XI Frederick falls out with the Pope who Excommunicates him   Albertus Magnus enters into the Order of the Dominicans S. Bonaventure born Radulphus Niger Alexander of Sommerset Conrad Monk of Schur These Flourish'd at this time 1222 VII II. Theodore Lascaris being dead John Dieas his Son in Law Succeeds him XII The Emperor Frederick causes his Son to be Elected King of Germany in an Assembly held at Wurtzburgh to be Crown'd at Aix-la-Chapelle An Impostor who call'd himself the Christ and shew'd marks in his Hands Feet and Side as the Scars of the Wounds upon the Cross is condemn'd in a Council at Oxford and afterwards burnt The Assembly of Wurtzburgh The Council of Oxford Jourdain made second General of the Dominicans Alexander of Hales enters into the Order of the Franciscans The Death of Peter of Corbeil Arch-Bp of Sens. 1223 VIII III. The Birth of Theodorus Lascaris Sirnam'd Ducas XIII Philip Augustus dies July 25. and his Son Lewis VIII succeeds him in the Kingdom of France The Pope confirms the Order of Franciscans The Foundation of the Order of S. Mary of Mercia by S. Peter Nolascus at Barcelona under the protection of James I. King of Arragon and by the Advice of Raymond of Pemafort The Council of Paris against the Albigenses Gautier Cornu is made Arch-Bishop of Sens. The Death of William of Segnelay Bp. of Paris 1224 IX IV. XIV The Death of Alphonso King of Portugal his Son Sancho succeeds him His Brother Alphonso is declar'd Governour Raymond Count of Toulouse dying his Son of the same Name succeeds him submits to the Church of Rome and makes his Peace in the Council of Montpellier  The Council of Montpellier held in August for the Reconciling of the Count of Toulouse to the Church of Rome The Birth of S. Thomas Aquinas Rigord Historiographer of France William the Breton Flourish'd 1225 X. V. XV. Cardinal Romanus Legate of the Holy See demands for the Pope in the Council of Bourges the Revenue of 2 Prebends in all the Cathedrals 2 Places in the Abbeys and oâ—e Prebend in each Church of the Kingdom and the Power of nominating 4 Abbots to visit all the Monasteries of France But the Council oppos'd it The Council of Bourges Nov. 30. against the Albigenses and concerning the Contests betw the Count of Toulouse and the Count of Montfort wherein nothing was concluded The Council of Mentz held Dec. 10. John Algrain of Abbeville is made Arch-Bishop of Besancon Humbert de Romans enters into the Order of the Dominicans Prepositivus flourish'd 1226 XI VI. Germanus II. Sirnam'd Nauplius Elected Patriarch of Constantinop at Nice after the Death of Manuel Charitopulus XVI Lewis VIII K. of France dies the beginning of Nov. Lewis IX call'd St. Lewis succeeds him at Eleven Years and a half Old under the Tutelage of Queen Blanche his Mother Raymond Count of Toulouse is Excommucated in the Council of Paris and his Dominions given to Lewis King of France to whom Amaury Count of Montfort had surrender'd his Title The Council of Paris held Jan. 18. against the Albigenses The Edict of Lewis VIII K. of France against the Excommunicated Caesareus of Heisterbac writes the Life of S. Engelbert Arch-Bp of Cologne and Homilies on the Sundays and Festivals of the Year The Death of Francis of Assisy 1227 Pope Honorius dies April 18. and two days after Gregory IX is Elected VII XVII Pope Gregory IX renews the Sentence of Excommunication issu'd by his Predecessor against the Emperor Frederick because he did not go into Syria with the Croisade Frederick orders four Manifestoes against the Popes and Cardinals to be Publish'd Raymond Count of Toulouse is afresh Excommunicated with the Men of Toulouse and Trincavel Count of Beziers in the Council of Narbonne The Decree of the same Council which orders that the Feast of S. Matthias shall always be Celebrated in Leap-year on the latter of the two Bissextile days The Bull of Pope Gregory Sept. 26. which gives leave to the Dominicans to Preach and Hear Confessions But those Monks using this Privilege without the Consent of the Bishops and Curates rais'd the Secular Clergy against them The Assembly of Aix-la-Chapelle wherein the Expedition of the Emperor and the Croisade to the Holy Land is resolv'd upon The Council of Narbonne held in Lent The Death of Alexander Neckam The Death of Helinand John Algrain made Cardinal Hugh of St. Marian Flourish'd 1228 II. VIII Robert Emperor of Constantinople dies His Brother Baldwin II. Succeeds him XVIII Frederick goes into Syria The Pope in his Absence seises on a great many Towns of Apulia  The Assembly of Paris in Apr. wherein Raymond Count of Toulouse makes his Accommodation with the Pope and King Lewis and receives Absolution The Death of Stephen of Langton William Elected Bp. of Paris 1229 III. I. Theodore Comnena being become Master of Thessalonica and having assum'd the Title of Emperor of Constantinople is Excommunicated by the Pope XIX Frederick makes a Treaty with the Sultan and causes himself to be Crown'd King of Jerusalem He returns into Italy retakes the Towns which had been taken from him in his Absence The University of Paris not able to have Justice done them for the Death of some of their Scholars kill'd by Soldiers retir'd some to Rheims and some to Anger 's The Dominicans took advantage of their Absence and procur'd Degrees for themselves and leave to Teach which was the Cause of the Contests which they afterwards had with the University The Council of Toulouse against the Albigenses Benet made Bishop of Marscilles Conrad of Lichtenau finishes his Chronicon 1230 IV. II. XX. Frederick is Absolv'd by the Pope and reconcil'd to him at Anagnia The Death of Alphonso King of Leon. He leaves his Kingdom to his two Daughters But his Son Ferdinand who was already King of Castile Sies'd upon it Stadings A New Sect of Hereticks in Germany  Fabian Hugelin Conrad of Everbach John Gal Abbot of Fontenelle Albertus Prior of Mount de Vignes Hugh of Floreff Conrad of Marpurg Philip of Grevâ— Cardinal James of Vitry Adam of Chanilly made Bishop of Senlis Pantaleon Deacon of the Church of Constantinople writes against the Greeks Peter de Vignes makes a Discourse about the Deposing of Frederick against the Pope and Cardinals 1231 V. III. XXI Frederick distrusting his Son Henry banishes him to Sicily Pope Gregory renews the Prohibition of Reading Aristotle's Works but only till they were Corrected The Council of Chateua-Gonthier Maurice Bishop of Mans is Translated to the Arch-Bishoprick of Roan The Death of S. 〈◊〉 thony of Padua 1232 VI. IV. XXII  The Council of Melun Albertus Monk of Stada is made Abbot of his Monastery 1233 VII The Pope writes to Germanus Patriarch of Constaâ—tinople about the Reunion of the two Churches and sends Legates to treat with him V. XXIII The Institution of the Order of Servites at Florence The University of Paris is reestablish'd and
choose his Successor a Rule which it is very dangerous to break Nevertheless Agobard enjoyed his See peaceably till he was put out by Lewis the Godly for taking part with his Son Lotharius and having been one of the Principal Authors of his Deposition at an Assembly of Bishops held at Compeigne in 833. for Lewis the Godly punishing the Injustice and Violence which had been done to him by Lotharius and the Bishops of his party had a Process drawn up against them at a Council of Thionville held in 835. Ebbo who was Arch-bishop of Rheims was forced to confess his fault and submit himself to his Deposition Agobardus who fled into Italy with the other Bishops of his party was cited to the Council three times and not appearing was Deposed The Examination of their cause was began the next year at an Assembly held near Lyons but was left undetermined by reason of the absence of the Bishops to whom alone it belonged to depose their Brethren Lastly The Children of Lewis the Godly having made peace with him they obtained that Agobardus should be Restored and he was present at a Synod held at Paris by the Order of Lewis the Godly He likewise obtained the favour of that Emperour with whom he Died at Xaintonge in 840 on the 15th day of June This Bishop had no less share in the Affairs of the Church of his time than in those of the Empire and hath shown by his Writings and Government that he was not more Learned and Skilful in Divinity than expert in Politick Affairs The Catalogue and Extract of his Works follow His Treatise against Felix Orgelitanus is dedicated to Lewis the Godly In it he explains the Tract of Felix which he Composed by way of Question and Answer and published against what Agobardus had asserted in the City of Lyons where he was then in banishment after the Recantation he had made of his Error at the Council of Aix la Chapelle Agobard observes that Felix had suppressed several Expressions which he had used before and had added new Errors He acknowledged that that Bishop lived a very Holy Life but says that we must judge of a Man's Faith not by the Holiness of his Life but of his Manners by his Faith Non est vitâ hominis metienda fides sed ex fide probanda est vita He excuses the plainness of his Style and prays them who will take the pains to read his Writings to content themselves with the consideration of the passages of the Fathers which he hath cited and to compare Felix's Opinion with them After he hath spoken in general of the Error of Nestorius and Eutychius he says that he hath heard that Felix in his Life-time did Teach That Jesus Christ as Man was ignorant of many things as of the place where Lazarus was Buried because he asked his Sisters where they had laid him the Day of Judgment the Discourse which the Disciples that went to Emmaus had together the Love St. Peter had for him That Agobard knowing that he Taught these things found them out reproved him for them explained those places to him and sent him several passages of the Fathers contrary to those Errors that having read them he promised to amend them that things remaining thus he did not think it his Duty to publish the Errors asserted by him because it did not concern him to doe it But after his Death some of the Faithful told him That he had asserted That it was not certain that the Son of God Suffer'd or was fixed to the Cross but that ought to be affirmed of the Manhood onely which he had assumed an Error which arises from the ignorance of the Substantial Union of the Word with the Flesh although he seemed to admit but one Person onely in the Person of Jesus Christ. He shews that Nestorius spake after the same manner He consults that Assertion of Felix That in the Nativity of the True Son of God of the Substance of his Father his Nature preceded his Will so that he is necessarily the Son of God but in his Humane Nativity it was from his Will and not from Necessity That he was the Son of God Agobardus affirms that this Expression makes Jesus Christ to be believed not to be the true and natural Son of God He also blames Felix for teaching that though the Virgin Mary be the Mother of God yet she is otherwise the Mother of the Man than of God He says that this Expression is not only new and not heard of before but impious That the Virgin can't be one way the Mother of the God-head and another of the Manhood in Jesus Christ since she was the Mother of a God-man at the same time and the Divinity and Humanity make but one Person in Jesus Christ. He also opposes that opinion of Felix that Jesus Christ was different ways the Son of God according to his different Natures That according to his Divinity he was a Son by Nature in Truth and Substance whereas according to his Humanity he was a Son only by Grace Election Will Predestination and Assumption From this Principle he draws this Consequence That since Jesus Christ is a Natural Son in one Sense and an Adoptive in another we must acknowledge two Sons and two Persons 'T is true that Felix disowns this Consequence but Agobard affirms it to follow directly from his Doctrine and says that Nestorius used that very Expression He confutes this principle and the Consequences Felix draws from it by several passages of the Fathers And Lastly answers to those that Felix had alledged to prove the Adoption of Jesus Christ shewing that the Fathers never said that Jesus Christ was an Adoptive Son but that the Humane Nature was adopted by the Divine i. e. the Divine Nature was united with the Humane so that the Person made up of both Natures was the true and natural Son of God and not meerly by Adoption and Grace The Book of Agobard concerning the Insolence of the Jews is a petition addressed to Lewis the Godly in which he Complains that the Commissioners which he had sent to Lyons took part with the Jews against the Church and had sealed Letters and Ordinances bearing his Name which were favourable to them They had carryed the Business so far that they spoke openly in favour of the Jews and so threatned some Bishops Agobard who was absent when this happened being gone to the Monastery of Nantonē to accommodate a difference that had happened among the Monks wrote about it to the Commissioners but they had no regard to his Letters whereupon he addressed himself to the Emperour and represented it to him that the Jews did persecute Him and his Fellow-Bishops because he preached to the Christians that they should not sell any Slaves to the Jews nor suffer the Jews to sell Christians into Spain nor keep Christians for their Houshold Servants not to suffer Christian Women to keep the Jewish
Account of the Belief of the Fathers in this Matter That their Opinion was widely distant from that of the Church of Rome in this Point This first Letter was soon followed by another mentioned by him in his sixth Epistle wherein he commends the Confessors for their Courage and exhorts them to do nothing unworthy of such glorious beginnings Monsieur Lombert is of Opinion that it is lost whereas the Editor of the English pretends that it is the eighty first Letter which Pamelius supposes to have been written during his last Exile but it is more probable that this Letter was written in his first because he there excuses his Absence which he would never have done in his last where he was o Detained against his Will The Five and thirtieth Letter is placed after this in the Edition lately put out in England but it seems to me to have been written towards the end of the Persecution because he there speaks of his Return We are to pass the same Judgment upon the Sixth and Seventh and the fifth which were all written at the same time detained against his Will It happened at this time that a Subdeacon of Carthage named Clementius who had gone to Rome towards the beginning of the Persecution came back to Carthage bringing two Letters with him from the Clergy of Rome during the Vacancy of that See by the Death of Fabian One of them was directed to St. Cyprian and gave him Intelligence of the Martyrdom of Fabian Bishop of Rome the other was addressed to the Clergy of Carthage exhorting them to take care of the Flock of Jesus Christ in the Absence of their Pastor and encouraging the Faithful to continue stedfast in the Faith of Jesus Christ and to raise up those who had the Misfortune to fall to look after the Prisoners the Needy the Widows and Catechumens to reconcile the relapsed Penitents at their Death to the Church and to bury the Budies of the Martyrs It reproached the Pastors who abandoned their Flock in the time of Persecution which Passage seems indirectly to condemn St. Cyprian's Retreat This Letter is the second in the Order of Pamelius St. Cyprian answered this Letter of the Roman Clergy by congratulating them for the glorious Martyrdom of St. Fabian and having received a Copy of the Letter which the Clergy of Rome had writ to his though it was both without Inscription and Subscription yet he sent to Rome to know whether this Letter was really writ by the Clergy of that City giving them to understand that he was concerned at their seeming to disapprove his Retreat This is the third Letter Some time after this the Proconsul coming to Carthage persecuted the Christians after a cruel manner causing some of the Prisoners to be put to Death and among the rest Mappalicus who suffered Martyrdom on the 17th day of April St. Cyprian being informed of this made use of their Example to encourage the other Confessors to imitate their Constancy and Generosity and this he did in the 8th Letter At the same time also he writ the 36th addressed to his own Clergy to whose Care he recommends the Confessors that were in Prison requiring them to inter the Bodies of those who died there to reverence them as Martyrs and to send him word of the Day of their Death that he might offer Sacrifices in remembrance of them Some of the Christians being then returned home from their Exile without receiving Orders to do it St. Cyprian writ a Letter to them which is the 8th according to Pamelius's Account wherein he takes occasion to blame their Conduct Mr. Dodwell in his 5th Dissertation upon St. Cyprian tells us what kind of Sacrifices these are They could not be offered as Propitiations because the Church believed the Martyrs were already Blessed They were only Anniversary Celebrations of the Memory of the Martyrdom of those who suffered so gloriously for the Faith Thus all the Saints were also remembred in the Diptychs of the Church Thus the Patriarchs Prophets Apostles and the Blessed Virgin her self though no Man ever thought they could stand in need of the Prayers of the Faithful But the Christians were careful even in the most Primitive Times to pay all possible Honours to the Memories of those who made a glorious Confession of the Faith The Acts of St. Polycarp's Martyrdom which are the oldest we have shew how solicitous the Christians of Smyrna were to have his Ashes not to worship them as they themselves declare but by paying the last Respect to them that was possible to shew how willing they should have been to suffer in the same Cause if they had had an equal Call Nay all Christians that dy'd in the Communion of the Church had in those early Ages some Honours paid to them after their Death Therefore St. Cyprian commanded that no Honour should be paid to Geminius Victor because he had left Geminius Faustinus a Priest his Executor by his Will And so Du Pin's Words when he speaks of this Business afterwards are to be understood for the same Phrases are used when he speaks of the Commemoration of Martyrs Aniversaries and of this of Geminius Victor there forbidden The Persecution that still continued as it augmented the Number of Martyrs so it augmented the Number of the Lapsed that is to say of those Christians who were so weak as to deny the Faith of Jesus Christ and offer Incense to Idols or else such as to avoid Persecution got Certificates or Attestations under the Hands of some Judge to certifie that they had sacrificed Now those who had once fallen away being thrown out of the Church and excluded from Communion addressed themselves to the Martyrs whose Credit and Authority in the Church at that time was extraordinary who gave them Tickets wherein they desired that they might be admitted to Reconciliation They writ to St. Cyprian on the same account praying him to take this their Desire into consideration and to receive these Persons whom they recommended whenever the Church should be in Peace But some of them happening to abuse these Tickets of the Martyrs demanded to be reconciled immediately and addressing themselves to Felicissimus and some other Priests who were Enemies to St. Cyprian received Absolution from their Hands St. Cyprian being informed of these irregular Proceedings after he had continued some time in silence writ a Letter full of Zeal and Earnestness to his Priests and Deacons this is the ninth wherein he severely reproves the Priests who forgetting their Rank and the Duty they owed their Bishop had rashly absolved those who had fallen into Idolaty He reproaches them with deceiving the Faithful inasmuch as they reconciled them before they had done Penance for their Transgression He remonstrates to them that if in Sins of less Scandal and Consequence it is necessary to undergo publick Penance for some considerable time before the Party offending is re-admitted into the Church by Imposition of Hands from
very different because the Good after their Death are sent into a place of Refreshment whereas the Wicked are thrown headlong into a place where they are Tormented for ever that the first dye to be put into a better state of security and the last to be more severely punished That Sicknesses prepare us for Martyrdom and make us Martyrs of Jesus Christ that for this reason we ought not to be afflicted because they deprive us of the glory of Confession since not to mention that it does not depend upon our selves to be Martyrs and that it is the Grace of God to let us dye with a Will of suffering Martyrdom God will crown us as if we had really suffered it That it would be to no purpose to beg of God that his Kingdom may come if the Captivity wherein we are does still please us That we ought not to bewail those of our Brethren whom God has taken to himself since we have not lost them and they have only gone a Journey before us which we are all to make one time or another That we do in some sort distrust the promises of Jesus Christ if we concern and afflict our selves at the Death of our Neighbours and Friends as if they were no more and that we ought rather to rejoyce that they are passed into a better Life and enjoy a state of repose and tranquillity that will never end At last he exhorts all Christians heartily to wish for the happy day of their Death which will free them from the exile of this Life and give them admission into the Kingdom of Heaven which is their Country where they will be everlastingly in the Company of the Saints and with Jesus Christ. His Treatise to Demetrianus hh After the Death of Gallus and Volusian This Treatise was written during the Plague to shew that the Christians were not the cause of it He there speaks of the late Fall of Kings which is to be understood of the Death of Gallus and Volusian who were killed by their Soldiers a Judge in Africa was likewise composed during the rage of this Pestilence immediately after ii Judge It has been commonly believed that he was Proconsul But the Author of the English Edition has very well observed that St. Cyprian does not speak to him as to a Proconsul and that what he says of him viz. that he often came to him to dispute with him and that he drew several Persons over to his Party is by no means suitable to the Character of a Sovereign Magistrate of Africk the Death of Gallus and Volusian He there refutes a Calumny which the Pagans frequently formed against the Christians for being the cause of those Wars Famines Plagues and other Calamities that wasted the Roman Empire He shews that those misfortunes that daily happen in the World which grows old every day ought to be rather attributed to the Crimes and Impiety of Men and that the Christians were so far from being the occasion of them because they did not adore false Gods that the Pagans rather drew down all these heavy Visitations upon Mankind because they did not Worship the true God and Persecuted those that Worship'd him That all this was the immediate hand of God who to revenge himself for the contempt they shew'd of him and of those that served him punished Men after this rigorous manner and made them feel the weight of his displeasure That the Gods of the Pagans were so far from being able to exercise this Revenge that they were fettered and ill used as I may say by the Christians who ejected them by force out of the Bodies of those Persons whom they had possest That the Christians suffered patiently as being assured that their Cause would be soon revenged that they endured the same Evils which the Pagans did in this World but that they comforted themselves because after their Death they should possess everlasting Joy whereas the Pagans at the day of Judgment would be condemned to everlasting Torments He exhorts them at last with great zeal and ardour to quit their Errors and to repent of them while they are in a condition to do it because after this Life is once over there is no room for Repentance and afterwards the Satisfaction is useless since it is here upon Earth that every Man renders himself worthy or unworthy of everlasting Salvation That neither Age nor Sins ought to hinder any one from suffering himself to be Converted since as long as we are in this World there is still time for us to Repent the Gate of the Divine Mercy being never shut to those that diligently search the Truth Though you were says he at the point of Death if you pray'd to have your Sins forgiven and implored the goodness of God you would obtain remission of your Crimes and pass from Death to Immortality Jesus Christ has procured this favour for us by conquering and triumphing over Death on the Cross by redeeming those that Believe with the price of his Blood by reconciling Man to God and communicating a new Life to him by a celestial Birth Let us follow them all if it is possible and receive this Sacrament and his Sign c. It is probable that the kk The Treatise of the Works of Merey and Alms-giving This Treatise is cited by Pontius by St. Jerome Ep. ad Pamm by St. Austin contr Jul. contr Pelagianos alibi Treatise of Mercy and Alms-giving was writ when St. Cyprian gathered considerable Alms to redeem the Christians who had been taken Prisoners by the Barbarians towards the Year 253. He demonstrates in this Book by several Authorities of Scripture and many Convincing Reasons the necessity of giving Alms he refutes the frivolous excuses and vain pretences used by Rich Men to avoid the doing such acts of Charity and observes that in his time every one brought a Loaf at the Celebration of the Eucharist which was always once a day in the Morning before it was Light and often at Night after Supper St. Cyprian tells us himself in his Letter to Jubaianus that he composed his Book of Patience upon the occasion of a Question concerning the reiteration of the Baptism of Hereticks to shew that we ought to preserve Charity and Patience in all Disputes with our Brethren So this Treatise was composed at the beginning of the Year 256 and St. Cyprian ll He sent to Jubaianus a Bishop Ep. and Jub Teneatur à nobis patienter firmiter Charitas animi Collegii honor vinculum fidei concordia sacerdotii propter hoc etiam libellum de bono patientiae quantum valuit nostra mediocritas permittente Domino inspirante conscripsimus quem ad te pro multâ dilectione transmisimus Pontius mentions it St. Jerome cites it advers Lucif and St. Austin in several places sent it as soon as it was finished to one Jubaianus a Bishop together with the Letter which he writ to him
a mind to oppose our Creed let him come here and I will defend the Faith which I profess The Souldiers that encompass the Church and their rattling of their Arms do not at all make me afraid neither do they shake my Constancy all that I fear is that while you detain me some Resolution may be taken against you I am not wont to have any fear for my self but I tremble for you When the Vessels of the Church were demanded of me I said That if they would demand any thing that was mine I should willingly give it That I could give nothing that belonged to the Church and that in refusing them I gratified the Emperour since he could not receive them without doing an Injury to Jesus Christ. After this he exhorts his People to continue Spectators of the Combate which he was to maintain He says That he had no reason to fear because he was assured that it was for the Cause of God who could protect him against all his Enemies and defeat all their Designs That he had already smitten them with blindness since they did not perceive the Gate of the Church which was left open tho' they had compass'd the Church about and sought for a way to enter into it That he went forth daily to make Visits or to go to the Sepulchre of the Martyrs without being stopp'd by any Body tho' 't was already resolv'd to drive him away and that Auxentius had a design to Invade his Church Here he inveighs freely against this Arian and against the Law which he had gotten by surprize in favour of his Party He observes That he was ready to refute him tho' there was no need of it since Auxentius's Cause was quite desperate and he had been condemn'd even by those whom he had chosen for his Judges and in the absence of his Adversaries That after he was thus conquer'd he would have taken the Emperour for a Judge tho' he was yet but a Catechumen That he had persuaded the Emperour the preceding Year to take away a Church from the Catholicks but the Resistance of the People hindering him from compassing that Design he had charged St. Ambrose with rebelling against the Orders of his Prince tho' he always answered with much Moderation If the Emperour says he demand of us Tribute we will not refuse to pay it him the Lands of the Church do pay it If he would have the Lands themselves he can take them none of us does oppose it I will not give them to him but neither will I hinder him from taking them We keep our selves within the bounds of a Just Obedience We render to Caesar that which is Cesar's and to God the things which are God's Tribute is Caesar's No body refuses him that The Church is God's 't is unlawful to give it to the Prince he has no Authority over it Could any thing be more respectful or more to the Honour of the Emperour 'T is an Honour to him to be of the Church he is in the Church but not above the Church The 22d Letter contains the History of the Discovery of the Reliques of St. Gervasius and St. Protasius and the Sermons which St. Ambrose made to his People upon this Subject It is also to his dear Sister Marcellina to whom he communicated an Account of what had passed in his Church He writes to her that having dedicated a Church at Milan he was desired to Consecrate it with the same Solemnity wherewith he had done the Roman Church this was another Church which was near the Roman Gate which he promised to do if he could find any Reliques That he had caused the Ground at a place which was before the Rails of the Sepulchres of St. Felix and St. Nabor to be broke up That in this place he found the Bones of two Men of extraordinary bigness with much Blood That there were sufficient Signs to discover that they were Martyrs That having brought thither some possess'd Persons it was known by their Agitation that they were before the Sepulchre of Martyrs That the People flocked together in great Multitudes for the space of two Days to see these Relicks and that afterwards those Bones were disposed according to their Natural Order to be carried into the Ambrosian Church That they were laid up in Faustus's Church where Vigils were celebrated all that Night and the next Morning they were translated to the Ambrosian Church That while they were translating a blind Man was cured This was the discovery of the Bodies of these Martyrs St. Ambrose adds two Sermons made to his People upon this occasion which contain also some Circumstances of it In them he observes That these two Saints are St. Gervasius and St. Protasius He does not tell us whence he knew it But St. Austin informs us that he had got an Account of their Death and the place where their Bodies were laid by a Revelation which he had that Night He speaks of the many Miracles which those Reliques wrought of the Possessed that were delivered of the Sick that were healed of the Handkerchiefs that were touched to carry them to the Sick He tells his People That these Bones must be put under the Altar That such Victims could not be better plac'd than under the Altar where the true Sacrifice lay That Jesus Christ is upon the Altar because he suffered for all and the Martyrs are under the Altar because they were redeemed by his Blood He adds That he had design'd this place for his own burial place because it was fit that a Bishop should be interr'd in that place where he was wont to make the oblation but that he yielded this place to the Martyrs and would presently go and place their Reliques in it The People earnestly desired that he would put off the performance of this Ceremony till Sunday but he would delay it no longer than till the next Morning And then he made another Discourse to his People wherein he confutes the Infidelity of the Arians and the Incredulity of some of the Faithful by the Miracles which these Reliques had wrought and chiefly by the Cure of the blind Man which was publick and certain St. Austin Ch. 7. of the IXth B. of his Confessions and the Author of the Life of St. Ambrose say That an end was put to the Persecution by the discovery of those Reliques which discovers to us that this Letter was written in the Year 386. The 23d Letter is written to the Bishops of Emilia about a scruple they had concerning Easter Day for the Year 387. St. Ambrose observes in the First Place That the Holy Scripture and Tradition teach us That we must carefully find out Easter-Day That the Council of Nice believ'd this so necessary That they had made a Cycle of 19 Years That by this means the Sacrifice in Honour of Christ's Resurrection might be offered in all places in the same Night That the Bishops of Alexandria and Rome had already
one to Adonis in Bethlehem to blot out the Memory both of Christ's Birth and Passion That these Temples stood till the time of Constantine That the Empress Helena destroyed the Temples and Idols of false Deities and erected Churches in those places and that in one of them the Prints of Christ's Feet when he ascended up to Heaven were visible upon the Sand. That after this the Empress desirous to find out where the Cross of Christ lay sent for Christians and Jews to learn of them the Place where it might have been hid and that when she was shewed the Place she caused the Ground to be opened and contrary to all mens Expectation having dug deep they found three Crosses planted in the Ground as formerly that the Joy of finding what they sought after was much abated by the Difficulty of Discovering which of the three was the Cross of Christ but that in this uncertainty it came into the Empress's Mind to bring thither a dead Corps being perswaded that Jesus Christ would manifest by the Resurrection of that Man which of these three Crosses was his The thing being immediately done the Body which had been laid upon the two others of the Thieves to no purpose returned to Life as soon as the Cross of Christ touched him He adds That this Cross does not diminish though Chips are constantly cut off from it In the Thirty second Letter to Severus there are Verses concerning a Picture which Severus Sulpicius had placed in a Church of his own Building which represented S. Martin and S. Paulinus The latter out of Humility saith that S. Martin represented innocent Persons but he represented Sinners He likewise makes a Description in Verse of the Church which he was building at Nola and writ Inscriptions for both Churches Here is a Description of the Churches that were built at that time Both these Letters are of the year 403. or thereabouts The following Letter to Alethius hath nothing worth taking Notice of but they have joined with it a Treatise directed to the same Alethius which is one of the most Excellent Pieces in Antiquity concerning Almâ—deeds It is intituled of Ecclesiastical Treasure because he shews there that the greatest Treasure that a Man can get and the best Gain that he can make is to give Alms It is Lending to God who payeth great Use for it and who gave Wealth to the Rich upon no other Account than that they might communicate to the Poor as he hath made the Poor and Destitute that the Rich might not want Opportunity of exercising Mercy and Charity This small Treatise is full of such Notions about the Excellency and Necessity of Alms. It is believed that this Treatise was sent to Alethius by Victor with the foregoing Letter in 403. In the Thirty fifth and Thirty sixth Letters to Delphinus and Amandus he recommends to their Prayers the Soul of his Brother whom he had formerly baptized desiring them not to forget it Delphinus being dead in 404. as appears by S. Paulinus's Twenty seventh Poem The Date of this Letter cannot be set backwarder Victricius Bishop of Rouen having been at Rome and Paulinus not being able to see him this Saint writ him the Thirty seventh Letter to tell him that his Sins must needs have been the Cause of his being deprived of that Happiness and there commends the Faith and Watchfulness of that Bishop This Letter was written after Victricius's Journey into Italy in the Year 404. In the Thirty eighth to Aper S. Paulinus exalts that Man's Conversion exhorting him to rejoice rather than be sad because the World hates and despises that sort of Life which he had embraced charging him to serve God with the same Zeal that he had served the World This Letter is supposed to be of the Year 404. Aper and his Wife Amanda having declared to S. Paulinus that they were obliged to take care of their Estate because of the Lands belonging to their Children he answereth them that they ought to be perswaded that the Divine Providence had left them that Care for the Exercise of their Vertue He saith further that a man may advance towards Perfection by the Exercise of Country-Business and learn to improve his Soul by the manner of tilling Ground Here one may find an excellent Comparison of Agriculture with the spiritual Life and an ingenious Allegory upon those four kinds of Beasts that eat up the Fruits of the Earth spoken of by the Prophet Joel which he applies to passions of the Soul In the fortieth Letter S. Paulinus answereth very modestly to the Letter sent him by Sanctus and Amandus he treateth there of the great need he had to bewail his Sins and applies to this Subject what is in the Hundred and first Psalm concerning the Pelican the Owl and the Sparrow The Forty first to Sanctus is a Treatise of Christian Watchfulness upon the Parable of the Ten Virgins In the Forty second to Florentius Bishop of Cahors he thanketh this Bishop for the Honour he had done him in writing to him assuring him of his Friendship he commendeth him and desireth his Prayers That Letter is full of Noble Expressions to extol the Dignity and Merits of Jesus Christ. Jesus Christ saith he is that Rock containing that Spring of living Water which we happily find not far from us when we are very thirsty in this World This is it that refreshes us and keeps us from being consumed by the Heat of Lust. This is the Rock upon which standeth that House that shall never fall This is the Rock which having been opened at the Side cast out Water and Blood to make us taste of two wholsome Fountains the Water of Grace and the Blood of the Sacrament which proves at the same time both the Spring and the Price of our Salvation These last Letters are of the year 405. The Forty third is written to Desiderius who desired an Exposition of the Benedictions of the Patriarchs he answers him that he is better able to expound them himself than he of whom he desireth the Exposition He only gives by the bye an Explication of the Parable of the Withered Fig-Tree He sent this Letter in 406. by Victor lately recovered of a long and dangerous sickness He gave him likewise two Notes which he had written long before with a Letter to Severus not now extant Desiderius his Request gave him Occasion to require it of Rufinus who gave him that Satisfaction The Letters he writ upon that Subject are among Rufinus's Works and among these the Forty sixth and Forty seventh were written in 408. In the Forty fourth he admires the Spirit of Onction and Piety which he finds in Aper's Letters Then he commends the Vertues of his Wife and wishes that her Children may be well brought up In the Forty fifth to S. Augustin S. Paulinus returns him Thanks for the Book that Quintus had given him at Rome as from him Afterwards he commends Melania then in Affliction
lawful for a Man to kill himself nor any other that was desirous of Death He Answers the Case of Razias which is well told in the Maccabees and was looked upon as a noble and generous Action but not approved by him as Wise and Vertuous This Letter was written in Gaudentius's time and composed in 420. The 205th Letter to Consentius contains the Explication of some Difficulties about the Nature of glorified Bodies Consentius had asked St. Augustin whether our Saviour's Body hath now Flesh and Bones with the same parts and features which he had upon Earth St. Augustin resolveth this question saying That Christ's Body is altogether such in Heaven as it was upon Earth when he left it to ascend intoHeaven and that it appeareth by the Gospel that he had Hands and Feet Flesh and Bones as well after as before the Resurrection That no mention is made of his Blood and it is not convenient to ingage too far in those Matters for fear of entring upon other very hard Questions such as these If there is Blood is not there also Phlegm Choler or Melancholy since the mixture of these four Humours make up the Temper of Humane Bodies Yet St. Augustin denieth not but that these Humours may be in glorified Bodies but that we ought to have a care of believing them alterable and corruptible whereupon he undertakes to show by the Testimony of St. Paul that glorified Bodies shall be incorruptible and freed from all corporeal and earthly qualities Consentius had asked likewise whether those that had been baptized and died without Penance for Sins committed after Baptism should obtain Remission of them in a certain time St. Augustin remits him to his Treatise of Faith and Good Works where he had handled that Question Lastly Consentius desired to know VVhether God's breathing upon Adam was his Soul St. Augustin answers That it was either his Soul or that which produced it but we must be sure not to believe that the Soul is any part of God Consentius to whom this Letter is written is the same to whom St. Augustin dedicated his Treatise of Lying composed in 420. It is probable that if this Letter be of the same time it was written after his Book of Faith and Good Works which was made in 413. The 206th is a Letter of Recommendation to Count Valerius in the behalf of Bishop Felix The next is that which St. Augustin writ to Bishop Claudius when he sent him his Books against Julianus published after St. Jerom's Death in 421. In the 208th St. Augustin exhorts the Virgin Felicia newly returned to the Church from the Donatist's Party and Scandalized by some Bishops disorders to continue always in the bosom of the Catholick Church notwithstanding all those Scandals where she was afflicted And this gave occasion to his Discourse of Good and Evil Pastors It is thought that the occasion of this Letter was the Scandal given by Antonius Bishop of Fussala mentioned in the following Letter supposed to have been written in the end of the Year 422. but that is uncertain It is equally uncertain that the next Letter to Pope Coelestine is written by St. Augustin some Criticks doubt it 1. Because the Stile of this Letter is not as they pretend perfectly like that of the other Letters of St. Augustin 2. Because it is found but in one only Manuscript of the Vatican Library which is not above 200 Years old 3. Because St. Augustin seems to speak there after a low manner and unworthy of his wonted Courage 4. Because it seemeth not to agree with the Opinions of St. Augustin nor of the other Africans about Appeals 5. Because Coelestine could not threaten then to send Clerks into Africa to see his Judgments executed as he doth in this Letter because Affairs in Africa were then in great Disorder and the Emperors had not much Authority in those Provinces that were 〈◊〉 by a Tyrant Yet it must be confessed That this Letter agrees exceeding well to the Customs and Manners of the African Church in St. Augustin's time and has a Character of Sincerity However If this Letter be truly St. Augustin's he writ it in the beginning of Coelestine's Pontificat since he begins it with congratulating his Promotion which was compassed without Intrigues or Division He speaks afterwards of Antonius his Business whom he had ordained Bishop of Fussala a Town in the Diocess of Hippo where no Bishop had been before This Man was brought up in St. Augustin's Monastery and looked upon by him as a Man of great Probity but seeing himself exalted to such a Dignity he gave way to his Passions lived disorderly and greatly vexed the People that were under his Jurisdiction being accused before the Provincial Council he could not be convicted of the Sin of Uncleanness that was laid to his Charge but it appeared that he had oppressed and tyrannized over the People intolerably Thus the Judges finding not sufficient cause utterly to deprive him and being withal unwilling his Fault should pass without Punishment left him the quality of Bishop upon condition that he should not perform the Functions thereof nor have any Authority over a People whom he had used so unjustly To hinder the Execution of this Judgment Antonins appealed to the Pope who pretended a Right to receive Appeals from the Judgments of the African Bishops though these contested his Right This happened at a time when they had bound themselves to see the Canons of the Council of Sardica which the Pope had alledged as the Canons of the Council of Nice executed with this Proviso Till they were assured that they were actually made by the Council of Nice Antonius therefore obtained of Boniface a Letter enjoyning that he should be restored if he had truly stated his Case He returned triumphing with that Letter But the African Bishops regarded it not And being threatned that the Civil Authority should be made use of to make them observe the Pope's Orders St. Augustin took upon himself to write this Letter to Coelestine wherein he intreateth him by the Blood of Jesus Christ and by St. Peter's Memory who forbad the Pastors of the Church to exercise Dominion not to suffer things to go to that extremity telling him That his Heart was so set upon that Business That he would renounce his Bishoprick if Antonius was restored at Fussala He was not restored and we learn by the 224th Letter That his Diocess was immediately dependant upon St. Augustin though afterwards we meet with a Bishop of that place Antonius flattered himself with these hopes either that they would have degraded him from the Episcopal Dignity or have left him in the Bishoprick St. Augustin affirms on the contrary That there are Examples of Judgments given or approved by the Holy Apostolick See whereby Bishops were Punished without being absolutely degraded He citeth three of the latest That of Priscus Bishop of the Province of Mauritania Caesariensis who was suffered to continue in
they have stuck to S. Augustin's Principles whereupon they erected their Theological Opinions After this no Man needs wonder that his VVorks were so much looked after formerly and so many times published since Printing was invented The Edition of St. Augustin's VVorks was one of the first considerable Things that Printers committed to the Press Amerbachius undertook it in 1495. This Gothick Edition was followed by that of Basil in Nine Volumes in the Year 1506. and by that of Paris in 1515. with long Lines published in 1528. and in 1526. which is the fairest for its Character The Editions of Guillard and Chevallon which came out not long after are likewise pretty fair ones In 1571. Two came out the one in Paris by Morellus and the other at Lions The Doctors of Louvain having carefully Revised St. Augustin's VVorks caused them to be Printed at Antwerp in 1577. The following Editions are only new Impressions of this The first and the fairest was done at Paris 1586. and was followed by those of the Years 1609 1614 1626 1635 1652. not to mention that at Venice in 1584. that at Colen in 1616. and the last Edition at Lions Now they having Printed from time to time several Treatises of St. Augustin that were not in the former Editions Father Vignier thought fit to collect them into a Body that might serve for a Supplement to all the Editions of St. Augustin He joyned to it the imperfect Treatise against Julianus and some Sermons which had not been Printed before and published them all in Two Volumes in Folio at Paris in 1655. This Labour becomes useless by the last Edition of St. Augustin which excelleth and effaces all the fore-going Editions ZOSIMUS POpe Innocent I. dying the 12th of March 417. Zosimus was promoted into his Place upon the 18th of the same Month. Though he sat but One Year Nine Months and some Zâ—simus Days in the Roman See yet he very much exerted his Authority in the Disputes which he had with the Bishops both of Africa and Gaul This appears by his Letters which we are now to discourse of according to the Order wherein they ought to be placed To understand those which concern Africa we are to know That Coelestius Pelagius's Disciple having been condemned in the Council of Carthage assembled in 412. thought it convenient to appeal to the Pope contrary to the Order and Custom of that Time The Africans did not much trouble themselves about that Appeal neither did he much value it himself for without taking it out he went to Ephesus where he found means to be Ordained Priest Some Years after he came to Constantinople from whence he was Expelled by Atticus who discovered his Error and writ against him to Thessalonica to Carthage and into Asia That happened at the same time that Zosimus was raise to the Popedom Coelestius being informed of it came immediately to Rome to prepossess this new Pope and to ingratiate himself with him by making him a Judge in his Cause And indeed Zosimus finding this a fit Opportunity to promote his Design of Encreasing his Authority and drawing to himself the Appeals of Causes judged in other places he failed not to hearken to Coelestius and to admit him to justifie himself He left all other Businesses to stick particularly to this He made Coelestius appear in St. Clement's Church examined the Heads of the Accusation that was formed against him He caused him to make a Confession of Faith whereby he disowned the Errors which Heros and Lazarus had laid to his Charge He enquired after the Qualifications of those Accusers whom he found as he saith to have been wrongfully Ordained Expelled out of their Bishop-ricks and separated from the Communion of the rest Zosimus though much prepossess'd in Coelestius's behalf yet durst not give Judgment in his Case without writing to the African Bishops but he did it after such manner as sufficiently discovered how much he favoured him For after he had writ all this that we have said he declares That if Coelestius's Accusers came not to Rome within Two Months to Convict him of maintaining other Opinions than those which he then professed he should take it for granted that he was Innocent At the latter end he declares all these Questions to be only vain Subtilties and unprofitable Contests which rather destroy than edifie and are Effects of an imprudent Curiosity and of too great an itch of Speaking and Writing This Letter was written about July in the Year 417. After the writing of this Letter Zosimus received one from Prailus Bishop of Jerusalem in Coelestius's behalf with Pelagius's Confession of Faith This News the Absence of the Accusers and the Silence of the Africans who returned no Answer to his Letter confirmed him in the Judgment which he had made of Coelestius's Doctrine He deals with their Accusers as with most unworthy Persons He upbraids Lazarus as one that made it his practice to accuse the Innocent and as one that had been condemned by Proculus Bishop of Marseilles in a Synod at Turin for having falsely and calumniously accused Britius Bishop of Tours He adds That having been Ordained Bishop of Aix some time after by the Favour of Constantine the Tyrant he retained the Shadow of the Priesthood so long as the Power of that Tyrant lasted As for Heros he reproacheth him for following the same Party and for doing Violence Afterwards he tells the African Bishops That they were to blame in being so easily persuaded upon the Word of those Accusers and makes no scruple of declaring Pelagius and Coelestius Innocent seeing their Accusers had not appeared Zosimus's First Letter was carried by Basiliscus a Subdeacon who cited Paulinus to the Pope's Tribunal but he did not concern himself to appear And the African Bishops were not at all moved by Zosimus's Pretension on the contrary they stood by the Judgment which they had given firmly which also had been confirmed by his Predecessor They told him plainly That this Cause being born in Africa and judged there Coelestius could not Appeal nor he take Cognizance of it Lastly They made a Protestation to prevent Zosimus pronouncing Judgment by default in the behalf of Coelestius and Pelagius Yea they went further for without waiting for the Pope's Judgment they confirmed what they had done and condemned the Doctrine of Pelagius and Coelestius a-new Having taken this Precaution they writ again to Zosimus and sent him all the Acts of what had been done in Africa against Coelestius shewing him at the same time That it was not enough to oblige Pelagius and Coelestius to approve in general what was in Pope Innocent's Letter but that they ought to be made to acknowledge particularly all the Catholick Truths that were contrary to their Errors Zosimus having received these Letters with the Advertisements of the Africans who had likewise written to Court about the business durst not go any further and was contented to assert his Authority by
of this Canon That the Contents thereof are to be notified to Boniface and the Bishops of Italy that they may confirm it and that the African Church hath learned from her Father's Tradition That the Books expressed in that Catalogue ought to be read in the Church The 25th confirms the Law of Celibacy for the Superior Orders and it extends it to Sub-deacons but other Clerks are left at their liberty The 26th forbids the Selling the Goods of the Church or of Bishops without the Metropolitan's leave unless there be an urgent Necessity in which case they are to advise with the nearest Bishops The 27th provides That Priests and Deacons shall not be put to publick Penance and That such as were Re-baptized shall not be promoted to the Priesthood The 28th forbids those Priests and Deacons who find fault with the Judgments of their own Bishops to seek for Judges out of Africa but they are permitted to have their Cause examined by neighbouring Bishops but with the Consent of their own Bishop wherein this Canon differs from that of Sardica which gave Clerks leave indifferently to chuse neighbouring Bishops for their Judges without seeking for the Consent of their own Bishop The 29th declares That he condemneth himself by suffering himself to be Excommunicated by an Ecclesiastical Judgment who neglects to appear and yet doth not forbear Communicating before he is heard The 30th saith That if the Accuser hath some reason to fear any thing in the place where the Accused dwelleth he may chuse a place hard-by to produce his Witnesses The 31st punishes those Clerks who refuse to be promoted to Superior Orders by their Bishops by depriving them of the Functions of their Ministery The 32d declares That the Bishops Priests and Deacons who being poor when they were Ordained have afterwards purchased Estates out of the Churches Revenue ought to be dealt withal like those who detain other Mens Estates unlawfully gotten except they bequeath them to the Church but they are permitted to do what they please with such Estates as come to them either by Succession or by Donation Finally The 33d and last forbids Priests to Sell the Churches Goods unknown to the Bishops and the Bishops without acquainting the Council and their Priests with it even the Metropolitan is not permitted to usurp what belongs to his Church This is what was enacted in the First Session of this Council Afterwards the Canons of former African Councils were read in the same order in which we see them in the Code of the African Church The last Session of this General Council was upon the 28th of May of the same Year Several Bishops complained That they were kept there too long and so desired to return to their Diocesses wherefore they nominated Deputies of each Province to compleat what remained yet to do but before they separated themselves they added Six Canons more to the former The 1st forbids the receiving the Accusation of an accused Person In the 2d they would not have such admitted for Accusers as are Slaves or Freed-men nor infamous Persons as Mimicks or Stage-Players no more than Hereticks and Heathens In the 3d. it is provided That if the Accusation consists of several Heads and the Accuser cannot prove the First he shall not be suffered to propose the rest The 4th prescribes the Qualifications of Witnesses according to what hath been said of Accusers that is That whosoever was not qualified to be an Accuser could not be admitted for a Witness adding That the Domesticks of an Accuser could not be Witnesses nor such as were under the Age of Thirteen Years The 5th provides That if a Bishop declares that such a Person hath confessed a Crime to him alone and that Person denies it and refuses to do Penance that Bishop ought not to think that Injury is done to him if the thing is not believed upon his Word though he saith That he will not Communicate with that Person out of a Scruple of Conscience The next Canon adds That in this case if the Bishop will not communicate with that Person the other Bishops shall not communicate with that Bishop that so Bishops may not offer to say what they cannot prove These Canons shew That Crimes were confessed to Bishops and that the Bishops excommunicated Men and put them to publick Penance for those Crimes though they were secret ones but that the Bishop could not oblige those outwardly to do publick Penance who had confessed their Crimes secretly to him unless he had other Proofs to convict them After this Aurelius concluded the Synod putting off to the next day the writing to Boniface All the Bishops subscribed and approved what had been done and read in the Synod The next day they composed the Letter to Boniface wherein the African Bishops gave him an Account of what had been done about the Memorial of Instructions which Zosimus had given to his Legates and promised him to see the two Canons of the Council of Sardica executed concerning the Appeals of the Clergy and the Judgments thereupon until they had received out of Greece the true Copies of the Council of Nice upon Condition That if these Canons were not there they would not endure this new Yoke which seemed to be an Effect of Ambition and that they should be suffered to enjoy their ancient Privileges These Copies were not long in coming they received them in November of the same Year with obliging Letters from St. Cyril and Atticus of Constantinople but they did not find the Canons alledged by Zosimus's Legates but only the Confession of Faith and the Twenty ordinary Canons They had no sooner received them but they sent the same to Pope Boniface This seemed to have put an end to the Dispute and indeed it was not spoken of any more in Boniface's time but it was renewed under the Pontificate of Pope Coelestine For this Apiarius to whom the African Bishops had shewed Kindness for the Pope's sake instead of behaving himself wisely gave great occasions of Complaint against him so that they were obliged to condemn him He failed not to procure his Restoration to apply himself to the same Means that had before proved effectual he went to Pope Coelestine who received him kindly and admitted him to Communion he wrote in his behalf to the African Bishops and sent Faustinus to procure his Restoration The African Bishops met to judge him At first he rejected their Judgment under pretence of maintaining the Privileges of the See of Rome and demanded to be admitted to the Communion since Coelestine to whom he made his Appeal had admitted him This Opposition back'd by Faustinus did not hinder the African Bishops from undertaking the Examination of the Crimes laid to his Charge At the third time of their Meeting Apiarius confessed That he was guilty of the Crimes he was accused of so that there was no more need of Pleading But the African Bishops seeing of what Importance it was to prevent that
Anastasius and in his Invectives against S. Jerom. It is true he doth not condemn them in those Places as it is noted in that Profession of Faith nor will I ascertain you that it is infallibly Rufinus's of Aquileia but I say it belongs to him to whom it is attributed for I am apt to believe That it is a Form of Confession of Faith which Pope Anastasius made for Rufinus of Aquileia to sign As to the First Confession of Faith 't is certainly the Work of some Pelagian for he directly opposes Original Sin He maintains That Infants are born without Sin That they are not baptized for the Remission of that Sin since they are innocent and that those that die without Baptism are not condemned to Eternal Torments He owns That the First Man had not died if he had not sinned but he affirms that he was created Mortal and that Death Griefs and Pains which are the effects of Sin are profitable for Man which comes very near the Opinion of Julian whom F. Garner makes the Author of the Translation of this Writing for it is noted at the end That it was translated out of Greek into Latin This proves to us That the Author of this Confession was a Greek or at least that it was made in the East We can say nothing more of the Author of this Confession F. Garner affirms That it is certainly one Rufinus's altho' it be not the Priest's of Aquilcia but another Rufinus whom he believes to be he that was Pelagius's Master of whom Coelestius speaks in the Council of Carthage That he had heard of Rusinus the Holy Priest who maintain'd at Rome with Pammachius That the Sin of the first Man did not descend to his Posterity It hath ever been thought that this Rufinus was the Priest of Aquileia and indeed S. Jerom says in several Places That Rufinus was the fore-runner of Pelagius and his Adherents But F. Garner maintains That it is another Rufinus of whom Coelestius speaks and he says likewise That it is he that S. Jerom sent to Rome in the Time when he had the Contests with Rufinus of Aquileia of whom this last complains in his Apology to Pope Anastasius There is no doubt but that this Rufinus condemned the Opinions of Origen and that he contended with the Priest of Aquileia because he defended them But we do not see that he maintained the Doctrine of Pelagius touching Original Sin Let us consider the Reasons which F. Garner brings to shew that the Master of Pelagius and Coelestius is a different Person from the famous Rufinus of Aquileia 1. The Master of Pelagius was a Syrian but the Priest of Aquileia was an Italian according to the Testimony of M. Mercator 2. This same Author speaks of the Master of Pelagius as a Man little known one Rufinus saith he 3. The Priest of Aquileia came to Rome under Syricius The Master of Pelagius came not till the Popedom of Anastasius according to the Testimony of the same Author 4. The Master of Pelagius sojourned with Pammachius the Priest of Aquileia was none of this great Man's Friends but on the contrary it was Pammachius that put S. Jerom upon writing against Rusinus 5. The Master of Pelagius taught at Rome That there was no such thing as Original Sin the Priest of Aquileia was gone when this Doctrine was preached 6. When S. Jerom accuses the Priest of Aquileia of being the Fore-runner of Pelagius he speaks of no other Doctrines but those of Apathy and Sinlesness 7. Paulinus who disputed against Coelestius in the Council of Carthage doth not retort upon him That that Rufinus whom he cited had been condemned which he undoubtedly would have done if he had heard him speak oâ— the Priest of Aquileia 8. Coelestius speaks of Rufinus as then alive the Priest of Aquileia was then dead 9. Lastly Rufinus cited by Coelestius was in the Communion of the Church the Priest of Aquileia was excommunicated from it These Reasons are not incapable of Reply and it may be said that many of them are too subtle That which amazeth me most is that which Coelestius says That Rufinus who denied Original Sin abode with Pammachius for what likelihood is there that he should lodge with one of his greatest Adversaries and one of the best Friends of S. Jerom The rest are weaker for Rufinus having dwelt in Palaestine for near Thirty Years and coming from that Country when he taught his Doctrine to Pelagius Marius Mercator might say That he was a Syrian and that he first brought that Doctrine to Rome and so much the rather because this Author had a Design to demonstrate that this Doctrine came from the East It is true that Rufinus came to Rome at the end of the Popedom of Syricius in 397. but he staid there some time in the Popedom of Anastasius Coelestius doth not say That he of whom he speaks was then alive If Paulinus did not object his Condemnation if he passed for a Man who died in the Communion of the Church it was because he was not looked upon in Africk as an Heretick or an excommunicate Person There is then nothing of Difficulty in any of the Objections but concerning the abode with Pammachius but perhaps Coelestius was mistaken or Rufinus was after reconciled to Pammachius Nevertheless it cannot be denied but that the Opinion of F. Garner hath much probability in it For this cause I have set down his Reasons that it may be left to the Reader to judge POSSIDIUS THis Deacon of Africa and Scholar of S. Austin hath written the Life of his Master in a plain Style and hath joyned to it a Catalogue of his Works We have nothing more Possidius to note about this Work besides what we have written of it in the Life and Works of S. Austin URANIUS URANIUS the Priest a Scholar of S. Paulinus hath also written the Life of his Master in a Letter directed to Pacatus This Letter hath been published by Surius Uranius by F. Chiffletius and Lastly in the last Edition of S. Paulinus The Style of it is plain clear and elegant This is all the Goodness it has in it S. COELESTINE ST COELESTINE was chosen Bishop of Rome after the Death of Boniface in the beginning of * November in 423. This Election was made without contending and S. Coelestine division and he governed the Church of Rome peaceably till April anno 432. The Business of Nestâ—rius and the assembling the Council of Ephesus have made his Popedom famous and Septemb. 16. given him occasion to write several Letters of which we shall deferr to speak till we come to the History of the Council of Ephesâ—s where they have a more fit Place so that we have nothing more to speak of here save Three Letters which have no relation to the Business of Nestorius The First was written in 431. after the Death of S. Austin and is addressed To Venerius Bishop of Milan
of the Council of Nice This Letter bears Date March the 21st 453. S. Leo was obliged to write it for the satisfaction of the Emperor who had required him to give his approbation plainly to that which had been defined in the Council of Chalcedon for fear least he should take an occasion to oppose the Council because the Pope would not acknowledge the Rights which he had granted to Anatolius This S. Leo himself Testifies in the following Letter to Julian of Coos wherein he praises the Zeal of the Emperor and Empress who had restrain'd the Insolence of some Monks He also tells him That the Emperor haing privately bid him to Admonish the Empress he wrote presently to her and he desires him to let him know what was the effect of his Letter and if in short she hath approved of his Doctrine or rather S. Athanasius Theophilus and S. Cyril's As to the business of Aetius he says That he much Commiserated his Affliction but he thought he must bear it patiently for fear he seem to carry things too high In fine he tells him That Anatolius persisted in his Claim and that he understood by the Messenger that brought him the News of the Ordination of the Bishop of Thessalonica that he would make the Bishops of Illyria to subscribe it For this reason it was that he did not write to them altho ' Julian had desired him to do it because he knew by that that he would not be amended by it He sends him Two Copies of the precedent Letter the one by it self the other at the end of the Letter which was written to Anatolius that he might give that to the Emperor which he thought most convenient In the Eighty Ninth he writes to the Emperor about that which he required of him to give his Approbation of what the Council of Chalcedon had defined concerning the Faith He assures him That he had approved it already when he wrote to Anatolius but that that Bishop would not Publish his Letter because he therein reproves his Ambition He thanks God that he had given them an Emperor who knew how to join the Priestly Vigor and Royal Power together Perhaps you will wonder at this Expression but as F. Quesnel has already observed there are many such in S. Leo's Letters Constantine assumes to himself the Title of an Outward Bishop of the Church The Fathers of the Councils of Chalcedon and of Constantinople under Flavian have not scrupled in their Acclamations of Praise to the Emperors to give them the Title of Bishop S. Leo also commends Marcian because he took upon him to maintain the Decrees of the Council of Nice and that he had suppressed the Commotions of the Monks Lastly He assures him That he had declared his Judgment of the Council of Chalcedon in obedience to his Command He says a little after the same things to Pulcheria in the Ninetieth Letter Dated March the 21st 453. In the Ninety First written to Julian Bishop of Coos he tells him That he had omitted nothing that he was able to do for the defence of the Church's Cause That it belongs to the Emperor to suppress the Disturbers of Church and State He adds That the Bishops ought not to allow the Monks to Preach and therefore he wondred that Thalassius who was Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia had given that Liberty to one George who was fallen from the Monastick State by his Irregularities He says That he will write to him according to his Duty if Julian judges it convenient Lastly He exhorts him to do his utmost endeavour that the Emperor do hinder the Hereticks from troubling the Peace of the Church This Letter is Dated April the 9th in the same Year The Ninety Second Letter to Maximus Bishop of Antioch treats of several things He observes in the first place That the Catholick Faith keeps the Mean between the Two Extreams of Nestorius and Eutyches He Admonishes Maximus to be vigilant over the Churches of the East but more especially over those which the Council of Nice had entrusted him withal to prevent that Heresie be not established in them And that he might be able to do this with the greater Authority he advises him to maintain the Rights which the Council of Nice had allowed his Church and preserve to himself the third place That he will easily gain his ends by doing so because it is impossible that the Order established by the Inviolable Canons of the Council of Nice should be overthrown That Ambition might prompt to make a Change as it already hath happened in the Council where Juvenal endeavoured to usurp the Primary of Palaestine and attempted to ground his Pretensions upon some supposititious Writings and that S. Cyril being afraid of that Enterprise had written to him but that whatsoever Constitutions were made thereupon against those of the Council of Nice whensoever a more numerous Council should meet it would not nor ought to be valid That if his Legates had consented to any Decree of the Council of Chalcedon which did not concern Doctrine he declared it null because he had sent them for no other end but to defend the Faith of the Church against Heresies That all that had been handled in the Synods of Bishops except what concerned the Faith may not be received if it do not agree with the Decrees of the Council of Nice That he will see by the Copy of the Letter written to Anatolius how vigorously he defends the Council of Nice Lastly he advertiseth Maximus to prohibit the Monks and Lay-Men from Preaching and so much the more because it belongs to the Bishops only to do it This Letter is of the 10th of June In the Ninety Third Letter to Theodoret he in the first place testifies the Joy which he had when he understood by the Legates which he had sent to the Council of Chalcedon That the Catholick Faith had triumphed over the Errors of the Nestorians and Eutychians and that the Council had confirmed by its Judgment which was not subject to amendment the Doctrines which he had asserted These words are very remarkable because they evidently prove to us That there is no Judgment but that of an Universal Council which may not be re-examined and that the Judgment of the Pope himself is subject to amendment This was it that made him add That he was not troubled that some People would not accept the Judgment which he had given to evidence that the acknowledgment which the other Sees had made of his Supremacy as given to him by God was not meer Flattery That the Opposition which the Truth had met withal upon that occasion was the cause of some good because the Divine Favours are more thankfully acknowledged when they are obtained with difficulty and God's Providence brings us to the fruition of Good by a kind of Evil. That the Truth is made clearer and upholds it self with the greater strength when the examination confirms that
Solitary Life The Desart is the Temple of God In the Desart God is found The earthly Paradise is the Figure of it Moses saw God in the Desart The People of Israel were delivered by passing through the Desart The Red-Sea opened it self to give them a free Passage into the Desart and afterward closed again to prevent their return from thence In the Desart they were nourished with the Heavenly Food and quenched their Thirst with the miraculous Water In the Desart they received the Law David was preserved in the Desart Elias Elisha and the Prophets dwelt in Desarts Jesus Christ was baptized in the Desart There it was that Angels ministred unto him where he fed 5000 Men. It was upon a Mountain in the Wilderness that his Glory appeared He prayed in the Desart The Saints retired themselves into the Desart The Habitation of Desarts is to be preferr'd before all others there God is more easily found there we converse more familiarly with him there we live more quietly and free from Temptations The Praises of Desarts in general are attended by the particular Commendations of the Desart of Lerins That is a sweet Place full of Fountains over-spread with Herbs abounding with most pleasant Flowers grateful as well to the Eyes as Smell an abode fit for Honoratus who first founded the Monasteries and had Maximus for his Successor blessed Lupus his Brother Vincentius and Reverend Caprasius and many other Holy Old Men who dwelt in separate Cells have made the Life of the Aegyptian Monks to flourish among us Lastly After he hath spoken of their Vertues he congratulates Hilarius That he was return'd again to such a Charming and Delightful Dwelling The Second Work is a * Epistola de contemptu mundi saecularis Philosophiae Dr. Cave Treatise of the Contempt of the World dedicated to his Kinsman called Valerian who was of an Illustrious Family to exhort him to fly from the World He represents to him the two principal Duties incumbent upon Man 1. To know and worship God 2. To take Care of the Salvation of his Soul That these Two Duties are inseparable because no Man can be careful of his Soul unless he worship God nor honour God unless he take care of his Soul That it is more reasonable to be sollicitous for the Safety of our Souls than our Bodies because the Life of the Soul is Eternal whereas the Life of the Body must have an end and for that Reason we must labour in this Life for Eternity That it is easy to obtain the Eternal Happiness which we desire provided that we contemn this miserable Life That the World hath Two principal Attractives to allure us to it Riches and Honour but that we ought to tread them both under our Feet That Riches are ordinarily the Causes of Injustice that they are uncertain that we must necessarily leave them at our Death That Honours are common to the Good and Evil that Fortune hath her flittings and nothing is stable and permanent but true Piety That the true Honours and Riches are celestial That it is impossible to make a serious Reflection upon the shortness of Life and the necessity of Death but we must think that these are not the only good Things for our Salvation That we ought not to follow the Examples of those who lead a worldly Life but to propound to themselves the Lives of them who renounce the World that they may lead a truly Christian Life although they were Persons of Quality and might have enjoyed Honours and Riches S. Clemens S. Greg. Thaumaturgus S. Basil S. Greg. Nazianzen S. Paulinus of Nola S. Hilary Bishop of Arles and Petronius are those whom S. Eucherius propounds to Valerian he mentions the excellent Orators who renounced the Honours which they might have hoped for in the World yet laid aside all their Glory to write for Religion such as Lactantius Minutius Foelix S. Cyprian S. Hilary S. J. Chrysostom and S. Ambrose He propounds to him also the Examples of Holy Kings Lastly He makes use of the whole Frame of Nature and all the Visible World to prove that the only Employment of Man ought to be to honour the Creator of all Things After all these Considerations he discovers to him the Vanity of all Philosophical Knowledge and shews him that there is no true Wisdom taught nor any true Happiness to be found but in the Religion of Jesus Christ. This Writing is dated in the 1085th Year from the first Building of Rome which is the 432. of our common Aera These Two Treatises are written in a Style very Clean and Elegant the Matter is Spiritual and the manner of handling it very agreeable It may be said that these little Books are not inferior in the Politeness and Purity of Language to the Works of those Authors who lived in those Ages when Language was in greater Purity They have been printed distinctly at Antwerp in 1621. This Treatise to Valerian was printed at Basil with Erasmus's Notes who commends it to us as one of the most elegant Pieces of Antiquity anno 1520 and 1531. It was also publish'd by Rosoeidus with Notes at Antwerp 1620. together with the former in the Praise of Solitude which Genebrard put out at Paris 1578. His other Treatises are not so Profitable nor so Elegant as the former by a great deal His Treatise of * De formulis spiritualis intelligentie Cave Spiritual Terms and Phrases directed to Veranus is a Collection of Mystical and Spiritual Reflections upon the Terms and Expressions of Holy Scriptures in which there is very little Solidity His first Book of Instructions contains the Explication of several Questions which he proposes to himself out of the Old and New Testament Some of them are very well resolved and we may find in them some very good Remarks The Second Book contains 1. The Explication of the Hebrew Names 2. The Signification of some Hebrew Terms which are often met withal in the Bible such as Amen Hallâ—… c. 3. The Explication of some special Phrases 4. An Explication of the Names of Nations Cities and Rivers which are not known 5. Of the Hebrew Months and Festivals 6. The Names of Idols 7. The Explication of their Habits and Cloathing 8. Of Birds and Beasts 9. A Comparison of the Jewish Weights and Measures with those of the Greeks and Latins and the Signification of some Greek Names The Usefulness and Worth of this Critical Work may be easily known but the composing of it is very hard S. Eucherius hath not examin'd these Things throughly but contents himself to give the Meaning of every Thing in short without troubling himself to prove them He hath taken the greatest part of what he discourseth of out of several Authors He discusses them very often well enough but he is mistaken in many Places Gennadius makes mention of these Books The Commentaries upon Genesis and the Books of Kings which go under the Name of
notice of it and being Summoned to it as other Bishops were nominated 3 Legats to send into the East Julius Bishop of Putebli Renatus a Priest and Hilarius a Deacon with Dulcitius a Notary he gave them several Letters which are Dated June 13. The first was that famous Letter directed to Flavian in which he Explains with so much Accuracy the Mystery of the Incarnation In it he distinguishes two Births of the Son of God and Ep. 24. two Natures in Jesus Christ whose Properties subsist distinctly although they be united in one and the same Person He maintains that the Word hath assumed our Nature and all the Properties of it Sin only excepted In it he proves that he hath a true Flesh like ours He rejects the Confession of Faith made by Eutyches because says he 't is absurd to say That the Son in the Incarnation is of two Natures and impious to maintain That after the Incarnation he hath but one He acknowledges that he was justly Condemned and yet was willing to shew him some Mercy if he would confess his fault and eondemn viva voce and in Writing the Errors which he had published The second was written to Julian Bishop of Coos who had been present at the Judgment given Ep. 25. against Eutyches and had written about it to S. Leo. In it he speaks passionately against Eutyches calling him an Impudent Old man he accuses him for reviving the Errors of Valentinus Apollinaris and Manichaeus He proves that there is no change nor a confusion made in the two Natures in Jesus Christ. He observes that it follows from Eutyches's Confession of Faith that the Soul of Jesus Christ was united with the Godhead before it assumed a Body in the Womb of the Virgin Mary and that the Body of Jesus Christ was created out of Nothing Lastly He maintains against Eutyches That although Jesus Christ had some particular Privileges as to be Born and Conceived of a Virgin by the Power of the Holy Ghost and not to be subject to the motions of Concupiscence nor Sin yet he hath a Body and Soul of the same Nature with ours and endued with the same Properties The third is directed to Theodosius He tells him That he had sent his Legats to be present at Ep. 26. the Council in his stead which he had called at Ephesus and assure him at the same time that Eutyches was apparently in an Error The fourth Letter of the same Date is directed to the Empress Pulcheria He commendeth Ep. 27. her Zeal for the defence of the Faith explains the Mystery of the Incarnation to her condemns the obstinacy of Eutyches complains that the Emperor had appointed the Council upon a day too near because the Bishops of Italy had too little time from the 12th of May on which they received the News of it to the 1st of August which was the day appointed for the Meeting of the Synod at Ephesus to prepare for and finish such a Journey Tâ—at the Emperor had thought that he ought to be present in Person but although he had had some President for it which he had not the present Conjuncture will not permit him to leave Rome Lastly He shews of what Importance this Question was and prays him to take care that Eutyches's Impiety be Condemned by pardoning him if he Recant it The fifth Letter of S. Leo is directed to the Abbots of Constantinople he tells them that he Ep. 28. condemns the Errors of Eutyches and hoped that he would acknowledge it The sixth is directed to the Council it self In it he opposes Eutyches by the Confession of Ep. 29. S. Peter who acknowledged that Jesus Christ was the Christ the Son of the Living God He exhorts the Fathers of the Council to suppress the Error and to reduce those that are in it There are also two Letters of the same date of which one is addressed to Pulcheria the other Ep. 30 31 32 33. to Julian of Coos as also another to Flavian dated June 17 and another June 20 to Theodosius He repeats the same things in them The Emperor Theodosius also wrote several Letters about the Council The first is about the Calling of it dated May 30 directed to the Patriarchs and Exarchs in which he orders them to be at Ephesus Aug. 1. with the Metropolitans and so many of the Bishops of their Jurisdiction as they would choose except Theodoret who was Prohibited to come thither unless the Council should Summon him The second is a private Letter to Dioscorus dated May 15 in which he gives him Notice That he would have the Abbot Barsumas present at the Council as a Deputy for the Eastern Abbots who complained that they were used hardly by their Bishops who were favourers of Nestorius's Party The third is an Order to Barsumas to be present at the Council It is dated the day before the former Letter The fourth is an Order directed to Elpidius to come to the Council with Eulogius a Tribune and Notary to prevent that there be no Tumults there In it he Orders that the Bishops who have been Judges of Eutyches should be present at it but have no power to Consult nor right to Vote but shall wait upon the Judgment of the other Bishops because they Re-examine what they have Judged He forbids them to meddle with any Civil Affairs least that which concerns the Faith be not throughly decided The fifth is an Order to the Proconsul of Asia to afford Elpidius all necessary Assistance The sixth is a Letter to the Bishops of the Council in which he tells them That he wished that they had had no cause of going from their Churches and leaving their Ministerial Functions and to spare themselves the trouble of so long a Voyage but Flavian having moved a Question concerning the Faith by accusing the Abbot Eutyches after he had done what he could to appease the Contest but to no purpose by perswading Flavian to keep close to the Nicene Creed he thought that there was no other way to decide this Question but by assembling a Council that they might examine all that had passed utterly extirpate the Error and expel all those out of the Church who would revive the Heresie of Nestorius The seventh is a private Letter to Dioscorus in which he gives him the Precedence of the Bishops and the Chief Authority in the Council not only upon the Account of Theodoret whom he commanded to be Excluded out of it but upon the Account of some other Bishops whom he suspected to favour the Sentiments of Nestorius He takes notice also that he was perswaded that Iuvenal Bishop of Jerusalem and Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia and the other Orthodox Bishops would join with him and he was unwilling that they who would add or change any thing that had been Established at Nice or Ephesus should have any Authority in this Synod It is easie to perceive by these Letters
heard from the Deacon Demetrius the things which were charg'd upon Hadrian altho this Deacon deny'd it so stifly that he could not be made to confess it by putting him to the Torture Hadrian had recourse to St. Gregory who null'd the proceedings at Larissa and those of the Bishop of the first 〈◊〉 as contrary to the Laws and the Canons and as null in themselves even tho there had not been any Appeal He cuts off the Bishop of Justinâ—… from Comâ—… for thirty days threatens to Excommunicate him of Larissa takes from him all his Jurisdiction over the Bishop of Thebes orders him to restore the Effects of the Church of Thebes and remits the Cause in his own right only to his Residents at Constantinople B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 6. 7. He believed also that the Holy See could call Causes of great Consequence to Rome and judge them Thus he judged and acquirred at Rome John a Priest of Chalcedon who was accused of Heresie and condemned by the Bishop of Constantinople B. 5. Ep. 15 16. And he alledges this Example to prove to the Bishop of 〈◊〉 thâ—… he could examin and judge at Rome the Cause of Claudus the Abbot who had a Difference with the Church of Ravenna B 5. Ep. 24. He acquits also a Priest of Isauria who was accused of Heresie B. 5. Ep 64. But he rarely made use of his Jurisdiction And the Metropolitans 〈◊〉 it with him Paul a Bishop of Afric came to Rome to purge himself Witnesses are sent thither who are 〈◊〉 insufficient Paul desires to be sent back to Constantinople the Pope allows him to go thither with two Bishops B. 6. Ep. 2. As to the ordinary Causes between the 〈◊〉 Clergy of the Bishopricks depending upon the Metropolis of Rome he left them to the Decision of the Bishops and would not have his Wardens to meddle in them nor to diminish the Jurisdiction of the Ordinary For says he if we do not preserve the Jurisdiction of each Bishop we 〈◊〉 the Order of the Church which we should maintain Nam si unicuique Episeâ—… sua jurisdictio non 〈◊〉 quid aliuâ— agitur nisi ut per nos per quos Ecclesiasticus ordo custoâ—… debuit 〈◊〉 B. 9. Ep. 32. Yet he punish'd a Priest of a Parish in the Diocese of another Bishop B. 2. Ep. 16. As to the Informations about the Disorders committed in the Person of a Bishop he observes that they should be made by a Clergy-man together with the Judge B. 2 Ind. 11. Ep. 1. He would not have a Bishop detained a long time in Prison He says that he must be Deposed if he be guilty or set at Liberty if he be innocent B. 1. Ep. 32. The Custom for a Man to purge himself by Oath when there was no Conviction of him was in use in the time of St. Gregory which he approves and makes use of B. 2. Ep. 23. B. 9. Ep. 12. Against the Title of Universal Patriarch ST Gregory does not only oppose this Title in the Patriarch of Constantinople but he maintains also that it cannot agree to any other Bishop and that the Bishop of Rome neither ought nor can assume it John the younger Patriarch of Constantinople had taken upon him this Title in a Council held in 586 in the time of Pope Pelagius which oblig'd this Pope to null the Acts of this Council St. Gregory wrote of it also to this Patriarch but this made no impression on him and John would not abandon this fine Title B. 4. Ep. 36. St. Gregory address'd himself to the Emperor Mauritius and exhorted him earnestly to employ his Authority for redressing this Abuse and to force him who assumed this Title to quit it He remonstrates to him in his Letter That although Jesus Christ had committed to St. Peter the Care of all his Church yet he was not called Universal Apostle That the Title of Universal Bishop is against the Rules of the Gospel and the Appointment of the Canons that there cannot be an Universal Bishop but the Authority of all the other will be destroy'd or diminish'd That if the Bishop of Constantinople were Universal Bishop and it should happen that he should fall into Heresie it might be said that the Universal Church was fall'n into destruction That the Council of Chalcedon had offer'd this Title to St. Leo but neither he nor his Successors would accept it lest by giving something peculiar to one Bishop only they should take away the Rights which belong to all the Bishops That it belongs to the Emperor to reduce by his Authority him who despises the Canons and does injury to the Universal Church by assuming this singular Name B. 4. Ep. 32. These Remonstrances had no effect for the Emperor would not meddle in this Affair and had even authorized John the younger and therefore the Pope complain'd of it to the Empress Ep. 34. of the same Book He wrote also to other Patriarchs who were it seems concern'd to oppose this new Title But they did not take the Matter so heinously as St. Gregory and suffer'd the Patriarch of Constantinople to enjoy this Title which did them no prejudice Nay Anastasius the Patriarch of Antioch had the boldness to remonstrate to St. Gregory that he must not be angry for a Matter of so little consequence But St. Gregory gave him to understand that he did not take the Matter to be so Cyriacus succeeding to John in the See of Constantinople continued to assume the same Title yet he wrote to St. Gregory immediately after his Promotion This Pope would not refuse his Letter but he gave him notice that he should quit that Ambitious Title of Universal Patriarch if he would prevent a Rupture between them and wrote to the Emperor that his Legat should not Communicate with Cyriacus till he had parted with this vain Title B. 6. Ep. 4. 5. 23 24 25 28 30 31. He exhorts the Bishop of Thessalonica not to approve this Title B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 70. Yet Cyriacus would not quit it and St. Gregory was also oblig'd to write to him about the end of his Pontificat B. 11. Ep. 43. Of the Rights and Authority of the Metropolitans ST Gregory desires that in Afric a Primate should be chosen rather with respect to his Merit then the Dignity of the See and that he should recide in a City B. 1. Ep. 72. Yet he permits the Bishops of Numidia to observe their ancient Customs even as to the appointing of Primates provided notwithstanding that they suffer none who have been Donatists to ascend to that Dignity B. 11. Ep. 75. St. Gregory in naming his Deputies preserves the Rights of Metropolitans Singulis quibusaue Metropolitis secundum priscam consuetudinem proprio bonore servato B. 4. Ep. 50. i. e. Saving to each Metropolitan his peculiar honour according to ancient Custom About the Pallium ST Gregory sent the Pallium to many Bishops To Anastasius of Antioch B. 1. Ep.
Friars may not bear Arms That one Child may be given in exchange for another to a Monastery That the Church ought to pay Tribute if it be the custom That Tythes are to be given only to the Poor and Strangers That he that Fasts for the Dead does good to himself but that God alone knows how it goes with the Dead That infirm Folks may Eat and Drink at any Hour The 14th Chapter is about the Reconciliation of Penitents It imports that the Romans do Reconcile them intra absidem that is to say near the Altar in the place which is Rail'd in but that the Greeks do not do so That the Bishop only maketh the Reconciliation on Holy-Thursday but if the Bishop cannot well do it he may empower a Presbyter to do it He adds That in his Province there is no Reconciliation because there is no Publick Penance M. Petit hath joined to this Work some other Collections of Canons bearing Theodorus's Name The 1st might be entituled a Penitential rather than that before mentioned It is discoursed there first of all what they ought to do who are enjoin'd a Penance of One Two or Three Years Fasting 2. What they may do to redeem those Penances whether by reciting Psalms or giving Money to the Poor what number of Psalms they ought to say or what Sums they ought to bestow 3. After what manner Penitents are to come before the Bishop to receive Penance 4. Of the different Penances to be imposed for different Crimes There one may see some remainders of the Ancient Penance Penitents did come in the beginning of Lent to the Door of the Metropolitan Church bare-footed covered with Sack-Cloth and did cast themselves on the ground The Arch-Priests or the Ministers of Parishes did receive them there and enjoined them Penances then they brought them into the Church they sung the Seven Psalms the Bishop laid hands on them threw Ashes and cc Holy Water This Heathen Rite of sprinkling Consecrated Water for the Purging and Purifying of Men which may seem to have had its Original from the Jewish Law which prescribes a Water made with the Ashes of an Heifer to purifie the Unclean by sprinkling them therewith Numb 19. 1 20. was so far from being used or approved by the Christians for many Ages that they abhorred the use of it as a Diabolical Superstition Theodoret commends a Fact of Valentinian then Tribune after Emperor as most suitable to the Christian practice That going before the Emperor Julian the Apostate Theod. lib. 3. c. 16. Soz. l. 6. c. 6. into the Temple of Fortune the Priests sprinkled him as the rest of the Company with Holy Water which when he espved upon his Garment he immediately not only cut off that part where it was but also smote the Priest with his Fist in Anger saying He was a Christian and therefore was defiled not cleansed by their Holy Water which shews that it was not then used among the Christians but in this Aug. Steuch in Numb 19. superstitious Age it crept into the Church among other Ceremonies and is still in use in the Roman Church as a Purgative from Sin Holy Water on them covered them with Hair-Cloth and turned them out of the Church On Holy Thursday they came again and having confessed their Sins again the Bishop Prayed to God to forgive them their Sins and said some Prayers over them It was not lawful to receive a Penitent of another Diocess or Parish without the leave of the Bishop or the Ministers Men were yet put to Penance for Eating things strangled or Blood of Beasts Penances were shorter than in former times but then they were enjoined for very light faults All others but Bishops and Presbyters were forbidden hearing Confessions or imposing Penances The Author of this Collection is different from the former the Constitutions themselves are different from those in the former Collection There be some of them which seem to be made since Theodorus's time The Ten Capitules proposed to the Council of Hereford by Theodorus related by Beda do certainly belong to this Arch-Bishop of Canterbury tho' they be not taken out of his Penitential but out of a Collection of Canons It is decreed in the first That Easter shall be kept the Sunday after the 14th Moon in March. In the 2d Bishops are forbidden to encroach upon the Bishopricks of their Brethren In the 3d They are forbidden to molest Monasteries or to take their Goods from them The 4th Is against those Friars who go from one Monastery to another without their Abbot's leave The 5th Against the Clerks who leave their Bishop Other Bishops are forbidden to entertain them The 6th imports That foreign Bishops and Clerks shall content themselves with the Hospitality used towards them and shall not perform any Function of their Ministery without permission from the Bishop of the place The 7th Appoints Councils to be kept Twice a Year The 8th Forbids Bishops to preferr themselves before others out of Ambition and enjoins them to follow the time and order of their Ordination The 9th declares That it is fit to encrease the number of Bishops according as Believers encrease in number The last Prohibits unlawful Marriages It forbids Husbands leaving their Wives except for the cause of Adultery and orders those that shall leave them to remain unmarried By this decision it appears that the former Collection is not wholly Theodorus's because the 10th Chapter contains decisions contrary to this The Capitules Published by M. Dacherius in the 9th Vol. of his Spicilegium are the greatest part of them in M. Petit's first Collection But this Collection is more Faithful and Genuine for tho' some places thereof may be corrected by the Manuscripts of the first Collection it must be confessed that in this Theodorus's Canons are set down in the order observed by Theodorus and that they are not mixed with so many strange Canons These are the most remarkable things contained in them In the 12th it is said That among the Greeks the Clergy and the Laity communicate every Sunday But that among the Latins it is left to Men's liberty to communicate or not and that those that do not communicate are not Excommunicated for that The 35th Is that famous Article of the Confession It imports That it is lawful in case of necessity to confess to God alone Gratian Burchard and Ivo Carnutensis do quote this passage otherwise Theodorus says in his Penitential That some say with the Greeks Men ought to confess their Sins to God alone Others believe they ought to confess them to the Priests and almost the whole Church is of that mind That Confession which is made to God blots out Sins and that which is made to Men teaches us how they are blotted out God oftentimes does invisibly heal our Evils and sometimes he uses the help of Physicians This differs much from the very words of Theodorus's Penitential if they be faithfully related in
is evident that he was not Bishop of Constantinople when the Council began no Author says He was Deposed or Expelled for that Heresie neither is it probable that it was the cause of his leaving his See seeing George who was put in his room was also a Monothelite Secondly Put the case Theodorus had been condemned by the Council how is it likely that he durst have ventured to falsifie the Acts of the Council it self And tho' he durst do it it had been enough for him to cross out his own Name without substituting that of Honorius and put even the case he could have taken that resolution can it be thought that he could have brought it about How could he falsifie all the Copies of the Acts of this Council sent out to all the Patriarchal Sees How could he bring the Emperor the other Patriarchs and all the Bishops to consent to this Cheat Why did not the Legates and the Popes complain of this falsification Why did they acknowledge after that Honorius was condemned in the 6th Council Why did they not discover this Imposture by the Copy of the Acts of the Council which the Deputy of the Holy See brought and which the Popes Agatho's Successors communicated to the Western Bishops and which he sent into Spain If they were corrupted when he brought them why did he suffer that Corruption And why did the Popes use them If they were not corrupted why did they not use them to discover the Fraud of the Enemies of the Holy See Thirdly Honorius is found condemned in some places where they could not have spoken of Theodorus In the 13th Action his Letter to Sergius is particularly censured as contrary to the Apostolick Doctrine and the Definitions of the Councils It cannot be said this was spoken of Theodorus In the 14th Action his Letter to Sergius is again condemned as perfectly agreeable to the Doctrines of the Hereticks In the 18th Action his Letter is condemned to be burnt as containing the same Heresie and Impieties as the other Writings of the Monothelites In the same Session he is condemned together with Sergius Anathema to Sergius and Honorius and after Anathema to Pyrrhus and Paul If Theodorus's Name had been put in the room of Honorius's they would not have placed him before Pyrrhus and Paul but after them Lastly He is almost every where called Bishop of Rome All this shews there is nothing more unwarrantable than Baronius's conjecture Fourthly 'T is a plain matter of Fact that Honorius was condemned in the 6th Council And of this we have proofs more than sufficient The Council it self owns it in its Letter to the Pope the Emperor in his Edict declares it Agatho who was one of the Notaries testifieth it in a relation which is in the end of a Manuscript of the 6th Council Leo the Second Agatho's Successor asserts it in Three of his Letters the whole Church of Rome acknowledges it in the forms of the Oath which the Popes newly Elected are to take and in her Ancient Liturgy the Two General Councils following look upon this condemnation as true Lastly No Body ever questioned it and consequently Baronius's fancy must pass for a matchless piece of rashness You will yet be more sensible of it when you shall see the weakness of the proofs whereon he founds his bold conjecture The first is a place of Pope Agatho's Letter which says the Apostolick Church of Rome did never swerve from the way of the Truth and that his Predecessors did always confirm the Faith of their Brethren This Letter says he having been read and approved in the Council how is it likely that after this they durst have condemned one of Agatho's Predecessors as an Heretick or favourer of Heresie If this Popes Letter had contained but that one point or it had been read in the Council to justifie Honorius this Objection might have some strength But this being said but by the by in Agatho's Letter containing a long Exposition of the Faith of the Catholick Church and a very great number of the Fathers Testimonies and Reasons against the Error of the Monothelites and the Council having caused it to be read on purpose only to know the Doctrine of the Holy See and the Western Churches It is evident their approbation does not fall upon this particular place of his Letter but upon the Exposition of Faith and the Doctrine it contained And tho' we should suppose that the Council had taken notice of the Commendation which Agatho maketh of his Church and his Predecessors and had perceived that it was not absolutely and strictly true they ought not upon this account to have refused their approbation of his Letter nor excepted against this place of it It were a silly thing to imagine that a Council called to decide a Question of Faith should busie it self to wrangle about a Commendation slipt in by the Pope in his Letter in behalf of his Predecessors But Pope Agatho's praises of his Predecessors in general ought not to be taken in a strict sense for if we understand them so all the World will see that they cannot be true because it cannot be denied but Liberius and Honorius did but weakly defend the Faith as well as tolerate Error they must then be understood in general of almost all Agatho's Predecessors and not of all in particular so that no exception could be made to it Besides it were an easie thing to retort Baronius's Argument upon himself For if the commendations of Agatho's Letter ought to be taken strictly as also the Council's approbation of it so that it was not lawful for them to condemn those whose Religion and Piety he commends How durst Baronius charge the Emperor Justinian with Heresie Perfidiousness and Impiety since he is commended in Agatho's Letter as a most Religious Orthodox and Godly Prince whose Memory is had in Veneration among all Nations But I stand too long upon so weak an Objection He makes one more which is not harder to solve How is it possible saith he that the Pope's Legates who were present in this Council should say nothing to vindicate Honorius But why would he have them to engage in a bad cause Honorius had approved Sergius's Letter had consented that they should speak neither of One nor of Two Operations had asserted but One Will in Christ had silenced Sophronius who would have defended the Faith These Facts were evident by the very reading of his Letter there is enough for his condemnation and they could not stand up in his defence without furnishing their Adversaries with Arms. The same Reasons which they should have used to justifie him might have been urged also to justifie Sergius and the rest therefore in forsaking Honorius they took the right course they did the same thing in the Roman Council under Martin the 1st for when they read Paul's Synodical Letter who defends his own Error by the Authority of Honorius neither the Pope nor any of
Bishop in the World and if he could not come himself to send some Legates in his Place that the ancient Tradition of the Church might be confirmed in this Synod and that there might be no Schism hereafter in the Apostolick and Catholick Church of which Christ is the Head They add they send him Constantine Bishop of Leonce in Sicily to bring him this Order desiring him to send him back again with an Answer as soon as he can Tarasius whom the Emperor and Empress had caused to be chosen Patriarch though he was but a Lay-man and Officer of the Crown having excused his accepting of that Dignity set forth the Division of the Church about Images and the Necessity of calling a General Council The Assembly assented to it he was ordained Patriarch and wrote Synodical Letters to the Patriarchs of Rome Alexandria Antioch and Jerusalem Pope Adrian sent * Viz. Petrus Vicedomus and Petrus Hugumeus to Priests to hold his Place in the Council and the Eastern Bishops did the same After their Arrival the Emperor's Officers would have had the Council to sit at Constantinople but this became impracticable because many of them that had approved the Destruction of Images would have no more Synods to be held about that Affair which they thought to be already decided As they were discoursing these Matters in private Meetings the Emperor sent them word that it was not lawful for them to meet without the Consent of the Bishop of Constantinople and that in rigor they were Deposed Nevertheless they raised some ss Tumult The true Cause of this Tumult was that the Image-Worshippers being resolved to carry the point having gotten so powerful as well as Zealous Patron of their Idolatry as Irene the Empress was would have shut the contrary party out of the Council who thereupon endeavour'd to gain admission by force that their Doctrine might not be condemned unheard This being Granted them they carried themselves peaceably as well in Publick as in their Dispures in the Councils which they managed with such undeniable Arguments drawn from Holy Scripture that the Image-Worshippers were obliged to dissolve the Council at Constantinople without accomplishing their Design But not long after by the Empresses Order they called another Council at Nice where they Established Idolatry by a Law the Empress's Guards keeping the Iconoclusts from entring the Council and her self undertaking to put the Constitutions of it in force tumult when the Council Assembled the first time the 1st day of August An. 786. and having caused the Soldiers of Constantinople to rise they got them to Besiege the Bishops and to require with threatnings that no Council should be held So they were forced to seperate themselves and to the end they might hold another without constraint they sent the Soldiers to the Army under pretence that the Agarenians had made Incursions into the Empire After this the Council was Assembled at Nice about the end of 787. The Pope's Legates held the first place there Terasius Patriarch of Constantinople the 2d the Deputies of the Eastern Bishops the 3d after them Agapetus Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia John Bishop of Ephesus Constantin Metropolitan of Cyprus with 250 Bishops or Arch-bishops and above 100 Presbyters or Monks and two Commissioners of the Emperor and the Empress The First Action or Session was held the 24th of September in the Church of St. Sophia after they had declar'd the Cause of holding of the Council they read the Letter of the Empress Irene and the Emperor wherein they both assure them that they have Assembled the Synod with the consent of the Patriarchs that they leave the Bishops at full Liberty to speak their mind that Paul the last Patriarch of Constantinople acknowledging the Fault he had committed in receiving the Synod which enjoyn'd the destroying of Images having quitted his See he had Caused Tarasias to be chosen in his Room that he had refused this Dignity but being urg'd to accept of it he had required a Synod might be held to suppress the Schism which divided the Church in the point of Images that according to his request they had called this Council that they exhorted them to Judge justly and couragiously to condemn Errors and establish the Truth in Order to bringing Peace back again into the Church that they had received Letters from Pope Adrian which they would have read in the Assembly with the Papers sent by the Eastern Bishops After the reading of this Letter Basil Bishop of Ancyra Theodosius of Myra Theodosius of Amoru made very Large Declarations that they did Honour Reverence and Worship Images and that they were sorry for having been of another Perswasion and they were received After them Hypatius Bishop of Nice and four others who had been Caballing the year before did also present themselves to be received declaring that they did admit of Image Worship These gave an Occasion to examine how and in what Quality they should be received They searched several Ecclesiastical Laws touching the manner of receiving Heretics Thereupon they read the 53 Canon of the Apostles the 8 Canon of the Nicene Council the 3 of the Council of Ephesus the first Canon of St. Basil's Epistle to Amphilochius a Letter of the same Father to the Evesians the Definition of the Council of Ephesus against the Messalians St. Athanasuis's Letter to Ruffinian the Judgment of the Council of Chalcedon about the reception of the Bishops who had assisted at the Council of Ephesus under Dioscorus and some Abstracts of their Ecclesiastical Histories of Rusinus and Socrates They debated whether they ought to receive converted Heretics so as to leave them in the Sacerdotal Dignity Some insisted upon Athanasius's Letter to Ruffinian which imports that they shall be admitted to Pennance but shall not continue in the Clergy but it was answered that it was to be understood of Heresiarchs only Some Voted that according to the Nicene Council they should lay hands on them anew but some said that the Council did not mean a New Consecration but a simple Ceremony of Imposition of Hands They enquired whether the Heresie of the Iconoclasts was greater or lesser than the former Heresies and there was nothing determined upon that Point Lastly after many Allegations they declared that those who return'd from their Heresie yea and those also who had been Ordain'd by Heretics were to be received and to keep their Dignity if there was nothing else that hindred them from continuing in the Degree of Clerks In the Second Action of the 26th of the same Month after Gregory Bishop of Neo caesaria had presented himself and owned that he had done amiss in rejecting Image Worship they read Pope Adrian's Letter to Constantine and Irene in which having commended their Zeal he establisheth the Worship of Images and affirm that the Church of Rome received it by Tradition from S. Peter He proves by a false Relation that in S Sylvester's time S.
to reduce them to Ashes and to look upon those that have them as Idolaters wholly to condemn Painters and the Art of Painting as the Bishops of the Council of Constantinople have done 't is a piece of intollerable Imprudence and Folly As to the Worship that was paid them 't is certain it cannot be referred to the Images and that they have no Veneration for the Matter they are made of nor for their Shape and Form but only they give some outward Signs before them of the Veneration they have for what 's represented by them This Worship being thus explained as it hath been by most of the Defenders of Images cannot be taxed nor accused of Idolatry as even those who do not use them do not deny But then it cannot be said to be absolutely necessary and those who for some private Reason do not think themselves bound for instance to prostrate themselves before Images to bow to them to kiss them to embrace them to express their Reverence for that they represent those I say are not to be condemned as Hereticks who will not do so for some particular Reasons either because the Practice of their Church is otherwise or because they fear those outward Duties should be mistaken for Adorations or lastly because they do not believe the Worship of Images to be sufficiently warranted seeing to prove it they have alledged a great number of false Pieces or of impertinent Passages that prove nothing Moreover The Proceeding of those Persons could not be blamed who to settle Peace in the Church and to re-unite two opposite Parties of which the one were for breaking down all Images and the other for honouring of them endeavoured to make their own Usage to be received every where and wrote to the Pope respectfully about it This was the Temper of our French People in the time of the Nicene Council and after thus they carried themselves Therefore they cannot be blamed But then the Worship paid to Images being well explained and understood by all there being no more fear of Idolatry the whole Church being agreed in the Acknowledging of it It would be a piece of Temerity in a private Man or some private Churches to refuse to comply with this Usage and condemn those that honour them yy The Reformed Churches are to blame for abolishing the Use and Worship of Images All the Reformed Churches are not so great Enemies to the Images of Christ or his Saints but as the Lutherans do still allow them in their Churches for Ornament or as Helps of Memory without giving them any Worship So were it safe and not offensive to many good Men could many other Churches also But we have so great Experience of the Peoples Proneness to Idolatry and are so unsatisfied with the Bowing down to them with a Relative Veneration that we think it better to want the Historical than run the Hazzard of falling into the Idolatrous Use of them And though we meet with very few of the Romish Communion that are so moderate as our Historian not to brand us with the odious and ignominious Name of Hereticks yet we had rather with St. Paul worship God after the way that they call Heresie than after that which Scripture calls Idolatry The Reformed Churches therefore are to blame to go about to abolish the Worship and Use of Images Only it were to be wished 1. That great Care should be taken to instruct the People well in the Nature of the Worship paid to Images and to teach the Simple that it is not paid to the Images properly but to Jesus Christ and to the Saints represented by them and that the Image is only the Occasion of it in as much as before it they give outward Signs of the Worship rendered to the Object 2. That the Abuses and Excesses committed in this Worship should be avoided such as those of kindling a greater Number of Tapers before the Images than before the Holy Sacrament of Dressing and adorning them with so much Pomp of Kneeling before them sooner than before the Altar where Christs Body is kept of believing some Virtue to be in one Image which is not in another c. 3. Perhaps it were fitting to suffer no Image of the Trinity nor of the Deity all the most zealous Defenders of Images having condemned these and the Council of Trent having spoken but of the Images of Christ and of the Saints Besides They should be more careful to remove prophane Images and all those that have something undecent and fabulous in them from Churches The Council of NORTHUMBERLAND POPE Adrian having sent two Legates into England Gregory of Ostia and Theophylactus Bishop Council of Northumberland of Todi they were very well entertained by the Kings and the Bishops of the Country and held a Council in Northumberland An. 787. in which they made the following Canons to be received 1st That the Faith of the Nicene Council should be maintained even to the laying down of their Lives in the Defence of it if need were 2d That Baptism should be administred only according to the Order and at the time appointed by the Canons except in Case of Necessity that all Persons should be obliged to learn the Creed and the Lord's Prayer that the Sureties should be put in mind of the Obligation they had taken upon themselves to take care that those whom they undertake for at the Font be instructed in the Creed and the Lord's Prayer 3d. That every year two Councils should be held that the Bishops should visit their Dioceses and watch carefully over their Flock 4th That they should take care to see their Clerks live Canonically and their Monks regularly that they wear different Garments that Clerks be clad modestly and plain and that of this the Bishops Abbots and Abbesses ought to be Examples to such as are under their Care 5th That after the Death of an Abbot or an Abbess they should choose others in their Room with the Bishop's Advice and that they ought to be chosen out of the Monastery if there were any fit for that Place if not that they are to be taken out of another Monastery 6th That Bishops shall Ordain none Presbyters or Deacons but Men of an exemplary Life and such as are able to discharge their Functions well that they that are Ordained shall remain in the Title and Degree to which they are destined and that no Clerk of another Church shall be received without Cause and without Letters from his Bishop 7th That in all Churches Divine Service shall be performed at the usual time and with Reverence 8th That the old Priviledges granted to Churches shall be preserved but if any of them be found made against the Canonical Constitutions at the Suit and Request of wicked Men they shall be abrogated 9th That Clerks shall not eat by themselves and in private The 10th That none shall come near the Altar but reverently and in decent Cloathing that the
examined He speaks the same things to Hincmarus in his Letters written to him at the same time but more especially blames his Carriage and Administration in many sharp reflexions and concludes telling him That he takes it ill that he makes use of the Pall on such occasions as were not allowable In a third Letter he thanks King Charles the Bald for the satisfaction he had given him in making the Bishops of France unanimously join in the Restoration of those Clerks but could not blame Hincmarus Lastly In his fourth Letter he Congratulates Wulfadus and the other Clerks for their Restoration and Exhorts them to be subject to Hincmarus and tells them That he would allow them a Years time to prosecute that Affair at Rome if they thought fit These four Letters bear Date Dec. 7. 866. These Letters of Pope Nicolas are extant Tom. 8. of the Councils p. 268. and 480. They are also Printed with a Collection of his Epistles Published at Rome 1542. Fol. By what has been said it is evident that the Bishops of France would not bring these Causes The Carriage of the Bishops of France to Rome nor be obliged to appear there themselves to maintain the Justice of their Sentence nor would endure it to be Disanulled or blamed in the least the contrary to which Pope Nicolas pretended to do He required that the Councils which Judged any Causes at the first Hearing should be called by his Authority That both the Accused and the Accusers had liberty of Appealing to Rome before and after their Sentence That all Synods should give him a large and full Account of their Proceedings before they passed Sentence That in case of Appeal the Holy See might put the Condemned into the Places and Condition they were formerly in conditionally and then the Judges should be obliged to come or send their Deputies to Rome to maintain their Judgment where the Cause shall be Examined a-new as if it had never been decided From this time the Bishops of France who were most Learned and best Skilled in the Canons to evade the Pretensions contrary to the Canons which tended directly to the utter ruining of the Episcopal Authority and overthrow of all Church Discipline and that without quarrelling with the H. See Judged all Ecclesiastical Causes that came before them in their Synods and that their Judgment might be of greater Authority they caused the Contending Parties to choose their Judges because according to a Maxim of Law It is not Lawful to Appeal from the Sentence of those Judges whom they had Elected Lastly They caused that Judgment to be Executed and in case the Persons Condemned referred themselves to Rome they would send the Pope their Reasons and require his Confirmation or rather Approbation of their Judgment but tho' often cited never would go to Rome nor send their Deputies with a Commission to act in their Names to call any Matter in Question but left it to the Pope to do as he pleased without opposition And if it so happened that they were obliged eitheir for the good of the Church or for Peace sake or in Obedience to the Will of that Prince to do as the Pope would have them they protested that it was without any Abrogation of their Sentence which was Valid and Just but only to shew Mercy to the faulty Thus they behaved themselves in this Cause Hincmarus first of all caused those Clerks to present their Petition in Writing and to leave it to the Synod of France He then made them choose their Judges by agreement after he had withdrawn from the Tryal After the Judgment was passed he had it executed and confirmed by the Pope but at last Nicolas I. being solicited to it by Wulfadus and being desirous to have that Cause re-examined in a Synod Hincmarus ordered the matter so that not only their Decree was kept in force but was confirmed without any offence to the Pope who had resolved to restore these Clerks or to the Emperor who favoured Wulfadus For he perswaded the Bishops not to deal so rigorously with Wulfadus and his Fellows as in Justice they might and to consent to their Restoration if the Pope desired it This shewed a great deal of complaisance to the Pope in leaving the thing to his dispose in respect to the H. See but it was not what the Pope desired He would have had the Synod which he called to have quite Disanulled what was done at Soissons and himself to be made Judge in that Affair and upon an Appeal both Parties should have come to Rome to Contest about it And for this Reason it was that he would not determine the Matter definitively but satisfied himself to Restore Wulfadus and the Clerks Ordained by Ebbo conditionally Before Nicolas's Letters were brought by Egilo Charles the Bald who had so great a favour for Wulfadus and would have him Ordained Archbishop of Bourges by all means whatsoever sent Wulfadus Ordained Archbishop of Bourges his Son Carolomannus Abbot of S. Medard to have him Ordained and Installed which was done in September by some Bishops who were not very well Skilled in the Laws of the Church which Wulfadus had provided and Carolomannus had scared into it It was Aldo Bishop of Limoges who Consecrated him and some have said that that Bishop in the midst of the Ceremony was taken with a Fever of which he Died soon after Egilo being returned with four Letters from Pope Nicolas in the Year 867 Charles the Bald called a Council at Troyes at which were the Archbishops The Council of Troyes of Reims Tours Rouen Bourdeaux Sens and Bourges with those 14 Bishops who were present at the Council of Soissons the Year before in which some Bishops favouring Wulfadus to please Carolus Calvus would encounter Hincmarus but he defended himself so well that they only resolved to satisfy the Pope to send a Synodical Epistle containing a large Relation of what had passed in the Deposition of Ebbo his pretended Restoration and the Ordinations of Wulfadus and others who had been Consecrated after his Deposition In it they relate how the Children of Lewis the Godâ—y would have deprived him of his Estate and for that end had made use of Ebbo and some other The Letter of the Council of Troyes to the Pope against Ebbo Bishops who having obliged that Prince to confess some forged Crimes had put him in a State of Penance and deprived him of his Authority How afterwards when Lewis the Kind was again restored by the Authority of his Bishops Ebbo had left his See and fled how he was Apprehended and carried to the Emperor by Rothadus Bishop of Soissons and by Ercaraus Bishop of Chalons how he had himself Signed and Approved the Restoration of Lewis the Kind and owned that he was unjustly and contrary to the Canons put to Penance after which manner having acknowledged his fault in Writing at the Council in Thion-ville held 835 in which
his Friends they had been forced to own and support him that they Acknowledged their Fault and begged pardon for it protesting They should never adhere to Photius or any of his party as long as they should continue in their Obstinacy This Petition of theirs being presented the Pope's Legates declared That they received them The Form was read unto them who having approved of and subscribed unto it their Petition being laid upon the Gospel and the Cross they presented it to Ignatius the Patriarch who restored unto them their Pontifical Habit and then they took their places in the Council Though the number of the Bishops be not expresly mention'd yet Ten of them are named in this Session The Priests Ordained by Methodius and Ignatius who had sided with Photius were likewise admitted who having presented a Petition to the same purpose as the former and subscribed to the Form were also restored The same was done with the Deacons Sub-Deacons and other Clerks these Penances being inflicted upon them all That they that eat Flesh should forbear it together with Eggs and Cheese and they that eat no Flesh should abstain from Eggs Cheese and Fish on Wednesdays and Fridays and eat nothing but Pulse with Oyl and a little Wine to fall upon their knees Fifty times a day to say a Hundred times Kyrie eleeson My God I have sinned forgive my sin O Lord to repeat the Sixth Thirty sixth and Fiftieth Psalms until Christmas-day and to forbear till that day all Sacerdotal Function Thus ended this Session with the usual Acclamations In the Third Session which was held on the 11th of October the Pope's Legates the Deputies from the East the Commissioners and 23 Bishops being met together the Arch-bishops of Ancyra and Nice who had been Ordained by Ignatius and Methodius and had favoured Photius were Summoned to subscribe unto the Form in order to be Restored But they declared That having sufficiently suffered for having formerly Subscribed whether to good or ill purpose they were resolved to Subscribe onely to the Profession of Faith they had Subscribed unto when they were Ordained and pray'd the Council to be satisfy'd with their Resolution After this the Emperour's Letter to Pope Nicholas was read wherein he signify'd unto him the Deposing of Photius and intreated him to let him know how he should deal with those who had espoused his Quarrel or had been Ordained by him expressing his desire That they should be pardoned who came in first to Acknowledge their Fault He gave him notice withall that he sent Deputies from Ignatius and Photius with Basilius one of his Gentlemen-Ushers that he may order Things in their Presence as he shall think most expedient or send them back with Commissioners from him that he may know his clear Intention This Letter was followed by another from Ignatius to the same Pope In which having Extolled the Holy Apostolick See and commended the Emperour's Zeal he says That he sends him a Metropolitan and a Bishop to express his Thankful Acknowledgment to give him a faithful Account of all Passages and know of him what Measures he must take in the present Juncture concerning the Bishops of Photius his Faction Whom he divides into two Classes viz. those Ordained by himself and those Ordained by Photius He puts amongst these Paul Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia who opposed him at first but afterwards returned to his Duty With this Letter was Read Pope Adrian's Answer in which this Pope having promised Ignatius the Patriarch that his Affection for him shall not fall short of his Predecessor's and praised God for his Restauration he gives him for a Standard the Decree given by Pope Nicholas against Photius and Gregory and confirming the same declares them Degraded of all Sacerdotal Offices and not to be regarded as Bishops no more than Gregory and Photius who took upon him a Power he had not Gregorium Syracusanum Photium Tyrannum eos quos idem Photius in Gradu quolibet Ordinasse putatus est ab Episcoporum numero vel Dignitate quam usurpative ac ficte dedit merito sequestrantes To prove Photius his Ordinations to be void he gives these following Reasons First Because Photius was like Maximus and his Ordination or rather Intrusion in all points like unto his Secondly Because Pope Nicholas his Predecessor had so Decreed it Thirdly Because Photius being a Great Man a Courtier a Novice an Intruder an Adulterer Excommunicated having no lawful Power could not consequently confer it upon his Followers A Maxim which he afterwards confirms as owned by Photius and those of his Party He therefore requires that the same Rigour be used with relation to those who had been Ordained by Photius and even to Paul himself who was recommended unto him by Ignatius who says he must expect an everlasting Reward for the Persecution he had suffer'd besides the Temporal Rewards of the Church and the Honour he has acquired by his Sufferings As to those who had been Ordained by Methodius or Ignatius he commends the Zeal of those who had withstood Photius and suffer'd constantly for the Cause of Ignatius but for the rest who submitted to Photius either of their own accord or by force he declares That provided they come in and Sign the Form he sends by his Legates they ought to be Pardon'd and left in possession of their Church-Dignities notwithstanding their Opposition against the Patriarchal Dignity and the Holy Catholick See Yet he declares withall That those who assisted at the Illegal Council held at Constantinople against the Holy See should be incapable of Pardon were not the Compassion of the Holy See invaded by them as great as their Demerit He exhorts Ignatius to see the Articles drawn up at Rome against Photius and his Council Subscribed unto Lastly He commends John of Silea his Charity and Zeal for Ignatius This Letter being read was highly Commended by all the Bishops and so this Session ended with the usual Acclamations The Fourth Session was held Octob. 13th In which two Bishops were Accused Theophilus and Zachary by Name who were both Ordained by Methodius and continued obstinate in Photius his Party These Bishops being called into the Council required that the other Bishops that stood it out for Photius should also be called in There was some time a Debate upon the matter whether or no they should be admitted But the Pope's Legates did at last consent That Three of them should be called in in the Name of the rest to hear the Sentence passed against them When they were to be called in they had all withdrawn themselves except Theophilus and Zachary Who being come before the Council maintained That Pope Nicholas had Communicated with them The Legates convinced them of Falshood by Nicholas his Letters against Photius which they caused to be read Thomas and Elias made it appear likewise That they had never owned Photius for a Patriarch Which appearing undeniable Theophilus and Zachary were pressed
be a Priest and baptizing a great many People In the fifteenth he says that such Persons ought not to be re-baptized in the Name of the Holy Trinity In the sixteenth he says That those that did thus abuse this Priest ought to be put to Penance In the seventeenth he blames the King for executing the principal Leaders of a Rebellion raised against him by the Bulgarians whom he had caused to be baptized And he says that he has committed a great Sin and particularly in the murthering their Infants who were innocent But since he did it thro' a violent Zeal for Religion and a blind ignorance he hopes he may obtain mercy if he repent In the eighteenth he says That those that have been baptized and after forsake Christianity ought to be first admonished by them that held them to the Font that if they do not reform they ought to be accused to the Church and that if they refuse to obey the Church they should be punish'd by the Prince's Authority In the nineteenth he says They may make use of the rigour of their Laws against those as would take away the lives of their Princes Nevertheless he exhorts the King to pardon such Offenders This and the following Articles relate more to Civil Policy than Church Discipline In the 41st he forbids forcing Infidels to the Faith and advises them to avoid communicating with them In the 44th and those that follow he forbids Hunting Examining Causes Playing Marrying or Feasting in Lent and in the 50th leaves it to the prudence of the Bishop or Priest who have the care of Consciences to determine after what manner a man should live with his wife during that time In the 51st he expresly forbids men to have two wives at a time In the 53d he says that it is permitted to all Believers to make the sign of the Cross upon the Table and to give a Benediction thereupon in the absence of the Priest In the 54th he does not disapprove of the Custom of the Greeks who thro' humility used always to wash their hands before they went into the Church but nevertheless he does not command it In the 55th he says he does not think it needful to force People newly converted to pay their debts that they may be received into Communion In the 56th he approves of the Custom of ordering Prayers and Fasts for Temporal Necessities as in a time of Drought c. In the 57th he rejects the Superstition of the Greeks who would not eat any Beasts kill'd by Eunuchs In the 58th he orders according to the Precept of the Apostle that women should have their heads covered in the Church The 59th and 60th relate to their Habits and the Hours of Eating In the 61st he recommends continual Prayer to them In the 62d he forbids them to make use of a certain Stone that they believ'd would heal or cure a Disease The 63d and 64th shew the time when it is most proper to abstain from use the of Marriage The 65th commands to receive the Eucharist fasting and allows those to come to the Communion who have bled much at the nose or mouth for which he makes use of the example of the Woman in the Gospel who being sick of a Bloody-flux touched Christ's Garment which makes it credible that he doth not debar Women from it that are under the like inconvenience In the 66th he forbids them to enter their Church with their Turbans on their Heads In the 67th he forbids the Bulgarians to swear by their Sword or by the name of any Creature The 68th allows Women newly brought to bed to enter into the Church In the 69th he says That the solemn times of administring Baptism are the Feasts of Easter and Whitsuntide but that it is not necessary to observe this in regard of the People newly converted no more than in respect of such as are in danger of death The 70th directs that they ought not to depose a Priest who hath a Wife and that it is not lawful for Lay-men to judge of Priests The 71st shews that Priests how wicked soever they are cannot defile the Sacraments and that they may be received from them with security The 72d is about the question propounded to him concerning a Patriarch He says he cannot answer whether he shall grant them one till he knows their number of Christians That a Bishop may serve their turn in the mean time and that if their numbers of Believers encrease and that there be divers Churches and divers Bishops he will make choice of one of them for their Patriarch or rather Arch-Bishop In the 73d he says that their Patriarch Bishop or Arch-Bishop must not be Ordained but by the Supreme Bishop and then he that is Ordained by him having receiv'd the Privilege of Metropolitan from the Holy See may Ordain other Bishops That after this there would be no more need of coming to Rome for the Ordination of their Arch-Bishop who then might be Ordained by the other Bishops upon condition that he doth not execute any part of his Office till he has receiv'd the Pall. The 74th asserts that men may pray any where The 75th and 76th That the Bishops that he will send them shall bring the Rules of Penance which they desired together with a Missal In the 77th he forbids them to have any thing to do with Lots by putting a Pin into a Book to find out any thing they are in suspicion of The 78th declares that Penance ought to be refus'd to none In the 79th he forbids superstitious Ligatures made use of to cure men The following Articles relate to Peace Agreements or Bargains Judgments and Civil Punishments In the 87th he forbids forcing Widows to become Nuns The 88th says that it is not lawful to pray for such as dy'd in their Infidelity The 89th recommends to them the Custom of Offering the First-fruits of the Earth The 90th says that it is lawful to eat Birds which have not been bled in killing them The 91st forbids Christians to eat Beasts kill'd or hunted by Infidels In the 92d he declares that they are the proper Patriarchs who govern the Churches founded by the Apostles which are only Rome Alexandria and Antioch That the Bishops of Constantinople and Jerusalem are also called Patriarchs but they have not so great Authority as these three In the 93d he declares that of Alexandria to be the second Patriarch In the 94th he declares the Cheat of the Greeks who said that Chrism came first from their Country The 95th says that they ought not to be taken from the Church who have fled thither for Sanctuary In the 96th he forbids Husband to be divorced from their Wives if it be not for Adultery In the 97th he exhorts Masters to pardon their Slaves that have offended them In the 98th he is willing that such as kill themselves should be buried for fear their puâ—rid Bodies should occasion Infection but
administred only at the time set apart by the Canon 119. Persons baptized at other times may not be ordained ibid. Ought to be administred in such Places only as have Fonts 121. Ought to be administred according to the Rites used at Rome 114. Time of baptizing solemnly 131 136. Without Dipping 131 136. The Questions of Charles the Great about Baptism 157. Answered by several Bishops of France ibid. In the Name of the Trinity and may not be repeated 66 178. It s Administration 167. By Dipping or Sprinkling 167 Baptism of Adulterers ibid. In what Cases it may be administred out of the solemn Times 178. The validity of Baptism conferred by the Jews 179. Or a Father to his Child 184. Barbarous the Pope's Complaint to the Emperor because he called the Latin Tongue a barbarous Language 90. Barcelona's Attempts against the Rights of that Church condemned 124. Baudrius a Priest of the Diocess of Sens how hardly he obtained Leave of his Bishop to leave his Cure and become a Monk 170. Authorities against such Permission ibid. Beati Immaculati forbidden to be sung the Saturday before Quasi modo 7. Beggars their wicked Devices to get Mony 150. How to discover them ibid. Bernard Count why excommunicated 182. Bernus Bishop of Autun his Ordination 171. Bells the bigger call'd Campanae and lesser Nolae 166. Bertram a Name confounded with Ratramnus 73. Bertulphus Archbishop of Treves his Ordination by Hincmarus of Rheims 205. Besancon Pope John VIII Advice to the Bishop of it 182. Blessings different Uses of Blessings in the Church 163. Of the Blessing of Tables 178. Blood some Remarks upon our Saviour's sweating Blood 107. Birds why they may be eaten on Days of Abstinence 162. Bishops their Ordination 23 51 128 161 181. The Signification of their Staff and Ring 161. 3 Sorts according to Rabanus ibid. To be ordained 3 Months after their Election 132. The Punishment upon them that are not ibid. The Causes reserved to them ibid. Rules for their Life Carriage and Duties 97 98 114 116 118 120 122 124 125. Their Duties 39 117 146 175. Not to revenge themselves on their Priests 122. What they may exact of their Curates and the manner how they may take it ibid. Their way of Living and how they ought to visit ibid. To observe the Canons under great Penalties ibid. To maintain their Rights and Privileges 123. Their Ordination 130. To visit Monasteries ibid. To go to the Synod under Pain of Excommunication 131. Their manner of Visiting Monasteries 127. Not to overcharge their Curates 116 120 128. To give their Goods to the Poor after their Death 117. Their Offices 118. Their Judicial Power 25 26. Cannot appeal from the Judges they have chosen 26. Ought not to be tryed by the Pope at first ibid. But by their Metropolitan or a Synod of the Province 38. The Pretences of the Pope as to the Causes of the Bishops 26 27. Ceremonies required in their Election and Ordination 27. Cannot leave their Diocess without the Consent of their Metropolitan 35. Obliged to celebrate Divine Service on Sundays and Festivals 125. Rules for their Diet ibid. Not to be tryed before Lay-Judges about Ecclesiastical Affairs 35. Ought to be subject to their Metropolitans 38. Can only be cited by Bishops 87. Rules about their being deposed 136. How they ought to be restored after several Censures 93 94. An absolute Liberty required in their Ministry 121. Ought not to take an Oath about Sacred Things ibid. Rules for the Function 124. Cannot chuse their Successor 142. Translations of Bishops 52 53. The Popes Brethren 147. Ought not to prefer the Popes Commands before their Princes 147 148. When Private Men may separate themselves from the Bishops Bishops from the Metropolitan and Metropolitan from their Patriarch 88. A Rule for the Ordination of Bishops ibid. Princes not to concern themselves with their Election 98. Ought not to ordain or execute their Function in the Churches which are not in their Diocess ibid. Ought to preserve the Sign of their Profession if they have been Monks ibid. Women not to go into their Houses 121. Prayers for a Bed-rid Bishop 127. Books Canonical Opinions about their Composure and Translations 145. What are necessary for Priests 141 152 Boson and Engeltrude their Estate given to their Children 182 183. Bread after it is blessed may be given to the People 139. Bretagne the Bishop put under the Jurisdiction of their Metropolitan 129. Threatned with Excommunication if they did not submit 183. Admonitions to them to call a Council 129. Bulgaria the Rights of the Church of Rome over Bulgaria contested by the Greek Church 99 100. P. Nicolas's Answer to them 179. Bulgarians Questions 177. And the Rules added to it ibid. The Ordination of the Bishops there 178. The indiscreet Zeal of the Kings of Bulgaria reproved by Pope Nicholas 178. Pope John VIII Exhortations to the King of the Bulgarians 187. Whom he accused of Schism 188. Burchard Bishop of Chartres the Validity of his Election and Ordination 126. Burial Ecclesiastical when granted to persons put to Death 125. To be allowed gratis 135 136 138 152. Forbidden to be in Churches to Laymen 136. C. CAnons some Remarks about their Observation 39. The Canons of the Councils of the Ninth Age 114. Canons Rules for their Lives 115. Precepts for Canons and Canonesses 117. Obliged to live in Common 122 124 Cannot serve their Prince but by the Consent of their Bishop 122. The Canons of the Church of Tournay limited to thirty 123. Canterbury the Privileges of that Church confirmed by Pope John VIII 101. Cardinals their Duty 182 Carolomannus the Addresses that Pope John made to him 181. His Deposition was approved by the same Pope 183. Catechumens the Ceremonies of Baptizing them 28. Celebacy commended in Priests 126. Enjoyned for all Sacred Orders 131. A Canon for the single Life of Widows 135. Chalice not to be consecrated in the Vestry 6. The use of Wooden Chalices prohibited 136. The quantity of Water and Wine to be mixt in them ibid. Chapels private forbidden 124. Charles the Bald his good Qualities 124. The Examples he had to imitate 171. Charles the Gross the Wants of the Churches in the Holy Land made known to him and his Lords 152 Threatned with Excommunication by John VIII Pope 181. The Pope's Thanks and Requests to him 186. Children the Honour they owe their Parents 165. Children smothered by lying with their Father or Mother 165. A Precept about the Teaching them 115. Parents not to hold their Children at the Font 115 116. Church 3 sorts of Members in it 133. Diâ—…ded into 2 Parts 119. Church or Temple original of them 166. The Signal given to meet there ibid. Their Use ibid. Their Foundation 134. The Consecration of them and manner of doing it 117. The Ground ordered for every Church 118. The Custom of the Greeks before they go into their Churches 178. The Times of Visiting the Churches of the Martyrs 15â—
first Exil and address'd to the most Learned Prelates of his Time A Treatise Entituled The Frenzy because he therein talks like a Mad-man against Baudry Several Sermons for Holy Thursday for the Feast of Pentecost and for several Festivals of the Blessed Virgin and several other pieces The same Author adds that Ratherius in his Exile at Cumae meeting with a Copy of the Life of St. Usmar corrected the Solecisms thereof and sent it to Lobes and that afterwards being in Provence he Compos'd a Treatise of Grammar which he Dedicated to Roësting's Son under the Title of Spera-dorsum or A Shelter for the back-side The Stile of Ratherius is obscure and intricate but pure enough in the Terms his Expressions are lively and smart and his Reasonings just enough He was well acquainted with the Canons had thorowly read the Latin Fathers and very pertinently made use of their Authority and Principles He reproves with sharpness the Vices and irregularities of his Time without sparing any Man and particularly levels against the corrupted Morals of Ecclesiasticks which he did not stick to detect and describe in very lively Colours and perhaps with a little too much Picquancy ATTO Bishop of Verceil ATTO or Hatto Bishop of Verceil not the same with the Bishop of Basil of the same Atto Bishop of Verceil Name whom we mentioned in the foregoing Century is more moderate and less obscure than Ratherius He was the Son of Aldegaire and presided over the Church of Verceil from the Year 945. till about the Year 960. His Works were a long time conceal'd in the Vatican Library and were at last made publick by Father Dachery in the Eighth Tome of his Spicilegium The first is a Capitulary for the Clergy of his Diocess containing an Hundred Heads or Articles almost all extracted and copied from the Councils of Laodicea Carthage Toledo and others from the Decretals of Popes both true and false and from the Capitulary of Theodolphus only excepting a very few of which perhaps he is the Author These are the Fourth wherein he injoyns his Priests Deacons and Sub-deacons to learn the Catholick Faith that is the Creed of Athanasius by Heart The Fifth which is a general Admonition to the Ecclesiasticks to discharge their Duty and lead exemplary Lives The Tenth whereby he ordains that when they Consecerate the Body of JESUS CHRIST it should be an intire Oblation i. e. a whole Loaf unbroken and that the Priests should celebrate the Mass Fasting The eighteenth concerning the Institution of Catechumens the Baptism of Mutes and the Obligation of Godfathers to instruct those for whom they stand Sureties The Twentieth whereby 't is order'd that in all Churches where Baptism is Administred there should be a Deacon with the Priest and enjoyns Priests who have no Deacons to make speedy choice of some fit Person and get him to be ordain'd Deacon The Twenty ninth which enjoyns the Conferences of the Priests on the First day of the Month a Custom established in the Ninth Century as appears from the Capitularys of Hincmarus and Riculphus The Thirty ninth which imports that for the future all Bishops should be enjoyn'd not to ordain Deacons till they had oblig'd themselves to continue in Celibacy The Seventy fifth whereby he imposes a Penance on such who by their slovenliness should Belch after they had receiv'd the Eucharist The Seventy seventh which imports that those who shall be Baptiz'd or Confirm'd shall abstain during the time prescrib'd by the Bishop from eating Meat and for eight days from the use of Marriage and that no Clerk should be ordain'd till he had received both these Sacraments And the Ninetieth which concerns the Pennances which Priests ought to impose on Publick Offenders and after what manner they ought to present to the Bishop such Persons as will not submit to Pennance The next Treatise is about the Persecutions and Troubles which the Ecclesiasticks suffer'd It is divided into three Parts The first treats of the Troubles they suffer'd in being censur'd in their Persons The second of those they met with in their Ordinations and the third of those they endur'd in their Revenues In the beginning he takes notice that the Church will always have its Persecutors but that they will never get the Mastery and that the Church being founded on the Solid Rock of the Apostolical Faith will always stand by Faith by the Love of JESUS CHRIST by the Use of Sacraments and by the Observation of the Commandments of God Happy House says he it is not overthrown by Storms nor shatter'd by Floods nor shaken by Winds against which the Gates of Hell will never prevail tho' assaulted by them continually which yields neither to secret Temptations nor to open Persecutions nor to the Attacks of Malicious Spirits nor to the Corruption of Vices and Impieties After he had thus exprest himself in general concerning the Persecutions of the Church he says that one of the most usual in his time is that when the Wicked are corrected by their Superiours they persecute those who teach them and openly assault them that by this means they may evade the submitting to Ecclesiastical Punishments that to prevent this abuse it was ordain'd in the Canons that Bishops should not be accus'd but by Men of unspotted Reputation nor judg'd by any other Judges than those of their own choosing nor Condemn'd by any other Authority than that of the Holy See altho' it was allow'd for Metropolitans and Bishops of the Province to hear and examine their Causes After having establish'd this Point of Civil Law on the false Decretals of the Popes he says that in his time they did not only not observe these Precautions in the Accusation of Bishops but that they would not so much as give them leave to make their own defence and would oblige them either to bring their Brethren to swear that they are innocent or to provide a Champion to fight for them He shews that these two Methods of judging the Crime or Innocence of any Man which were then in use are both of them unjust and unlawful especially among Ecclesiasticks The first because it does not follow that all those who cannot produce Witnesses to swear to their Innocence are guilty and that it had been always the Custom of the Church to acquit those who were not convicted of the Crimes laid to their Charge without obliging them to bring others to swear for their Innocence The second Method 1. Because it was only in use among Laicks who did not approve of it themselves 2. Because it often happens that the Innocent are vanquish'd and the Guilty crown'd as Victors 3. Because this was to tempt God 4. Because it being unlawful for Ecclesiasticks to fight themselves 't is altogether unjust to oblige them to find Champions in their stead in order to be acquitted 'T is to put them into an incapacity of clearing themselves of one Crime unless by committing another He then makes
had cited to the Synod to be held at Rome the beginning of the next Lent Sigefroy Arch-bishop of Mayence and the Bishops of Bamberg Strasbourg and Spires to give an account of their advancement to the Episcopacy and of their Morals He desires that he would oblige them to come and send Deputies along with them who should give in their Testimony of their Lives and Conversations This Letter is dated December 7th 1074. There is likewise another Letter of the same date directed likewise to Henry wherein he expresses a great deal of Affection to him and prays him not to hearken to their Counsels who were willing to sow Dissensions between them He tells him of the Afflictions which the Eastern Christians labour'd under and assures him that he had provided several Italian Lords to go to their Assistance and that he had already Fifty thousand Men who were ready to follow him if he would Head them and March as far as our Saviours Sepulcher That he is the more inclin'd to undertake this because it would be a means of reuniting the Greek Church to the Latin and of reducing the Armenians and all the other Orientals into the Bosom of the Church But forasmuch as it was a business of great Consequence he ask'd his Advice and Assistance and declares that if he should go he would leave him Protector of the Church of Rome These two Letters are the Thirtieth and one and Thirtieth of the Second Book Some Days before this the Pope had summon'd to the Synod of Rome by the Twenty eighth and Twenty ninth Letters of the Second Book Liemar Arch-bishop of Breme Sigefroy Arch-bishop of Mayence Otho Bishop of Constance Garnier of Strazbourg Henry of Spires Herman of Bamberg Imbric of Augsburg and Adelbert of Wirtzbourg The Pope's Decree against those who were guilty of Simony and against the Clerks who either kept Concubines or were Marry'd remov'd in Germany Italy and France a great many Ecclesiasticks out of their Places who were found guilty of Simony or of having unlawful converse with Women These Men not only complain'd of this Yoke which the Pope would impose upon them but they likewise inveigh'd against him and accused him of advancing an insupportable Error and such as is contrary to the Words of our Saviour who says that all Men are not able to live continently and contrary to the Words of the Apostle who enjoins those who cannot live continently to Marry They added that this Law he would impose on them which oblig'd them to live like Angels by offering force to the ordinary course of Nature would be the Cause of great Disorders That moreover if the Pope persisted in his Resolution they had rather renounce the Priesthood than Marriage and let him see if he could get Angels to take care of their Flocks since he would not make use of Men. This was the Language of these corrupted Ecclesiasticks according to the account of an Historian of that time But the Pope for his part press'd the Execution of his Decree and wrote very warm Letters to the Bishops to oblige them to take strict care of it The Arch-bishop of Mayence doing his utmost therein found how difficult it was to root out an Abuse so inveterate and so general as this was and before he proceeded against the Refractory he gave them six Months time to reclaim Lastly having call'd a Synod at Erford in October he told them in express Terms that he was oblig'd to put the Pope's Decree into Execution and that they were oblig'd either to renounce their pretended Marriages or else their Attendance on the Altar When they found they could not by their Prayers prevail upon him to alter his Resolution they withdrew from the Council in a great Rage threatning the Arch-bishop either to turn him out or to kill him The Arch-bishop to pacify them order'd them to be call'd back again and promis'd when an Oportunity should offer he would send to Rome and endeavour to work the Pope over to another Mind The next Day he proposed to them the Question about the Tenths The Decree of Gregory met with no less opposition in France Flanders England and Lombardy than it did in Germany as we are inform'd by several Letters sent by this Pope to the Princes and Bishops of these Countries and this opposition rose so high at Cambray that they caus'd a Man to be Burnt who had asserted that those who were guilty of Simony and the Marry'd Priests ought not to celebrate Mass or any Divine Office and that no Man ought to assist them therein This we find related in the Twentieth Letter of the Fourth Book This Opposition did not discourage Gregory VII in the least on the contrary he wrote several Letters to the Bishops and Princes whereby he enjoyns them to put his Decree in Execution and not to tolerate Clerks guilty of Simony nor such as were Marry'd or kept Concubines Upon this Head we may consult the Thirtieth Letter of the First Book directed to the Arch-bishop of Salzbourg dated November 15 1073. the Five and fortieth of the Second Book directed to Radulphus Duke of Saubia and to Berthold Duke of Carinthia dated January 11 1075. the Sixty first directed to Dietwin or Theodwin Bishop of Liege whom he charges with Simony The Sixty second directed to Sicard Bishop of Aquileia dated March 23. The Sixty sixth to Burchard Bishop of Halberstat of the same Month The Sixty seventh to Anno Arch-bishop of Cologn The Sixty eighth to the Archbishop of Magdebourg bearing the same date The Tenth and Eleventh of the Fourth Book directed to the Count and Countess of Planders dated November 2 1076. the Twentieth of the same Book Lastly he order'd an Apology of his Decree to be issued out in the nature of a Manifesto wherein he very much exalts the Authority of the Holy See and the Decretals of his Predecessors The Synod call'd at Rome by the Pope the Year before was held there about the end of February this Year He therein Excommunicated Five Persons belonging to King Henry's The Council of Rome in the Year 1075. Court who were the Instruments of that Prince in selling of Benefices He suspended from their Episcopal Functions Liemar Arch-bishop of Breme Garnier Bishop of Strazbourg Henry of Spires and Herman of Bamberg He likewise therein suspended William Bishop of Pavia and Cunibert Bishop of Turin and depos'd Dennis of Placentia without any hopes of being reestablish'd Some of these Bishops went to Rome for Absolution The Bishop of Bamberg was likewise in the way thither and sent Deputies beforehand by Presents to corrupt the Bishops who were his Judges but seeing he had no hopes left he return'd again after promise made of retiring into a Monastery Upon his return instead of performing his promise he enter'd again into the possession of his Church and committed there new irregularities This oblig'd the Pope to renew his sentence of Condemnation issu'd out against him and
the Bishop's Consent 72 73. Chastity the means of preserving that Vertue 97. Children of their Duty to their Parents 92 Their Death being look'd upon as a special Favour of God ibid. H. Chrism of its Consecration 117. and Distribution ibid. Chunegonda the Empress crown'd with the Emperor her Husband 23. Church See Greek Church and Latin Church Churches Of their Consecration 123. Whether the Bishop ought to wear a Chasuble or a Cope whilst he officiates in performing that Ceremony 15. Bishops forbidden to exact any thing for the Benediction of Churches 58. The Consecration of them by a Bishop found guilty of Simony declared null 71. Of the Tithes appropriated to the Maintenance of Churches 123. A Constitution about the maintaining of Churches granted to Monks ibid. A Prohibition to get Induction into Churches by the Presentation of Laicks 27. and to hold two Churches at once ibid. Of the founding of new Churches 123. Incumbents forbidden to leave a small Church in order to get possession of a greater 65. Church-yards a Prohibition to hold Civil Assemblies in them 120. And to build any other Houses on that Ground than those that belong to the Priests ibid. Cincius the Son of the Prefect of Rome Of the Outrages committed by him against Pope Gregory VII 37. Cistercians the Institution and Progress of that Order 128. Clergy-men or Clerks Of their Functions 88 89 and sequ Obliged to wear Cloaths of one single Colour and to have their Heads shav'd in form of a Crown 123. That their Ignorance and Negligence are the Source of the principal Disorders of the Church .96 as well as their Covetousness and Concupiscence ibid. They cannot carry on Law-Suits in Quality of Attorneys or Solicitors nor sit as Judges in Criminal Causes 123. That those Clergy-men who put themselves into the Service of Noble-men to obtain Benefices are more guilty of Simony than those who give Money to procure them 95 96. That 't is not lawful to cite them before secular Judges 65. That their Causes never ought to be decided by Force 88. A Penalty imposed on those who leave a Church of a small Revenue to get another of a greater 65. Clerks subject to the Jurisdiction of their Bishop 3 124. Those who misuse them excommunicated 3. A Sentence of Excommunication denounc'd against those who take them Prisoners 65. How they ought to be qualified for Admittance into Orders 112 and 124. They cannot serve a Church without a Licence from the Bishop 112. Neither can they be translated from one Church to another ibid. The Custom of Acephali or exempt Clerks abolish'd 72. A Prohibition to receive foreign Clerks without Letters Dimissory from their Diocesan 73. Whether their Sons may be admitted into Holy Orders 58 61 71 and 112. The Sons of Clergy-men declared Vassals of the Church for ever 23. Such Clerks who are the Vassals of the Church not allow'd to purchase or to enjoy a private Estate ibid. Those who quit their Profession ought to be separated from the rest 112 115. After what manner they are to be depos'd 117. Whether those who have committed the Sin of Uncleanness may be restor'd to their Functions 95. Constitutions against Clergy men found guilty of Simony 26 27 28 29 30 31 33 34 35 44 57 58 66 69 71 72 73 74 76 85 93 and sequ 95 and 96. Other Constitutions against married or incontinent Clerks 23 27 28 29 30 31 34 35 47 58 66 71 73 74 75 93 123. Those who fall into Faults may be restor'd 126. Cluny-Abbey Bulls publish'd by Popes in Favour of it 23 and 26. A peculiar Privilege granted to the same Monastery 31. Communion An Exhortation to the frequent receiving of it 65. The Custom of Communicating with the same consecrated Host for Forty Days 2 and 127. An Explication of that Custom ibid. 2. The Communion under both kinds in use 127. Sometimes under the Species of Bread steep'd in that of the Wine ibid. An Ordinance to receive it under both kinds 74. An Obligation to communicate on the Festival of Easter 127. See Eucharist The Conception of the Virgin Mary the Opinion of an Author later than St. Anselm about the Festival of her Conception 95. Concubinage liable to Excommunication 63 and 73. A Priest who keeps a Concubine forbidden to say Mass 58. Confession of the Secrecy of it 16. That the Confession of publick Offences ought to be made to Priests and that of secret Sins to all sorts of Clergy-men and even to Laicks according to Lanfrank ibid. The Custom of making Confession one to another very common among the Faithful in the Eleventh Century 17 Those who hear the Confessions of others ought not to punish or chastise them publickly ibid. When 't is sufficient to confess our Sins to God alone according to Lanfrank ibid. A Form of Confession exhibited in Writing follow'd by another of Absolution in a Letter 23. Confirmation with what Ceremony it ought to be perform'd 117. A Father who stands as God-father to his Son at Confirmation oblig'd to leave his Wife 4. Conrad Emperour of Germany when chosen and Crowned 23. Conrad the Son of the Emperor Henry IV. revolts from his Father 70. Constantinople Deputies sent by the Greeks to obtain of that Pope that the Church of Constantinople should be styled the Catholick or Universal Church 23. The Prelates who oppos'd that Design ibid. Corbie-Abbey One of its Privileges confirm'd by the Pope 31. The Bishop of Amiens oblig'd to make Satisfaction to one of the Abbots of that Monastery ibid. Corporals or Chalice-cloths ought not to be thrown into the Fire to stop a Conflagration 120. Corfu the Pretensions of the See of Rome to that Island 54. Creed the Addition of the Particle Filioque to the Apostles Creed disapproved 81 and 82. Crusade the Project of one form'd in the Council of Placentia 73. Publish'd in that of Clermont 70 73 74. The putting that Crusade in Execution 70 74. The Badges of the Persons liâ—â—ed 74. The Indulgences granted to them ibid. Curates oblig'd to give an Account of their Ministerial Functions to the Bishop 58. Cyriacus Archishop of Carthage deliver'd up to the Saracens by some of his Diocesans 55. The Pope's Remonstrance about that Treachery ibid. D DAlmatia that Kingdom conferr'd by Pope Gregory VII 51. Daughters not to be given in Marriage till they have attain'd to the Age of twelve Years 65. Dead what may afford Refreshment to the Souls of deceased Persons 96 A Prohibition to honour their Memory without the Bishop's Authority 123. Deanries of the collating of them 74. Death A Prayer for Persons at the Point of Death 92. Decretals of the Popes frequently corrupted in the Eleventh Century 84. Demetrius King of Ruâ—â—ia his Son invested in that Kingdom by Pope Gregory VII 51. St. Denis where his Body lies interr'd 26. The Privileges of the Abbey of St. Denis confirmed by the Pope 30 Denmark Pope Gregory VII 's Admonitions to the Kings of Denmark 51.
are in Holy Orders can Consecrate and Administer the Sacraments The LXVth to Pope Urban acquaints him That the Bishop of Paris is on his Journey toward Rome recommends him to the Pope and prays he will give him so good Instructions and wholesome Advice that he may return wiser and of a more manageable Temper than he had formerly been He petitions also in the same Bishop's behalf for an Inhibition to prevent the Abbot and Monks of Lagny from withdrawing themselves from under his Jurisdiction and lastly intreats the Pope to determine what should be done in the Affair of the New-elected Arch-Bishop of Sens whom the Arch-Bishop of Lions would not Consecrate 'till he would submit to his Primacy Sanction had not been long in possession of the Bishoprick of Orleans before he was deposed by the Arch-Bishop of Lions at the Request and Instigation of the Arch-Bishop of Tours to make room for John one of his Creatures but a very infamous Person who had been Arch-Deacon of that Church under Sanction's Predecessor To bring this Matter about the Arch-Bishop of Tours had Crown'd King Philip at Christmas and obtain'd his Grant that John should be Consecrated Bishop of Orleans But as soon as Ivo understood it he wrote to Hugh Arch-Bishop of Lions conjuring him to put a stop to it and accusing John of many notorious Crimes particularly of having procured the Bishoprick by Simony These are the Contents of the LXVIth Letter In the LXVIIth Ivo writes to Pope Urban likewise to interpose his Authority that so scandalous a Wretch may not be suffer'd to get into the Episcopal Order And in this Letter he offers his Apology to the Pope who was incens'd against him on Account of what he had written to the Arch-Bishop of Lions touching the Election and Consecration of Daimbert to the Arch-Bishoprick of Sens Ivo protests he had no other Design in it but to induce the Arch-Bishop of Lions to cut off all occasion of those Complaints that were daily made against him by the Bishops of France and to take Care that the Churches of that Kingdom be not oppress'd and overburden'd by the Regulations and Decrees of the Holy See that if any thing he had said relating to the Primacy claim'd by the Arch-Bishop of Lions had been displeasing to him he thought he might take leave to speak his Opinion freely upon that Subject to one especially for whom no Man on this side the Alps had so entire a Respect and by devoting himself to whose Interests he had been a great Sufferer However if his Holiness were offended at any Expression that had dropt from him he would retract it and would resign his Bishoprick rather than bear his Anger whether he had deserv'd it or not And if by this Means he might make Satisfaction for any thing his Holiness might have taken amiss he would willingly stand to his Offer and prays him to accept it Adding moreover that if the Pope would not permit him to quit his Diocess he fear'd he must shortly be constrain'd to do it by the King 's violent Hatred of him and the miserable Contempt of God's Word among the People under his Care This Letter is dated nine Years after he came to his Bishoprick which shews it was written in the first Year of this Twelfth Century Hugh Arch-Bishop of Lions making no Account of these Remonstrances of Ivo Cites him to bring Proof of what he had to alledge against the Person and Election of John But Ivo instead of obeying this Summons answers him by the LXVIIIth Letter That the Crimes being so notorious 't was needless to search after farther Evidence and if there were occasion for it he could produce sufficient Witness that John had already distributed Moneys among the Queen's Servants and had promis'd them a farther Sum to procure for himself the Bishoprick of Orleans That besides his being Elected by the King only made his Title void by the Canons and that however the Examination of this whole Affair ought to be made in the Province to which his Accusers were subject and where the Evidence lay that was to be brought against him and not in any other The LXIXth Letter is to the Provost of the Canons Regulars of Estreppe in the Diocess of Limoges who complain'd That the Bishop had issued out a Prohibition against their taking upon them the Cure of Souls and the Administration of the Sacrament of Penance Our Prelate tells him he is of Opinion That the Bishop had done better if he had endeavour'd to bring all the Clergy to a regular Way of Living rather than to have refus'd the Pastoral Office to those who were already oblig'd to it However they might make a good Use of this Exemption in having the better leisure to look after the State of their own Souls The Regular Clergy he thinks ought not to be universally forbid undertaking the Cure of Souls nor ought it to be permitted to all of them since it would be an Injury to the Order it self and tend to the Dissolution of it tho' the Correction and Instruction of others may more safely be trusted in the Hands of such as have been long train'd and carefully exercis'd in examining and well-ordering their own Lives and Manners therefore that Charge is not to be impos'd upon and enjoyn'd to all the Regular Clergy For by that means their Discipline will soon be destroy'd and instead of learned and able Champions in the Cause of Religion the Monasteries will afford us but weak Defenders and Betrayers of it To prevent which fatal Mischief the most prudent and best approv'd among them should be pick'd out for this weighty Employment and be presented to the Bishop as fit to be entrusted by him with the Care of other Mens Souls The LXXth Letter is an Admonition to the Bishop of Meaux to Reform the Monastery of Marmoutier which was scandalous for very great Irregularities In the LXXIst he lays before William Rufus King of England the Reason why he had absolv'd Nivard of Septeuil from the Oath he had taken to that King viz. Because it was contrary to the Obligations of his former Oaths to his own natural and lawful Princes The LXXIId to Girard Abbot of St. Vandrille contains this Decision That the chief Stone or Altar-piece of an Altar that has been demolish'd or pull'd down tho' it had been formerly Consecrated is to be Consecrated again when laid upon another Altar And whereas it is objected That the Portable Altars do not lose their Consecration by being carried from one place to another he answers That there is a Difference between the moving these Altars from place to place and taking the Stones from an old Altar because the Stones of these Portable Altars are fastned upon a Plank of Wood or some other Pedestal and so to whatever place you remove them they remain still as they were when first Consecrated The LXXIIId Letter is sent to Bernard Abbot of Marmoutier whom some
being repugnant to the Spirit of Religion to buy Drugs to send for Physicians or to take Physick In the Three Hundred Forty Sixth he exhorts Pope Innocent II. not to favour the unjust cause of William Arch-Bishop of York In the Three Hundred Forty Seventh he recommends to him the Deputies which went to Rome to complain of this Arch-Bishop In the Three Hundred Forty Eighth he recommends to the same Pope Arnone Elected Bishop of Lisieux who had a Dispute in the Court of Rome about his Election with Geofrey Count of Anger 's The three following are also Letters of Recommendation to the same Pope The Three Hundred Fifty Second contains a Privilege granted by Pope Innocent to St. Bernard and his Successors in consideration of the great Services he had done the Church of Rome during the Schism caus'd by Peter of Leon by which this Pope takes under the Protection of the Holy See all Revenues present and to come belonging to the Abby of Clairvaux as likewise grants to the Monks of Cisteaux leave to chose an Abbot out of their Order and to the Abbeys which have others under them he grants permission to chose any of those Abbots for their Head or any of the Monks belonging to such Orders He forbids the Bishops to constrain the Abbots of Clairvaux and the other Abbots of the Order of Cisteaux to come to any Council providing it be not about matters of Faith He prohibits all Persons to receive any Fryars of their Order after they are profess'd and lastly declares the Monks of this Order exempt from paying Tithes of Fruits or Cattle In the Three Hundred Fifty Third he Comforts William Abbot of Rivau in the Diocess of York in that the Arch-Bishop of that See has been Countenanc'd at Rome Assuring him withal that the Sacraments Administred and Ordinations made by bad Ministers are Valid since it is God that Baptizes and Consecrates In the Three Hundred Fifty Fourth he Comforts Melisenda Queen of Jerusalem for the Death of Fulk her Husband and exhorts her to govern her Kingdom with Prudence and Justice In the Three Hundred Fifty Fifth he Recommends to this Queen the Monks of Premontre who were on their Journey to the Holy Land By the Three Hundred Fifty Sixth he sends back to Malachy Arch-Bishop of Armagh the Monks which he had sent him He likewise Recommends them to him in the Letter following In the Three Hundred Fifty Eighth he writes to Pope Celestine II. to Pardon Thibaud Count of Champagne The Three Hundred Fifty Ninth is written to the same Pope in the Name of the Monks of Clairvaux who beg of his Holiness not to permit Rainaud Abbot of Morimond to quit his Monastery to go to Jerusalem In the Three Hundred and Sixtieth he again exhorts William Abbot of Rivau to bear patiently with the Arch-Bishop of York In the Three Hundred Sixty First he recommends to Thibaud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury John Bishop of Salisbury In the Three Hundred Sixty Second he recommends to Robert Pallus Cardinal and Chancellor of the Church of Rome to behave himself becoming his Dignity to Eugenius III. newly Elected Pope In the Three Hundred Sixty Third he exhorts the Christians of France and Bavaria to take up Arms for relief of the Holy Land and moreover admonishes them neither to put the Jews to Death nor so much as to persecute them In the Three Hundred Sixty Fourth he invites Peter Abbot of Cluny to an Assembly to be held after Easter at Chartres there to deliberate on the manner of relieving the Christians of the Holy Land In the Three Hundred Sixty Fifth Addressed to Henry Arch-Bishop of Mayence he writes against a Monk named Radulph who by his Preaching authoriz'd killing of the Jews The Three Hundred Sixty Sixth is Address'd to Hildegarda Abbess of Mont-Saint-Robert near Binghen in the Diocess of Mayence After having rejected the Praises given to him he congratulates her upon the extraordinary Gifts the has received from God and exhorts her to make a suitable return thereto by Humility and Devotion The Three Hundred Sixty Seventh is a Letter of Recommendation to Guy Chancellor of the Church of Rome in favour of Stephen Bishop of Mets. The Three Hundred Sixty Eighth is a Letter of Compliment to a Cardinal which contains wholesome Advice to wean him from the Cares of the World In the Three Hundred Sixty Ninth and Three Hundred and Seventieth he congratulates Sugerus Abbot of St. Denys in having reform'd the Church of St. Genevieve by introducing regular Canons into it He exhorts him to do the same thing in the Church of St. Victor In the following Letter Address'd to the same he disswades him from making the Match between the Count of Anger 's and the King's Daughter by reason of their near Kindred In the Three Hundred Seventy Second he commends Peter Bishop of Palenzade for his Humility and Application to the reading of good Books The Three Hundred Seventy Third is a Letter of the Abbot of Epine in the Diocess of Palenza Address'd to St. Bernard by which this Abbot testifies the great Concern he has for having been drawn out of the Abby of Clairvaux and charg'd with the Government of a Monastery which he earnestly entreats St. Bernard to get him discharged from In the Three Hundred Seventy Fourth he comforts the Monks of his Order in Ireland for the death of their Abbot St. Malachy In the Three Hundred Seventy Fifth he complains to Ida Countess of Nivernois that her Servants molest and detain those who go to the Abby of Vezelay In the Three Hundred Seventy Sixth he exhorts Sugerus Abbot of St. Denys to hinder the Duels which certain French Lords were engaged in against each other In the Three Hundred Seventy Seventh he commends this Abbot in that he design'd to Assemble the Clergy for the publick Good The four Letters following are likewise Address'd to Sugerus whereof the two first are Letters of Recommendation The Third is concerning the Estate the Church of the East was then in and in the last says that he is sorry that this Abbot is accus'd of the disturbances in the Kingdom and wills him therefore to do his utmost to prevent 'em and not to suffer any in his Abby which are any ways the cause of them In the Three Hundred Eighty Second written to Leonius Abbot of St. Berthin he expresses his Gratitude for the Favours he has received from him and moreover acquaints him that Thomas of St. Omer who had left his Order to come to his of Clairvaux could not possibly return In the Three Hundred Eighty Third Address'd to the same he thanks him for the many proofs of Friendship which he has received from him He passes the same Compliment on the Monks of St. Berthin in the following Letter and in the Three Hundred Eighty Fifth he commends them for having reform'd themselves and exhorts them to endeavour to perfect themselves every day more and more The Three Hundred
Letter in which that Pope excites the Count of Flanders to make War with the People of those Territories An Answer to the Inhabitants of Trier concerning the Fast of the Ember-Weeks The Book of Ecclesiastes in Heroick Verse according to the literal allegorical and mythological Senses The continuation of Eusebius's Chronicle after St. Jerome to the Year 1111. A Treatise about the Reformation of the Cycles and another of Illustrious Personages in imitation of St. Jerom and Gennadius Of all these Works there only remain in our Possession the continuation of St. Jerom's Chronicle from A. C. 381. to 1112. The Treatise of Ecclesiastical Writers The Letter written in the Name of the Clergy of Liege and Cambray And the Lives of St. Sigebert St. Guibert and St. Maclou referr'd to by Surius This Author is very accurate in his Writing and attain'd to considerable proficiency in the Study of the Liberal Sciences and in all sorts of Humane Learning HONORIUS SOLITARIUS A Scholastick Divine of the Church of Autun HONORIUS a Priest and Scholastick Divine of the Church of Autun sirnam'd the Solitary flourish'd under the Emperor Henry V. A. D. 1120. We have little account of his Honorius Solitarius a Scholastick Divine of Autun Life but many of his Works are still extant The most considerable is his Treatise of the Lights of the Church or of the Ecclesiastical Writers first published by Suffridus and afterwards by Aubertus Miraeus in their Collections of Authors who wrote those that treated of Ecclesiastical Affairs Honorius has divided this Work into four Books the Three first of which are only an Abridgment of the Treatises on the Ecclesiastical Writers by St. Jerom Gennadius and Isidorus He gives an account in the last of some Authors since Venerable Bede to his time This Treatise contains almost nothing else but the Names and Characters of the Authors and the Titles of their Works It is follow'd by another Treatise of the same Nature containing the Names of the ancient Hereticks and their principal Doctrines Printed at Basil in 1544. To these two Treatises may be added a Chronological Table of the Popes from St. Peter to Innocent II. which is extant among the other Works of this Author The Treatise call'd The Pearl of the Soul or Of the Divine Offices is divided into four Books In the First he treats of the Sacrifice of the Mass Of its Ceremonies and Prayers Of the Church Of its Parts and Ornaments Of the Ministers of the Altar and their Habits c. In the Second he discourses of the Canonical Hours and of the Ecclesiastical Offices for the Day and Night In the Third of the principal Festivals of the Year And in the Fourth of the Concord or Agreement of the Offices of the whole Year with the particular Days and Times on which they are celebrated These Books are full of a great number of Arguments and mystical Explications that have no other Grounds but the Author's Imagination They were printed at Lipsick A. D. 1514. and in the Collections of the Writers who have treated of Ecclesiastical Offices The Treatise of the Image of the World is divided into three Books In the First of these he treats of the World and of its Parts In the Second of Time and its Parts and the Third is a Chronological Series of Emperors Kings and other Sovereign Princes from the Creation of the World to the Emperor Frederick Barberossa The Piece that bears the Title of The Philosophy of the World divided into four Books is a Treatise of the System of the World and of its principal Parts It is follow'd by another Tract of the same Nature touching the Motion of the Sun and Planets The Treatise of Predestination and of Free-will is written in form of a Dialogue and has for its Subject the Explication of that common Question How can Free-will be reconciled with the Certainty of Predestination He defines Predestination to be an eternal preparation to Happiness or Misery of those that have done Good or Evil He affirms That it imposes no necessity of doing either because God does not predestinate to Happiness or Misery but with respect to the Merits of the Person He rejects the Opinion of those who assert That Free-will consists in the Power of doing Good or Evil and defines it to be a Capacity of performing Righteousness voluntarily and without constraint He maintains That Man by his Nature is endued with a Power to act according to the Rule of Righteousness although he stands in need of Grace to do it and is capable of resisting that Grace He says That God made all reasonable Creatures for his Glory but that he left them free to do either Good or Evil by their own Will and that he would have all Men to be sav'd but that 't is their free Will which is the cause of their Damnation Afterwards he explains why God made Creatures when he foreknew that they would sin against him and that they would be damned Why the Word was incarnate Upon what account Mankind having deserved nothing but Punishment after the committing of Sin God leaves some in the Mass of Perdition who are damned by their free Will and saves others by his special Grace which they by no means deserv'd And how Salvation ought rather to be attributed to Grace than to free Will although free Will co-operates with Grace He observes That Children that incur Damnation are justly condemn'd to that Punishment and that those who attain to Salvation are sav'd by Grace which they never merited And as for adult Persons that they are sav'd by Grace and free Will and that those who are damned are doom'd to that Sentence by Justice and by their free Will That Predestination neither saves nor damns any Person by force although all the Elect are infallibly sav'd and the Reprobates infallibly damned But forasmuch as 't is not known whether one be of the number of the Elect or of the Reprobates that 't is requisite to use all possible endeavours for the attaining to Salvation And that the number of the Elect is certainly determined because God from all Eternity knew those who would die in that State He adds That Man since Adam's Transgression may fall by his free Will but that he cannot rise again but by Grace and that God sometimes denies that Grace to those who are too Presumptuous That every Thing which happens in the World ought to be referr'd to God either because he does it or because he permits it or in regard that he does not prevent it that he causes all things to tend to the promoting of his own Glory that he shews Mercy on whomsoever he thinks fit by affording them his Grace that he hardens others at his Pleasure by leaving them in their Wickedness and in the State of Reprobation Lastly after having made some Moral Reflections our Author concludes this Work with a Recapitulation of the Principles that he had already establish'd In
Arnulphus wrote a very smart Letter to him on that Subject in which he remonstrates That he had no Authority thus to abolish an Institution made by his Predecessors under colour that they could not impose Laws on their Successors He maintains That that Maxim is false and that it tends to the ruin of all the Establishments of the Saints That the Privileges of the Popes of Rome are as it were Testaments which are not made void but rather confirm'd by the death of the Testators That 't is true indeed that the Errors of Predecessors may be corrected by their Successors and that the latter may make some alteration for the better in the Sanctions of the others when 't is requisite for the publick Advantage and when it may be done without any detriment to Religion That for that very reason Secular Canons may be chang'd into Regular because the Order of the latter is more perfect but a more strict Institution cannot be chang'd into one less perfect by which means Remissness in Discipline would be authoriz'd And lastly that there are some Persons so prodigal of Dispensations that they retain nothing as an unalterable Law and Sacrifice every thing to the Interests and inordinate Passions of private Men. He reproves the Pope for not shewing sufficient Constancy in maintaining the Rights of the Church and gives him to understand that he had scandaliz'd it by revoking the Sentence of Excommunication denounc'd by his Predecessors against Laicks who shall attempt to get themselves admitted into the Chapter of Seez by adjudging to a Lay-man all the Revenues of the Arch-deaconry that the Regular Canons enjoy'd in Common and part of which they distributed to the Poor and by permitting a Man adorn'd with gorgeous Apparel to take place amongst the Canons cloath'd in Sack-cloth He adds That 't is further to be fear'd lest the Arch-deaconry should be left vacant by reason that it is already appointed for another young Nephew when he shall be of Age That in the mean while the Bishop has turn'd out the Prior of the Canons and substituted a Person of no Repute in his Place to the end that he might make himself Master of the Church-Revenues Therefore he exhorts the Pope to revoke what was extorted from him by surprize in order to re-establish the Rule in that Chapter and to put an end to the Complaints and Murmurings occasion'd by that Innovation The four following Letters are directed to the same Pope and contain an account of particular Affairs In the last he accuaints him That the King of England was dissatisfied with his Holiness because he deny'd him those Favours he su'd for at Rome He congratulates in another Gilbert Bishop of London in regard that the Pope had ordain'd that his Cause should be decided without an Appeal and observes that Appeals to Rome often put false Accusers in a Capacity to oppress innocent Persons and give them an opportunity to avoid the Punishment due to their Crimes In another Letter he reproves a certain Abbot for leaving his Monastery to sollicit Law-suits at Court and enjoyns him to return thither In a Letter that he wrote to Henry Cardinal Bishop of Pisa sending him the Works of Ennodius he passes a very disadvantageous Judgment on that Author In his Letter to the Bishop of Angoulesme he determines that the Engagements that a certain Child was under whom his Uncle had bound to a Clerk upon Payment of a Sum of Money ought not to be ratify'd and that that Bishop cannot suffer the said Child to be detain'd by him In a Letter written to Arnold Abbot of Bonneval he treats of the Usefulness of the Sacrifice of the Mass. Nothing says he can be offer'd up more precious than JESUS CHRIST nothing more efficacious than this Sacrifice nothing more advantageous both to him who offers it and to him for whom 't is offer'd if the unworthiness of the Persons doth not render it unprofitable 'T is requisite that he who offers it have pure Hands and that he for whom it is offer'd should know the Value of it by Faith that he should earnestly desire it and that he should embrace it with a perfect Charity Oh how great is this Benefit which is sufficient for the Person who receives it and for him that administers it For how extensive soever the Priest's Charity may be towards certain Persons this Sacrifice remains altogether entire for every one in particular It is communicated to many so as its Efficacy is not diminish'd with respect to every Individual and altho' different Persons partake of it yet it does not suffer any Division Quoscunque enim Sacerdos effusa charitatis latitudine complectatur totum simul omnium totum uniuscujusque est Sigillatim nec integritatem dividit communicatio plurium nec soliditatem minuit participatio diversorum He has also inserted amongst his Letters a Discourse that he made in the Council of Tours A. D. 1163. in the presence and by the Order of Pope Alexander III. In the beginning of it he says that there are three Qualities requisite in a Preacher viz. Sanctity of Life to procure respect for what he delivers a perfect Knowledge to be capable of teaching the necessary Truths and Elcquence to cause them to be approv'd to the end that his Sermons may be Holy Learned and Sublime In the Body of this Sermon he treats of the Unity and Liberty of the Church shewing that those two Qualities are necessary therein and that the Ministers ought to use their utmost endeavours to maintain them more especially at a time when both are attack'd that is to say the former by the Ambition of Schismaticks and the other by the Oppression of Tyrants That nevertheless 't is impossible that either should compass their Design For although the former separate themselves from the Communion of the Church yet it is not divided by that means but the Chaff is only separated from the Wheat and although the latter seizes on the Temporal Revenues of the Church nevertheless it does not cease to be free and to exercise its Power with Spiritual Authority However that the Bishops ought to make use of all possible means to re-unite the former to the Communion of the Church and to oblige the others to quit their unjust Claim to the Ecclesiastical Revenues This is the Subject of a long and very pathetical Exhortation made by him to the Bishops of the Council and in the sequel of the same Discourse he wishes that the Emperor would humble himself under the Almighty Hand of God that he would acknowledge that the Dominion of the Church is above his and that he would submit to the See of Rome which conferr'd the Empire on his Predecessors He observes that Bishops may possess large Revenues provided they do not take themselves to be the Proprietors but only the Dispensers of them and are persuaded that the Patrimony of JESUS CHRIST is the Inheritance of the Poor which ought to
Gratuity for what should be done at Rome except the Rights that were due to those who drew up and writ the Bulls on which he laid a very moderate Impost Having remedied this Abuse he applied himself wholly to decide in cases that should be brought before him Thrice a week he had a publick Consistory where he in person gave Judgment in all principal Causes leaving the meaner ones to his Commissaries This quick dispatch brought him a multitude of Causes from all parts of the world so that an Author that lived in his time remarks that he in his Popedom decided more and more weighty Affairs than had ever been decided in thrice the time in the Church of Rome This was the occasion of his writing such a vast number of Letters of which there is a Collection divided into nineteen Books according to the years of his Pontificate The two first were published in the last Century by Cardinal Sirlett printed at Rome in 1543 and reprinted at Cologn in 1575 and at Venice in 1578. Monsieur Bosquet found four others viz. the thirteeenth and the three following Books at Tolouze in the Library of the College of Foix and printed them in 1635. Monsieur Baluze has since published the tenth eleventh and twelfth with part of the fifth and a Collection of the Letters that concern the Empire and caused them to be printed at Paris in 1682 with some other Books that had been out before The third and the following Books to the tenth were found in Manuscript in the Vatican Library The three last are wholly lost Because these Letters contain many Historical Facts and Points of Discipline which may show us what the Ecclesiastical Polity of the Church of Rome was in the time of Innocent by which the Popes have ever since taken their measures I thought it might be worth while to make an extract at least of part of them by particularizing the Subject of each Letter The first then is a Circular Letter about his Election certifying all the Faithful how that The Letters of Innocent III. after the death of Celestin his Predecessor his Funeral being over he was chosen Pope by the Cardinals and recommending himself to all their Prayers that God would give him Grace and strength to bear that heavy Burden of the Papal Chair This Letter is full of expressions of Humility The 2d and 3d are nothing but this same Letter directed with some few Alterations to the King of France and to the Abbots Priors and other Religious of that Kingdom There is an expression in the second which is no small honor to the King of France In Consideration says he that the Kingdom of France has always remain'd in unity with the Church We address the first fruits of Our Letters to You that are the first and eldest Son of the Church of Rome He writ also a particular Letter to the Patriarch of Jerusalem upon the same Subject in which he tells him what a fervent desire he has to recover the Holy Land and deliver the City of Jerusalem This is the eleventh Letter of the first Book In the fourth Letter of the same Book he writes to the Bishop of Paris to put him in mind of exhorting King Philip to take the Queen his Consort again and to use her kindly In the fifth he forbids the Archbishop of Strigonia to perform that Vow he had made of going to Jerusalem unless the Kingdom of Hungary should be in peace In the next Letter he entrusts him with the Reform of a Monastry In the seventh he reprimands the Abbot of St. Martin of Hungary for being in a Conspiracy with a Lord of that Country against the King contrary to the Injunction of Pope Celestin. In the eighth he entrusts the Bishop of Ferrara with the care of the temporal and spiritual Affairs of the Abby of Nonantule with Authority to punish the Abbot The ninth is a permission to the King of Hungary to remove a Monastry from one place to another In the tenth he advises one of the Sons of the King of Hungary to make a Voyage to the Holy Land to acquit himself of a Vow which his Father had made and which he had obliged himself to perform The thirteenth is a moral Exhortation to the Princes of Germany inviting them to take up Pope Innocent's Letters Arms against the Infidels In the fourteenth he appoints the Dean Elect and Nicholas de Levennes Canon of Cambray Commissioners to give judgment in a difference about a Church that was between the Abbey of Prom and that of Premontre but because about the end of the Commission he had added these words quantum de jure poteritis after these probationes praesentis partis recipere and consequently the Commissioners seemed to have power to prepare things for a hearing without observing this Clause the Pope explains himself in the 62d Letter and declares that this Clause respects as well the Preparation for as the Judgment of the Cause The fifteenth which is written to two Cardinal Legates is against an Agreement entred into without his knowledg by a Prior and the Prelates and Consuls of the Cities of Tuscany which he pretends is a Demesne of the Holy See In the sixteenth written to the Chapter of St. Anastasia having first establish'd this for a Maxim that all important Causes are to be carried to Rome he declar'd the Election of a Bishop which this Chapter was forced to by the Secular Power to be null and order'd the Canons to proceed to the choosing another who more desired to do good than to enjoy the Dignity qui non minus prodesse desideret noverit quam praeâ—sse He writ two Letters at the same time to the same purpose the one to the Archbishops of Capua Regglo and Palermos the other to the Empress to procure a free Election These make the 17th and 18th In the nineteenth addressed to the Bishop of Paris he declares That a Priest who by the advice of his Physicians has been gelt for prevention of the Leprosy is not thereby render'd uncapable of discharging his Ministerial Office By the twentieth he commissions the Bishop of Troyes and the Abbot of St. Loup to absolve a Priest that had been accused of murder if he could clear himself canonically and his Accuser did not appear In the twenty first he orders the Archbishop and Archdeacon of Trani to inform against the Bishop of Vesti for not having observed an agreement which he made with his Church for the restitution of many things that he had taken from it In the two and twentieth he gives leave to the Archbishop of Milan to ordain those Deacons and Priests who had received the Clericature of the Pope because of the necessity he found himself in of having Priests The twenty third is an Oath of Fidelity taken by Peter the Prefect of Rome and by two other Officers to Pope Innocent the Third In the twenty fourth he orders the
and the Superiors to command with Discretion and Prudence 13. He forbids Abbots to let out Provostships or Priories to Farm 14. He enjoins the Ordinaries of the Place to Excommnicate those who have quitted their Religious Habit. 15. He orders That if Excommunicated Interdicted or Irregular Persons present themselves to be Admitted into a Religious Order they shall declare their Irregularity that if the Abbot can Absolve them he shall do it if not he shall refer them to the Major Superior who has the power of doing it That if it happen any such be Admitted by surprise or otherwise and afterwards it be discover'd he shall receive Absolution from his Abbot or the Major Superior 16. He renews the 10th Canon of the Third Lateron-Council which forbids the permitting Monks alone in Towns or Villages or so much as in Cures 17. He renews the Prohibition made in the same Council That no Monk should have two Priories or two Offices 18. He relates a Decree of the Council of Chalcedon which forbids the Monks making any Cabals 19. He forbids them to be Advocates for the Causes which concern'd their Monastery or any other Religious House especially if they did it without the permission of their Abbot 20. He Excommunicated the Monks who left their Monastery to Study Physick or Law in pursuance of the Lateran Council 21. He forbids the Monks to lie two in a Bed 22. He prohibits the diminishing the numbers of the Monks of Priories 23. He forbids the Custom of some Monks who swore that they would Lend out no Books 24. He orders That those who cause any discord in Monasteries to have a Cell apart for themselves shall be shut up in the Cloyster 25. He declares That 't is Usury to sell Commodities dearer because of a longer Term allow'd for Payment 26. He prohibits the Clergy and Bishops from buying of Priories 27. He forbids the demanding a Treat or Habits from those who would enter into a Religious Order The Third Part contains the Constitutions relating to Nuns and some about Abbesses and Abbots 1. He orders That they should not suffer the Clergy or suspicious Servants to come nigh them 2. That they lie single 3. That they shall not go out to visit their Relations unless with Persons of approv'd Integrity and for a short time 4. That they have no Dancing in their Cloysters 5. That they shall live and be attir'd meanly and decently 6. That they shall live in Common of the Goods of the Monastery 7. That they shall have sage and discreet Confessors of the Bishop's Appointment 8. That the Abbesses who will not do their Duty shall be Suspended and if upon Admonition they do not mend they shall be Depos'd 9. He orders what is to be observ'd by those who are appointed to serve in the Infirmaries or Hospitals 10. He orders That the Abbots who neglect their Duty shall be punish'd and prohibits them from performing the Functions of an Advocate or a Judge upon pain of being Depos'd 11. He inflicts the same Punishment upon those who live disorderly 12. He forbids their having a great Retinue or Young Lackeys 13. He orders That that they should not bestow the Goods of the Monastery on their Relations unless they be Poor or so accounted 14. He prohibites them from suffering Young Women to enter their Monasteries and from bestowing Priories on their Relations And orders them twice a Year to receive the Accounts of the Priors or Officers 15. He forbids them to regulate any Affair of Consequence or to raise a considerable Summ of Money without the advice of their Elders at least of Seven chosen for that purpose by the Chapter 16. He enjoins them to be tender towards their Repenting Brethren and not to sell Offices 17. He forbids them to menace or abuse those who make any Proposition to the Chapter about the Reformation of the House 18. He enjoins them not to suffer the Priors or Officers to live Irregularly 19. He forbids them to Eat in their Chambers unless in case of necessity 20. He prohibits those who are Admitted into a Monastery from going out to Study and orders those who are gone out to return within two Months 21. He admonishes the Abbots to keep Chaplains of a mature Age and good Morals The Last Part contains the Constitutions relating to Arch-Bishops and Bishops 1. He orders them to have their Coronets large enough and wear their Hair cut round that so it may not be seen below their Miter to be prudent and modest in their Conversation and Conduct 2. Not to hear Marins a-bed and not to concern themselves with Secular Affairs during the time of Divine-Service 3. To Celebrate the Office themselves upon High Festivals and to Preach the Word of God or cause it to be Preach'd 4. Not to go a Hunting nor wear fine Furs nor Play at Dice or Cards 5. To have Reading at their Tables the beginning and end of their Meals 6. To have Prudent Almoners to exercise Hospitality to give their Audiences for the Administration of Justice and to hear the Poor at stated Hours to receive often the Confessions of others and as often to Confess themselves 7. To reside in their Cathedral Churches especially on the High Festivals and in the time of Lent 8. To cause the Profession they made when Consecrated to be Read over to them at least twice a Year 9. Not to carry along with them in their Visits a great Train and needless Equipages 10. To make choice of prudent Friends Men of good Morals and to keep their Families in due Order 11. To have such Officers as have all the Qualifications necessary for the well discharging of their Trust and especially such as are Grave and Prudent who will do Justice Gratis 12. To tolerate nothing that shall border upon Simony in the Collation of Holy Orders or Benefices in the Dedication of Churches in the Benediction of Virgins c. provided none of the honest and allow'd Customs be prejudic'd hereby 13. Not to give Benefices with the Cure of Souls to young or unworthy Persons not to Excommunicate or pass Censures with precipitation not to exchange the Punishment of the Excommunicated for pecuniary Mulcts not to give a Dispensation for the three Forms of Marriage for Money not to Collate Benefices which are not vacant and not to promote to Holy Orders such Clerks whose Ability and Vertue are not known 14. To take nothing for the Seal for doing Justice for redeeming the right of Procuration for the Burial of Excommunicated Persons or for tolerating Clerks to converse with Women 15. Not to suffer Justice to be done in Church-yards or Consecrated Places 16. Not to be at the Feasts of Fools 17. To hold a Synod every Year to confer the Sacrament of Confirmation to correct the Disorders of their Diocess 18. Not to suffer the Women to Dance in the Church-yards or any Consecrated Places nor to Work on Sundays 19. To prevent the Cancelling of
if they think them Just the refus'd Judge shall refer the Process to another Judge or the Superior That if it happens that he who has received Admonition does Appeal and yet his Disorder be certain either by the Evidence of the Fact or by his own Confession or by any other way that then no notice shall be taken of that Appeal and in case the Crime be dubious the accus'd shall be oblig'd in appealing to notifie before the Judge the reason of his Appeal which ought to be such that if it be prov'd it shall be allow'd Lawful That he shall be likewise oblig'd to prosecute his Appeal before the Judge in a competent time if not then the First Judge shall proceed against him notwithstanding his Appeal and if he has made a wrong Appeal he shall be sent back to the first Judge However these Orders are not to be understood to touch the Regulars The Forty ninth prohibits the Excommunicating or Absolving any Person for Interest and orders that in the Places where they impose a pecuniary Mulct in giving Absolution they shall be oblig'd to make Restitution in case the Excommunication was unjust The Fiftieth repeals the Prohibition of contracting Marriage in the second and third Degree of Affinity and between Children issuing from a second Marriage and the Relations of the former Husband and restrains the Degrees wherein Marriages were unlawful to the fourth Degree of Consanguinity and Affinity The Fifty first prohibits Clandestine Marriages and orders That the Priests shall publish the Banns in Churches that so such Impediments as are lawful may be objected against them Penalties are likewise inflicted on those who Countenance or Authorize Incestuous or Clandestine Marriages The Fifty second imports That they shall admit of no Evidences with respect to Marriage-Impediments who only give in their Evidences by Hear-say unless they be very creditable Persons and who depose that they have heard it said by several Persons before the Process was drawn up That those Witnesses shall swear that they are not induc'd thereto by any Motive of Hatred of Fear of Friendship or of Interest That they shall mention the Degrees of Kindred And Lastly That they shall not be credited unless they depose that they have seen several of those Persons treat one another as Relations The Fifty third prohibits the giving of Lands to such Persons as have not us'd to pay Tithes to Churches The Fifty fourth imports That the Tenth ought to be taken of all sorts of Revenues before any thing is rais'd upon it for the payment of the Tax or Tribute The Fifty fifth orders That the Demeans which for the future shall be purchas'd by the Monks of Cisteaux or by any others shall pay Tithes The Fifty sixth prohibits the Secular or Regular Clergy when they let out Inheritances or bestow them in Fief from stipulating that they shall pay them the Tenths thereof and that those to whom they give them shall be interr'd among them The Fifty seventh to redress the Abuses of several Privileges granted to Regulars ordains That the Privilege granted to the Friars of several Orders of being always interr'd in Holy Ground at least if they were not formally Excommunicated or Interdicted ought not to be understood but only of such who are consecrated and have chang'd their Habit or of those who have bestow'd their Estate upon them of which they have only retain'd to themselves the Usufructus of it The Privilege likewise is restrain'd which they had of opening the Churches of an interdicted Place upon their Arrival there to only one single Church The Fifty eighth grants to the Episcopal Churches during an Interdiction the favour granted to several Monks of Celebrating Divine Service in their Churches with a low Voice without ringing the Bells at least when this was not expressly prohibited by the Interdiction or when those of that Church had not been the occasion of the Interdiction and upon condition that the Excommunicated and Interdicted Persons shall not be present The Fifty ninth extends to all the Monks the Prohibition that was made to particular Persons of being Surety for any one or raising any Summ without the Abbot's and the major Part of the Chapter 's Leave The Sixtieth prohibirs the Abbots from incroaching on the Rights of Bishops by trying the Causes of Matrimony by imposing publick Pennances by granting of Indulgences and by performing any other Functions peculiar to the Bishops unless they have leave or a lawful reason for so doing The Sixty first revives the Canon of the Lateran Council which prohibits the Monks from receiving Tithes from the Hands of Laicks and enjoyns them to present to the Bishops such Priests to serve in the Churches which do not depend on them Pleno Jure who shall be responsible to the Bishops for the Spiritualities and may not be turned out without their permission The Sixty second imports That having understood that Religion was often dishonour'd by exposing of Relicks to Sale to put a stop to this Scandal for the future it prohibits the shewing of Reliks out of their Cases the exposing them to Sale and the honoring any new ones unless approv'd by the Pope's Authority It admonishes the Prelates not to suffer that those who come out of Devotion to their Churches be impos'd upon by Falsities and Shams as it happen'd in most Places where this Practice prevail'd for Interest And they are prohibited from admitting of any Questors who have not the Pope's permission of which the Form is here given Lastly The Abuse of indiscreet Indulgences is regulated and 't is order'd That the Indulgences for the Dedication of a Church shall last no longer than a Year and that on the Anniversary of that Feast they shall grant remission of Pennance enjoyn'd for Forty Days only It likewise requires That the number of Indulgence-days be likewise limited in all other Acts by which they are granted The Sixty third abolishes the Use or rather Abuse which was crept into some Churches of exacting a certain Summ for the Benediction of Abbots and for the Conferring of Holy Orders and declares those who exact or receive any thing upon that account to be guilty of Simony The Sixty fourth prohibits likewise the exacting of any thing for being admitted into any Religious Order and enjoyns That the Nuns who shall give or exact any thing under any Pretence whatsoever shall be turn'd out of the Monastery and enjoyn'd Pennance in a more Austere Monastery And as to those who have been admitted for Money before this Decree 't is order'd that they shall retire into another Convent of the same Order or shall be admitted afresh into the Monastery wherein they are and shall take their Places only from the Day of this latter Admission The same thing is order'd with respect to Monks and the other Regulars and the Bishops are enjoyn'd to publish this Decree every Year in their Diocesses that it might be observ'd The Sixty fifth prohibits the Bishops
At first the Clergy and Laity were alarm'd at his Coming but that Cardinal behav'd himself with The Council of London 1237. a great deal of Moderation and Prudence He reconcil'd the Lords refus'd part of the Presents which they offer'd him and appointed a Synod to be held at London for the reforming the Discipline The King of England shew'd him a great deal of Respect which made the Grandees of the Kingdom to murmur The King of Scotland was more reserv'd and would not permit the Legate to enter his Dominions telling him that he had no occasion for a Legate in his Kingdom that all was well enough there that they had never seen any Legate there that he would never suffer any that besides he would not do well to expose his Person by coming thither because the People of his Country were Savage and Cruel and might perhaps abuse him The Council Appointed to be Held at London by the Legate was Held there on the next Day after the Octave of St. Martin The Legate appear'd there seated on a Magnificent Throne the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury on his Right-Hand and the Arch-Bishop of York on his Left who both of them made Protestations for the preservation of their Privileges Afterwards the Legate made a Speech to the Prelates of the Council on the Prudence and Wisdom of Ecclesiasticks On the Morrow the King sent Commissioners to the Council who should warn the Legate That he did nothing which might infringe the King's Prerogative and one of them stay'd in the Council to take care of it The Legate order'd the Letters of his Legation to be Read On the third Day they made an end of Reading the Decrees which the Legate propos'd in the Council which began to be Read the first Day They are Thirty one The First concerns the Dedication of Churches and implies That it deriv'd its Original from the Old and New Testament and has been observ'd by the Holy Fathers under the New That it ought to be Solemniz'd with greater Dignity and Care since then they only Offer'd Sacrifices of Dead Beasts whereas now they Offer on the Altar by the Hands of the Priest a Living and True Sacrifice namely the Only Son of God Therefore the Fathers have with Reason order'd That so Sublime an Office should be Celebrated only in Consecrated Places at least when no necessity requires its being done elsewhere Having therefore seen and understood that a great many despise or neglect this Sacred Ministry and having met with a great many Churches even Cathedrals which tho' Ancient have not as yet been Consecrated with the Holy Oyl to remedy this Neglect they order That all Cathedral Conventual and Parochial Churches which are compleatly Built shall be Consecrated within two Years by the Diocesan Bishops or by their Authority and the same time is prescrib'd for those which shall be Built hereafter And that this Stature may be observ'd they prohibit the Celebration of Mass in those Churches which shall not have been Consecrated within two Years after they shall be Built They forbid the Abbots and Curates to pull down old Consecrated Churches under a pretence of making them finer without the consent of the Bishop of the Diocess who shall take care to see whether it be fit to be granted or no and if he grants it he shall see that the new One be finish'd forthwith As to Chappels they order nothing in particular with respect to them The next Canons contain the Doctrine of the Sacraments In the Second the number of them is determin'd and 't is declar'd That they ought to be Celebrated with Purity and Graâ—…tously The Third is upon Baptism 't is therein determin'd That the time of Administring it Solemnly is Holy Saturday and the Saturday in Whitsun-Week that Infants ought to be Baptiz'd on those Days and it enjoins Curates to Teach their Parishioners the Form of Baptism that so they may Administer it in Case of necessity The Fourth is against those who require Money for giving Absolution and the other Sacraments The Fifth imports That the Bishops shall take care to Nominate in each Deanery Prudent and Wise Confessors to Confess the Clerks who are asham'd to Confess themselves to the Deans and that there shall be in Cathedrals a General Penitentiary The Sixth That those who are to be Ordain'd shall be Examined and that a Register shall be kept of those who shall be Approv'd that so others might not mix themselves with them The Seventh prohibits the Farming out of Benefices and especially Dignities The Eighth imports That if any Churches be Leas'd out it shall be only for five Years The Ninth That they shall not Let out Leases for ever The Tenth That the Vicars shall be Priests and oblig'd to Personal Residence in the Churches which they are to Serve The Eleventh That they shall not give away the Benefices of the Absent upon the Report of their being Dead unless they are assur'd of it The Twelfth prohibits the dividing of Benefices The Thirteenth renews the Decrees concerning Residence and against those who have Pluralities The Fourteenth regulates the manner of the Habits of the Clergy and recommends to the Bishops to be the first in giving an Example to others The Fifteenth to prevent the Marriages which some Clerks contracted Clandestinely to save their Benefices declares the Children born of such Marriages uncapable of holding Benefices The Sixteenth renews the Ecclesiastical Statutes against Clerks who kept Concubines The Seventeenth prohibits the Children of Clerks from Possessing the Benefices of their Fathers The Eighteenth is against those who Protect and give Shelter to Highway-Men The Nineteenth prohibits all the Monks from Eating Flesh and orders That their Novices shall be oblig'd to Profess at the end of their Year Which is likewise extended to Regular Canons The Twentieth enjoins the Arch-Deacons to do their Duty with Diligence and not to burden the Churches by excessive Duties of Procuration The Twenty first forbids the Ecclesiastical Judges to hinder the Parties from Agreeing The Twenty second exhorts the Bishops to Reside in their Churches there to Celebrate Divine Service on the chief Festivals of the Year on the Sundays of Advent and Lent and to see that their Diocesses be Visited The Twenty third imports That Care shall be taken to Place able Judges especially in Matrimonial Causes and that the Judges of Abbots who are in Possession shall not pass a definitive Sentence till after they have Consulted the Bishop of the Diocess The Eight other Constitutions relate to the various Forms of Justice and the Conditions which make these Acts Authentick These Decrees were Read in the Council and the Prelates of England hearkened to them very quietly There was only the Bishop of Worcester who Remonstrated touching the Prohibition of having Pluralities That this Law could not be observ'd in England because there were a great many Persons of Quality that enjoy'd several Benefices who liv'd honourably upon them and
Wax-Tapers In the Eighth 't is order'd That the Jews shall be distinguish'd from the Christians by some Mark In the Ninth The Clerks who have Benefices are prohibited from Exercising the Functions of Advocates in a Lay-Court In the Tenth The Monks and Regular Canons are prohibited from receiving any Salary for their Preaching In the Eleventh The Regular Canons are order'd to live according to the Rule of St. Augustine to Eat in Common in one and the same Refectory and to Wear a Habit agreeable to their Condition The Twelfth is against an Abuse which was then Practised by the Knights-Templars who being themselves and their Servants exempted from the Jurisdiction of Ordinaries bestow'd that Quality on several Clerks who still retain'd their Habit that so they likewise might be exempted from the Jurisdiction of their Bishop This Council orders That the Exemption shall only extend to those who are really of that Order and that the others shall be subject to the Correction and Jurisdiction of the Ordinaries In the Thirteenth 't is order'd That Religious Persons shall be settled in the Hospitals to take care of them The Fourteenth imports That no Credit shall be given to the Deeds by which the Bishops raises Money unless seal'd with his own Seal In the Fifteenth The Monks are prohibited from admitting Laicks into their Churches on Sundays or Holy-Days and from Preaching in the time of the Parochial Divine Service In the Sixteenth The Penitentiaries who are sent into Parishes to Absolve Men in such Cases as are reserv'd to the Bishop are enjoin'd not to hear any Confessions but in such Cases and to refer them in other Cases to the Curate The Seventeenth is against those who use any force to keep their Relations or Friends in Benefices or to cause them to be Elected into them The other Canons of this Council are lost The Council of Cognac in the Year 1260. PEter de Roscidavella who in the Year 1259 succeeded Gerard de Malemort in the Arch-Bishoprick The Council of Cognac in 1260. of Bourdeaux Held a Provincial Council in the Year 1260 at Cognac wherein the following Decrees were Publish'd The First prohibits the Holding of Nocturnal Assemblies call'd Vigils in the Churches and Church-Yards because several Lewd things were committed in them and sometimes Murder which oblig'd them to send for the Bishops to Reconcile those Churches However it permits Luminaries and other Acts of Devotion which were us'd to be observ'd The Second Abolishes the Balls which were us'd to be kept in Churches on Innocents-Day and the Custom of chusing on that Day one of the Company on whom they Conferr'd the Title of Bishop The Third orders That the Revenues of Vacant Churches shall be reserv'd for the Successors The Fourth That the Commendams and Collations of Vacant Benefices shall belong to the Bishop or Arch-Bishop The Fifth prohibits the Curates from Marrying of Women of another Parish without the consent of their Curate The Sixth prohibits the admitting of Priests of another Diocess to the Celebration of the Holy Mysteries The Seventh prohibits Cock-fighting which was a kind of Sport practis'd in Schools The Eighth is a Revival of the Orders about the Habits of Ecclesiasticks The Ninth prohibits the giving the Holy Chrism to Exempt Persons who will not Pay to the Bishop of their Diocess what they owe him and from Administring the Sacraments to those who are under their Jurisdiction The Tenth orders the Benefic'd Clergy who are absent for their Studies or for some other lawful Cause with the Leave of their Bishop to put Vicars into their Benefices to whom they shall allow a sufficient Pension for their Maintenance The Eleventh enjoyns the Patrons to allow convenient Salaries to the Curates who depend on them The next Canon orders That those who have Priories shall maintain two Monks in each The Thirteenth prohibits the Priests from holding Cures by Lease The Fourteenth revives the Prohibitions against laying New Pensions on Churches The Fifteenth and Sixteenth prohibit the Interring any Corps out of the Parish The Seventeenth orders That the Curates shall have a particular House of their own The Eighteenth and Nineteenth renew the Constitutions of the former Councils concerning Tithes and enjoyn the Curates to take Possession of the Tithes under pain of Excommunication and Forfeiture of their Benefices The Council of Lambeth in the Year 1261. BOniface Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Held a Council the beginning of May 1261 at Lambeth wherein The Council of Lambeth in 1261. he made several Constitutions for the maintenance of the Immunities Privileges and Liberties of the Church of England There are likewise several about the Ecclesiastical Judgments and Officers about Confession and Pennance and about the Clerical Tonsure and Crown The Council of Cognac in the Year 1262. PEter de Roscidavella Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux in the Year 1262 Held a Council at Cognac wherein The Council of Cognac in 1262. he order'd 1. That the Places where any Clerks are detain'd by force shall be Interdicted 2. That those who molest the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction shall be Excommunicated 3. That the Lords shall be engag'd by Ecclesiastical Censures to force those who slight Excommunications to re-enter into the Communion of the Church 4. That they shall not Absolve the Excommunicated till they have made Satisfaction and Restitution 5. That during the Interdiction the Parishioners shall be prohibited going to Divine Service in any Interdicted Church 6. That the Arch-Deacons Arch-Priests and Curates shall not cause their Benefices to be Serv'd by Vicars 7. That these Constitutions shall be Publish'd every Year in the Synods The Council of Bourdeaux in the Year 1262. THE same Arch-Bishop made several other Constitutions of the like Nature in a Synod Held the The Council of Bourdeaux in 1262. same Year at Bourdeaux The First imports That the Excommunicated shall be esteem'd such till they have receiv'd Letters of Absolution from their Bishop The Second That those who shall continue in a State of Excommunication during a Year shall be deem'd Heretical The Third That a Curate shall not Bury one of another Parish The Fourth That the Curates shall Exhort those who are of Age to present themselves to receive Confirmation at the time of the Bishop's Visitation The Fifth That those who shall Contract Clandestine Marriages both the Ministers and Witnesses shall be Excommunicated and Suspended ab Officio Beneficio and that those Marriages shall be reckoned Clandestine which are not Contracted by the proper Curate or Pastor of the Husband or the Wife with the consent of the other Curate The Sixth That each Curate shall have in his Parish a List of the Excommunicated The Seventh That Absolution from Excommunication cannot be granted but by the Judge who Issu'd out the Excommunication and that in Case the Excommunicated Person happen to Die after his Death Absolution shall be requir'd of that Judge The Council of Nants in the Year 1264. VIncent de Pilenes
other Questions printed at Lyons in 1497. and in 1518. A Commentary also upon the Proverbs of Solomon is attributed to him printed at Paris in 1515. but it belongs rather to Thomas Gualensis There are some other Works of Holkot's in MS. in the Libraries at Cambridge as his Quodlibetical Questions in Pembroke-Hall Sermons and Allegories in Peter-House RICHARD HAMPOLE Born in Yorkshire in England an Augustine Monk died Sept. 29. 1349. Richard Hampole has Composed several Treatises of Piety Some of them were printed at Cologne and are extant in the 26th Tome of the Bibliotheca Patrum A Treatise of the Amendment of a Sinner An Explication of the Lord's Prayer Another of the Apostles and Athanasius's Creed The Praise of the Name of Jesus A Treatise of the Embraces of the Love of God An Exposition upon these words of the Canticles of Solomon The Daughters will love thee affectionately in which he also treats of the Love of God These Treatises are full of the Spirit and very affecting He also Composed several other Spiritual Commentaries upon the Holy Scripture as the Psalms Job Lamentations of Jeremiah A Treatise Intituled The Sting of Conscience Scala Mundi A Book of the Contempt of the World The Commendation of Chastity and some other Treatises which are found in the Libraries of England as the Cotton Archbishop of Canterbury's at Lambeth and Bodleian JOANNES HONSEMIUS or HOXEMIUS a Dutchmâ—n 〈◊〉 Canon of the Church of Leige made a Joannes Honsemius Continuation of the History of the Bishops of Leige composed by Aegidius Aureae Vallis from 1247. to 1348. It is printed in the Collection of Historians upon the same Subject put out by Joannes Chapeavillus and printed at Leige in 1613. GERARDUS ODONIS a Native of Rovergne in France a Grey-Friar was chosen General of Gerardus Odonis that Order in 1329. in the place of Michael de Caesena and after preferred to the Dignity of Archbishop of Antioch by John XXII he died at Catana in 1349. He Composed a Comment upon the Ten Books of Aristotle's Morals printed at Venice in 1500. The Office of the Marks of S. Francis is attributed to him There is in the Covent of Cordeliers at Mirepoix in Languedoc a MS. Treatise of the Figures of the Bible which bears his Name and in the Vatican Library a Comment upon the Books of the Sentences Two Philosophical Questions and some Commentaries upon several Books of Scripture as Waddingus testifies in his Biblioth Frat. Min. p. 145. JACOBUS FOLQUIER an Hermite of S. Austin a Doctor and Reader of Divinity at Tholouse Jacobus Folquier dedicated in 1345. to Clement VI. a Work Intituled Viridarium Gregorianum or Allegories upon all the Books of Scripture which are found in MS. in the Library of the Great Augustines at Paris BERNARDUS Abbot of Mont-Cassin who flourished about 1347. Composed a Book Intituled Bernard The Mirrour of the Monks of the Order of S. Benedict printed at Paris in 1507. A Commentary upon the Rule of S. Benedict which is found in MS. in some Libraries Trithemius also mentions a Book of Regular Precepts and Sermons for his Monks THOMAS BRADWARDIN an Englishman of the Order of Grey-Friars Chancellor of the University Thomas Bradwardin of Oxford Confessor to Edward III. was chosen Archbishop of Canterbury in 1348. by a Chapter of that Church two several times for the King of England and the Pope having preferred John Ufford the first time before him he was not consecrated but this last dying a little time after he was chosen a Second time and his Election being confirmed by the Pope and approved by the King he was consecrated at Avignon by Cardinal Bertrandus but he died within Forty Days after his Ordination and before he had taken Possession of his Archbishoprick This Author Sirnamed the Profound Doctor Coomposed a large Work Intituled The Cause of God and the truth of Causes against Pelagius published by Sir H. Savil and printed at London in 1618. in which he strongly maintains the Principles of S. Austin and S. Thomas concerning the Operation and Power of God over the Actions of his Creatures Some attribute to him also a Treatise of Geometry and Arithmetick viz. a Treatise of Proportions printed at Venice in 1505. A Treatise of Speculative Arithmetick printed at Paris in 1502. and a Treatise of Geometry printed at Paris in 1512. and 1530. Bradwardin in his Work De Caussâ Dei c. does not only treat of Liberty and Predestination but also of the Existence of God his Perfections Eternity Immutability Immensity and other Attributes particularly his Knowledge Power and Will He shews that God preserves all Beings that he hath Created That he doth all things immediately that are done by his Creatures That his Will is effectual invincible and immutable That all that he Wills infallibly comes to pass That the things which he knows are not the cause of his Knowledge but his Will He explains in what sense God Wills or Wills not Sin He proves the Necessity of Grace against Pelagius and shews that it is gratis given and that Man deserves not the first Grace That it is the immediate Cause of all good Actions and principally of Repentance He holds Predestination to be gratuitous and rejects the middle Knowledge These are the Chief Points he treats of in his First Book His Second Book is upon Free Will He affirms That it consists not in being able to Will or not Will the same thing but in a Power of Willing freely all that we ought to choose and willing all that we ought not to choose He shews that no Second Cause can necessitate the Will but that the free Will cannot conquer Temptations without the special Assistance of God which is nothing else but his invincible Will That without this help no Man can avoid Sin That Perseverance is the Effect of Grace Lastly He explains the Co-operation of Man's Will with God's He affirms That God hinders not Liberty though he causes a kind of Necessity He treats of several Kinds of Necessity and Contingence and recites several Opinions of Philosophers and Divines about the Contingency of things which he numbers as far as 33. and concludes that all future things happen by one kind of Necessity with relation to Superior Causes which agrees nevertheless with Liberty but that is not Absolute Natural violent or forced He concludes his Works with a brief Recital of the Errors which he hath opposed and the Truths he hath established which he hath reduced to 36 Propositions ALBERICUS de ROSATE or ROXIATI Born in Bergamo a Lawyer flourished about 1350. He hath Composed a Commentary upon the Sixth Book of the Decretals printed in the Collection Albericus de Rosate of the Treatises of Famous Lawyers made at Venice in 1584. A Dictionary of the Civil and Canon Law printed at Venice in 1573. and 1601. and some other Treatises of Civil Law PETRUS de PATERNIS an Hermit of the
Father and the Son being a matter decided was no more liable to dispute nor debate The Greek Deputies proposed that at the least the Greeks be left at liberty to continue in their same Judgment it was replied they could not dispense with it because there was but one Faith in the Church and there was propounded to them an easie way of Agreement viz. That the four Patriarchs should depute some Persons of note in the West with sufficient Power to confer with such as the Pope should nominate not to dispute but to be instructed in the Truth and to remove their Scruple That for the Meeting of a General Council it was to no purpose neither could it be effected especially at this Juncture Barlaam return'd That though the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father and the Son went for currant truth among the Latines the Greeks notwithstanding were in a doubt of his Proceeding from the Son and that they could not be convinced herein but by the way of discussion that this was ever practised in the Church that if it were refused them they should suspect the Latines distrusted the goodness of their Cause That General Councils had ever been Useful and done the Church credit In fine he propounded to make a Re-union and leave both Parties free to hold what they pleased as to this Question to oblige the Greeks to grant the Church of Rome the Honours which the ancient Patriarchs had allowed and which were determined by the Laws of the Emperors and by the Canons of the Holy Fathers and that the Latines on their part should give way to allow to the Church and Empire of Constantinople the Rights they enjoy by ancient Custom by the Laws and by the Canons He concludes with demanding of Succours The Pope denied him for fear the Greeks when strengthened and raised by the Holy See and by the Catholick Princes of Europe should afterwards desert them as they had done before Barlaam before his departure delivered a fresh Memorial to the Pope wherein he set forth That it was impossible to send Deputies from the East as he demanded because whatever good Design the Emperor might have to settle the Union he durst not discover it and that the Patriarch of Constantinople could not send Legates without consulting the other Patriarchs which he could not do by reason of the Wars and that otherwise he was not certain the other Patriarchs would consent to it he added a Promise that notwithstanding he would do his utmost This Project had no issue and things remained in Greece in the posture they were in as to the Latines Andronicus being Dead in the Year 1341. the Empress to strengthen her self against Cantacuzenus Projects for Union under Cantacuzenus writ to Pope Clement VI. that if she were able to conquer her Enemies she would embrace the Doctrine and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome The Pope commended her Design exhorted her to persist in it and promised her Succours Cantacuzenus sent some time after George Spanopulus Master of his Wardrobe and Sigerus Praetor of the People in Quality of Ambassadors to whom he joined a Latine named Francis a Friend of the Pope's giving them in Charge to remove any Prejudice he might have against this Prince and to demand Aid against the Infidels Clement VI gave these Ambassadors a kind Reception and sent with them two Bishops one of the Oâ—… of the Grey-Friars and the other of the Order of Friars-Preachers to treat of the Union They agreed with the Emperor that the Pope should call a Council that he should give the Emperor notice of the time and place and that the Emperor should call the Patriarchs together to the intent they might send Deputies thither The Pope accepted this Proposal but he wrote to the Emperor that he could not put it in Execution suddenly because of the Wars in Italy Câ—…zenus gave him Thanks for his good Intentions and intreated him to do what was possible for the assembling of this Council but the Pope died and it was no more mention'd In the Year 1369. the Emperor John Palaeologus seeing himself hard beset on all sides by the The Union of John Palaeologus Turks made a Voyage into Italy to demand Succours of the Christian Princes in Europe He was well received there and repaired to Rome where Pope Urban V. came to meet him on the 13th of October and on the 18th of the same Month he made a Profession of Faith which he Signed with his Hand and Sealed with his own Seal in the presence of Five Cardinals and other Witnesses to the end he might be received into Communion whereby he acknowledged the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father and the Son the Pains of Purgatory Prayers for the Dead the Vision of Souls purged from all Sin soon after Death the Seven Sacraments the Validity of the Sacrifice of the Eucharist offered with Unleavened Bread the change of the Bread and Wine into the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST the validity of Second Third and Fourth Marriages the Primacy of the Church of Rome over the whole Catholick Church given with full Power by JESUS CHRIST to â—t Peter to whom the Pope of Rome is Successor to whom recourse ought to be had in all Causes that concern the Church to whom all Churches and all Bishops owe Obedience and Submission who hath the fulness of Power c. He promises and engages by Oath upon the Holy Gospels inviolably to hold this Doctrine and utterly renounces the Schism Notwithstanding this Act of Submission John Palaeologus drew not much Assistance from the Western Princes but was Arrested by the Venetians for the Payment of his Debts and was not released till his Son Manuel had discharged them This latter coming to the Empire went also to the West about the end of this Century there to demand Succours against Bajazet who had laid Siege to Constantinople but he in vain went over Italy France England and Germany and could obtain but very little Aid from the French King insomuch that he not only rejected the Opinion of the Latines but also wrote against them about the Procession of the Holy Ghost The Greeks had likewise in the Fourteenth Century Disputes among them upon Points of The Contests between the Bâ—rlaamites and Palamites Doctrine which were pushed on with great heat on both Sides The Heads of the two Parties were Barlaam and Palamas The first was a Monk of Calabria Learned and Cunning who being come to Constantinople buoyed up by the Authority of the Emperor the young Andronicus undertook the Monks stiled Hesicasts or Quietists examined their Method of Prayer and having therein observed things he did not like he writ against them and accused them of reviving the Errors of the Euchites and the Messalianists giving them a new Name of Omphalo Psychi that is to say Navellists because as we have noted in speaking of Simeon of Xeroxerce one of the
and such as obtain them shall enter into Holy Orders The 13th That Priests shall celebrate their first Mass within three Months after their Ordination and afterwâ—…s as often as they can at least once a Year The 14th That â—…ates shall teach the form of Baptism three times a Year to their Parishioners The 15th prescribes a Form of Confession to be used at the Introites of the Mass. The 16th That the Clergy shall Fast and give Alms three Days before they hold Provincial Councils The 17th Renews the Punishment against Detainers of Ecclesiastical Revenues The 18th Excommunicates the Secular and Regular Clergy which keep back the Profits which belong to the Table of Bishops Monasteries or Chapters The 19th forbids to pronounce the Sentences of Interdict or Excommunication for mere Money-matters The 20th recalls the Permissions given Monks to publish and preach Indulgences The Council of Ravenna in 1317. The Council of Ravenna in 1317. LAstly This Archbishop who always applied himself to his Duty and Reformation of Discipline called a Council at Ravenna Octob. 27. 1317. in which he confirmed the two former and published new Rules in 22 Articles He orders in the First that Bishops should appoint Stewards to manage the Revenues of Vacant Churches The 2d orders That no Man shall enter into the Ministry of the Church who has not received his Mission from the Bishop The 3d. That those who have gotten Benefices shall enter into Holy Orders within a Year as their Benefices require The 4th renews the Rules concerning the Habits and Conversation of Clergymen and imposes Pecuniary Mulcts upon such as shall contradict them The 5th forbids receiving a Canon of a Cathedral or a Monk out of a Monastery without the Special License of the Ordinary The 6th That none shall be received into a Monastery upon the Credit of Lay-men The 7th That Notice shall be given to the Metropolitan of Ravenna what Benefices are faln to him The 8th That the Number of the Canons of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches shall be regulated if not already done and the Number reduced to a proportion of the Revenues The 9th is against Beneficed Persons that do not reside The 10th orders That there be daily Distributions in Cathedral Churches and One Table for the Canons The 11th concerns the Taxes and Impositions that Churches ought to bear The 12th appoints that the Glergy be present at Solemn Masses and that Private Masses shall not begin in the Churches till the solemn One is finished The 13th forbids Archbishops Provosts and inferiour Bishops the Knowledge Instruction or Judgment of what concerns the Persons of Clergymen The 14th forbids all Christians to lett out their Houses to the Jews The 15th lays down divers Cautions to prevent Usury The 16th ordains that the Restitutions of such Goods as the Owners are not known shall be made by the Bishops Order and they shall be obliged in their Wills to specifie the Cause of such Legacies The 17th forbids Clergymen or Monks to Hunt The 18th ordains That Clergymen taken carrying Arms committing any Crime shall be put into the hands of the Bishop without defaming Reflections on them The 19th That only One Punishment shall be inflicted for One Crime The 20th leaves it to the Liberty of the Bishops to dispense with the Age and Qualifications which such as are to be ordained ought to have by the Canons of the former Councils provided that the Persons whom they ordain be capable The 21st imposes a Punishment upon the Chapters who do not give notice of the Death of their Bishop to the Bishops of the Province The 22d gives the Ordinaries a Power to Absolve such as offend against the Rules of this Council but this Archbishop reserved for the future the Punishment of the Breakers of the Canons to himself and the Power to moderate or interpret the Laws of these Councils And by virtue of this Power he added two Articles to these 22 Rules In one of them he allows the Nuns to speak through a Lattice to Persons not Suspicious and in the second he sets down a Table of the Dues which Notaries and Secretaries ought to take The Council of Paris in 1314. The Council of Paris in 1314. PHILIP de MARIGNY Archbishop of Sens celebrated a Council of the Bishops of his Province at Paris on Tuesday before the Translation of S. Nicholas in 1314. and four days after in which he published three Rules The 1st appoints That the Curates should admonish such as unjustly detain the Goods of their Churches to restore them and if they do not do it to Excommunicate them The 2d That Ecclesiastical Judges shall no longer grant General Citations in these terms Summon all those whom the Bearer of these Presents shall appoint c. and if they do grant any they shall be of none effect The 3d. That no Person shall be Summoned for having kept Company with an Excommunicate Person unless the Person cited has been admonished first and unless the Person that requires the Citation will Swear that he knows that the Persons he would have cited have knowingly accompanied with Excommunicate Persons in the Cases which are not permitted by the Law The Council of Saumur in 1315. The Council of Saumur in 1315. THIS Council was held by JEFFREY de la HEYE Archbishop of Tours and made up of the Bishops and Abbots of his Province In it were published four Canons The First orders That all those Laymen which hereafter shall detain any Ecclesiastical Goods shall be Excommunicated and those who have held them for 40 Years past shall be thrice admonished to restore them and if they do not do it they shall be Excommunicated The 2d declares all those ipso fâ—ctâ— Excommunicated who hinder the Execution of Ecclesiastical Judgments and lays an Interdict upon the Lands of those Lords whose Bailiffs Stewards or other Judges make Attempts upon the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction The 3d. forbids Arch-Deacons and others entrusted with the Examination of such Clerks as are ordained or provided of Benefices to take any thing of them upon Pain of Suspension if they are Priests or Excommunication if they are not The 4th says That Land cannot be interdicted before any thing is ordained against the Person of the Lord or Bailiff and reserves to Bishops the Absolutions of Excommunications and the taking of the Interdicts imposed by this Council The Council of Nogarol in 1315. The Council of Nogarol in 1315. AMANAEUS d'ARMAGNAC Archbishop of Ausche held a Council of his Province in 1315. at Nogarol in which he published five Rules The 1st forbids under Pain of Excommunication Temporal Lords to invade the Goods of Vacant Churches The 2d declares the Children of such as have contributed to lay Taxes upon the Clergy incapable of receiving Holy Orders to the 4th Generation and deprives their Family of Christian Burial The 3d. forbids to deny the Sacrament of Penance to Persons Executed at their Death The 4th Excommunicates
The Council of Roan in 1445. Russel Archbishop of that City and the Bishops his Suffragans which contain many good Regulations about the Discipline of the Church There is one against the Superstition of those who give particular Names to the Images of the Virgin as Our Lady of Recovery of Pity of Consolation of Grace c. because this gives occasion to believe that there is more Vertue in one Image than another CHAP. VII An History of the Wicklefites and Hussites of John Wicklef John Huss and Jerom of Prague of their Errors and their Condemnation JOHN Wicklef an English Doctor and Professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford and Rector of Lutterworth in the Diocese of Lincoln flourish'd with good Reputation in An History of Wicklef that University until the Dissensions happen'd at Oxford between the Monks and the Seculars by which he was oppress'd and engag'd to declare against the Interest of the Pope and the Church He had been chosen by the Seculars Head of a College founded at Oxford for the Scholars of Canterbury but the Monks being newly admitted into that College had a mind to prefer a Regular to that Place whereupon Wicklef and his Regulars drove them out of the College These being expell'd had recourse to Simon Langham Cardinal and Archbishop of Canterbury who took them into his Protection and order'd Wicklef to resign up that Place to a Monk nam'd Henry Wodehull but Wicklef refus'd to obey whereupon the Archbishop sequestred the Revenues of the College The Affair was carried to Pope Urban V. by Wicklef and his Associates and he appointed a Cardinal to hear the Cause who decided it in favour of the Monks and order'd that Wicklef and his Associates should leave the College after they had made Satisfaction to the Monks The Pope confirm'd this Sentence by his Bull published in 1370. Thus Wicklef was obliged to resign but this Disgrace disgusted him against the Court of Rome and put him upon seeking out some way of Revenge The Belief of the Authority of the Pope and the Church in Temporals was then sufficiently established in England and the Jurisdiction of Bishops there was of a very large Extent Wicklef set himself to oppose both the one and the other in which Contest he found many Complices and Protectors because the Doctrin which he espous'd was favourable to the King whose Power was weakned and diminished by that of the Pope and the Bishops to the great Lords who were in Possession of the Revenues of the Church and had a mind to shake off the Yoke of Ecclesiastical Censures and to the People to whom the Tax of Peter-pence and the oâ—â—er Impositions of the Church of Rome were burdensome The Books of Marsilius of Padua and John of Jande and some other Authors who had written of Ecclesiastical and Temporal Power according to the Interest of Princes against the Pretensions of Popes furnish'd him with Matter enough upon this Subject and he did not only blindly follow the Extravagances into which these Authors had fall'n but carried the matter higher and â—et himself to teach and preach publickly against the Jurisdiction of the Pope and the Bishops When this Doctrin begun to spread and make a Noise Simon Sudbury Archbishop of Canterbury assembled in the Month of February 1377. a Council at London to which he caus'd Wicklef to be cited to give there an account of his Doctrin Wicklef came thither accompanied with the Duke of Lancaster who had then the principal Share in the Government of the Kingdom Edward III. drawing near his end and being weak in Body and Mind and with many other Lords and there he defended himself and was dismiss'd without any Condemnation But Pope Gregory XI being advertis'd of the Doctrin which was spread by Wicklef in England and of the Protection he met with to save him from Condemnation wrote to the Bishops of England to cause him to be apprehended or if they could not compass that to cite him to Rome and at the same time sent them 19 Propositions advanc'd by Wicklef which he condemns as Heretical and Etroneous The Doctrin contain'd in these Propositions may be referr'd to 4 Heads The 1st is That God hath not given his Church Temporal Revenues to possess them always and that Temporal Princes may take from it the Possession of them for just Reasons the 2d That the Church cannot make use of Excommunication and other Censures to exact temporal Revenues and that Excommunication has no effect at all but only in so far as it is agreeable to the Law of God the 3d That every Priest lawfully ordain'd has sufficient Power to administer the Sacraments and consequently to absolve all contrite Persons from any Sin whatsoever the 4th That all sorts of Ecclesiasticks even the Pope of Rome himself may be reprov'd and accus'd by their Inferiours tho' they be Lay-men These Letters of Gregory being brought into England and delivered to the Prelats of the Kingdom after the Death of King Edward they held a Council at Lambeth about the end of this Year where Wicklef appear'd and now a 2d time avoided Condemnation by the Protection of the Lords and the People who declar'd so stoutly for him that the Bishops durst not do any thing but command him to be silent after he had explain'd the Propositions in a Sense wherein they may be maintain'd The Minority of Richard II. who succeeded his Father Edward at Twelve years of Age gave occasion to great Insurrections of the common People against the Nobility to the great Disturbance of the Kingdom The Seditious shook off the Yoke of the Lords and the Magistrates refus'd to pay them their customary Dues robb'd them of their Estates massacred the Archbishop of Canterbury made themselves Masters of London kill'd the King's principal Officers and committed an infinite number of Outrages throughout the whole Kingdom Wicklef had no hand in these Seditions altho' his Doctrin may have given occasion to them but he continued still to spread his new Doctrins and added to them some new Errors more dangerous than the former and drew after him a great number of Disciples who taught the same Doctrin William Courtnay Archbishop of Canterbury having a mind to put a stop to this Disorder call'd together at London in May 1382. a Council consisting of 8 Bishops and many Doctors and Batchelors Councils at London against Wicklef of Divinity and Law wherein he condemned 24 Propositions of Wicklef or his Disciples viz. 10 as Heretical and 14 as Erroneous and contrary to the Definition of the Church The 10 first are as follow 1st That the Substance of Material Bread and Wine remains in the Sacrament after Consecration 2dly That the Accidents do not remain without a Subject in this Sacrament 3dly That Jesus Christ is not there indentically truly and really according to his proper Corporal Presence 4. That a Priest who lives in Mortal Sin does not at all ordain