them not warrantable by the Laws and Statutes of the Realm Now what use the Doctor can make of this Particular viz. of the King 's prohibiting the Clergy from Oppressing his Lay-Subjects contrary to Law I cannot discover Sir Roger's eighteenth and last particular is an observation in Matth. Paris where the Ecclesiasticks having enumerated several cases in which they held themselves hardly dealt with add That in all of them if the Spiritual Judge proceeded contrary to the King's prohibition he was attached and appearing before the Justices constrained to produce his proceedings that they might determine to which Court the Cause belonged By which says he it is manifest how the King's Courts had the superintendency over the Ecclesiastick This makes nothing for any Extrajudicial Personal Arbitrary power in the King in the Ecclesiastical matters and is so far from impugning that it corroborates my hypothesis That the Temporal and Ecclesiastical Courts often quarrel'd about their Jurisdiction and that the Clergy sometimes made and attempted to put in execution Canons directly contrary to the Laws of the Realm thereby endeavouring to usurp and encroach upon many matters which apparently belonged to the Common Laws as the tryal of Limits and Bounds of Parishes the Right of Patronage the tryal of right of Tythes by Indicavit Writs to the Bishop upon a recovery in a Quare impedit the tryal of Titles to Church-Lands concerning Distresses and Attachments within their own Fees and many other things which belonged to the King 's Temporal Courts That the Temporal Courts granted Prohibitions in these and other like cases that the Clergy hereupon complain'd not to the King but to the Parliament Ann. 51 H. 3. twice during the Reign of Edw. 1. and afterwards nono Edw. 2. may be read at large in the Lord Coke's second Institutes 599 600 601 c. So that the King determined to which Court Causes belonged either in his Courts of Ordinary Justice or if the Clergy remain'd unsatisfied with the Opinions of the Judges in his High Court of Parliament and no otherwise But we need not wonder that such a Prelate as Arch bishop Bancroft whose Divinity had taught him that the King may take what causes he shall please to determine from the determination of the Judges and determine them himself and that such Authority belonged to Kings by the Word of God in the Scripture we need not wonder I say to find him in King James the First 's time Exhibiting Articles of Abuses in granting Prohibitions against the Judges to the Lords of the Privy Council As if the Lords of the Privy Council had any Authority to direct the Judges in their administration of Justice or to set bounds to the Jurisdiction of any Court. Vid. 2 Inst 601 602 c. 12 Co. p. 63 64 65. By what has been said I hope it appears sufficiently that the Ancient Jurisdiction of our Kings in Ecclesiastical matters was such a Jurisdiction and no other than they had in Temporal matters viz. in their Great Councels and in their Ordinary Courts of Justice And that not only our Mercenary Doctor but more learned and wiser men than he have unwarily confounded that Jurisdiction with a Fiction of their own brains by which they have ascribed to the King a Personal Supremacy without any warrant from Antiquity Law or History Witness these loose Expressions in Sir Roger Twiden's Historical Vindication c. It cannot be denyed but the necessity of being in union with the true Pope at least in time of schism did wholly depend on the King pag. 2. The English have ever esteemed the Church of Canterbury in Spirituals that is quae sui sunt ordinis without any intervening Superior omnium nostrum mater comunis sub sponsi sui Jesu Christi dispositione in other things as points of Government the Ordering that of Right and Custom ever to have belonged to the King assisted with his Councel of Bishops and others of the Clergy who was therefore called Vicarius Christi c. pag. 21. The King and the Arch bishop or rather the Arch-bishop by the King's will and appointment had ever taken cognizance of all matters of Episcopacy as the Erection of Bishopricks disposing and translating of Bishops c. p. 24. and innumerable others But to go on with Dr. Johnston and draw to a conclusion he acknowledges pag. 157 that he does not find that by immediate Commission the Kings of England Visited before King Henry the Eighth's time And if no such thing can be found then what authority can our Kings now have to exercise such a Jurisdiction unless by vertue of some Act of Parliament made in or since his time But says he we have sufficient grounds to judge that whatever was done was by the King's Power and Authority which is a wild extravagant ignorant expression and hardly common sense And therefore says he Sir Edward Coke in Cawdrie's case Lays it down for a Rule That as in Temporal Causes the King by the Mouth of the Judges in the Courts of Justice doth judge and determine the same by the Temporal Laws of England so in causes Ecclesiastical and spiritual by his Ecclesiastical Judges according to the Ecclesiastical Laws of the Realm and that so many of the Ecclesiastical Laws as were proed approved and allowed here by and with general consent are aptly and rightly called the King's Ecclesiastical Laws and whosoever denyeth this denyeth the King to have full and plenary power to deliver Justice in all cases to all his Subjects c. pag. 157. which that he has he proves by the Preamble of stat 24 Hen. 8. cap. 12. And what then May the King therefore erect New Courts directly contrary to positive Laws Command things arbitrarily upon pain of suspension deprivation c. and Command things contrary to Law by vertue of his Ecclesiastical Laws The Doctor concludes this Section with the Act of 26 Hen. 8. cap. 1. commonly called the Act of Supremacy which now stands Repealed And with 1 Eliz. by which he says all the Powers given by the Act of 26 H. 8. are restored to the Crown under the name of Supreme Governour But the former Discourse was designed to be brought down no lower then to the end of King Henry the Eighth's Reign And therefore I shall say nothing in this place of the Act of 1 Eliz. but perhaps I may have occasion to shew hereafter that the Doctor understands the Act of 1 Eliz. as little as any thing else that he pretends to write upon FINIS
Which any one may have recourse to in Spelm. Concil Eadmer Hist Mat. Paris and others In the beginning of King Henry the Second's Reign there was another Schism in the Popedom between Alexander and Victor upon which a great Council of Clergy and Laity out of the Kingdoms of England and France met to determine whether of the two should be acknowledged Pope within those Realms The matter was debated in Conspectu Regum Praesulum coram universâ quae convenerat multitudine Cleri Populi And Alexander was received for Pope and the Schismaticks Excommunicated The History is in Nubrig Lib. 2. c. 9. Pursuant to which President when there hapned in King Richard the Second's time to be another Schism in the Papacy and Act. of Parliament was made to declare who should be received Pope in England and a Law made for punishing any of the Clergy that should acknowledge the other Pope Vide Catt Records Ann. 2. Rich. 2. p. 180. What thing can be more purely Ecclesiastical than the determining who it lawfully chosen to be the Vniversal Bishop And yet neither the King nor the King and the Clergy would settle the point without the Laity By what has been said it appears That the Ancient Supremacy of the Kings of England in Ecclesiastical Matters was a very different thing not so much from what it is now by Law as from what it is apprehended to be by many amongst us The Error is fundamental and consists in ascribing Things Acts Powers c. to the King in person which belonged to were done and exercised by him no otherwise than in his Courts Appeals are said to have been to the King at Common Law And so an Abridgment of Law has it so Fox Rolls cap. 8. vid. Chron. Gerv. p. 1387. Speed and others And the Authority quoted is the Assize of Clarendon which in one Chapter directs that Appeals shall be from the Bishop to the Archbishop from the Archbishop to the King. But another Act of Parliament made about 12 years after clears the matter Sir Roger Twisden For in the mean time Becket was Murdered and King Henry the Second being put to hard Pennance for it part of his satisfaction was that he should agree not to hinder Appeals to Rome in Causes Ecclesiastical Mat. Paris p. 126. yet so as the party going was to give Security that he would not endeavour Malum Regis nec Regni But within Four Years after the Nation Assembled in Parliament would not quit their interest But the Assize of Clarendon was again renewed and a more close expression used concerning Appeals and such persons as had prosecuted any Justitiae faciant quaerere per consuetudinem terrae illos qui à Regno recesserunt nisi redire voluerint infra terminum nominatum stare Juri in Curiâ Domini Regis utlagentur c. This Gervas Dorobern who well understood it tells us was but renewing the Assize of Clarendon Rex Angliae Henricus convocatis Regni Primoribus apud Northamptoniam renovavit Assizam de Clarendon Here we see that such as were aggrieved by a Sentence given by the Archbishop were pursuant to the Statutes of Clarendon not to appeal to Rome but to the King Which the Statute of Northampton made but twelve years after explains to be to the Curia Regis By this and by what has been said before upon this Subject it appears that the ultimate Appeal in Causes Ecclesiastical as well as Temporal was to the Curia Regis or Parliament and that as the same Assemblies made Laws both for the Government of Church and State so the Supreme Judicature Ecclesiastical and Temporal was one and the same After that time Appeals were sometimes prosecuted in the Court of Rome that Statute and the Assize of Clarendon notwithstanding but this was only by connivance At last when the Pope got the better of King John who lay under great Disadvantages as all our Historians tell us and that in his Magna Charta these words were inserted V. Matth. Paris Pag. 258. Liceat unicuique de caetero exire de Regno nostro redire salvò securè per terram aquam salvâ fide nostra c. Then Appeals to Rome multiplyed for every little Cause and the Master-piece of Papal Encroachments was wrought effectually But it cannot be too often inculcated that the Laws of Clarendon which gave the ultimate Appeal to the Curia Regis as aforesaid are so often stiled the Avitae Consuetudines Regni Which shews sufficiently where the Supreme Judicature resided according to our old Constitution It appears by what has been said that King William the Conqueror was acknowledged to be God's Vicar appointed to govern his Church and yet that neither He nor his Successors pretended to make any Ecclesiastical Laws to bind the whole Kingdom but in a General Council of the Kingdom That the King's Supremacy was so far from being Personal that an Archbishop did as it were appeal from himself in Person to himself in Parliament and that the King submitted and owned the Jurisdiction That the same Archbishop understood the Law to be that the Assent of the Laity was necessary to the making of Ecclesiastical Laws by which they were to be bound That the King could not of his own Authority permit a Legate to exercise his Office within the Realm That leave to exercise his Office could not be given him but in Parliament That the King could not part with Investitures if he would without the Assent of the People That Parliaments determined who ought to be received as Pope within the Realm That Appeals were to the Curia Regis by the Avitae Consuetudines Regni And that Bishops were elected in Parliament Whence I conclude that a Personal Supremacy has no warrant from Antiquity The clearing the Antient Supremacy and stating the Matter aright is of great use in this present Age in which as one sort of Men over-stock us with Jure Divino's so the Lawyers accost us often with the Common Law and the King's Perogative at Common Law and that this and the other Act is but declarative of the Common Law and gives the King no new Power And yet as the Divines have little or no ground for their Jure Divine's no more have the Lawyers in these Matters of the Supremacy any thing to warrant their late Hyperbole's but Shadows and Imaginations They found a Power exercised by the Pope which they had good reason to think injurious to the Crown they had heard that from the beginning it was not so And thus far they were right But how it was exercised before the Court of Rome and the Clergy invaded it they had forgot it having been usurpt upon Four hundred years before they were born For it is in vain to look for a true Scheme of the Antient Legal Supremacy at a nearer distance than from the Reigns of King John King Richard the First King Henry the
good Order and Regiment to be had and continued amongst the Ministers of the same And forasmuch as the Authority of the making of the said Statutes Ordinances and Orders was reserved only unto the said King and no mention made of any like Authority to be reserved unto his Heirs and Successors the same Orders and Statutes cannot now be made and provided without Authority of Parliament And then the Act proceeds to empower that Queen during her Life to prescribe such Orders and Statutes and to alter transpose change augment or diminish the said Orders Statutes c. And gives her likewise Authority to make ordain and establish Statutes Ordinances and Foundations for the good Order and Government of Grammar Schools erected by King Hen. 8. or King Edw. 6. and to alter Statutes already made V. Rastall's Statutes 1 Mar. Par. 2. Act 9. And she dying before the work was finished there was another Act in Queen Elizabeth's time impowering her to do the like and to alter the Statutes in being Hence I infer first if King Henry the Eighth having reserved a Power to himself of appointing private Laws c. as aforesaid and coming to die without executing that Power his Successor could not make such Laws though for the Government of Colleges c. of which the King himself was Founder as most evidently according to the Opinion of those two Queens and their Parliaments she could not and for the Government of Colleges c. that had no private Laws at all for their good Order and Government then a power given by Commission to Survey Alter Reform Amend c. the Statutes of the Foundation of Colleges Halls c. was not in those days look'd upon as Law. Secondly If the King could not appoint New Laws for the Government of Colleges c. of his own Foundation then he could not alter the Statutes of Colleges founded by Subjects I infer from hence in the third place that some Commission grounded upon these Statutes of Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth which were Temporary and gave those Queens Power but for Life has been the pattern for that Clause in a late Commission which relates to the Colleges in Vniversities c. And that the Gentleman who drew the late Commission had forgot those two Acts of Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth because the latter never was printed and the former being expired long before his Statute-Book was printed is left out of it but it is to be seen in Rastall And finding such a Commission upon the Roll he concluded the King had a Power by the Common Law to grant it Archbishop Laud pretended to visit both Vniversities Jure Metropolitico and it was decreed at the Council Table that he had right to visit but he claimed only a Right to visit them as to their Doctrin and Church Discipline and Ceremonies not to meddle with the private Statutes of their Foundation Which he disclaimed any Right to enquire into V. Rushworth's Collections I mention this only to shew how a College may be subject to a double Visitation diverso respectu The Question is not here concerning the King's Authority to visit the Vniversity but what Authority he has to visit a private College for their good Government and to meddle with their Statues himself not being the Founder I cannot see as yet HAVING given some Account of the Nature of the Antient Legal Jurisdiction which in former Ages the Crown claim'd and exercis'd in Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Matters come we now to King Henry the Eighth's Reign in whose time all Foreign Power was excluded the Antient Supremacy restor'd and New Powers given some to that King personally some to Him his Heirs and Successors I shall run through the Acts as they lye in order of Time. The first Act that made an open Breach with Rome was that of 24 Hen. 8. cap. 12. That no Appeals should be used but within the Realm The Preamble to that Act will afford us considerable Observations and very pertinent to the chief Subject and Occasion of this present Discourse It runs thus Where by divers sundry old authentick Histories and Chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed That this Realm of England is an Empire and so hath been accepted in the World governed by one Supreme Head and King having the Dignity and Royal Estate of the Imperial Crown of the same Vnto whom a Body Politick compact of all sorts and degrees of People divided in Terms and by Names of Spiritualty and Temporalty been bounden and own to bear next to God a natural and humble Obedience He being also institute and furnished by the Goodness and Sufferance of Almighty God with plenary whole and entire Power Pre-eminence and Authority Prerogative and Jurisdiction to render and yield Justice and final determination to all manner of folk Resiants or Subjects within this his Realm in all Causes Matters Debates and Contentions happening to occur insurge and begin within the Limits thereof without restraint or provocation to any Foreign Princes and Potentates of the World The Body Spiritual whereof having Power when any cause of the Law divine cometh in question or of Spiritual Learning that it was declared and shewed by that part of the said Body Politick called the Spiritualty now being usually called the English Church which always hath been reputed and also found of that sort that both for Knowledge c. it hath been thought and is sufficient and meet of it self without the intermedling of any exterior Person or Persons to declare and determine all such Doubts and to administer all such Offices and Duties as to their Rooms Spiritual doth appertain And the Law Temporal for tryal of Property of Lands and Goods and for the conservation of the People of this Realm in Vnity and Peace without Rapine or Spoil was and yet is administred adjudged and executed by sundry Judges and Ministers of the other part of the said Body Politick called the Temporalty and both their Jurisdictions and Authorities do conjoin together in the due Administration of Justice the one to help the other From this part of the Preamble we may observe First That for the Kingdom of England's being an Empire consisting of two Estates of Men and governed by One Supreme Head the King and Parliament appeal to old authentick Histories and Chronicles and consequently wherein the power of this One Supreme Head doth consist must be learnt from Antiquity Secondly That the Exclusion of Foreign Jurisdiction was the main thing in their Eye without restraint or provocation to any Foreign Princes or Potentates of the World. Thirdly That as this Supreme Head administred ordinary Justice to his Subjects in Matters Temporal by proper Officers sundry Judges and Ministers so in Causes of the Law Divine or of Spiritual Learning the same was to be declared interpreted and shewn by the Spiritualty which is to be understood of ordinary Proceedings And consequently not by Commissioners appointed by the Supreme Head
This Prerogative that our Kings now have in the Election of Bishops stands upon the foundation of this Act of Parliament and other it has none The Supreme Headship it seems did not include the power of appointing Bishops for that had been allow'd two Years ago and is acknowledged by way of recital in this Session cap. 21. and yet the Election and Consecration of Bishops is appointed by Act of Parliament so that the title of Supreme Head did not then imply any such exorbitant Power as some have imagin'd Next comes the Act entituled No Imposition shall be paid to the Bishop of Rome c. It recites That where this your Grace's Realm recognising no Superior under God but only your Grace hath been and is free from subjection to any Man's Law but only to such as have been devised made and ordained within the same for the Wealth of the said Realm or to such other as by sufferance of your Grace and your Progenitors the People of this Realm have taken at their free Will and Liberty by their own Consent to be used among them and have bound themselves by long use and custom to the observance of the same not as to the observance of the Laws of any foreign Prince Potentate or Prelate but as to the accustomed and ancient Laws of this Realm originally establish'd as Laws of the same by the said sufferance consent and custom and none otherwise These other Laws which the People of this Realm are said to have taken at their free Will and Liberty by their own Consent and are said to have bound themselves to as to the Established Laws of the Realm by the said sufferance consent and custom and none otherwise are the Canon Laws Which here the Parliament disclaim any Obligation to the observance of otherwise than as they had bound themselves by their own sufferance and consent And consequently they did not look upon any Ecclesiastical Laws as obligatory to themselves and their Posterity but what themselves had or for the time to come should Consent to This would never have proceeded from them if they had imagin'd that the Legislative Power in Ecclesiastical Matters was or ever had been vested in the King's Person as some amongst us have not stuck to assert of late But the Act goes on It standeth therefore with natural equity and good Reason that in all and every such Laws humane made within this Realm or induced into this Realm by the said sufferance consent and custom your Royal Majesty and your Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons representing the whole state of your Realm in this your most high Court of Parliament have full Power and Authority not only to dispense but also to authorize some Elect Person or Persons to dispense with those and all other humane Laws of this your Realm c. and also the same to abrogate amplifie or diminish as it shall seem to your Majesty and the Nobles and Commons of your Realm present in your Parliament meet and convenient c. Here is no dispensing Power acknowledged to be personal in the King. Nor is the Parliament so much a stranger to Matters of Religion as not to have a share even in the dispensing as well as the abrogating Power with respect to Ecclesiastical Laws You see as soon as ever the foreign Yoke was cast off they put in for their share of the Supremacy nor did the King look upon it as any diminution to his own legal right to admit their claim It was in concurrence with them and with their assent that the method of prosecuting Appeals had been settled they joyn'd with him in tying up the hands of the Clergy from promulging any Constitutions without the Royal Assent their Authority concurr'd in appointing how Bishops should be Elected Invested and Consecrated and here they impower the Archbishop and the King to grant Dispensations Then they proceed to Enact how and by whom and in what cases Dispensations shall be granted for the future And first they impower the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being and his Successors to grant Dispensations to the King his Heirs and Successors for causes not contrary to the Scriptures and the Laws of God. How Could not the King by vertue of his inherent Prerogative dispense with himself Dr. Hicks Was not this involv'd in the formal conception of Imperial Soveraignty No. If he will act contrary to Law he must have a Dispensation and that Dispensation granted by a Subject impowered by Act of Parliament so to do This is the first and only Act that gives the King a power of dispensing in Ecclesiastical Matters and the Archbishop of Canterbury may dispense in all cases which the King by vertue of this Act may dispense in only in cases unwont to be dispensed in at Rome he must advertise the King or his Councel who if they determine that such Dispensation shall pass then the Archbishop having the King's Licence shall dispense accordingly But who ever heard of the King 's Licensing an Archbishop to dispence with an Act of Parliament How would it found in our Ears if Divinâ Providentiâ Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus should issue a Non Obstante to an Act of the King Lords and Commons in Parliament And yet the Archbishop may grant Dispensations with the King's allowance in all Cases whatsoever that that Act extends to Therefore I say the King's Power of dispensing by vertue of that Act is with the Canon Law only which in effect was no Law at all To say that the King is not restrain'd by this Act Hob. p 146. in Colt and Glovers Case but his power remains full and perfect as before and he may grant them still as King for all Acts of Justice and Mercy flow from him is a sound of words only vox praetereà nihil And yet we find by Experience that hae nugae seria ducunt in mala there is likewise a strange Expression in Moor's Reports 542. cs 719. Al tierce point ils semblont que la Royne poit granter dispensations come le Pape puissoit en cases lou l'Archevesque n'ad authority per le Stat. de 25 H. 8. de granter dispensations quia tout l'authority que le Pape usoit est done al Corone But these and many other scattered Cases and extravagant Expressions of Reporters which have been made use of as Judgments in after times there may possibly be some account given hereafter in a Discourse by it self The latter part of the Statute of 25 H. 8. c. 21. concerns the visiting of Colleges Hospitals and places exempt It is enacted that the Archbishop of Canterbury or any other person or persons shall have no Power and Authority by reason of this Act to visit or vex any Monasteries Abbeys Priories Colleges Hospitals Houses or other places Religious which be or were exempt before the making of this Act but that Redress Visitation and Confirmation shall be had by the King's Highness
his Heirs and Successors by Commission under the Great Seal to be directed to such persons as shall be appointed requisite for the same c. This Act of Parliament having abrogated the Pope's Power here in England those places that had been exempt from ordinary Jurisdiction would naturally have fallen back within the Visitation of the Diocesan I mean such places as had been exempt by vertue of any Bulls Licences or Dispensations from Rome only if it had not been especially and expresly provided that nothing in the said Act should be taken nor expounded to the derogation or taking away of any grants or confirmations of any Liberties Priviledges or Jurisdiction of any Monasteries Abbies Priories or other Houses or places exempt which before the making of this Act have been obtained at the See of Rome and if the Visitation of them by Commission under the Great Seal had not been provided for In the next Year Ann. 26 H. 8. The Statute was made which enacts that the King our Soveraign Lord his Heirs and Successors Kings of this Realm shall be taken accepted and reputed the Only Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England called Anglicana Ecclesia and shall have and enjoy united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm as well the title and stile thereof as all Honours Dignities Preheminences Jurisdictions Priviledges Authorities Immunities Profits and Commodities to the said Dignity of Supream Head of the same Church belonging and appertaining What was then meant understood recognis'd c. by the word Supreme Head will appear by these following Considerations First that the recital of the Act shews they intended not by that recognition to invest him with any new Power For they recite that the King's Majesty justly and rightfully is and ought to be the Supreme head of the Church of England and so is recognised by the Clergy of the Realm in their Convocations yet nevertheless for corroboration and confirmation thereof c. So that this Act so far forth as it gives or acknowledges the Title of SUPREME HEAD is but Declarative And consequently they that upon this Act ground a Translation of the Pope's Power by the Canon-law to the King utterly mistake the matter For our King 's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction was not grounded upon the Canon Law but the Common Law of the Realm it was a Native of our own and not of any foreign extraction Secondly That this Supreme Head-ship of the Church consists only in his being Supreme head of that Church of England which then was called Anglicana Ecclesia and who they were appears First by the Statute of 24. Henr. 8. cap. 12. aforementioned The body Spiritual whereof of the Realm of England having Power when any Cause of the Law Divine happened to come in question or of Spiritual Learning that it was declared interpreted and shew'd by that part of the said body Politick called the Spiritualty now being usually called the English Church So that the Spiritualty are the Ecclesia Anglicana of whom the King is here declar'd the supreme head Secondly It appears by the Recognition of the Clergy who having no Authority to declare a Supreme Head in Ecclesiastical matters for the Laity did but by that Submission acknowledge themselves to be to all intents and purposes the King's Subjects and not the Pope's But Thirdly This same Parliament in this very Session tells us that the King had of right always been so It is in the third Chapt. for the payment of first-fruits to the King. The words are Wherefore his said humble and obedient Subjects as well the Lords Spiritual and Temporal as the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled c. do pray that for the more surety continuance and augmentation of his Highness Royal estate being not only now recognis'd as he always indeed hath heretofore been the only Supreme Head in Earth next and immediately under God of the Church of England but also their most assured and undoubted natural Lord and King having the whole Governance of this his Realm c. They tell him That he was not only the Supreme Head of the Church of England but their viz. the Temporalties Lord and King so that he had the Governance of the whole Realm and Subjects of the same What can be more plain than first That by Supreme Head of the Church of England was meant the Supreme Head of the Spiritualty which was necessary to be recogniz'd because they had acknowledged formerly another Supreme Head. Secondly That they gave no new Power by that word since they tell us that indeed he had always been so And Thirdly That his Supremacy consists only in a power of Governance Fourthly This title of Supreme Head does not give the King any power of dispensing with Acts of Parliament in Matters of Religion or Ecclesiastical Affairs whatsoever That power was never yielded to the Pope himself during that whole time that he was uncontroulably submitted to as Head of the Church That power they complain of in the Act of 25 H. 8. cap. 21. as an Vsurpation an Abuse a Cheat. They declare it to be in the King and themselves Fifthly Dr. Burnet in his History of the Reformation p. 142 143. First Part has these words But at the same time that they pleaded so much for the King's Supremacy and power of making Laws for restraining and coercing his Subjects it appears that they were far from vesting him with such an absolute Power as the Popes had pretended to for they thus defined the extent of the King's Power Institution of a Christian Man. To them speaking of Princes and Magistrates specially and principally it appertaineth to defend the Faith of Christ and his Religion to conserve and maintain the True Doctrine of Christ and all such as be true Preachers and setters forth thereof and to abolish Heresies Abuses and Idolatries and to punish with corporal pains such as of Malice be the occasion of the same And finally to oversee and cause that the said Bishops and Priests do execute their Pastoral Office truly and faithfully and speally in these Points which by Christ and his Apostles were given and committed to them and in case they shall be negligent in any part thereof or would not diligently execute the same to cause them to double and supply their lack and if they obstinately withstand their Prince's kind monition and will not amend their faults then and in such case to put others in their rooms and places And God hath also commanded the said Bishops and Priests to obey with all humbleness and reverence both Kings and Princes and Governors and all their Laws not being contrary to the Laws of God whatsoever they be and that not only propter iram but also propter conscientiam Thus it appears that they both limited obedience to the King's Laws with the due caution of not being contrary to the Law of God and acknowledged the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in discharge of the
Anselm's contempt consist in Disobeying the Law and not the King 's Personal and Arbitrary Will and Pleasure If any Man depart the Realm at this Day after a Writ of Ne Exeat Regnum served upon him he becomes a Fugitive and the King may seize his Estate as he did the Archbishops Temporalities And yet we have no Act of Parliament for this now upon Record but Custom Time out of Mind which we call Common-Law Yet among the Laws of Clarendon this is one VIZ. Archiepiscopis Episcopis Personis Regni non liceat Exire Regnum absque Licentia Domini Regis Decem Scriptores pag. 1386 1387. Matth. Paris pag. 100. And Polydore Virgill pag. 171. carries this Law up as high as to the Reign of King William Rufus Publico Edicto Vetuit says he Vnumquemque sine Licentiâ suâ Ex Angliâ egredi qui mos lexve dicitur Ne Exeas Regnum Quae adhuc cùm ita res requirit usurpatur And it appears by the Register Fol. 193 194. That Religious Persons purchased Licences to go beyond the Sea. And Bracton tells us Lib. Quinto Fol. 413. b. That those Writs were de Communi Consilio totius Regni Concessa Approbata Of which more hereafter And great Reason there was that they who were then strugling with the Government to Introduce a Foreign Jurisdiction should when they went beyond Sea Assecurare Regem quod nec in eundo vel redeundo vel moram faciendo perquirerent malum sive damnum Domino Regi Constitution Clarend Suprad But as Mr. Selden says in his Metamorphosis Anglorum pag. 237. Huc referas Scil. ad temp Henrici Secundi an cum Polydoro ad Rufum an ad posteriora tempora rescriptum quod in Regesto NE EXEAS REGNVM habetur haud ità multùm interest nec quaestionem accurare operae pretium est Quis enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verum potis est elicere It being almost impossible to find out the Original of this Law and it appearing by the Register that whenever it did begin it began by Authority of Parliament and since nothing is known to the contrary but that it might begin in King William Rufus his Time to whose Time Polydere Virgill refers it and if it did not since Parliaments were frequently held then and One famous one at Rochingham during this very Controversie betwixt the King and Anselm Eadmer pag. 38. about his going to Rome in which he asked leave to depart and was denyed it Who knows but there might then be a particular Prohibition to him by the King in that Great Council But be that how it will the Truth in this Matter lies too deep by reason of the loss of almost all the Civil Laws made in the Reigns of Our First Norman Kings through the Embezelment of Records and the Carelessness of the Monks of those times for the Doctor to draw a good Argument from hence of the Danger of disobeying the King 's Personal Command Nay further if this Instance were never so much for him First It was in King William Rufus his Reign the Irregularities and Tyranny of whose Government was such and the Matters of Fact so lamely Reported to us that no Argument drawn from what he might do will be very conclusive to the Legality or Illegality of any thing And Secondly There is a very good Law made since VIZ. Ann. 14 Edwardi 3. cap. 6. to Protect the Clergy from incurring any such prejudice for the future for not doing whatsoever they are bid to do We Will and Grant for Vs and our Heirs that from henceforth We nor our Heirs shall not take nor cause to be taken into our Hands the Temporalities of Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors nor other People of Holy Church of what Estate or Condition they be without a Just and True Cause according to the Law of the Land and Judgment thereupon given The Doctor makes account pag. 146 147. that the Oath which he says Anselm had taken whereby he promised the King Eadmer pag. 39. lib. 2. se usus ac leges suas usquequaque deinceps servaturum eas sibi contra omnes homines fideliter defensurum was no ways like the present Oath of Supremacy Whereby he would represent the Supremacy as a quite other thing and much more Exorbitant since the Reformation than it was in King William Rufus his Time Which is a great Errour For the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Kings of England was then almost entire and in puris naturalibus Foreign Jurisdiction had not then grown upon our Constitution The Bishops indeed were warping Rome-wards which caused the Government to have a watchful Eye upon them and to enjoyn Oaths upon them for security against Vsurpations then feared because attempted as after the Reformation they were enjoyned to prevent the return of them But the Oath of Supremacy prescribed by primo Elizabeth being only to Assist and Defend all Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminencies and Authorities Granted or Belonging to the Queen's Highness her Heirs and Successors Or Vnited and Annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm is the same in Substance with Swearing in King William Rufus his Time to Keep and Defend the Laws and Vsages of the Realm For those Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminencies and Authorities which having been torn from the Crown were restored by the primo Elizabeth and by the several Acts of King Henry the Eighth thereby revived were in being and actually enjoyed in King William Rufus his Time and before and for some time after He was the Supreme Governour of the Realm in Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Things and Causes as well as Temporal Witness that Law of King Edward the Confessor revived and confirmed by King William the First Rex quia Vicarius summi Regis est ad hoc est Constitutus ut Regnum terrenum populum Domini super omnia Sanctam Veneretur Ecclesiam ejus Regat ab injuriosis defendat maleficos ab eâ evellat destruat penitùs disperdat Lambard leg pag. 142. And the several Branches afterwards lopped off from the King's Supremacy were endeavoured to be preserved and secured by the Laws of Clarendon The Third Chapter of which provides against the Exemption of Clerks from the King's Justice The Eighth against Appeals to Rome The Twelfth secures the King's Right and Interest in the Elections of Archbishops Bishops Abbots and Priors c. These Constitutions then called the Avitae Consuetudines Regni Archbishop Becket promisit in verbo sacerdotali de plano se velle custodire Similiter Episcopi promiserunt Juraverunt Gerv. Dorob Coll. pag. 1366. This was no other than the Modern Oath of Supremacy without any material difference The Archbishop did not pretend that the Laws of Clarendon as Wicked and Unjust as he might think them were any other than Explanations and Assertions of the Ancient Vsages of the Realm His Suffragans tell him in a Letter
whereas Subjects might Collate in those Days Churches of their own Foundation to any Clerk in Orders and give him the Investiture even without so much as a Presentation to the Bishop yet our Antient Kings Collated Bishopricks no otherwise than in Curia suâ For though Bishopricks were Royal Foundations yet they were Founded by Acts of Parliament as will appear by and by And one Great Reason why our Kings at least in those Days could not Erect Bishopricks and endow them otherwise was because they could not in those Days Alien their Crown Lands without the Assent of their Barons Non poterat Rex distrahere Patrimonium Regni And though King John told Pandulphus the Legate Omnes Praedecessores mei contulerunt Archiepiscopatus Episcopatus Abbathias in thalamis suis Monast Burton pag. 264. That must be understood to have been done since the Norman Conquest only though the contrary was frequently practised even in those Days and especially since the Constitutions of Clarendon For the Instance that he there gives of Wolstan's being made Bishop of Worcester in King Edward the Confessor his Time was far from a Collation in Thalamo if we believe himself when he resigned his Pastoral Staff at the Confessor's Tomb There concurred Electio Plebis Petitio Voluntas Episcoporum Gratia Procerum a full Parliament as well as the Authoritas Voluntas of the King himself Matth. Paris pag. 20 21. As for our Kings seizing the Temporalties of Bishops into their Hands and so suspending them à beneficio which the Doctor speaks of pag. 155. of which he says many Instances may be found in Mr. Prynn 's Historical Collections I suppose he would not be understood as if our Kings either might or used to seize them ad Libitum but by legal process and for some contempt for which by the Law they were liable to Seizure They were held of the King by Barony and though the Bishops pretended to an Exemption as to their Persons from the Laws of the Land yet their Temporalties which were held of the King and for which they did him Fealty were no-wise Exempted but that if they should commit Offences for which the King might by Law capere se ad Baronias suas they as well as the Laity that held by the same Tenure were equally liable to the Course and Rigour of the Law. What use this is of to the Doctor for the setting up some Notional Supremacy lodged in the King Personally I know not as yet Irregularities and Oppressions might well be used upon such occasions and Seizures made when there was no cause but the Statute of the fourteenth of Edward the Third cap. 6. aforementioned was provided to prevent such Mischiefs for the future But the Doctor was very ill advised in quoting pag. 155. to clear the point the Statutes of Provisions For those Statutes which every body knows and the Doctor will not deny to be only new Bullwarks to secure Old Rights were yet such as the King could never dispense with But when the Circumstances of his Affairs were such that to gratify the Pope and tye him to his Interest he found it convenient to have some Relaxation made of those Laws then were Parliaments called and at their first meeting one cause of their Convention declared to be to provide remedy touching the Statutes of Provisions for eschewing debate between the Pope and the King and his Realms And then we find leave given to the King from time to time to dispense with those Laws and that but for a time and this declar'd to be a Novelty Vid. Cotton's Abridgment pag. 341. 346. Annis 15. 16. Rich. 2. And the Complaints of the English Nation in Matth. Paris against the Pope's Provisions were grounded upon this VIZ. That Patroni Ecclesiarum ad eas cum Vacaverint Clericos idoneos praesentare non poterant sed conferebantur Ecclesiae Romanis qui penitùs Idioma Regni ignorabant pecuniam extra Regnum asportabant These Oppressions fell chiefly upon the Clergy as appears by most of the Laws against Provisions of which hereafter for the Pope assum'd a greater Power over them and Churches of which they were Patrons then he could pretend to over the Laity and they sometimes comply'd with his Provisions and submitted to collate Italians and Foreigners as at other times they did to heavy Exactions insomuch that in the year 1240. misit Dominus Papa praecepta sua Domino Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo Edmundo Sarisberiensi Lincolniensi Episcopis ut trecentis Romanis in primis beneficiis Vacantibus providerent scientes se suspensos à beneficiorum Collatione donec tot competenter providerentur Matth. Paris pag. 532. And it appears by the same Author that these and more were provided of Ecclesiastical Benefices in England Praebendas Ecclesias varios redditus opimos plusquam trecentos ad suam vel Papae contulerat legatus Otto voluntatem id p. 549. But many grievous Complaints and Petitions in Parliaments and in Letters to the Pope occur in Mr. Prynne's Historical Collections and in the Parliament Rolls against these Provisions as intolerable Grievances and contrary to all Law and Reason If at some times they were comply'd with upon condition that the Persons recommended by the Pope were of good condition and worthy of Promotion how does that relate to its being in the King's power even to admit the persons to the Dignity and Office as the Doctor ignorantly and childishly asserts But his conclusion VIZ. That the Exercise of their Government was according to the King's Laws I do not Quarrel with him about for it was or ought to have been so But not according to the King's Pleasure Nor would any unbyassed Man in Reading King Alfred's Laws have readily made such an Inference as the Doctor does pag. 155 156 telling us out of L. l. Alvredi that King Alfred reserved to himself the liberty even of Dispensing with the Marriage of Nuns Which he would represent as a thing prohibited by the Canons only and that the King reserved to himself a Power of Dispensing with it though without his Especial Dispensation he suffered the Canon to take place Now the Marriage of Nuns was really prohibited by a Law of the State by an Act of Parliament of that Age For Brompton giving us an Account of King Alfred's Laws says thus Ego Alfredus West-Saxonum Rex ostendi haec omnibus sapientibus meis dixerunt Placet ea Custodire And many Temporal Laws are amongst them all Enacted by the same Authority And the same Law or Canon that prohibits Nuns from Marrying gives the King and not only him but the Bishop of the Diocess leave to Dispense so that the Doctor might as well have argu'd for the Bishops as the Kings reserving a Power to himself of Dispensing The Words are Si quis Sanctimonialem ab Ecclesiâ abduxerit sine Licentia Regis vel Episcopi c. Then he says That our Kings Presided sometimes
Anselm about Anselm's going to fetch his Pall from Vrban And that betwixt Lanfrank Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Thomas Arch-bishop of York concerning the Profession of Canonical Obedience which the former required of the Latter the Chusing Bishops and Arch-Bishops the Controversies betwixt King Henry the 2d and Thomas Becket all heard debated and determined in General Assemblies of Clergy and Laity and not by our Kings apart from their Great Councels The Eleventh is That they permitted No appeals to Rome 'T is true nor did they ever determine them themselves either in person or by Commission And therefore the Statute of Clarendon which gives Appeals from the Arch-Bishop to the King was never understood to be to the King in person but to the King in his Court. As we may see by what Ger. Dorobern Anno 1176. Coll. p. 1433 And Hoveden fol. 313 314 tell us of the statute made at Northampton in King Henry the second 's time Which both of them call a renewing of the Assize of Clarendon Now in these Laws made at Northampton there is this close Expression concerning Appeals Justiciae faciant quaerere per consuetudinem terrae illos qui à Regno recesserunt nisi redire voluerint infrà terminum nominatum stare ad Rectum in Curià Domini Regis Vtlagentur So that though King Henry as far as in him lay had given ways to Appeals to Rome for when he was absolv'd of the Guilt that he was supposed to have contracted by having occasioned the death of Thomas Becket part of the satisfaction enjoyn'd him was quod licebit Appellationes libere fieri Radulph de Diceto p. 560 yet the Kingdom afterward meeting in Parliament at Northampton would not quit their interest But renew'd the Laws of Clarendon against forein Appeals And explain the Appeals ad Regem to be meant of Appeals ad Curiam Regis But it is a common errour with Men that are ignorant of our Laws wherever they find they King's name in any Acts of Parliament or Judicial Proceedings to imagine that the King has some Personal Authority out of his Courts But for the present I will give but one Instance to detect that mistake The Stat. of Westm 1. Enacts cap. 15. what persons shall be replevisable and what not Amongst others those that are taken by Commandement le Roy are appointed not to be bayl'd by that Statute My Lord Coke in his Commentary upon that Law 2d Institut pag. 186. says thus viz. 1. The King being a body Politick cannot command but by matter of Record for Rex praecipit and lex praecipit are all one For the King must command by matter of Record according to Law. 2. When any Judicial Act is by Act of Parliament referred to the King it is to be understood to be done in some Court of Justice according to Law. The words of the Statute of Rich. 2. cap. 12. are si non que il sort per briefe ou auter maundement del Roy. And yet it was resolved by all the Judges of England that the King cannot do it by any Commandment but by Writ or by Order or Rule of some of his Courts of Justice where the Cause dependeth And Fortescue speaking to the Prince to instruct him against he should be King Melius says he per alios quà m per teipsum Judicia reddes quo proprio ore Nullus Regum Angliae usus est tamen sua sunt omnia Judicia Regni licet per alios ipsa reddantur sicut judicum â—lim sententias Josaphat asseruit esse judicia Dei. The Great Case in tertio Caroliprimi of Habeas Corpus turn'd upon this point The Judges indeed betray'd the Nation in that cause as they have done in others in these Hundred years last past as far as in them lay but how that Judgment was resented in Parliament the Reader may inform himself out of the 1st Vol. of Rushworth's Collections and the 1st part of Doctor Nalson The Law was declared upon that occasion to be that Voluntas Regis est secundum legem et Justiciarios suos in Guriâ suâ non in Camerâ according to 2 R. 3. f. The Twelfth particular is that Our Kings bestowed Bishopricks on such as they liked and translated Bishops from one See to another concerning our Kings bestowing Bishopricks something has been said already As for their translating Bishops from one See to another I desire to hear any one Instance in any age of any Bishop translated by the King against his own will. The Pope pretended to such a power and sometimes Exercised it and that was one of the mischiefs which occasioned the making of the Statutes of Provisors But could never yet find that any of our Kings attempted it The Thirteenth particular is Erecting New Bishopricks The Instances given by Sir Roger are 1st the erecting of the Bishoprick of Ely by King Henry the 1st Anno 1009. taking it out of Lincoln-Diocess And yet nothing is more evident then that this was done by Act of Parliament The Instrument Runs thus viz. In Nomine sanctae individuae Trinitatis Patris Filii spiritus sancti Anno ab Incarnatione Domini MCVIII Indictione Anno Pontificatus Domini Paschalis Papae 2. decimo Regni quoque mei similiter decimo Ego Henricus Providente Divina Clementia Rex Anglorum Normannorum Dux Wilhelmi Magni Regis Filius qui Edwardo Regi Haereditario jure successit in Regnum videns Ecclesiae messem in Regno meo multam esse Agricolas quidem paucos et ab hoc plurimum laborantes in Messe et in ipsa Lincolniensem Ecclesiam multa plebe foecundam ex Authoritate Consilio predicti Papae Paschalis Assenfu simul prece Roberti Lincolniensis Episcopi totius Capituli sui cum ipso annuente Domino Anselmo Beatae memoriae Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo Thoma secundo Venerabili Eboracensium Archiepiscopo Universis Episcopis Abbattibus totius Angliae sed omnibus Ducibus Comitibus Principibus Regni mei Elyense Monasterium c. in Episcopalem sedem sicut caeteros Episcopatus Regni mei liberam absolutam perenniter statuo confirmo vid. Mr. Selden 's Notas Spicilegium ad Eadmer Et Dugdale's Monasticon And what if All the Bishopricks of England Erected both before and after were Erected by Acts of Parliament and not by the King's Letters Patents only In King Edward the Elder 's time upon the Letter of Pope Formosus Congregata est synodus Senatorum Procerum Populorum Nobilium Gentis Angliae In quâ Presidebat Plegmundus Archiepiscopus Tum sibi Rex cum suis et Plegmundus Archiepiscopus salubre Concilium iniverunt and Constituted and Elected five Bishops in the Province of the Gewissi where there had till then been but two dividing those two Bishopricks into five by Act of Parliament Spelman's Counc Volum 1. pag. 387 388. Malmesbury de Gestis