodie for whosoever went about to plucke it out of the wound as from the root the head would not follow withall considering it was driven so sure into that solid brest bone which is over the heart neither durst any saw off that part of the steile that was without for feare of shaking cleaving cracking the said bone by that means so much the more and by that means cause exceeding and intolerable paines besides the effusion of much bloud out of the bottome of the wound himselfe seeing his people about him a long time uncerteine what to doe set in hand to hacke the shaft a two with his dagger close to the superficies of his cuirace aforesaid and so to cut it off cleane but his hand failed him and had not strength sufficient for to do the deed for it grew heavie and benummed with the inflammation of the wound whereupon he commanded his chirurgians to set to their hands boldly and to feare nought incouraging thus hurt as he was those that were sound and unwounded chiding and rebuking some that kept a weeping about him and bemoned him others he called traitours who durst not helpe him in this distresse he cried also to his minions and familiars Let no man be timorous and cowardly for me no not though my life lie on it I shall never be thought and beleeved not to feare dying if you be affraied of my death ***************** OF ISIS AND OSIRIS The Summarie THe wisdome and learning of the Aegyptians hath bene much recommended unto us by ancient writers and not without good cause considering that Aegypt hath bene the source and fountaine from whence have flowed into the world arts and liberall sciences as a man may gather by the testimony of the first Poets and philosophers that ever were But time which consumeth all things hath bereft us of the knowledge of such wisdome or if there remaine still with us any thing at all it is but in fragments and peeces scattered heere and there whereof many times we must divine or guesse and that is all But in recompence thereof Plutarch a man carefull to preserve all goodly and great things hath by the meanes of this discourse touching Isis and Osiris maintained and kept entier a good part of the Aegyptians doctrine which he is not content to set down literally there an end but hath adjoined thereto also an interpretation thereof according to the mystical sense of the Isiake priests discovering in few words an in finit number of secrets hidden under ridiculous monstrous fables in such sort as we may cal this treatise a cōmentary of the Aegyptians Theologie and Philosophy As for the contents thereof a man may reduce it into three principall parts In the first which may serve insted of a preface he yeeldeth a reason of his enterprise upon the consideration of the rasture vesture continence and ab stinence of Isis priests there is an entrie made to the rehearsall of the fable concerning Isis Osiris But before he toucheth it he sheweth the reason why the Aegyptians have thus darkly enfolded their divinity Which done he commeth to descipher in particular the said fable relating it according to the bare letter which is the second part of this booke In the third he expoundeth the fable it selfe and first discovereth the principles of the said Aegyptian Philosophy by a sort of temples sepulchers and sacrifices Afterwards having refuted certaine contrary opinions he speaketh of Daemons ranging Isis Osiris and Typhon in the number of them After this Theologicall exposition he considereth the fable according to naturall Philosophy meaning by Osiris the river Nilus and all other power of moisture whatsoever by Typhon Drinesse and by Isis that nature which preserveth and governeth the world Where he maketh a comparison betweene Bacchus of Greece and Osiris of Aegypt applying all unto naturall causes Then expoundeth he the fable more exactly and in particular maner conferring this interpretation thereof with that of the Stoicks wherupon he doth accommodate and fit all to the course of the Moone as she groweth and decreaseth to the rising also and inundation of Nilus making of all the former opinions a certaine mixture from whence he draweth the explication of the fable By occasion hereof he entreth into a disputation as touching the principles and beginnings of all things setting downe twaine and alledging for the proofe and confirmation of his speech the testimony of
of the soule which is subject to passions For sweet odors as they doe many times excite and stirre up the sense when it is dull and beginneth to faile so contrariwise they make the same as often drowsie and heavy yea and bring it to quietnesse whiles those aromaticall smels by reason of their smoothnesse are spred and defused in the bodie According as some Physicians say that sleepe is engendred in us when the vapour of the food which we have received creepeth gently along the noble parts and principall bowels and as it toucheth them causeth a kinde of tickling which lulleth them asleepe This Cyphi they use in drinke as a composition to season their cups and as an ointment besides for they hold that being taken in drinke it scowreth the guttes within and maketh the belly laxative and being applied outwardly as a liniment it mollifieth the bodie Over and above all this Rosin is the worke of the Sunne but Myrrh they gather by the Moone light out of those plants from which it doth destill But of those simples whereof Cyphi is compounded some there be which love the night better as many I meane as be nourished by cold windes shadowes dewes and moisture For the brightnesse and light of the day is one and simple and Pindarus saith that the Sunne is seene through the pure and solitarie aire whereas the aire of the night is a compound and mixture of many lights and powers as if there were a confluence of many seeds from every starre running into one By good right therefore they burne these simple perfumes in the day as those which are engendred by the vertue of the Sunne but this being mingled of all forts and of divers qualities they set on fire about the evening and beginning of the night OF THE ORACLES THAT HAVE CEASED TO GIVE ANSWERE The Summarie THe spirit of errour hath endevoured alwaies and assaied the best he can to mainteine his power and dominion in the world having after the revolt and fall of Adam beene furnished with instruments of all sorts to tyrannize over his slaves In which number we are to range the oracles and predictions of certaine idoles erected in many places by his instigation by meanes whereof this sworne enemy to the glory of the true God 〈◊〉 much prevailed But when it pleased our heavenly father to give us his sonne for to be our Saviour who descending from heaven to earth tooke upon him our humane nature wherein he susteined the 〈◊〉 and punishment due for our sinnes to deliver us out of hell and by vertue of his merits to give us entrance into the kingdome of heaven the trueth of his grace being published and made knovenin the world by the preaching of the Aposlles and their faithfull successours the Divell and his angels who had in many parts and places of the world abused and deceived poore idolaters were forced to acknowledge their Sovereigne and to keepe silence and suffer him to speake unto those whom he meant to call unto salvation or els to make them unexcusable if they refused to heare his voice This cessation of the Oracles put the priests and sacrificers of the the Painims to great trouble and woonderfull perplexitie in the time of the Romane Emperours whiles some imputed the cause to this others to that But our authour in this Treatise discourseth upon this question shewing thereby how great and lamentable is the blindnesse of mans reason and wisedome when it thinketh to atteine unto the secrets of God For all the speeches of the Philosophers whom he bringeth in heere as interlocutours are 〈◊〉 tales and fables devised for the nonce which every Christian man of any meane judgemeut will at the first sight condemne Yet thus much good there is in this discourse that the Epicureans are here taxed and condemned in sundry passages As touching the contents of this conference the occasion thereof ariseth from the speech of Demetrius and Cleombrotus who were come unto the Temple of Apollo for the one of them having rehearsed a woonder as touching the Temple of Jupiter Ammon mooveth thereby a farther desire of disputation but before they enter into it they continue still the former speech of the course and motion of the Sunne Afterwards they come to the maine point namely Why all the Oracles of Greece excepting that onely of Lebadia ceased To which demand 〈◊〉 a Cynique Philosopher answereth That the wickednesse of men is the cause thereof Ammonius 〈◊〉 attributeth all unto the warres which had consumed the Pilgrims that used to resort unto the said Oracles Lamprias proposeth one opinion and Cleombrotus inferring another of his fall into a discourse and common place as touching Daemons whom he verily raungeth betweene gods and men disputing of their nature according to the Philosophie of the Greeks Then he proveth that these Daemons have the charge of Oracles but by reason that they departed out of one countrey into another or died these Oracles gave over To this purpose he telleth a notable tale as touching the death of the great Pan concluding thus that 〈◊〉 Daemons be mortall we ought not to woonder at the cessation of Oracles After this Ammonius confuteth the Epicureans who holde That there be no 〈◊〉 And upon the confirmation of the former positions they enter together into the examination of the opinions of the 〈◊〉 and Platonists concerning the number of the worlds to wit whether they be many or infinit growing to this resolution after long dispute that there be many and 〈◊〉 to the number of five Which done Demetrius reviving the principall question moveth also a 〈◊〉 one Why the Daemons have this power to speake by Oracles Unto which there be many and 〈◊〉 answeres made which determine all in one Treatise according to the Platonists Philosophie of 〈◊〉 principall efficient and finall cause of those things that are effected by reason and particularly of 〈◊〉 and predictions for which he maketh to concurre the Earth the Sunne Exhalations Daemons and the Soule of man Now all the intention and drift of Plutarch groweth to this point that the earth being incited and moved by a naturall vertue and that which is proper unto it and in no wise divine and perdurable hath brought forth certaine powers of divination that these inspirations breathing and arising out of the earth have touched the understandings of mē with such efficacy as that they have caused them to foresee future things afarre off and long ere they hapned yea and have addressed and framed them to give answere both in verse and prose Item that like as there be certeine grounds and lands more 〈◊〉 one than the other or producing some particular things according to the divers and peculiar proprietie of ech there be also certeine places and tracts of the world endued with this temperature which both ingender and also incite these Enthusiaque and divining spirits Furthermore that this puissance is meere divine indeed howbeit not per petuall eternall
unmoveable nor that which is forever perdurable but by processe and succession of time doth diminish and decay by 〈◊〉 and little untill at length through age it consume to nothing Semblably that this great number of spirits are not engendred incessantly neither proceed they forward or retire backe continually but this vertue of the earth moveth of it selfe in certeine revolutions and by that meanes is enchafed and puffed up and after that in time it hath gathered abundance of new vapours it filleth the caves and holes so full untill they discharge send them up againe Wherupon it commeth to passe that the exhalations stirred in the said caves and desirous to issue forth after that they have beene beaten backe againe violently assaile the foundations and stirre the temples built upon them in such sort as being shaken as it were by earthquakes more or lesse in one place than another according to the avertures and passages made for the exhalation they finde issue through the streights breake forth with forcible violence and so produce these Oracles In summe the intention and minde of Plutarch is to prove that the beginning progresse and end of these Oracles proceed all from naturall causes to wit the exhalations of the earth Wherein he is fouly and grosly deceived considering that such Oracles in Greece have beene inspired by the divell who hath kept an open shop there of imposture deceits and the most horrible seducements that can be devised For mine owne part I impute this whole discourse of Plutarch unto the ignorance of the true God the very mother of this dispight which bringeth forth this present treatise saved by the Pagans for to darken the resplendent light of that great King of the world and his trueth which hath discussed and brought to nothing all the subtill devices of Satan who triumphed over all Greece by the meanes of his Oracles Thus after large discourses upon these matters Plutarch concludeth the whole disputation the conclusion whereof he 〈◊〉 with an accident that befel unto the Prophetesse of Delphi where a man may evidently see the imposture and fraud of divels and of malicious spirits and those be the Daemons which Plutarch would designe and their horrible tyranny over men destitute of Gods grace OF THE ORACLES THAT have ceased to give answers THere goeth a tale my friend Terentius Priscus that in times past certeine Eagles or els Swannes flying from the utmost ends of the earth opposit one unto the other toward the mids thereof encountred met together at the very place where the temple of Apollo Pythius was built even that which is called Omphalos that is to say the Navill And that afterwards Epimenides the Phaestian being desirous to know whether this fable was true sought unto the Oracle for to be resolved but having received from the god a doubtfull and uncerteine answere by reason thereof made these verses Now sure in mids of land or sea there is no Navill such Or if there be the gods it know men must not see so much And verily the god Apollo chastised and punished him well enough for being so curious as to search into the 〈◊〉 or proofe of an olde received tale as if it had beene some antique picture But true it is that in our daies a little before the solemnity of the Pythique games which were held during the magistracy of Callistratus there were two devout holy personages who comming from the contrary ends of the earth met together in the city of Delphi the one was Demetrius the Grammarian who came from as farre as Britaine minding to returne unto Tarsus in Cilicia the city of his nativity and the other Cleombrotus the Lacedaemonian who had travelled and wandered long time in Aegypt within the Troglodytique province and sailed a good way up into the Red sea not for any traffique or negotiation of merchandise but onely as a traveller that desired to see the world and to learne new fashions abroad For having wherewith sufficiently to mainteine himselfe and not caring to gather more than might serve his owne turne he emploied that time which he had this waies and gathered together a certeine history as the subject matter and ground of that Philosophy which proposed for the end thereof as he himselfe said Theologie This man having not long before beene at the temple and Oracle of Jupiter Ammon made semblance as if he woondered not much at any thing that he saw there only he reported unto us a strange thing worth the observation and better to be considered of which he learned of the Priests there as touching the burning lampe that never goeth out for by their saying every yeere it spendeth lesse oile than other Whereby they gather certeinly quoth he the inequality of the yeeres whereby the latter is evermore shorter than the former for great probability there is that seeing lesse oile is consumed the time also is in proportion so much lesse Now when all the company there present made a woonder heereat Demetrius among the rest made a very jest of it and said it was a meere mockery to search into the knowledge of matters so high by such slight and small presumptions for this was not as Alcaeus said to paint a lion by measure of his claw or paw but to move and alter heaven and earth and all the world by the conjecture onely of a weike and lampe yea and to overthrow at once all the Mathematicall sciences It is neither so nor so good sir quoth Cleombrotus for neither the one nor the other will trouble these men For first they will never yeeld and give place unto the Mathematicians in the certitude of their proofs for sooner may the Mathematicians misreckon the time and misse in their calculation and accounts in such long motions and revolutions so farre remote and distant than they faile in the measure of the oile which they observe continually and marke most precisely in regard of that which they see so strange and against all discourse of reason Againe not to grant and allow ô Demetrius that petie things may many times serve for signes and arguments of great and important matters would hinder and prejudice many arts considering that it is as much as to take away the proofs from many demonstrations conclusions and predictions And verily even you that are Grammarians will seeme to verifie and avow one point which is not of the least consequence namely that those heroique princes and Worthies who were at the Trojane warre used to shave their haire and keepe their skin smooth with the rasour because for sooth in reading of Homer you meet with some place where he maketh mention barely of the rasour Semblably that in those daies men used to put forth their money upon usury for that in one passage the said Poet writeth thus Whereas my debt is neither new nor small But as daies come and goe it growes 〈◊〉 hall Meaning by the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
spirit of prophesy in those daies used many organs and voices to speake unto the people being a greater multitude than now there be And therefore we should on the other side rather wonder if God would suffer to run in vaine like waste water this propheticall divination or to resound againe like as the desert rockes in the wide fields and mountaines ring with the resonance and ecchoes of heard-mens hollaing and beasts bellowing When Ammonius had thus said and I held my peace Cleombrotus addressing his speech unto me And grant you indeed quoth he thus much that it is the god Apollo who is the authour and overthrower also of these Oracles Not so answered I for I maintaine and hold that God was never the cause of abolishing any Oracle or divination whatsoever but contrariwise like as where he produceth and prepareth many other things for one use and behoofe nature bringeth in the corruption and utter privation of some or to say more truely matter being it selfe privation or subject thereto avoideth many times and dissolveth that which a more excellent cause hath composed even so I suppose there be some other causes which darken and abolish the vertue of divination considering that God bestoweth upon men many faire goodly gifts but nothing perdurable immortall in such sort as the very workes of the gods do die but not themselves according as Sophocles saith And verily the Philosophers and naturalists who are well exercised in the knowledge of nature and the primitive matter ought indeed to search into the substance property and puissance of Oracles but to reserve the originall and principall cause for God as very meet and requisit it is that it should so be For very foolish and childish it is that the god himselfe like unto those spirits speaking within the bellies of possessed folkes such as in old time they called Eugastrimithi and Euryclees and be now termed Pythons entred into the bodies of Prophets spake by their mouthes and used their tongues and voices as organs and instruments of speech for he that thus intermedleth God among the occasions and necessities of men maketh no spare as he ought of his majesty neither carieth he that respect as is meet to the preservation of the dignity and greatnesse of his power and vertue Then Cleombrotus You say very well and truely quoth he but for as much as it is a difficult matter to comprise and define in what maner and how farre forth and to what point we ought to employ this divine providence in my conceit they who are of this minde that simply God is cause of nothing at all in the world and they againe that make him wholly the authour of all things hold not a meane and indifferent course but both of them misse the very point of decent mediocrity Certes as they say passing well who hold that Plato having invented and devised that element or subject upon which grow and be engendred qualities the which one while is called the primitive matter and otherwhile nature delivered Philosophers from many great difficulties even so me thinks they who ordained a certaine kinde by themselves of Daemons betweene god and men have assoiled many more doubts and greater ambiguities by finding out that bond and linke as it were which joineth us and them together in society Were it the opinion that came from the ancient Magi and Zoroasties or rather a Thracian doctrine delivered by Orpheus or els an Aegyptian or Phrygian tradition as we may conjecture by seeing the sacrifices both in the one countrey and the other wherein among other holy and divine ceremonies it seemeth there were certeine dolefull ceremonies of mourning and sorrow intermingled savouring of mortality And verily of the Greeks Homer hath used these two names indifferently terming the Gods Daemons and the Daemons likewise Gods But Hesiodus was the first who purely distinctly hath set downe foure kinds of reasonable natures to wit the Gods then the Daemons and those many in number and all good the Heroes and Men for the Demi-gods are ranged in the number of those Heroicke worthies But others hold that there is a transmutation aswell of bodies as soules and like as we may observe that of earth is ingendred water of water aire and of aire fire whiles the nature of the substance still mounteth on high even so the better soules are changed first from men to Heroes or Demi-gods and afterwards from them to Daemons and of Daemons some few after long time being well refined and purified by vertue came to participate the divination of the gods Yet unto some it befalleth that being not able to holde and conteine they suffer themselves to slide and fall into mortall bodies againe where they lead an obscure and darke life like unto a smoaky vapour As for He siodus he thinketh verily that even the Daemons also after certeine revolutions of time shall die for speaking in the person of one of their Nymphs called Naiades covertly and under aenigmaticall termes he designeth their time in this wise Nine ages of men in their flower doth live The railing Crow foure times the Stags surmount The life of Crowes to Ravens doth nature give A threefold age of Stags by true account One Phoenix lives as long as Ravens nine But you faire Nymphs as the daughters verily Of mighty Jove and of nature divine The Phoenix yeeres ten fold do multiply But they that understand not well what the Poet meaneth by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 make the totall sum of this time to amount unto an exceeding great number of yeeres For in trueth it is but one yeere and no more And so by that reckening the whole ariseth in all to nine thousand seven hundred and twenty yeeres just which is the very life of the Daemons And many Mathematicians there be by whose computation it is lesse But more than so Pindarus would not have it when he saith that the Nymphs age is limited equall to trees whereupon they be named Hamadryades as one would say living and dying with Okes. As he was about to say more Demetrius interrupted his speech and taking the words out of his mouth How is it possible quoth he ô Cleombrotus that you should make good and mainteine that the Poet called the age of man a yeere onely and no more for it is not the space either of his flower and best time nor of his olde age according as some reade it in Hesiodus for as one reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is say flourishing so another readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say aged Now they that would have it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put downe for the age of man thirty yeeres according to the opinion of Heraclitus which is the very time that a father hath begotten a sonne able to beget another of his owne but such as follow the reading that hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attribute unto the age of man an
by an even number and dubled bringeth forth Ten a perfect number but if by the odde it representeth it selfe againe Heere I omit to say that it is composed of the two first quadrate numbers to wit of Unity and Foure and that it is the first number which is equivalent to the two before it in such sort as it compoundeth the fairest triangle of those that have right angle and is the first number that containeth the sesquialter all proportion For haply these reasons be not well sutable nor proper unto the discourse of this present matter but this rather is more convenient to alledge that in this number there is a naturall vertue and facultie of dividing and that nature divideth many things by this number For even in our owne selves she hath placed five exterior senses as also five parts of the soule to wit naturall sensitive concupiscible irascible and reasonable likewise so many fingers in either hand Also the generall seed is at the most distributed into five portions for in no history is it found written that a woman was delivered of more than five children at one birth The Aegyptians also in their fables doe report that the goddesse Rhea brought forth five gods and goddesses signifying heereby under covert words that of one and the same matter five worldes were procreated Come to the universall fabricke and frame of nature the earth is divided into five zones the heaven also in five circles two Arctiques two Tropickes and one Aequinoctiall in the midst Moreover five revolutions there be of the Planets or wandring starres for that the Sunne Venus and Mercurie run together in one race Furthermore the very world it selfe is composed 〈◊〉 respective to five Like as even among us our musicall accord and concent consisteth of the positure of five tetrachords ranged orderly one after another to wit of Hypates Meses Synnemenae Diezeugmenae and Hyperboliaeae likewise The intervals likewise in song which we use be five in number Dresis Semitonion Tonus 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 So as it seemeth that nature taketh more pleasure in making all things according to the number of five than after a Sphaericall or round forme as Aristotle writeth But what is the cause will some one say that Plato hath reduced the number of five worldes to the five primitive figures of regular bodies saying that God in ordaining and describing the whole world used the Quinarie construction and yet afterwards having proposed the doubtfull question of the number of worldes to wit whether we should hold there was but one or rather that there were five in truth he sheweth plainely that his conjecture is grounded upon this very argument If therefore we ought to apply the probability to his minde and opinion then of necessity with the diversity of these figures and bodies there must ensue presently a difference also of motions according as he himselfe teacheth affirming Whatsoever is subtilized or thickned with the alteration of substance changeth withall the place For so if of the aire is ingendred fire namely when the Octaedron is dissolved and parted into Pyramides and contrariwise aire of fire being driven close and thrust together into the force of octaedron it is not possible that it should be in the place where it was afore but flie and runne into another as being forced and driven out of the former and so fight against whatsoever standeth in the way and maketh resistance And yet more fully and evidently declareth he the same by a similitude and example of such things as by fannes or such like instruments whereby corne is clensed shaken out or winowed and tried from the rest saying that even so the elements shaking the matter and likewise shaken by it went alwaies to bring like to like and some tooke up this place others that before the universall world was of them composed as now it is The generall matter therefore being in such estate then as by good likelihood All must needs be where god is away presently the first five qualities or rather the first five bodies having every one of them their proper inclinations and peculiar motions went apart not wholly and altogether nor severed sincerely asunder one from another for that when all was hudled pell-mell confusedly such as were surmounted and vanquished went evermore even against their nature with the mightier and those which conquered And therefore when some were haled one way and others caried another way it hapned that they made as many portions and distinctions in number just as there were divers kindes of those first bodies the one of fire and yet the same not pure but carying the forme of 〈◊〉 another of a celestial nature not sincere heaven indeed but standing much of the skie a third of earth and yet not simply and wholy earth but rather earthly But principally there was a communication of aire and water as we have said heeretofore for that these went their waies filled with many divers kindes For it was not God who separated and disposed the substance but having found it so rashly and confusedly dissipated of it selfe and ech part caried diversly in so great disorder he digested and arranged it by Symmetrie and competent proportion Then after he had set over every one Reason as a guardian and governesse he made as many worldes as there were kindes of those first bodies subsistent And thus let this discourse for Ammontus sake be dedicated as it were to the grace and favour of Plato For mine owne part I wil never stand so precisely upon this number of worlds mary of this minde I am rather that their opinion who hold that there be more worldes than one howbeit not infinit but determinate is not more absurd than either of the other but founded upon as much reason as they seeing as I doe that Matter of the owne nature is spred and diffused into many parts nor resting in one and yet not permitted by reason to runne in in finitum And therefore especially heere if else where putting our selves in minde of the Academie and the precepts thereof let us not be over credulous but as in a slippery place restraine our assent and beleefe onely in this point of infinity of worldes let us stand firme and see we fall not but keepe our selves upright When I had delivered these reasons abovesaid Beleeve me quoth Demetrius Lamprias giveth us a good and wise admonition For The gods for to deceive us men devise Right many meanes not of false Sophistries as Euripides faith but of their deeds works when we presume and dare pronounce of so high and great matters as if we knew them certainely But as the man himselfe said even now we must recall our speech unto the argument which was first proposed For that which heeretofore hath beene said namely that the Oracles are become mute and lie still without any validity because the Daemons which were wont to governe them be retired and gone like as instruments of
a token of mortalitie 766.30 Geometricall proportion allowed in Lacedaemon by Lycurgus 767.50 Geometrie commended 767.10 in what subjects or objects it is occupied 767.20.30 Geomori who they were 904.40 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Honour why so termed in Greeke 391.30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 why old men be so called 391.30 Geryones or Geryon a wonderfull giant 374.20 Gidica her villany 916. 10. she hangeth her selfe ib. Glasse with what heat it is best melted and wrought 697.1 Glaucia with childe by Deimachus 901.10 Glaucia a riveret of her name ib. 20 Glancopis why the Moone is called so 1174.1 Glaucus his foolish bargaine with Diomedes 1087.20 Lucius Glauco lost both his hands 906.40 Glory of what account it is 6.50 Glosses 28.50 Glottae 1311.40 Gluttons abroad spary at home 614.30 Gnathaenium the name of an harlot 1144.1 Gnatho a smell feast 754.40 Gnatho the Sicilian a glutton 606.30 Go we to Athens 898.30 Goats very subject to the falling sicknesse 886.40 Goats rivers a place so called 922.10 Goats of Candie cured by Dictamnus 569.40 Goats commending their pasturage and feeding 702.10 a Goat fancied Glauce 966.30 God how he is called Father and Creatour 766.30 God 768.50 Gods and Goddesses how they differ 766.40.50 how God is said by Plato to practise Geometrie continually 767 10. how he framed the world 768.10 God manageth great affaires onely 364.40 Gods nature what it is according to Plutarch 263.40 God seemeth to deferre punishment for causes to him best knowen 541 God immortall 1099.1 God is not Philornis but Philanthropos 1221.10 God not the authour of euill 1033.50 God described by Antipater 1076 10 Gods which were begotten which not 1076.20 God what he is 808.10.809.20 notion of God how it came 809.20 God his nature described 1335.50 Gods worship in three sorts 810.10 Gods the Sunne and Moone why called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 810.20 Gods good and profitable 810.20 Gods bad and hurtfull ib. Gods fabulous 810.30 what God is Sundry opinions of Philosophers 812 God the father and maker of all things 1018.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 953.10 Goldsmiths with what fire they melt work their gold 699.1 Gold why it maketh no good sound 770.10 Good or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifieth 868.40 Good or bad things simply 1084.40 to Good men what epithets and additions Homer giveth 1297.10 a Goose in love with a boy 966.30 Geese silent as the flie over the mount Taurus 202.10 Geese of Cilicia how witty they are 959.50 Geese saved the Capitoll of Rome 638. 20. carried in a shew at Rome 638. 30. how they restraine their owne gagling ib. Gorgias 〈◊〉 the great Rhetorician 919. 20. his apophthegme of Tragoedies 985.10 Gorgias could not keepe his owne house in peace 323.20 Gorgo the wife of Leonidas a stout dame 464.30 her apophthegme ib. Gorgo the daughter of Cleomenes her apophthegmes 479.40 Gorgon and Asander 1152.20 Governours of youth how to be chosen 5.10 Government politicke the best 940 50 of Governments the exorbitations 941.30 C. Gracchus 348. 50. by what device he did moderate his voice in pleading 122.10 Graces why placed with Venus and Mercury 316. 10. their names 292.1 Grammar what art it is 1249.1 Grashoppers sacred and musicall 777.10 Greece in Plutarchs time fallen to a low ebbe 1326.1 〈◊〉 and Galatians buried quicke by the Romans 878.40 Greekes what opinion they have of the gods 1306.40 Greekes compared with the Aegyptians in matters of religion 1315.10 Guests ought to sort well together 722.1 Guests sit close at first but more at large toward the end 722.20 Guests invited ought to be of acquaintance 755.40 Guests invited coming last to a feast 775.20 A Guest ought to come prepared to a feast 328.10 Guests how to be placed at a feast 646.20 how to be pleased at the table 648.20 allowed their chaplets of flowres 680 20 Whether it be commendable for Guests to weare garlands 682.10 Of Guests a multitude to be avoided at a feast 721.20 The guide a fish 975.30 Gurmandise in men taxed by Gryllus 669.10 Gifts none betweene wife and husband 853.1 No gifts from sonne in law or father in law 853.20 Gymnasia the overthrew of Greece 864.20 Gymnopaedia what daunce 1251 30 Gymnosophists 1270.30 Gyrtias her apophthegmes 480.1 H HAbitude in the soule what it is 67.40 Hades and Dionysius both one 1298.40 Haile how it commeth 828. 10 how it may be averted 746.30 Haire long commended and commanded by Lycurgus 422.40 Haire long commended 423.10 Halo the circle how it is made 832.40 Halcyones sea-birds see Alciones 633.50 Hamedriades why so called 1327 50 Hamoxocylistae a family in Megara 905.40 Hands alwaies warme holsome and good for health 611.40 Hands most artificious instruments 174.40 Hanno banished for ruling a lion 349.50 Happinesse diversly taken by Poets and philosophers 32.30 Happinesse not to be measured by time 1333.1 Hares how crafty they are 965.1 The Hare why not eaten among the lewes 111.10 Hares of exquisit sense 711.10 Hares and asses alike ib. Harma the name of a city 908.20 Harmatios what tune or song 1251.1 Harmonia what goddesse 1306 50 Harmonie what Daemon 157.40 Harmonicke musicke 976.40 Harmonice 1019.1 Harmony commended 1255.30 Harpalus endevoured to have Ivy grow about Babylon 685.20 An Harpe or lute going about the table 645.10 Harpe familiar at feasts 760.20 Harpocrates the sonne of Osiris by Isis wanteth his nether parts 1295.1 Harpocrates his portracture 1313.50 Harts or Stagges age 1327.30 Hatred how engendred 234.20 it differeth from envie 234.1 Hauke symbolizeth god 1300.20 Hauke symbolizeth Osiris 1308.10 Hautboies and slute 760.30 commended at feasts ib. Romanes worshipped the gods with their Heads covered but men bare headed 853.50 Health what it is 849.30 Health of what price 6.50 Health the best sauce 615.20 by what meanes mainteined 618.50 Health and pleasure agree well together 702.1 Health how it is accounted of diversly 75.20 Heart not to be eaten 15.20 Heat naturall mainteined most by moisture 730 Heat putrifieth things 774.10 Heats by fire of divers kindes and sundry operations 697.1 Heaven how the Aegyptians pourtray 1291.30 Heaven how made 808.30 Heaven beautifull 809 Heaven what substance it hath 830. into how many circles divided 820.40 Heare much and say little 53.20 Hearing how to be emploied 18.40 presenteth the greatest passions to the minde 52.10 ought to goe before speech 52.50 Hearers how they should be qualified 53.20 c. they ought to sequester envy and ambition 53.50 how they should behave them selves in praising the speaker 58.40 Hebius Tolieix 915.40 Hecates gulfe in the Moone 1183 30 Hecatompedon a temple of Minerva in Athens 963.20 Hecatomphonia 341.10 Hector noted for presumption 24.40 Hegesias caused his scholars to pine themselves 223.1 Hegesippus surnamed Crobylus his apophthegme 420.40 Helbia a vestall nunne smitten with lightning 878.20 Helena escaped sacrificing 916.10 how in Homer she spiceth her cups 644.1 Helepolis an engine of battery 415.30 Heliope what Daemon 157.30 Helitomenus 1295.1 Hellanicus a
voiages or pastimes as they deprive us of our pleasures yea and marre them quite and therefore they who love their delights and pleasures most had least need of any men in the world to neglect their health For many there be who for all they be sicke have meanes to studie philosophy and discourse thereof neither doth their sicknesse greatly hinder them but that they may be generals in the sield to leade armies yea and kings beleeve me to governe whole realmes But of bodily pleasures and fleshly delights some there be which during a maladie will never breed and such as are bred already yeeld but a small joy and short contentment which is proper and naturall unto them and the same not pure and sincere but confused depraved and corrupted with much strange stuffe yea and disguised and blemished as it were with some storme and tempest for the act of Venus is not to any purpose performed upon gourmandise and a full belly but rather when the bodie is calme and the flesh in great tranquillity for that the end of Venus is pleasure like as of eating also and of drinking and health unto pleasures is as much as their faire weather and kinde season which giveth them secure and gentle breeding much like as the calme time in winter affoords the sea-fowles called Alcyones a safe cooving sitting and hatching of their egges Prodicus is commended for this pretie speech That sire was the best sauce and a man may most truely say That health is of all sauces must divine heavenly and pleasant for our viands how delicate soever they be boiled rosted baked or stewed doe no pleasure at all unto us so long as wee are diseased drunken full of surfet or queasie stomacked as they be who are sea-sicke whereas a pure and cleane appetite causeth all things to be sweet pleasant and agreeable unto sound bodies yea and such as they will be ready to snatch at as Homer saith But like as Demades the oratour seeing the Athenians without all reason desirous of armes and warre said unto them That they never treated and agreed of peace but in their blacke robes after the losse of kinsfolke and friends even so wee never remember to keepe a spary and sober diet but when we come to be cauterized or to have cataplasmes and plasters about us we are no sooner fallen to those extremities but then we are ready to condemne our faults calling to minde what errours we have committed in times past for untill then we blame one while the aire as most men doe another while the region or countrey as unsound and unholsome we finde fault that we are out of our native soile and are woonderfull loth to accuse our owne intemperance and disordinate appetites And as king Lisymachus being constreined and enforced within the country of the Getes for very thirst to yeeld himselfe prisoner and al his armie captivate unto his enemies after he had taken a draught of cold water said Good God what a great felicitie have I forgone and lost for a momentarie and transitory pleasure even so we may make use thereof and apply the same unto our selves when wee are sicke saying thus How many delights have we marred quite how many good actions have we fore-let what honest pastimes have we lost and all by our drinking of cold water or bathing unseasonably or else for that we have over-drunke our selves for good fellowship for the bite sting of such thoughts as these toucheth our remēbrance to the quicke in such sort as the scarre remaineth still behind after that we are recovered and maketh us in time of our health more staied circumspect and sober in our diet for a bodie that is exceeding sound and healthy never bringeth foorth vehement desires and disordinate appetites hardly to be tamed or with stood but we ought to make head against them when they beginne to breake soorth and 〈◊〉 out for to enjoy the pleasures which they are affected unto for such lusts some complaine pule and crie for a little as wanton children doe and no sooner is the table taken awaie but they be quiet and still neither finde they fault and make complaint of any wrong or injurie offred unto them but contrariwise they be pure jocund and lightsome not continuing heavie nor readie to heave and cast the next day to an end like as by report captaine Timotheus having upon a time beene at a sober and frugall scholars supper in the academie with Plato said That they who supped with Plato were merry and well appaied the next day after It is reported also that king Alexander the Great when he turned backe those cooks which queene 〈◊〉 sent unto him said That he had about him all the yeere long better of his owne namely for his breakfast or dinner rising betimes and marching before day light and for his supper eating little at dinner I am not ignorant that men otherwhiles are very apt to fall into an ague upon extreme travell upon excessive heats also and colds but like as the odors and sents of 〈◊〉 he weak seeble of themselves whereas if they be mixed with some oile they take force 〈◊〉 even so fulnesse and repletion is the ground which giveth as a man would say bodie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto the outward causes and occasions of maladies and of a great quantity of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 humours there is no danger because all such indispositions and crudities are soone 〈◊〉 dissipated and dissolved when some fine or subtill bloud when some pure spirit I 〈◊〉 their motion but where there is a great repletion indeed and abundance of 〈◊〉 as it were a deepe and mirie puddle all troubled and stirred then there arise from 〈◊〉 many maligne accidents such as be dangerous and hard to cure and therefore we are 〈◊〉 to doe like some good masters of ships who never thinke their vessels bee fully fraught and charged throughly and when they have taken in all that ever they can doe nothing else but worke at the pumpe void the sinke and cast out the sea water which is gotten in even so when we have well filled and stuffed our bodies fall to purge and cleanse them with medicines and 〈◊〉 but we ought rather to keepe the bodie alwaies neat nimble and light to the end that if it chaunce otherwise at any time to be pressed and held downe it might be seene above for lightnesse like unto a piece of corke floting aloft upon the water but principally we are to beware of the very 〈◊〉 indispositions which are forerunners of maladies for all diseases walke not as Hesicdus saith in silence and say nothing when they come As whom wise Jupiter hath berest Of voice and toong to them none left But the most part of thē have their vant-curreurs as it were their messengers trumpets namely crudities of stomack wearinesse and heavinesse over all the bodie According to the 〈◊〉 of Hippocrates lassitudes and laborious heavinesse of the bodie comming
of themselves without any evident cause prognosticate and fore-signifie diseases for that as it should seeme the spirits that should passe unto the nerves and sinewes are obstructed stopped and excluded by the great repletion of humors and albeit the bodie it selfe tendeth as it were to the contrarie and pulleth us to our bedde and repose yet some there be who for very gluttony and disordinate lust put themselves into baines hot-houses making haste from thence to drinking square with good fellowes as if they would make provision before-hand of victuals against some long siege of a citie or feare that the feaver should surprise them fasting or before they had taken their full dinner others somwhat more honest yea civill than they are not this way 〈◊〉 but being ashamed fooles as they are to confesse that they have eaten or drunke overmuch that they feele any heavinesse in head or cruditie in stomacke loth also to be knowen for to keepe their chamber all the day long in their night gownes whiles their companions goe to tennis and other bodily exercises abroad in publicke place and call them foorth to beare them companie rise up and make them ready to goe with them cast off their clothes to their naked skinne with others and put themselves to doe all that men in perfect health are to performe But the most part of these induced and drawen on by hope perswaded are bold to arise and to doe hardly after their wonted maner assisted by a certaine hope grounded upon a proverbe 〈◊〉 an advocate to desend gourmandise and wanton life which adviseth them that they should 〈◊〉 wine with wine drive or digest one surfeit with another Howbeit against all such hope 〈◊〉 are to oppose the warie and considerat caution that Cato speaketh of which as that wise 〈◊〉 saith doth diminish and lessen great things and as for small matters it reduceth them to nothing also that it were better to endure want of meat and to keepe the bodie emptie and in 〈◊〉 than so to hazard it by entring into a baine or runne to an high ordinarie to dine and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be some disposition to sicknesse hurtfull it will be that we have not taken heed nor conteined our selves but beene secure if none dangerous it will not be that we have held 〈◊〉 restrained our selves and by that restraint made our body so much more pure and cleare But that 〈◊〉 foole whosoever he be that is afraid to let his friends and those of his owne house know that he is amisse or ill at ease for that he hath eaten overmuch or surfeited with strong drinke as being ashamed to confesse this day his indigestion shall be forced to morrow even against his will to bewray either an inordinate catarrh and fluxe or an ague or else some wrings and torments of the belly thou takest it for a great shame to be knowen that thou didst want or were hungry but farre greater shame it is to avow crudity and rawnesse to bewray heavinesse proceeding from full diet and upon repletion of the bodie to be drawen neverthelesse into a baine as if some rotten vessell or leaking shippe that would not keepe out water should be shot into the sea Certes such persons as these resemble some sailers or sea-faring men who in the tempestuous time of winter be ashamed to be seene upon the shore doing nothing but when they have once weighed anker spred saile and launched into the deepe and open sea they are very ill appaied crying out piteously and ready to cast up their gorge even so they that doubt some sicknesse or finde a disposition of the bodie ready to fall into it thinke it a great shame and discredit to stand upon their guard one day to keepe their beds and forbeare their ordinarie table and accustomed diet but afterwards with more shame they are faine to lie by it many daies together whiles they be driven to take purgations to applie many cataplasmes to speake the physicians faire and fawne upon them when they would have leave of them to drinke wine or cold water being so base minded as to doe absurdly and to speake many words impertinently feeling their hearts to faile and be ready to faint for the paine they endure alreadie and the feare they are in to abide more Howbeit very good it were to teach and admonish such persons as otherwise cannot rule and conteine themselves but either yeeld or be transported and carried away by their lusts that their pleasures take the most and best part of the bodie for their share And like as the Lacedaemonians after that they had given vinegar and salt to the cooke willed him to seeke for the rest in the beast sacrificed even so in a bodie which one would nourish the best sauces for the meat are these which are presented unto it when it is sound in health and cleane For that a dish of meat is sweet or deere is a thing by it selfe without the bodie of him who taketh it and eateth thereof but for the pleasantnesse or contentment thereof we ought to have regard unto the body that receiveth it also for to delight therein it should be so disposed as nature doth require for otherwise if the body be troubled ill affected or overcharged with wine the best devices and sauces in the world will lose their grace and all their goodnesse whatsoever and therefore it would not be so much looked unto whether the fish be new taken the bread made of pure and fine flowre the bathe hot or the harlot faire and beautifull as considered precisely whether the man himselfe have not a lothing stomacke apt to heave and vomit be not full of crudities error vanity and trouble else it will come to passe that she shall incurre the same fault and absurditie that they doe who after they are drunken will needs goe in a maske to plaie and daunce in an house where they all mourne for the death of the master thereof lately deceased for in stead of making sport and mirth this were enough to set all the house upon weeping and piteous wailing For even so the sports of love or Venus exquisit uiands pleasant baines and good wines in a bodie ill disposed and not according to nature doe no other good but stirre trouble fleame and and choler in them who have no setled and compact constitution and yet be not altogether corrput as also they trouble the body and put it out of tune more than any thing else yeelding no joy that we may make any reckoning of nor that contentment which wee hoped and expected True it is that an exquisit diet observed streightly and precisely according to rule and missing not one jot causeth not onely the bodie to be thinne hollow and in danger to fall into many diseases but also dulleth all the vigor and daunteth the cheerefulnesse of the verie mind in such sort as that she suspecteth all things and feareth continually to stay long as well in
opinion that the Winde is a fluxion of the aire when as the most subtile and liquid parts thereof be either stirred or melted and resolved by the Sunne The STOICKS affirme that every blast is a fluxion of the aire and that according to the mutation of regions they change their names as for example that which bloweth from the darknesse of the night and Sunne setting is named Zephyrus from the East and Sunne rising Apeliotes from the North Boreas and from the South Libs METRODORUS supposeth that a waterish vapour being inchafed by the heat of the Sun produceth and raiseth these winds and as for those that be anniversary named Etesia they blow when the aire about the North pole is thickened and congealed with cold and so accompanie the Sunne and flow as it were with him as he retireth from the Summer Tropicke after the 〈◊〉 Solstice CHAP. VIII Of Winter and Summer EMPEDOCLES and the STOICKS do hold that Winter commeth when the aire is predominant in thickenesse and is forced upward but Summer when the fire is in that wise predominant and is driven downward Thus having discoursed of the impressions aloft in the aire we will treat also by the way of those which are seene upon and about the earth CHAP. IX Of the Earth the substance and magnitude thereof THALES with his followers affirme there is but one Earth 〈◊〉 the Pythagorean mainteineth twaine one heere and another opposit against it which the Antipodes inhabit The STOICKS say there is one Earth and the same finite XENOPHANES holdeth that beneath it is founded upon an infinit depth and that compact it is of aire and fire METRODORUS is of opinion that Earth is the very sediment and ground of the water like as 〈◊〉 Sunne is the residence of the aire CHAP. X. The forme of the Earth THALES the STOICKS and their schoole affirme the Earth to be round in maner of a globe or ball ANAXIMANDER resembleth the Earth unto a columne or pillar of stone such as are seene upon the superficies thereof ANAXIMENES compareth it to a flat table LEUCIPPUS unto a drum or tabour DEMOCRITUS saith that it is in forme broad in maner of a platter hollow in the mids CHAP. XI The 〈◊〉 of the Earth THe disciples of THALES maintaine that the Earth is seated in midst of the world XENOPHANES affirmeth that it was first founded and rooted as it were to an infinite depth PHILOLAUS the Pythagorean saith that fire is the middle as being the hearth of the world in the second place he raungeth the Earth of the Antipodes and in the third this wherein wee inhabit which lieth opposite unto that counter earth and turneth about it which is the reason quoth he that those who dwell there are not seene by the inhabitants heere PARMENIDES was the 〈◊〉 Philosopher who set out and limited the habitable parts of the Earth to wit those which are under the two Zones unto the Tropicks or Solsticiall circles CHAP. XII Of the bending of the earth PYTHAGORAS is of opinion that the earth enclineth toward the Meridionall parts by reason of the 〈◊〉 which is in those South coasts for that the Septentrionall tracts are congealed and frozen with cold whereas the opposite regions be inflamed and burnt DEMOCRITUS yeeldeth this reason because of the ambient aire is weaker toward the South quoth hee the Earth as it groweth and encreaseth doth bend to that side for the North parts be 〈◊〉 whereas contrariwise the Southeren parts are temperate in which regard it weigheth more that way whereas indeed it is more plentifull in bearing fruits and those growing to greater augmentation CHAP. XIII The motion of the Earth SOme hold the Earth to be unmoveable and quite but PHILOLAUS the Pythagorean saith that it moveth round about the fire in the oblique circle according as the Sunne and Moone do HERACLIDES of Pontus and Ecphantus the Pythagorean would indeed have the Earth to move howbeit not from place to place but rather after a turning manner like unto a wheele upon the axell tree from West to East round about her owne center DEMOCRITUS saith that the Earth at first wandred to and fro by reason as well of smalnesse as lightnesse but waxing in time thicke and heavie it came to rest unmoveable CHAP. XIIII The division of the Earth and how many Zones it hath PYTHAGORAS saith that the earth is divided into five Zones proportionably to the sphaere of the universall heaven to wit the Artick circle the Tropick of Summer the Tropick of Winter the Aequinoctiall and the Antartick Of which the middlemost doth determine and set out the verie mids and heart of the earth and for that cause it is named Torrida Zona that is to say the burnt climat but that region is habitable as being temperate which lieth in the mids betweene the summer and the winter Tropick CHAP. XV. Of Earthquakes THALES and DEMOCRITUS attribute the cause of Earthquakes unto water The STOICKS thus define and say Earthquake is the moisture within the earth subtiliated and resolved into the aire and so breaking out perforce ANAXIMENES is of opinion that raritie and drinesse of the earth together be the causes of Earthquake wherof the one is engendred by excessive drougth the other by gluts of raine ANAXAGORAS holdeth that when the aire is gotten within the earth and meeteth with the superficies thereof which it findeth tough and thicke so as it cannot get forth it shaketh it in manner of trembling ARITSTOTLE alledgeth the Antiperistasis of the circumstant cold which environeth it about on everie side both above and beneath for heat endevoreth and maketh hast to mount aloft as being by nature light A drie exhalation therefore finding it selfe enclosed within and staied striveth to make way through the cliffs and thicks of the Earth in which busines it cannot chuse but by turning to and fro up and downe disquiet and shake the earth METRODORUS is of mind that no bodie being in the owne proper and naturall place can stirre or moove unlesse some one do actually thrust or pull it The earth therefore quoth he being situate in the owne place naturally mooveth not howsoever some placesthereof may remove into others PARMENIDES and DEMOCRITUS reason in this wise for that the earth on everie side is of equall distance and confineth still in one counterpoise as having no cause wherefore it should incline more to the one side than to the other therefore well it may shake onely but not stirre or remoove for all that ANAXIMENES saith that the Earth is caried up and downe in the aire for that it is broad and flat Others say that it floteth upon the water like as planks or boords and that for this cause it mooveth PLATO affirmeth that of all motions there be six sorts of circumstances above beneath on the right hand on the left before and behind Also that the earth cannot possibly moove according to any of these differences for that on everie