easiness wherewith they were done can walk hand in hand with those of the Antients amongst whom we see one only Alexander one Pompey one Caesar to have subjugated many entire Provinces and conquered many Nations And not to go further in search of the like examples since one Age alone very neer this of ours can easily furnish us with them Were not the Emperor Charls the Fifth Francis the First King of France and if will pass by the errors of Religion Sultan Solyman Emperor of the Turks Princes great and valiant in all acceptations in whom so many endowments both of Nature and Fortune did concur as hardly any thing remained to be desired in any of them to make and constitute a potent Prince and an excellent Commander fit to undertake any action how great or difficult soever What was it that Charls with his undaunted and dreadless spirit did not undertake Who was ever known to be more ambitious of praise and military honor then Francis never weary nor satisfied with toiling in Arms and in leading Armies Solyman was so fervently bent upon purchasing glory in the Waâ—s as his age though very great was not able to asswage it for he dyed in the Field amongst Soldiers when he was eighty four years old These great Princes were so puissant and so remarkable for the number to Soldiers which they led to Battel for military Discipline and for all that belonged to War as their Age had no cause to wonder at nor to envy any preceding times which were famousest for such affairs Yet he who shall particularly examine their actions will find they come far short of the famous acts of the Antients and that they correspond not with the fame and opinion of such Princes and of such Forces For if we we shall consider the deeds of those few aforesaid not to mention so many others what and how many were the things done by Alexander the Great who having in so short time vanquish'd the powerful Persian Empire victoriously overran the whole East and made the terror of his wâ—apons known to People almost unknown till then and yet died whilst he was very young How many Cities and Provinces did Pompey and Caesar bring under the Roman Empire The first conquered and subjugated Pontus Armenia Cappadocia Media Hiberia Syria Cylicia Mesopotamia Arabia and Iudaea things which though done seem incredible And the other though he did not overrun so great a space of Land did no less admired things if we will regard the condition of the conquered He quell'd the warlike Switzers French and Dutch and made so many and so fortunate expeditions as by his means only above eight hundred Cities were brought under the Government of Rome What can be alleadged on the behalf of these modern Princes which may compare with these for military glory Charls the Emperor led sundry times puissant Armies upon several undertakings but what was the fruit that he reaped by his most famous Expeditions The greatest and most victorious Army which he ever put together was that wherewith he withstood Solyman when he came to assault â—ustria yet he never departed with it from before the walls of Vienna so as all the Trophy of Victory which he got there for so much expence and labor was only not being overcome for his Army never saw the Enemies face The Wars of Germany were very difficult in this behalf yet therein he contended not with any Prince whose Forces were of themselves equal to his nor were they made out of election or hope of glory by new acquirements but out of necessity and for the defence as well of his own person as of the Empire and all the good he got thereby was only the restoring the affairs of the Crown to the former condition so as the Empires authority might not be lessened The Wars made so long between Charls the Emperor and Francis King of France with no less hatred then force did oftentimes weary both their Armies but though Caesar had several times the better yet at last the power of France was not diminished nor the greatness of Charls his command made any whit the larger so as he was master of so many and so ample States rather by his right of inheritance then by means of War thâ— enterprises of Tunis and Algier in Africa might have some greater appearance of generosity the business being very difficult and attempted with great courage and much danger and wherein the glory appeared to be more then the advantage yet the unhappy success of the one did much lessen the honor and praise won by the other and these undertakings did finally produce no greater effects then the acquisition of one or two Cities and those none of the chiefest of Africa whereas one onely Scipio subdued Carthage the Head of so great an Empire and brought all those Regions under the Roman Eagles The Acts done by Solyman were somewhat greater then these but not to be compared to those of old nor peradventure will they appear to be very famous if we shall consider his power and the long time that he lived Emperor He consumed much time and many men in Hungaria making many expeditions against it and yet got but one part thereof which was none of the greatest Provinces neither He wan the Island of Rhodes but what glory could redound to so mighty a Prince by overcoming a few Knights who were weak of themselves and who were not succoured by others And yet he was therein assisted more by fraud then by force He past with his Army into Persia but though he might say with Caesar venâ— vidi yet could he not add vici for as he with great celerity over ran a great part of the Persian Empire and came to the City of Taâ—ris so not being able to fix in any place or establish any conquest he retreated to within his own Confines having lest the greatest part and the best of his men in the Enemies Country routed and defeated by divers accidents These things then and many other the like give just occasion of wonder and incite curious wits to search out the truest causes of such diversity of successes Amongst which nay in the primary place the different means of warfaring in those times and in these may come into consideration wherein if we come to more particulars we shall meet with the use of Forts and Strong Holds which are become more frequent in these our Ages then they were in former times the art of building being doubtlesly in greater perfection with us then it was with them There is hardly any State or Country now adaies wherein there are not many Towns and Cities either assisted by natural situation or else by art reduced to much safety by many inventions found out by modern Professors of Fortification so as almost every place is so fortified as it is able to hold out with a few men against many and he who will in these times enter into another
well begun ibid. Venetians what course they took to free themselves from the danger they were in of the Genoa-forces 43. That the practice of Merchandising is not to be blamed in them 116. Some of their illustrious and famous Princes ibid. What title their Dukes assumed for the taking in of Constantinople 118 How prejudicial to them the Ottoman Empire hath been ibid. That had it not been for the treachery of their Commanders the State of Milan had been theirs 121. Their weighty and glorious enterprises by Sea and Land against the Saracens for the Emperors of Constantinople and against the Genoeses 129. Why they called Lewis King of France into Italy 130 Why almost all Christian Princes entred into a League against them 132-180 How discreetly they have continued Neutrals in the discords of Princes that thereupon Peace might follow in these latter times 167. Why they sent into Candy new Colonies of their own Gentry 172 Vertue what two vertues are necessary for him that proposeth great matters to himself and aspireth after glory 88 Vertuous To make men vertuous three things are needful 11 W. WAR brought home to the Enemies own doors how advantagious 28 When it ought to be carried on with protracting of time 31. War and not Peace was the cause of Romes ruine 46. It is subject to divers successes and chances more then any other action of ours 31-183-185 Wars made by the Romans after the subduing of Carthage 48. Made and maintained by them in many places at once 65. Particulars most necessary for them 149. The manner of Wars now used is the chiefest cause why the enterprises of modern Princes prove not equal to those of the Antients 148 The end of the second Table ERRATA Pag. lin 4-45 AFter not read only 5-7 Dele not 8-17 For licence read licentiousness 10-27 For temperance read temper 11-38 For them read those 15-25 Before what insert do ib. 48 Dele more 19-19 For of read and for and read of 25-38 Dele only 26 ult After obedience insert iâ— 35-26 After â—ighting read they 37-43 After these insert rather 38-14 After of Insert all this 39-12 Before the insert to 43 pen. After as insert if 53-12 After 〈◊〉 insert the less 55-31 After not insert only 60-3 After not insert only 73-17 Dele and the first Pag. lin 74-27 Before Goths insert great valor of the ibid. 31 For Commanders read Soldiers 82-50 For Rhodosius read Rhodanus 89-30 For Soldiers read Commanders 112-30 For where read were 113-48 Dele then by 116-20 For a read the. 124-7 For them into his read him into thâ—â— 126-34 After mens insert thoughts 152-25 Before Pope insert with Francis King of France 157-5 After if insert we 158-45 For sadly read easily 159-26 For Corâ—â—r read Corfâ— ibid. 29 For Corfee read Corfâ— 176-47 After thereof insert more 199-2 Before not insert it ibid. 3 Dele it 20â— 19 Dele be THE FIRST BOOK The First DISCOURSE What was the true and proper Form of Government observed in the Commonwealth of Rome and whether she could be better ordered in Civil affairs having Armed people on foot THere are many who reflecting upon the Greatness of the Commonwealth of Rome wonder at her so many prosperities by which she flourished a long time and at last obtained the mastery of all other Monarchies And thinking that it is enough to admire her feats of Arms and management in Peace do not care for enquiring into the reason thereof so as ballancing thereby every of her several operations they may know what they were that were truly worth praise and imitation and what blame-worthy and to be avoided But certainly these men seem not to know to how many and how great and various accidents all humane works are subject and what the true rule and measure is whereby the perfection of States is comprehended For that is not simply the greatness of an Empire to which she at the beginning riseth by Fortune and which is increased by Injustice but that may well be said to be the true Form of Government by which people living in peace and union may work righteously and obtain Civil felicity He therefore who will judge aright of the actions of that Commonwealth without suffering his eyes to be dazeled wiâ—h the splendor of the Roman greatness let him consider them nakedly as void of that reputation which Antiquity and the power of Empire purchased them and he will find some things peradventure amongst the many for which she worthily deserved to be cryed up by all men which are more to be observed for the amendment of present Governments by their example then for imitation out of hopes of attaining any true praise or apparent good But as there is nothing of greater importance in a City then the Form of Government by which as by the soul thereof every good act is produced so of all other observations which may be had of the City of Rome there is not any more worthy or of more use then to examine what was the truest Form of her Government that we may afterwards see whether she might have been beâ—ter ordered in Civil affairs then she was without disordering her Militia and whether she could keep together the People armed and obedient to the Laws To know then what the condition of her Government was and thence to comprehend whether that supreme excellencie were in it as hath been thought by some men following the Rule which Philosophy teacheth us which says that every Form of Republick is not convenient for every City but that they must be varied according to the divers natures of the people and according to other accidents we must examine what that State was in it self and then what proportion it held with that City But because it would be too difficult a business to assign any certain condition unto her which may equally correspond to all times she not having so punctually observed one and the same Form continually but varied it somewhat accordingly as it inclined more or less to a Popular State we must have our eys most fixt upon that Age wheâ—ein the glory of that Commonwealth did most flourish not so bearing notwithstanding to touch upon such things in other times as may conduce to our purpose He who would diligently consider all the parts of the Republick will find not only so much diversity but even contrariety in them as he will not be able easily to resolve which was her properest Form of Government For if respect be had to the great Authority of Consuls especially in Armies we may not without reason believe that that City under the name of a Commonwealth was governed with Laws befitting a Kingdom since that Form of Magistracie did use such Authoâ—ity in managing of Arms in concluding Peace and in agreeing differences between potent Kings as one onely Prince could hardly have treated of those thing with more absolute power differing from Monarchy only in this that they kept this Authority but for a
prejudicial to permit private men to grow to such immoderate riches as equalling therein the most Potent Kings there was a Citizen of Rome who arrived to such greatness as he said He ought not to be esteemed rich who could not out of his own Revenue maintain an Army Whence it arose that the Nobility being much envied and suspected by the people the way was opened to the Gracchi to excite those hemous disorders which ended not but with the utter ruin of the Commonwealth Provision was long before hand by the Law against such disorders Licineus the Tribune having instituted so to curb the Avarice and Ambition of the Nobility that no Citizen should possess above Five hundred Acres of Land But these Orders in Civil Affairs were so weak and imperfect as one Law might easily be broken by introducing a contrary custom The Nobles therefore little esteeming the Licinean Law did very much increase their wealth and fraudulently usurping the publick Territories which were wont to be kept for the benefit of the people brought in Forainers to manure them so as the people being become very poor and seeing the Nobility injoy all the fruits of the common labor of the Militia did very unwillingly suffer such an injury and did very willingly listen and adhere unto any one who would feed them with hopes of bringing things to a just equality wherefore such as were seditious took occasion to try Novelties so as at last in the times of the Gracchi recourse must be had unto Arms and civil Differences must be thereby decided which as shall by and by be more clearly shewn might have been long before foreseen for such Customs did much disorder the Commonwealth not onely in that they partook not of civil modesty but by their being clean contrary to the Laws of that City which lent most towards a Popular State all Authority being given by them to the People in their suffrages and also in the most important State-resolutions So as it seemed respect was only had to the liberty of dividing the Government amongst Citizens All places of Magistracie were equally common to all and small means kept not any one far from the Commonwealth they might marry togethâ—r Foreiners were easily made Free Denizens the Tribunes had power to nominate all Magistrates the manner of living was not free but very licentious And the supreme Authority of the Tribunes doth of all other things most cleerly shew what that Government was who being greatly respected and reverenced by all men and called by the superstitious title of Sacrâ—sancti they were so insolent in their office as a Tyrant could hardly have used more severity in his commands See how boldly a Tribune of the People made Marius Violaâ—â—â— a Nobleman be seised on commanding that he should be suddenly thrown head-long down the Tarpeian Rock for no other reason but that in a Speech which he had made he used some harsh words against the People But the Tribune Sulpitius using more violence came one morning into the Piatza with many armed men and driving away the Consuls who would have opposed such an action made Marâ—â—â— be decreed for the undertaking against Mithridates not caring though therein he went against the Laws which not being in any thing observed all good Institutions were made in vain whilst the Laws were violated and destroyed by the Tribunes too great power He then who shall consider these things will not say that they tended not to the making of a Commonwealth totally Popular yet many things were contrary to these as hath been considered in perpetuating the Government of the Armies and in the excessive Riches of some Citizens Some Popular Commonwealths as that of Athens used by a quite contrary advice to banâ—sh such Citizens ten years from the City who did for some excellent quality far exceed the rest In some others because they did in some sort partake of popularity the equallity of means or levelling was introduced so to content and please the people as in Sparta and certainly to grant but a limited power and but for a short time to Magistrates are excellent precepts of such Legislators as will constitute a free City For so all the Citizens may have their share of Government but none freely dispose thereof to his own proper use and then indeavour to bring things to an equality or at least provide so as they may not increase so immoderately as any one Citizen may be envied or suspected by the rest for his too great Power It is then no wonder if Rome were much divided since these things were not observed in her for by such a diversity of Orders she became a Body with two Heads and of two several shapes which occasioned continual domestick disorders in her For the Nobility glorying in the dignity of Consulship wherein they used great Authority and which they for the most part kept amongst themselves and being also proud of their wealth would usurp all the Government to themselves And on the other side the people bearing so great a sway in all things and relying much upon the Magistracy of the Tribunes were so insolent as they would acknowledge no obedience nor bear any respect to the Laws or to the Magistrates thereof but would resolve all things according to their own fancy and as made most for their advantage which made that City which was so potent in Military and Foraign Affairs very weak in such as were Civil and Domestick for such a division of power in men of contrary minds keeps the forces of the City with much prejudice divided whilst the one of them contesting with the other they hinder the resolutions and executions of important Affairs as it often fell out in Rome for necessity urging to list Forces to march against the Enemy the Tribunes were presently ready to incense the people so as there was none that would give a name to the Militia which Insolencies were increased by the peoples being able to do it safely For the Tribunes minding nothing else but how to make their Faction powerful accepted of the Appeals of every popular man though in unjust causes to the end that the people might be the more respected by the Nobility and more ready and bold to raise seditions whereby they did always increase their power and had by these means obtained many things from the Senate The Nobles likewise no less sollicitous to increase their authority that they might keep back the Peoples insolencie sought always to keep them low and did with like endeavours maintain those of their own Order in all Judgments So as in punishing or in absolving of faults it was oftentimes a thing of greater consideration whether the party concerned were a Nobleman or a Plebeian then whether he were guilty or innocent And hence great prejudice arose unto the Commonwealth for all Justice was soon corrupted without which no good Order can be kept and each Party valuing the publick welfare but a little out of
the Magistracie of Consuls which occasioned many disorders which might easily have been corrected by a just fear as is cleerly seen by many examples but chiefly by this that the People being in insurrection and contumacious against the power of Consulship the creating of a Dictator a Magistracie of supreme authority and reverence proved a sure remedy to asswage the Tumult And what more manifest sign could there be given that the people might have been tamed and made obedient by fear and by respect unto the Magistrates then that which was given upon the occasion of Appius his Decemvirate For being so ill dealt with by him and by his Colleagues as they wanted not reason to apprehend Tyranny yet the authority of this Magistracie from which there was no Appeal to be made and the severity wherewith it was administred did so bridle the people as they patiently endured all injuries nor durst they go about to shake off that slavery till the Senate interposed it self and that Horatius and Valerius declared themselves Heads of the Insurrection against the Decemviri There ought therefore either greater respect to have been given to the Consulary Authority or else if the more severe and free power of an ordinary Magistrate seemed not to be convenient for the state of that Commonwealth the respect and reverence due to the person of the Magistrate ought to have been transferred to the authority of certain Laws of which the Magistrate should have been chief Guardian inflicting severe punishment upon the not observers thereof For by this means the People would have had no occasion to be offâ—nded with the Nobles when their insolencie should be punished by vertue of the Laws this arising amongst many other beâ—efits from the Laws that he who is punished for his faults cannot complain of any one being condemned by order of Law not by the Judge his will But what hath been noted of Publicola in this first beginning may also be known at all other times and in many other of the chief Roman Citizens who through ambition siding with the People were the cause of their pride and insolencie So the Consuls Valerius and Horatius not being able to obtain Triumph from the Senate sought to have it from the People and the whole Senate not to multiply examples by creating a Dictator to suppress the authority of the Consuls Titus Quintus Cincinnatus and Geneus Iulius Mento who opposed them therein had recourse unto the Tribunes who by threatening imprisonment forc'd them to give way to the resolution And those Noblemen did usually take another course then what is to be held with the People with whom grave and severe proceeding doth avail more then humble and mild demeanor But they were so blinded by Ambition as not knowing or not caring for such errors they strove who should most ingratiate themselvs with the the People by Presents Shews and submiss comportment And this instruction might be learn'd by the example of the People of Rome themselves For it was ofttimes seen that greater respect was given to those few who had known how to use severity to the People then to those who carried themselves submissly unto them And certainly amongst other things the Judgment which followed upon the cause between Menimiuâ— and Spurius Servilius was very remarkable who being both of them accused of the same fault by the Tribunes to wit that being Consuls they had opposed the Agrarian Law Menimius who by intreaties and submiss carriage endeavoured absolution was condemned but Spurius Servilius stoutly withstanding the Tribunes fury and speaking severely to the People was acquitted And Furius and Manilius who had both of them been Consuls being not long after accused the Nobles being willing totally to free them from such danger kill'd the Tribune in his own house who had impeached them which did so affright his Colleagues and the People as none of the Tribunes would afterwards reassume the same cause And all the Insurrections which were then in the City being suddenly appeased all of them did willingly subscribe the Militia Appius Claudius was always very severe against the People and amongst other of his actions the punishment which he took upon the Armies insolencie was very observable for he made them be decimated very tenth man be put to death which was submitted unto without any the least tumult by reason of the antient opinion of the Captains severity and for the fear infused into the Soldiers by the sentence of death against some Centurions who were accused for having been Authors of that Insurrection Which was sufficient so far to curb them all as though they were all of them then in Arms every of them stood peacefully spectators of the death of so many Kinsmen and Friends and of their own doubtful chance and which peradventure is a greater wonder and doth the better confirm this truth Appius being accused for this sentence by the Tribunes after he had laid down the Consulship using the same severity in defending himself he was not held less guilty for having been formerly Consul So as the People neither willing to absolve him nor daring to condemn him the cause was put off and he suffered to depart And in the latter times when the Peoples power was greatest Tiberius Gracchus endeavouring to propound the observance of the Licinian Law the Nobles changing their habits and shewing great humility labored to win favor from the People but since they saw they could do no good by this means they resolved for their last refuge to use force and kill'd the Author of those seditions Which action of theirs did so astonish the People as they suffered the Tribunes death whom they had so dearly loved and who had lost his life in defence of their cause to go unrevenged And soon after Caius Gracchus reassuming the cause which his Brother had in vain endeavoured the Nobles using the same cunning sought first by fair means to deprive him of Popular favor making use of another Tribune to this purpose by causing other popular Laws to be propounded by consent of the Senate But humility avail'd no more at this time then it had done formerly so as it behoving them to betake themselves again to Arms they slew Caius Gracchus in the Aventine and after the death of two Brothers annull'd all the Laws made by them nor did the People ever seem to resent it Which if it might have been done by an usual way of a Magistrate as hath been touched upon doubtless these ruder remedies as better suiting with the infirmities of that Commonwealth might have freed her from many mischiefs This is likewise confirmed by many other experiences For as long as the Senate kept up the authority thereof threatening to create a Dictator it kept the Terentilla Law from being made of creating a Magistracie of five men who were to correct the Consuls power But when it chose to appease the People by giving way to their importunities it did only invite them
natural affairs every thing is not made of every thing but from this or that other assigned matter such or such a thing is particularly generated answerable to the quality of the said matter and to the vertue of the generating cause so in our civil actions every State cannot be fashioned out of every State but these things are likewise determined by a certain order so as from Aristocracie we pass into the power of a few from thence to a Popular condition and at last to Tyranny Yet are these Transitions very hard to be observed in the City of Rome for that her Government was always mixt with divers species of Regiment yet it may be seen how divers Parties prevailed in divers Times so as they came to constitute a different Form of Government At the beginning Vertue was highly esteemed the greatest Honors and chiefest Places were conferr'd upon some few that were the most famous and most vertuous Citizens though the People had always a share therein But Ambition and the desire of Rule and Riches did afterwards mightily increase in the Nobility who deceiving the Multitude by several artifices they reduced so much of the publick Authority into themselves to maintain their private greatness as the Laws having lost their efficacie and the choice of the Magistrates and the resolution in all weighty and important affairs depending upon the will of some few powerful Citizens the City wholly lost the resemblance that she had of an Aristocratical State and took the form of being governed by a few And those very Citizens that they might preserve the power amongst themselves were forced to favor the multitude by promising and permitting unto them things that were both unworthy and unlawful So these men that they might domineer over more noble personages were forced to obey the hase will of the Soldiers and of abject and insolent Popular men which reduced the Commonwealth at last to a base and corrupt Popular State though in former times the peoples Authority was always great but better moderated notwithstanding by the Laws and certain considerations from whence it was more easie afterwards to pass to Tyranny the Plotters using those very means which it hath been observed Caesar made use of to usurp unto himself the sole Government of the Commonwealth Such changes have usually been seen in other Cities and at other times where the condition of Government hath given the same occasion So Athens was alwaies subject to frequent alterations of Government and particularly to Tyranny Insomuch as the wise Legislator Salon who had the charge of reforming it before his death saw it faln from the state whereinto he had reduced it and tyranny brought in by Pisiâ—â—atus for the corruption which was amongst the Inhabitants afforded matter and means to any one who had a mind to possess himself of the Liberty thereof And it is likewise seen of Modern Commonwealths that those wherein the people have had much authority or rather licentiousness they have not been able to keep in a constant Government free from Civil Seditions and have been but short-lived As happened is the City of Florence wherein for the consideration above said it was easier for them who had a mind to suppress the liberty thereof and hard for him who desired to preserve it So as though the House of Medici hath by various accidents been sundry times driven from thence and though Alexander the first Duke thereof lost his life the City though otherwise noble and magnificent being much infected with parties and corrupted by popularity all endeavors of preserving it in the form of a Commonwealth and in true liberty proved vain And on the contrary the Commonwealth of Venicâ— by reason of hen excellent Form of Government which though it be mixt hath little in it of Popular Government and much of the Optimati not having given way to such corruptions as use to trouble the quiet of civil life nor afforded means to any who should goe about to plot against the publick Liberty hath been able for a very long space of time to maintain her self in one and the same condition and free from those dangers into which other Commonwealths have faln for not having a Government of equal temper with that of hers The Ninth DISCOURSE Which is the safer way to be taken to arrive at Honor and Glory in a Commonwealth that which waâ— beld by Cato or that which was pursued by Caesar. JUlius Caesar and Marcus Cato who was afterwards called Uticencis both of them very famous and greatly cried up persons both for their excellent indowments of mind and for the great Authority which they held both with the Senate and with the people did both of them flourish at the same time in the Commonwealth of Rome But they did so differ in Manners and Customs as it may afford occasion of wonder if we will consider how stearing several courses they happened both of them to arrive almost at one and the same end And of doubt in him who shall propound unto himself the example of these two great Personages to purchase Fame and Power in a Commonwealth whether of the two he ought most to imitate Caesar won much love by his great humanity liberality and magnificence but Cato was reverenced for the austerity of his Comportment by the integrity of his life and for the zeal he shewed in the managing of all publick affairs Those who were opprest either by poverty or by enemies had recourse to Caesar for protection and those who hated wicked men and the inventers of novelties trusted that Cato would chastise and suppress them Caesar never spared for any labour by which he might hope to purchase renown and glory and Cato by despising glory became glorious Caesar desired to shew generosity and greatness of spirit in all his actions and Cato delighted in nothing more then in modesty and innocency of life Caesar was much given to all acts of Grace and Cato constant in all acts of Justice Caesar seemed to take delight in Sports Feasts and Banquets and Cato profest openly to scorn all favor save what the merit of his own worth brought with it So as the greatness wherein the Commonwealth then was was said to be most resplendent in Caesar so the preservation of the antient Form of the Commonwealth and of the customs of her first age was held to be preserved in one onely Cato These two so excellent Personages took these two differing ways yet each of them acquired great Renown Fame and Authority Great was Caesars glory by the many things he did in War but Cato was no less celebrated for Civil Affairs Caesar by his great Authority could make France be first assigned unto him and then confirmed upon him where he kept in chief command with his Army for the space of Ten years He also made use of the peoples favour not to aggrandise himself but to make the greatest honors be conferred on his Friends and upon such
keep a great number of Soldiers in those Garisons to keep the people in obedience which were in pares farthest distant from the Senate of the Empire But the very same thing which was introduced to provide against those dangers was cause of others by reason of the Authority which the Armies had already usurped and out of hopes afforded to the Commanders of attaining this supreme dignity by being by the Soldiers cried up Emperors Wherefore one onely man though of never so much worth not being able to supply all places and provide for so many things as so great an Empire stood in need of and less able to correct the disorders which in so many States as civil humors in members farthest distant from the heart did daily more and more encrease the Empire must needs be continually â—ext both by foreign Nations and by its own Soldiers so as it was hardly ever free from such troubles nor was War sooner ended in one place but it broke forth in another nay for the most part divers Roman Armies fought in several places at one and the same time each of them endeavoring to sustain him whom they had chosen to be their Emperor Therefore Adrian to remedy so many disorders in the Empire which he thought did onely arise by reason of the Emperors being so far off and the largeness of the Confines resolved not to keep his certain abode in Rome but spending his whole time in travelling to visit all the parts of his Dominions to keep his Subjects in their duties and knowing how hard a thing this would be to do and almost impossible in so large Confines he resolved to shorten them in the Eastern parts making the River Euphrates the utmost boundeur of the Emire and restâ—ring all the people of the higher Provinces to their Liberty even to India who being by his successors reduced under the obedience of the Empire and many rebellions ensuing thereupon and much difficulty not onely in the further distâ—nâ— parts bâ—t even in those that were nearest at hand Constantine the Great knowing that these evils could not otherwise be helpâ— but by carrying the seat of the Empire nearer those parts chose the City of Byzantium to be the place which being rebuilt by him took from him the name of Constantinople And hence it is that the Indian Gymnosophist being desirous to shew Alexander the Great that whilâ—t being born away with a desire of Rule in far distant Regions he was gone so far from his own Kingdom as he gave it occasion of rebelling against him made a hard and stiff Oxe-hide be laid upon the ground and walking upon the utmost skirts thereof shewed him that when the part that was trod upon gave way to the foot another part rose up And that so it befell many great Princes who whilst they seek to keep one part of their States low and quiet the rest which they keep far from rise up in rebellion Hence it was that many Emperors not only such as were unfit for Government but even the wisest and most valiant knowing and confessing themselves to be opprest by the weight of so great a mass câ—ose others who in their liâ—e-times were to be their Coadjutors in Government and who should succeed them after their deaths in the Empire which was seldom quietly possest by one alone the Armies of far distant Provinces reâ—â—sing oft-times to obey those who were chosen to succeed in the Empire by other Armies though they were with all solemnity allowed and accepted of by the Senâ—te as befell Galba who being created Emperor by the Spanish Army was not accepted of nor obeyed by the German Army The like befell many others so as sometimes it was not well known who was the true Emperor And certainly tallâ—inâ—es of the greatâ—st height of this Empire it may be known that no one man though of never so great worth was able to govern it in peace and quiet And even Augustus himselâ— made trial of many Insurrections in Spain Germany and in the Eastern pâ—â—ts amongst the â—cythians and Parthians though at lâ—st through his sinâ—ular worth and great good fortune the whole World being reduced to an universal Peace he was able to shut up that famous Temple of Ianus which was kept always open afterward his Successors having always occasion to modest themselvs with war So as the saâ—ing is made true that Suis ipsa Roma viribus ruit But his her ruine was certainly accelerated by the lewd conditions of those into whose hanâ—s tâ—e Empire often fell For through their fault the internal causes of the States corruption were either occasioned or much increased since by their ignorance baseness avarâ—câ— cruelty lust and other enormous vices they drew on contempt and injury the first and chief roots of all change of Government For by contempt the Subjects take occasion to rebel and chiefly the richest and noblest and from injury comes hatred and desire of change of Government And it was the greaâ—er misfortune for this Empire in all other respects more fortunate then all other Empires that in those very times wherein there was greatest need of a continued succession of wise and generous Princes to confirm the State which by vertue of the great Augustus was reduced from War and past disorders into Peace and good Government should after him fall into the hands of three very lewd and base Emperors Tiberius Caligula and Nero from whose enormous vices those chief evils arose to the Provinces of that Empire which we but now mentioned the contempt of that supreme dignity both amongst For in and her own Soldiers The former by rebelling strove to free themselves from their obedience the other through insolence bereâ—t them of Empire and life Haâ—red and desire of change arose likewise in the Senate which was deprived of its authority and particularly in those who were offended or had any thing of generosity in them Hence â—t was that soon after to wit in â—ero's time Caesars linage ended and thaâ— the Soldiers accustomed to much licentiousness under such Princes usurp'd the authoriâ—y of making Emperors as they did in Galba after Nero's death in Otho after Galba and so in many others His worth who commanded in chief and his good fortune who was to succeed in the Empire was sometimes able to make a Successor but not to take this authority totally from the Soldiery through confidence of whose favor many aspired though by bad means to usurp the Empire and amidst these contentions the Empire must needs be divided shatter'd and weakened From this root another disorder arose which was cause of many heinous mischiefs to wit the general corruption of Customs in all the Orders of the City of Rome For Subjects following as usually they do their Princes inclinations and exercises men began to give themselves over to an idle life and Vertue being neither nourished nor at first maintained still languished more and more so as the Art of Commanding failing
affairs when the Commonwealth was much increased The Roman Armies recâ—ived so notable defeats in the War which Pyrrhus made against them as the whole affairs of the Commonwealth seemed to be in no little danger having so potent and victorious an Enemy within their bosoms yet at last not being dismayed for any adverse fortune but treating freely with their Enemy rather as vanquishers then vanquished they reduced their affairs to such a condition as Pyrrhus thought it his best course to quit Italy and leave the Romans quiet It is herein to be considered that the Romans being so long accustomed to continual Wars with their neighbors the Italians and particularly with the Samnites a little before this time against whom the Romans marched with numerous Armies and had good success winning many famous victories insomuch as Val. Corvinus kill'd above thirty thousand Samnites in one day made much for their withstanding so great an Enemy as Pyrrhus and for their maintaining themselves against Forein Forces against the use of Elephants and other new ways of warfaring which Italy had not known before whence it was that the City of Rome did at this time abound in valiant men and who were expert in the Militia So as Cynneas who was sent by Pyrrhus to Rome told him that he had seen a City so very full of Inhabitants as he feared if his Highness should continue his war with the Romans he should go about to overcome an Hydra And Pyrrhus himself hath more then once admired the worth of the Roman Commanders Who doth not even with wonder consider how many Commanders and how many Armies the Commonwealth of Rome could set out in the War with the Carthaginians and especially in that with Hannibal which did more endanger the affairs of Rome then all the rest since it mainâ—ained War in so many several parts at one and the same time in Italy Spain Africa and Greece Which they were able to do by reason of the infinite number of men wherewith Italy was then inhabited who were all well disciplined by reason of their long exercise in War We read that when the Romans made War with Hannibal they had sometimes what of their own proper Soldiers and what of their Associates who did all neighbor neer upon them twenty three Legions which made about an hundred thousand Soldiers for defence of their Empire Moreover whilst the Common-wealth kept her Forces divided in several parts as she did with wonderful judgment in the Carthaginian war which was the sorest of all the rest though she tasted of adverse fortune sometimes in some parts yet were not all her Forces utterly destroyed for that part of their Forces which was yet safe and entire was able to make good the fortune of the whole Commonwealth Thus after those notable Routs which the Roman Armies had the one by the Tygurian Gauls when the Forces were commanded by Lucius Cassius the other by the Cymbrians when they were led on by Caius Servilius Cepio in which two Battels the Romans lost above Eighty thousand Soldiers they were able notwithstanding to recruit themselves and defend their affairs because they had another victorious Army at the same time commanded by Marius who had just at that time gloriously ended the War against Iugurth Thus when the Commonwealth of Rome seemed to be utterly ruined by reason of the two discomfitures given them the one at Thraâ—ymenes the other at Cannae she was restored again by her prosperoussuccess in War with Spain Thus when two of her Armies were worsted in Spain the Common-wealth was preserve in safety by fortunate success of their Wars in Sicily and in Italy When the Romans were in greater danger then ever there being at the same time two great Carthaginian Armies in Italy and two most valiant Generals Hannibal and Asdrubal yet would not the Romans keep all their Warriors in Italy but did at the same time maintain and reinforce their Armies in Sardiâ—ia Sicily France and Spain And though by reason of so many Wars which begot one another the Commonwealth must needs oftentimes run great hazards especially since she oft-times exposed her Armies to the doubtful event of Battel yet did they thereby receive this of good and safety that by reason of their continual exercise of Arms they were the more easily provided of valiant and experienced men and were the better able to govern themselves in adverse fortune The Carthaginians on the contrary not being able to make use of many good Commanders or Soldiers for they did not make use of their own peculiar Militia as did the Romans but did imploy some few of the chief of their City-Factions in commanding their Armies could not so easily recruit and reinforce their Armies when they were weakened by any adverse fortune nor had they whereout to pick better or more fortunate Commanders when any of theirs were faulty Insomuch as when the Carthaginians were overcome by Scipio in Africa they were forc'd to recal Hannibal from Italy suffering the Romans to take breath in those parts where they were most molested and Hannibal himself not having means to recruit his Army which he had brought with him from Africa and which was wasted and weakened by long march and adverse fortune was necessitated to give way to the valor and fortune of the Romans It made not a little likewise for the Government of the Roman Commonwealth and for the maintaining of her in her weak beginnings that the Militia was exercised for many years without any pay to the Soldiers So as whâ—lst their means was yet but small and yet they must still be in Arms by reason of their being still infested by many of the neighboring Nations the want of monies was no cause of not maintaining their Armies as it hath been the ruine of many Statâ—s but if they happened to receive a Rout the Army might be recruited by other chosen and commanded men But afterwards when the City was much better peopled and much stronger so as she was able to make greater undertakings the publick Exchequer was so enriched answerable to what became a well-ordered Government and which aspired to the heighth of Empire as she was not for this cause so incommodated as that she must yield under the weight of War nor yet for any her greatest mifortune Whereas in some other Commonwealths as in that of Sparta the poorness of the Exchequer introduced by Lycurgus his Laws hindred her from enlarging her Empire and when she aspired thereunto she was forc'd for want of things requisite to flie for help to the Kings of Persia so as in lieu of domineering over the rest of the Grecians she became a servant to Barbarians because she exceeded those Terms and Rules wherewith her Government was founded and established After these considerations some things may be added which proved likewise very advantagious for the securing of the Romans greatness As the continuation of the Militia out of a duty imposed upon every Citizen
passing by a violent and illegal way to the driving them out of the City or State their friends or kindred may be kept low and humble whereby their power is lessened if they commit any excess in case of Justice as such men out of arrogancie often do be severe unto them take their priviledges from them declare them to be for a certain time uncapable of any Publick imployment and do some other such like things which being done upon some just occasion although the parties concerned be therewithall displeased yet not being disliked by the generality their hatching of mischievous plots against the present Government and Weal publick will have less fewel to feed upon But what shall be said of him whose worth and vertue doth exceed that of all others by what pretence can a just Prince or a well-governed Commonwealth humble such a man or keep him low or aloof from partaking of their Councels To this it may be answered that if this supposed personage be endowed with true vertue he will not be subject to any suspition nor will it be imagined that he will do any foul or wicked thing which may be prejudicial to his Prince or Countrie but that all his endeavors shall aim at the common good and it is just and convenient that such a man should alwaies bear sway in every well-ordered Commonwealth But if the vertues which render him so great and eminent tend to policie that is when a man does that which is good and honest having his mind bent upon some other object then meer worth and honesty as most men use to do out of hopes of glory or of bettering themselves which things notwithstanding are so far vertueâ— as they are helpful to the State and have a certain resemblance oâ— true worth it will not be amiss that such a one who may be suspected to misimpâ—y his good endowments be proceeded against in manner aforesaid We may then conclude that the custom of the Athenians concerning Ostracism ought neither to be praised nor practised in relation to the act it self but may admit of commendation and imitation as far as the intention thereof reacheth viz. to provide that the ambition or malice of a few rob not many of their quiet nor do perturb or confound the whole State The end of the First BOOK THE SECOND BOOK The First DISCOURSE Why the Commonwealth of â—enice hath not so far inlarged her Precincts as did the Roman Commonwealth MEN may be allowed to wonder not a little if they take it into their consideration why the Commonwealth of Venice having so excellent Laws and Institutions and having so long preserved her self in power and authority hath not notwithstanding much inlarged the preciâ—cts of her Empire as did the Common-wealth of Rome in a lesser space of time and in a form of Government which was not void of many imperfections The thought thereof hath made me oftentimes desire to search into the true causes of it I find this hath been taken into consideration by some other modern Writers but to bâ—ot that his discourses are already buried in oblivion it may be the things by him alleadged have not been such as may give full satisfaction to one who shall look narrowly into the â—arrtiage of our civil actions He was of opinion that the greatness of the Roman Empires was â—oly to be attributed to the vertue of her Ordinations and Form of Government from which since the Venetian Commonwealth doth differâ—â— he thinks that the cause why she hath not been able to make so great acquisitions And he is so resolute in this opinion as without distinguishing between things things between 〈◊〉 and times he doth so equally extol all the orders and actions of the â—eman Common-wealth as he doth propound some things for example to all 〈◊〉 Princes and Commonwealths as are rather to be blamed then to be imiâ—ated and which were the reasons of the ruine of that Commonwealth as the diâ—â—enâ—ions which was between the Nobility and the Common People and other such things which are rather disorders then orders and more apt to confound then to establish States Insomuch as his opinion is That if there were a City at this day in Italy which had the same â—rom of Government as Rome had of old that City might as the other did make herself Mistress of the World As if the condition of times and the so many variouâ— accidents upon which humane actions and especially the augmenting and change of States do depend were to be held for nothing and that it be in the power of a wise Legislator to give the Empire of the World to that City which he knows how to govern by good Laws But experience teacheth us much otherwise since we have known many antient Commonwealths founded by very wise men and confirm'd with excellent Orders equally for what concerns Peace as War yet not any one amongst so many hath been able I will not say to acquire so much Dominion as did the Commonwealth of Rome but nor hardly able any ways to extend their Precâ—ncts amongst their Neighbors The intâ—insecal Orders of the State are not simply of themselves sufficient to make so great Atchievements though they may peradventure concur very much thereunto Nor ought the State of Venice her not being Mistress of larger Territories be attributed to any defect in this behalf but many other things are to be taken into consideration whereby the truest causes of such effects which amidst the uncertainty of such like affairs can be found out may be discovered by looking into To know then whence such a diversity proceeds we must take the business a little higher and examine First what was the original beginning of these two Cities Rome and Venice what their Founders were and then what their situation what the inclinations studies and vertues of their Citizens and lastly the condition of times and qualities of their neighboring Princes must be examined All which things appertain to this Consideration as well as the Orders of the Commonwealth and their Form of Government He then who shall look upon the first Founders of these two Cities willfind them even in these theâ—r first beginnings not a little differing which occasioned differing intentions and differing ends and therefore peradventure a differing state and differing condition The first Erectors of Venice where men who were peacefully given as those who having been wearied by the so many calamities of Italy occasioned by the inundation of the Barbarians had withdrawn themselves that they might shun the danger of War into that piece of marish ground in the Adriatick Sea which was then greater then now it is and the chiefest of many small Islands which by a common name were called Venetiae So as they lived for a while without any Orders either Military or Civil those first Inhabitants contenting themselves to live in peace and quiet without dreaming of any greater matter For it neither stood with the end
onely to the benefit of the Pisans to the preservation of their liberty as much as might be and to the right of what belonged to their Territories which they were possest of when they put themselves into the Commonwealths protection wherein the Venetians were alwaies very constant though the imminent War with the Turks might have made them forget the dangers and interests of other mens for their own concernments And at last as they would yeeld to nothing which might be prejudicial to the Pisans so to witness to the World that in reality they had no thought in maintaining this controversie to any peculiar design of their own in making themselves Masters of that City they put the determination of these differences into the arbitrement of Hercules Duke of Ferrara which though it had not any effect afterwards the Pisans not consenting thereunto yet it might be discerned that the Pisans averseness thereunto or the constancy wherein they persevered was not fomented by the Venetians but rose either out of the meer election or necessity of the Pisans themselves But let us come to another consideration more proper for this business that is to the reasons of State wherein thâ— many of the same things do concur yet they are clothed with other respects wherewith Princes building either onely or chiefly upon what may most redound to their own advantage do not advise with counsel of equity or do not attribute thereunto what is requisite It is most certain being already reduced to the greatest extremity if they should have been abandoned by the Venetians they must have put themselves either into the power of the Duke of Millan or of the Florentines but reason of State would not permit that in this conjuncture both of times and affairs this City should be joyned to the Dominion of either of these As for Sforza his vast and disordinate drifts were already known and how he would be the sole Arbitrator of Italy so as if he should become more haughty and pâ—ft up by this important acquisition no part of Italy could remain quiet or secure either from his force or craft And as for the Florentines you have heard how resolute they were not to part from the friendship of the King of France by how much greater the danger of whose Army was in recent memory so much the more were his friends and associats to be kept weak and under to the end that they might not increase to the prejudice and apprehension of the rest It was seen in what danger Italy was put by forein Forces how soon the Kings of Aragon were driven out of their Dominion how little resolute the other Princes of Italy were to withstand forein Forces which having once found an open and easie way into Italy it was to be imagined that they would be cause of greater dangers and molestations to her So as the Commonwealth being to be put into a condition of being able to resist the Forces of greater Princes and of not being exposed to their wills she was necessitated to think upon increasing her power and reputation that she might depend upon her own Basis and be well esteemed of by others She knew particularly that 〈…〉 was a State which might accommodate or dis-accommodate the French designs accordingly as it was well or ill affected towards them And the keeping of the City of Pisa dependant upon the Venetians might several waies be helpful â—nto them in their intentions in seeping the French from â—according the â—ingdom of Naples and in securing themselves afterwards from the Florentines as also in winning such strength and reputation to the Commonwealth with friends and 〈◊〉 as she might provide for her own preservation and for the like of 〈◊〉 other Italians who had the like intentions with her to maintain peace in Italy and to keep her safe from foreign Forces It was not their onely useful but necessary for the Venetian in this conjuncture of affairs to have footing in Italy and to have the City of Pisa if not subject to their dominion at least dependent upon the authority of the Commonwealth Now take it for granted that that suspition might be true which they have so much divulged who have endeavored to cast a blur upon the honor and dignity of the Commonwealth to wit that the Venetians intended to make thâ—mselves absolute masters of that City only out of a design of increasing their dominion Certainly the actions of a Philosopher and those of a Prince ought not to be measured by one and the same Rule nor must we fancy the condition of men and of affairs to be what peradventure they ought to be but what they are for the most part Magnanimity is the proper vertue of Princes which makes them always busie themselves about great matters and whereby they make themselves be dreaded and reverenced by others Therefore the desire of Glory and Empire is highly praised in such Princes as have been greatest and most celebrated as Alexander Cyrus Caesar Charls and all the rest of the most famous men in whom a spirit of Grandure and Generosity which did still egg them on to new and glorious enterprises is not only commended but even admired If the Romans whose actions are praised and celebrated by the general consent of all men had been content to contain themselves within the precincts of Latium their worth would have been hidden and obscured nor would their names have been so highly cry'd up to the memory of posterity And had not the Venetians had larger thoughts then to keep within their private merchandising affairs as it became them to do in their weak begining dispising or neglecting such occasions as they sundry times met with of enlarging the bounds of their Dominions the Commonwealth would not only not have gotten such esteem and reputation as it hath got but could not have kept herself so long in liberty amidst so many revolutions of affairs and such movings of Forein Armies It remains now only to see whether the opportunity of the Times and condition of Affairs did counsel them to purchase new glory and greater Empire to their Commonwealth Which though it may be known by what hath been formerly said yet it will more clearly appear by adding some other particular Considerations The Commonwealth was then in a more powerful condition then any Prince in Italy being much stronger then them all both in Land and Sea-Forces the Pisans cause was generally well wish'd unto the Florentines were but little acceptable to the rest of the Princes of Italy by reason of their friendship with the French and for this and other respects were particularly much hated by their neighbors the Genoeses Seneses and Lucheses and all the actions of the Commonwealth seemed to be favored by a certain Genius She had lately gotten the Kingdom of Cyprus she had enlarged her Confines in Friuli by the acquisition of many Towns in the Country of Goâ—itia and she prospered greatly in all that
friendship with Caesar which was offer'd them with so much advantage to themselvs but had taken up Arms to defend and preserve for that King their Friend and Confederate the State of Milan little mindful of such a service as the usual affections of other men are seldom found amongst Princes conspires her ruine and tuâ—ns those Arms against her which through their friendship were grown so powerful in Italy What should move him thereunto Not desire of revenge for there appeared no injury Not any fear of his own affairs for he had found them already very constant unto them No self-interest for he ought to have been jealous of Caesars greatness who had been his perpetual Enemy and to have wished well unto the Venetians who had been his antient Friends But what shall I say of the rest Had not Caesar the like obligations to the Venetians as the King of France had which should have kept him from such a confederacie Nay had he not peculiar respects which counsell'd him to the contrary The injuries which the French had done to the Empire the King of France his particular hatred to him the high aspiring thoughts of that King pernicious to the dignity of the Empire and to the German liberty Wherefore as he could never promise himself safe and firm friendship from the French so be ought rather to have obviated their power then have help'd to advance it But who could have expected that such an action should have proceeded from the admired wisdom of Ferdinand King of Spain so unusual and so harmful to himself by reason of the prejudice and danger which he was to receive in not preserving the State which he had won in the Kingdom of Naples in peace and quiet For which cause the greatness of the French their fidelity and natural desire of novelty ought to have been â—â—spected by him yet he assented to the increase of their power and of his own danger But how did those generous thoughts which Pope Iulius the Second seemed to bear to the greatness and liberty of Italy correspond with his joining in confederacie with the Transaâ—pine Princes who went about to oppress her by the ruine of that Commonwealth which was confest by all men to be at that time the Maintainer of the Glory of Italy and the hope that she might again rise to her antient greatness and reputation What safety could the Apostolick Sea expect by increasing the power of those Princes in Italy who were great of themselves whom he feared and upon whose authority he foresaw the Popes of Rome must depend These certainly were such things as did transcend whatsoever could have faln into the imagination of the Venetian Senators or of any other men how wise soever Nor was the immensity of the danger less nor less able to molest and confound the minds of those who were to prepare for resistance against so great a War The King of France his Forces were of themselves very powerful that Kingdom being then more flourishing then it had been for many years before and become more formidable by the possession which the French had got of the Dukedom of Milan which afforded them mighty conveniencies to assault the Coâ—fines of the Common-wealth And though Caesars Forces were not of themselves greatly considerable yet were they increased by the fame he gave out that he led his Army into Italy to make a certain and noble prey thereof and with a mind to restore the Empire to its almost lost greatness whereby he reconciled the mindes of the German Princes and people and got them to joyn their Forces with his Moreover the King of Spains Naval preparation was in particular to be feared to prevent the which those Sea-Forces of the Commonwealth were to be imployed which should all of them have been imployed in defending the State by Land from so fierce an assault The Pope added no small reputation to the League by his authority and his Spiritual arms being accompanied with Temporal forces became the more dreadful And though the other petty Princes forces were but small yet was their will to offend the Commonwealth great and the Kings of England Poland and Hungary were sought unto and sollicited by all these together to join with them and to declare enmity to the Venetians If then the Venetians had yielded to this so new and great preparation for War which like Thunder made both its noise and harm be heard and felt at once what could have been said unto them Ought not they to have been judged worthy of excuse and their Commonwealth free from the imputation that their Orders were no ways good For as an object of immensurable force does not move but corrupt the sense so the encountring with so weighty a conspiracie was a thing not likely to incite the Commonwealth to shew her vertue but rather to disorder and to confound her Yet it is seen how she behaved herself upon such an occasion and whether it may be inferred from these her first counsels as from a thing that was in her own power that she was not worth much or that she did any thing unworthy of herself of her fame or of the reputation which she held amongst other potent Princes of that Age. What appearance was there in her of any fear or rather what greater sign could be desired in her of generous confidence and most noble daring What did she resolve to yield up of free-will What noise what complaints were heard which shewed that she would terminate that contention with vain words which could not be ended but with Arms The Answer which was given to the French Herald who came to denounce unto them that the King was upon his march in Arms against the Commonwealth was onely that that War was intimated them from the King when they had more reason to expect Amity and Peace from him but that they would not be wanting to their own defence being confident that they should be able to defend themselves by their own Forces and through the right of their cause The effects were answerable to their words for they betook themselves forthwith to provide for so great a War The most expert Commanders were sent for from all parts veteran Soldiers mustered in all places in so great numbers and so qualified as it was agreed upon by the common consent of all that neither that Age nor any other for many years before had seen such an Army of meer Italians in Italy Great and very miraculous was the union and concord both in the Senate and City wherewith men of all conditions and ages to lend their helping hand to assist their Country at so great a need There appeared so great a zeal in every one to the common good such resolution to maintain the state and liberty of the Commonwealth even to the last gasp as those who have appeared to be no very good friends to the Venetians in other things do praise these proceedings being forced so
French-men have who were left behind for the defence of the Kingdom of Naples and the City of Novara which though it were back'd with the Kings men who to this purpose kept his Army a long time together after the Battel was reduced to so great streights by the Colleagues as the King was compelled to yeed it up upon Articles to Sforza would it not soon have been taken by the sole reputation of the victoâ—y Neither would this have been an occasion of dissention as afterwards it was amongst the Colleagues and which bereft them of the chiefest advantage which that confederacie could hope for These are the Considerations which we may conceive did move those Princes to resolve upon following the French Army and to join battel with it But that which amongst such diversity of reasons seems more answerable to reason is that the Battel was not occasioned out of an absolute resolution and resolute advice but happened party out of necessity both Armies being already drawn very near and partly upon a resolution taken by the Commanders upon the very place But the Princes of the Leagues truest intention was to necessitate the King of France when he should see so great a preparation for War to be made against him to hasten his departure the more and to enforce him to draw so many more of his men from the Kâ—ngdom of Naples that so he might make his passage the surer And that the Kingdom not having sufficient Garisons to defend it might the more easily fall into the power of the Aragoneses for whom the same Colleagues were preparing a Fleet by Sea to assault it Nor was it judged by the example of things formerly past that the States of Italy were free from the insolencies of the French unless the Prâ—nces of Italy should either put themselves into a posture of War or if they should keep their Forces far distant from the way whereby the King was to return for France since in his former passage to the enterprise of Naples though he was more necessitated to make hast and haâ— greater need of making himself Friends more by favor then by force he had notwithstanding used strange novelties in Tuscany which the Florentines did much â—esent And who could have ascertained that he would not do the lâ—ke in his return in all other parts where meeting with no obstacle he might meet with opportunity of pleasing himself or procuring any thing of advantage The Colleagues seeking to provide for these mischiefs rather to shun new inconveniencies then endeavor to repair their past losses they thought it the best course that their Army should follow that of the Kings so to keep him in perpetual jealousie and suspition and hinder him if he should make any attempt hoping likewise as they had like to have done that this was the way to make the King come to some good agreement with them which had been often endeavored and not without hopes of good success even when the Camps were very near together But the Colleagues incited either by the Armies being so near together by the desire of glory or hope of victory or perchance being inforc'd so to do as it usually falls out when the Enemies Army is reduced to straight passages they fought the French the Commanders of the Leaguâ—s Army were then to have considered that they had more reason to hope for victorie then to fear loss in that daies fight as the effect did in part prove it being the common opinion that had not their own men been put into great disorder by their own light-horse who fell too soon to pillage the Enemies Camp they would have had a full and glorious victory But though the business should have succeeded otherwise they knew the state of affairs to be such as the victory oâ— the Kings behalf could not occasion them those great mischiefs which upon such an occasion have been considered the Kings Forces not being so great when most entire much less being much weakened by the conflict as could prove very formidable Such like events may teach us not to attempt such things in which it is hard to resolve and wherein the profit which may accrue is very doubtful nor to bring our selves to such a condition as the necessity of putting on another resolve bereaves us of choice Nor will it be a less useful precept for Princes to have a great care and to be very well advised in chusing their Commanders which are to have the chief imployment in great enterprises for if their nature and customs be not conformable to the thoughts and intentions of the Prince it is in vain to give them any Instructions or Commissions for oft-times a resolution is to be put on upon the main concern wherein a mans natural inclinations may prevail over whatsoever strict command which the Commonwealth of Venice had experience of particularly in this daies fight in the Marquis of Mantua and some years after with much more danger and damage in Bartholomiâ— d' Alviano at the Battel of Giaradada in both which personages natural ardor and too vehement a desire of glory prevailed over the Senates wise and moderate counsels The Fifth DISCOURSE Whether or no the Forces of Leagues be fit for great Enterprises AMongst those things which fall into discourse when people talk of weighty State Affairs and of War enterprises one and a chief one is that of Leagues and Confederacies in which divers Potentates do joyn either out of some particular design of their own or for their better securitie or to abate the power of others And the weakness of Potentates who are wanting in the antient military worth and discipline hath been the occasion why we read of more examples of such unions in these latter times then we have heard of formerly So as now adaies as also in some later times past when any great enterprise is debated upon recourse is forthwith had to Leagues by means and vertue whereof it is usually thought that greater ends may be compassed then can be hoped for from the peculiar power and vertue of any one onely State and chiefly to curb and keep under those Forces which do threaten whole Christendom with most danger and damage Those who speak in the behalf of these Leagues and who heighten the hopes thereof use these or the like reasons First because reason natures self doth teach us that the multiplication of the force and vertue of the movers makes the motion the greater and more powerful and that power and perfection which in humane affairs is denied to one alone is easily found amongst many There is hardâ—y any one so weak or so little befriended by the gifts of nature or fortune who may not be some help to another by adding that little which he hath to the much more of the others This is the cause why in humane actions and especially in such as are of the nobler sort the perfectest are those which are most compounded The best