three conditions the first is touched by Hierome Non solum Divinitutem Patris c. posse oculos carnis aspicere sed mentis That not onely the Divinitie of the Father but neither of the Sonne or holy Ghost can the eyes of the bodie see but of the minde c. So also Athanasius as he is cited by Augustine Deum omnino esse invisibilem c. nisi in quantum Spiritu mente nosci potest That God is altogether invisible but as he may be knowne in the Spirit and minde c. These then at this time saw not with their bodily eyes the essence of God but certaine visible signes onely and demonstrations of his presence Secondly we shall have a more full sight of God in the next world than in this as Augustine saith Nemo potest in hac vita videre sicuti est No man can see him in this life as he is Eâ— promittitur sanctis in alia vita To see God in his nature is promised in the next life c. So also Gregorie Quamdiu hic mortaliter vivitur c. As long as we live in this mortall life God cannot be seene in his nature c. Thirdly yet fully the Divine nature shall not be comprehended of the Saints no not in the next life as Augustine to this purpose citeth Ambrose interpreting that place of the Apostle Who onely hath immortaliter c. whom never man saw neither can see c. Si natura ipsim est invisibilitas sicut incorruptibilitas c. If it appertaine to the nature of God to be invisible as well as to be incorruptible that nature shall not be changed in the next world of invisible to become visible because he cannot of incorruptible become corruptible c. And againe upon those words of the same Apostle To the King everlasting immortall invisible c. hee writeth thus Vnde ego non audeo ista distinguere c. Therefore I dare not divide or distinguish these things which the Apostle hath joyned together to say To him that is incorruptible for ever in this world and the next but invisible not in the next world but onely in this Contrarie then to this orthodoxall doctrine of the Fathers agreeable to the Scriptures are these ventrous and bold positions That wee shall in the next life participate with Christs Godhead and be made capable of his Divine substance That there is not any thing of Gods which his Saints shall not see In which assertion Augustine doth directly oppose himselfe to all such Dogmatists and Novelists in these words Non quia Dei plenitudinem quisquam non solum oculis corporis sed vel ipsa mente aliquando comprehendit Not because the fulnesse of God any can comprehend at any time not onely with the eyes of the bodie but with the minde it selfe c. for it is one thing to see another to comprehend the whole in seeing c. Totum comprehenditur videndo quod ita videtur ut nihil ejus lateat videntem c. The whole is comprehended in seeing which it so seene that no part thereof is hid from the seer c. Here Augustine evidently testifieth that God cannot wholly be seene unlesse nothing in the Godhead should be hid unto us which here he manifestly denieth 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. Honour in this life no signe of Gods favour Vers. 1. COme up thou and Aaron Nadab and Abihu c. These two which are bidden to come up with Moses and Aaron afterward were slaine with fire from heaven which sheweth that preferment in this life is not alwayes a signe of Gods favour but that the wicked are often exalted and lifted up that they may have the greater fall as the Lord said he 〈◊〉 appointed Pharaoh to shew his power in him Ferus 2. Observ. We must 〈◊〉 upon the Lord 〈◊〉 patience Vers. 16. THe seventh day the Lord called to Moses God would not at the first call unto Moses but maketh him to wait six daye Ne 〈◊〉 familiaritate superâ—iret Lest he should was proud by too much familiaritie Oleaster Vt discamus patienter ferre c. And that we may learne to beare it patiently if God at the first doe not answer to our desire Lippoman As S. Paul therefore be sought the Lord thrice that the temptation of his flesh whereby he was buffered might depart from him 2 Cor. â—â— 8 3. Observ. Sufficient deputies to be left in the Magistrate or Ministers 〈◊〉 absence Vers. 14. IN that Moses leaveth Aaron and Hur in his place It sheweth that the like 〈◊〉 in Ministers God would blesse to leave able deputies in their place when they have just cause to be absent and the contrarie fault he will severely punish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. Observ. The 〈◊〉 of fasting and prayer CHAP. XXV 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter Moses beginneth to set forth such generall ceremonies as belonged to the Tabernacle then instituted for the publike service of God there are two parts thereof the preparation to vers 10. the description to vers 40. 1. In the preparation these things are expressed in the charge which God giveth to Moses 1. Who shall offer the things required namely the people vers 2. 2. What they shall offer vers 3 4 5 6. 3. To what end vers 8. 4. After what manner vers 9. 2. In the description First the Arke is appointed to be made both the bodie thereof 1. Of what matter vers 10. 2. Of what measure vers 10. 3. With what ornaments it must be overlaid with gold vers 11. 4. What adjuncts and appendants both of rings and barres vers 13 14 15. 5. And of the use thereof vers 16. As also the cover of the Arke 1. The matter vers 18. 2. Measure vers 18. 3. The fashion with Cherubims how to be made vers 19. and how to be placed vers 20. 4. The place of the cover vers 21. 5. The use vers 22. Secondly the Table is described 1. The matter 2. The measure and forme vers 23. 3. The parts thereof the crowne vers 24. The border vers 25. The rings vers 26. 4. The appendants the barres v. 28. 5. The appertenants the dishes cups goblets vers 29. 6. The use to set the Shew-bread upon vers 30. Thirdly the Candlesticke is appointed to bee made 1. The matter and after what manner to bee wrought of gold beaten with the hammer vers 31. 2. The parts six branches three on the one side and three on the other vers 32. 3. The forme and fashion with boules almonds knops and flowers to v. 37. 4. The use thereof vers 37. 5. The appertenances the snuffers and snuffe-dishes vers 37. 6. The quantitie of a talent of gold all this must be made vers 39. 2. The divers readings Vers. 4. Fine linnen G. rather than cotten or bombasine I. or silke caeter shas H. Vers. 5. Badgers skinnes I.V.A.P.C. or skinnes of
Quantum ad credenda What they were to beleeve and the worke which they should doe Quantum ad agenda that is what things they were to doe Ferus QUEST XIX Of the qualities and properties required in good Magistrates Vers. 21. PRovide men of courage The first propertie required in a Magistrate is that he be valiant chaijl which signifieth not onely valour or strength of the bodie but the industry of mind as Pharaoh would have Ioseph set over his cattell such of his brethren as were valiant that is industrious and well practised and experienced among cattell In this first qualitie or vertue then these things are required 1. That they must be industrious able to dispatch and expedite causes Simler Valentes ingenio men of good dexteritie and wit Cajetan There must be verus intellectus a good conceit and understanding Tostat. 2. Constancie and strength is required Ne metu potentiorum deserat causam justam That he doe not leave a good cause for feare of mightie men Simler As Ecclesiasticus saith Noli fieri Iudex c. Seeke not to be made a Iudge lest thou bee not able to take away iniquitie and lest thou fearing the person of the mightie shouldest commit an offence against thine uprightnesse 3. Also it is fit they should be of greater power in riches or by birth and estimation in the world for if they be base and poore though upright they are sooner contemned so Deut. 1.15 they must be jedughim knowne and famous men if other vertues doe concurre withall Tostat. Among the Lacedemonians one Demosthenes an obscure and base fellow gave wise and prudent counsell which the Ephori which were the counsellers of state willed to be propounded by another man of fame and estimation lest it might have beene contemned because of the first author Simler 2. They must bee men fearing God For the feare of God is the foundation of all vertues and where that is not Non sunt verâ— virtutes sed umbrae They are not true vertues but shadowes of vertues Simler And if men of might should not feare God Cum ex potentia sua homines non timeant c. When in regard of their great power they feare not men they will be readie to commit many wrongs Tostat. quâ—st 6. Oportet jus dicentem aliis rationem habere superioris Iudicis c. It behoveth him that judgeth others to have respect unto his superiour Iudge to whom he must give account of all his acts Cajetan Deum spectent cujus vicem obtineant Let them looke unto God in whose stead they are Borrh. They must execute his will whose place and person they sustaine for where no feare of God is there justice is soone declined as is evident in Pilate Ferus 3. They must be men of truth Both understanding the truth that they may be able to distinguish right from wrong as also following the truth in their will and practice for there is a speculative truth in discerning and judging and a practicall truth in following a right judgement Tostat. There is veritas vitae truth of life when a mans conversation is framed according to the rule of truth veritas justitiae in giving unto every man his right and veritas doctrinae in discerning the truth from errour and right from wrong Lyran. This love of the truth containeth these two things both that in others he should give way to the truth that he should seeke out the truth by witnesses writings evidences and in himselfe having found out the truth give judgement accordingly Simler Vt sit vera tum dicendo tum faciendo to be true in word and in deed both to speake the truth and practise it Cajetan Veritas non tantum fraudibus crassis mendaciis sed ambitioni c. The truth is not opposed onely to fraud and grosse lies but to ambition flattery and such like and what other cunning soever may be used to corrupt judgement Calvin Stabiles sint in sententiis non mutabiles They must be stable in their sentences not changeable Oleaster 4. They must hate covetousnesse Quantumvis sufficiat homini non esse avarum c. Although it be sufficient for a private man not to be a covetous yet a Judge must be so far from covetousnesse that he abhorre and hate it Cajetan Some thinke that the Hebrew word batzah signifieth to fill a Judge then must not desire to be filled with riches for a covetous man will never be full but to be content with things necessary and convenient for his place Oleaster For gifts blind the eies of the wise and pervert the words of the just Beside these properties here required there bee other also elsewhere set downe as Deut. 1.13 they must be men of wisdome and understanding The first of these belongeth to the speculative and intellectuall part he must be wise both in the knowledge of God for true religion maketh wise and in humane affaires there is a particular wisdome as of every artificer in his trade but this must be a generall wisdome how to rule and governe all sorts of men The other which is called binah understanding belongeth rather to practise than speculation for hee that hath knowledge onely in generall and knoweth not how wisely to applie it to every particular occasion is not fit to be a ruler or governour Ioseph was wise in the unfolding and interpreting of Pharaohs dreame hee was also prudent and a man of understanding in giving advice afterward how to provide against the famine Further they must not be of base and obscure condition but such as are famous and well knowne as no man will commit his money to an unknowne Banker nor his bodie to an unexperienced Physitian so neither should men of unknowne conditions be trusted with the common-wealth Lastly their age must be respected as Numb 11.16 Moses is bid to take such as he knew to be Elders of the people not onely in yeares but in manners for age bringeth experience and experience maketh wise Yet young men which are endued with the wisdome of the ancient are not to be rejected from government as David and Iosias were but young when they came to the Kingdome Simler QUEST XX. How that Rulers over thousands hundreds c. are to be counted Vers. 21. RVlers over thousands c. 1. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that this distribution was onely of the under Officers and Ministers to the Judges that some of them had 10. some an 100. some 1000. apparitors under them for the execution of their sentence Ex Simler But this would have bred a great confusion that one Judge should have had so many ministers neither should their causes have beene dispatched so many being brought to one Judge 2. Others thinke that this division was of the Judges themselves that one session was of ten another court above that of 100. and a superiour to that of 1000. Simler But beside that it was inconvenient to have
as is expressed Gen. 1.27 God created them male and female which story being briefly set downe in the first chap. is by way of recapitulation rehearsed more at large in the second chap. QVEST. XXXIIII How the creatures were brought to Adam Vers. 19. GOd brought them unto man to see how he would call them 1. We neither thinke that Adam gathered the cattell together as the shepherd his sheep 2. Nor yet that they were brought to Adam by the Angels for the text saith that God that formed of the earth every beast of the field brought them by his secret moving and stirring of them to present themselves to Adam as they did afterward to Noah when they went into the arke 3. Neither was this imposition of names done mystically nor historically as some thinke 4. Nor yet doe wee thinke that the beasts were not brought before Adam but his eyes so illuminate that hee saw them every where in their places for this is contrary to the text which saith God brought them 5. Nor yet is it to be imagined as Barcepha reporteth it to be the conceit of some that Adam sate in some high place in Paradise his face shining as Moses did and that every beast come as he was called and bowed the head as he passed by not being able to behold Adams face for brightnesse for these are but mens conceits 6. But we thinke that all the beasts by Gods secret instinct were gathered to Adam for these causes 1. that man seeing his excellent creation farre surpassing all other might thereby be stirred up to praise his Creator 2. that there might be a triall of Adams wisdome hee brought them to see how he would call them 3. that by this meanes the Hebrew language wherein those names were given might be sounded 4. that mans authority and dominion over the creatures might appeare for howsoever man named every living creature so was the name thereof 5. that man finding among all the creatures no helpe or comfort meet for him v. 20. might have a greater desire thereunto and more lovingly embrace his helper which should be brought to him QVEST. XXXV How an helpe could not be found meet for Adam FOr Adam found he not an helpe meete for him c. 1. not as Ramban noteth Adam could finde none to whom to give his name as he did to the woman calling her of ish ishah but it must bee understood of the nature of man that an helpe could not bee found answerable to him 2. R. Eliezer doth so interprete as that God could not finde an helpe but God knew that alreadie hee needed not for that cause to bring the creatures before Adam hee then that is Adam could not finde one for himselfe 3. But impious is the conceit of R. Sel. that man companied with every sort of beast and so could finde none apt and meet for him Mercer QVEST. XXXVI Of the excellent knowledge and wisdome of Adam FUrther by this imposing of names upon the creatures appeareth the great knowledge and wisdome of man 1. in naturall things for names were given at the first according to the severall properties and naâ—ure of creatures and if Salomon had such exact knowledge of beasts and fowles of trees and plants even from the Cedar to the hysop 1 King 4.33 no doubt Adam had greater knowledge whom we may safely hold to have beene farre wiser than Salomon notwithstanding that place 1 King 12. where Salomon is said to bee the wisest of all before him or after him for that is spoken of the common generation of men where both Adam is excepted created after Gods image and Christ that holy seed borne without sinne this place then needed not to have forced Tostatus to preferre Salomon before Adam in wisdome 2. Adam had also the knowledge of supernaturall things as he was not ignorant of the mystery of the Trinity according to whose image he was made one part whereof is knowledge Coloss. 2.10 3. It may also be safely held that Adam had knowledge of Christ to come though not as of a redeemer for that promise was first made after mans fall Gen. 3.15 but as of the author and fountaine of life whereof the tree of life in Paradise was a symbole 4. And whereas some thinke that Adam and the woman were not ignorant of the fall of the Angels as Catharinus upon this place yet it seemeth to bee otherwise as may appeare by the conference of Sathan in the serpent with the woman wherein she is altogether without suspition and the knowledge of the fall of Angels would have made her more cautelous not to have committed the same sinne of pride in desiring to be like unto God though not in the same measure or degree QVEST. XXXVII Of Adams sleepe Vers. 22. GOd caused an heavy sleepe to fall upon man and he slept 1. This was not a naturall sleepe as some thinke which Adam fell into by reason of his wearinesse in taking view of the creatures buâ— an extraordinary sleepe caused by the Lord who could otherwise have effected his purpose but it pleased him to use this meanes Mercer 2. This was an heavy sleepe the word is tardemah teunivah signifieth a light sleepe shenah a more profound sleepe but thardemah is the deepest sleepe of all 3. R. Isaac Cara thinketh that man was cast into a sleep to signifie that he should be as asleep in the house not given to contention and strife 4. We doe thinke that as this was a sound heavy or deepe sleep of the body so the soule of Adam was in an ecstasis or trance being illuminated of God as it may appeare by this that when he awaked he knew that the woman was taken out of him 5. And this was done Adam sleeping rather than waking both that neither Adams sight might be offended in seeing his side to be opened and a rib taken forth nor yet his sense of feeling oppressed with the griefe thereof which was not only by sleepe mittigated but by the power of God concurring with the ordinary meanes for we see by experience that sleep is a binding of the sense QVEST. XXXVIII Why the woman was made of one of Adams ribs ANd he tooke one of his ribs and closed up the flesh in stead thereof First the reason is evident why it pleased God to make woman out of the body of man not of the earth as he had made man 1. That hereby might appeare the preheminence that man hath over woman as the Apostle noteth 1 Cor. 11.7 8. that as man is the image and glory of God so the woman is the glory of the man because shee was taken out of man And therefore also the woman hath her name and denomination of man because she was taken out of him v. 23. 2. Another cause of this worke was that it might be a surer bond of love that the man knowing the woman to be taken out of him might more firmely set his
for the water because brick work will endure the fire for they were not so foolish to imagine that the whole world could be preserved in one Tower and though the building might stand against the rage of fire yet the men enclosed should not be able to endure the heat 3. But the cause of chusing this matter for building was the necessity of the place Mercer where stone was not to be had and yet the earth of that plaine being of a fat and slimie substance was very fit to make bricke which was the cause why Pharao built his Cities in the plaine Countrey of Egypt of brickes Exod. 1. and beside that region afforded a kinde of naturall lime of slimie nature like pitch which issued forth of the River Is in great abundance as Herodotus saith and out of a fountaine neere to Naptha which in the Babylonian language signifieth liquid Pitch or Brimstone Strabo 4. This stuffe which they used for morter was neither argilla a kinde of Potters clay as Vatablus nor yet Crâ—ta chalke as Oleaster or luâ—um a soft earth as Pagnine nor calx viva lime as Diodor. Tharsense but as the Hebrew word chemer signifieth which the Septuag translate asphaltoâ— it was a reddish sulphurious earth clammie like pitch which was in stead of camentum as Hieron or intritum Tremell morter so that this chemâ—r slimie earth was in stead of chomer morter by which meanes of bricke and bitumen Semiramis afterward enlarged the wals of Babylon Perer. QVEST. III. Who was the chiefe in this worke vers 4. LEt us build a City and Tower 1. Cajetane gathereth from hence that all the people of the world were not here assembled because one City could not suffice for them all But that is no reason for they built not this City for the habitation of all but to be a monument of their fame and as the chiefe City of all other which they should build afterwards 2. Nimrod seemeth to have beene the captaine and ring-leader of this company for Babel was the beginning of his Kingdome Gen. 10.10 so thinketh Iosephus and Augustine 3 Though the counsell came first from Nimrod or some few abiit tandem in â—â—udium catholicum it grew to be the catholike that is common desire of all Muscul. QUEST IV. Of the heighth of the tower of Babel WHose top shall reach to heaven 1. It is not like that as Augustine supposeth they indeed thought to build a tower so high whose top should touch the clouds quest 21. in Gen. and so these words to be taken according to their literall sound 2. And that report of Abydenus cited by Eusebius is to be held but a fable that when they had builded almost up to heaven iâ— was tumbled downe by a mighty wind and it is very like that the Poets tooke occasion hereby to devise that fiction of the warre of the Giants and their laying the great hils of Pelion Ossa Olympus one upon another to climbe up to heaven 2. Neither to answer the objection of the heathen who tooke exception to this story it being unpossible though all the earth were laid for a foundation to build up to heaven need we with Philo to make an allegory of the building of this Tower who understandeth thereby their proud and high attempts against God 3. Neither yet is it like as Berosus Annianus that they reared this tower so high to make it equall to the mountaines or that as Iosephus writeth they imagined to bring it so high and accordingly performed it that it exceeded the mountaines in height to be a defence from like generall floud or that this tower was foure miles high as Hierome saith he was enformed by some in 14. Esai much lesse 27. miles high as some Hebrewes imagine 4. But in these words there is an hyperbolicall speech wherein more is expressed than meant usuall both in the Scriptures and in forraine writers as Deuter. 1.28 Their Cities are walled up to heaven their meaning then is that they would build this tower exceeding high And it is very like that it was of a very great and unwonted height although no certainty thereof is extant in any writer Herodotus speaketh of a Temple consecrate to Belus in Babylon foure square containing two stadia or furlongs in breadth and a tower in the middest being one furlong in height and another above that till it came to eight one above another so that by this account it should seeme to have beene an Italian mile in heighth Diodor. saith it was so high that the Chaldeans made it a Sea marke Plinie writeth that it continued till his time and Hierome that it remained till his and Theodoret also in his memorie The Hebrewes thinke that one third part of this tower sunke another was burnt the third part stood but howsoever that were it is like that some part of it remained as a perpetuall monument of their pride and follie Mercer QVEST. V. What moved the Babylonians to build this tower 4. THat we may get us a name lest we be scattered c. 1. It is not like that they built this tower to keepe them from the like generall inundation as Iosephus thinketh for they could not be ignorant that God had made a covenant with Noah never to destroy the world so againe 2. Neither did they make this bricke tower to be a defence against the rage of fire wherewith they knew the world should be destroyed for what was one tower to save the whole world 3. But one cause might be of the building of this tower the ambitious desire of dominion as Hugo saith Factum esse cupiditate regnandi Nimrod set forwards this worke that it might be the beginning and chiefe of his kingdome Genes 10.10 4. Another reason is here expressed lest they should be dispersed not as the Latine Interpreter before they should be dispersed for they knew it not they built them a City and Tower to maintaine society that they might dwell together and not be scattered here and there and Iosephus thinketh that they did it of purpose to oppose themselves against the ordinance and commandement of God who would have them dispersed into divers parts that the world might be replenished 5. As also another end of their purpose is here insinuated to get them a name as the Psalme saith They thinke their houses shall endure for ever and they call their lands by their names Psal. 49.11 as Absolon reared up a pillar to keepe his name in remembrance 2 Sam. 18.18 and Philo saith that these Babylonians did write their names also in this tower to revive their memories with posterity QVEST. VI. Whether they sinned in building this Tower HEnce appeareth Tostatus errour that thinketh it was not a sinne in them to build this tower to preserve their memory because he thinketh that Noah was one of the chiefe builders and that God hindred this worke not because it was evill but for that it
goeth further and distinctly sheweth how many nations and languages came of Sem Cham and Iapheth upon these words Psal. 105.8 he hath remembred his promise that he made to a thousand generations hee sheweth that there are in the world a thousand generations and 72. languages from Persia to the Indians and Bactrians of Sem he maketh 27 languages and 406. nations from Euphrates and Nilus to the Gades of Cham 394. nations 22. languages from Tigris westward of Iapheth were multiplied 200. nations and 23. tongues eâ— Perer. But this is set downe onely by meere gesse and conjecture that there should be divided 72 languages for there are but 70. fathers named 14 of Iapheth 31 of Cham 25. of Sem for Heber and Peleg must be counted for one familie whereas tenne of the sonns of Noahs sonnes are set forth with their issue and posteritie two of Iapheth fower of Cham fower of Sem they make not severall nations without their sonnes no more than Noahs three sonnes and therefore tenne more must be detracted from the number of 70. and so there will remaine but 60. As Canaan must not be reckoned for a severall nation beside those that came of him and so of the rest And if those whose generations are not expressed whereof there are 11. five of Iapheth two of Cham fower of Sem did not make severall nations as Augustine thinketh but were incorporate to the rest then so many more are wanting of this number and there will remaine but 50. But admit that this last conjecture of Augustine be uncertaine yet it is most probable that all the Cananites of Canaan of whom came an eleven severall nations as they are â—ehearsed Gen. 10.15 spake but one language Isa. 19.18 they shall speake the language of Canaan which if it be so then could there not be 72. languages divided in the confusion of Babel Wherefore concerning this matter there are some things certaine some things uncertaine first it is certaine that the tongues and languages were divided then that every particular person had not a severall language for then there could have beene no society but that the principall and chiefe families onely had their proper speech Secondly as uncertaine it is 1. whither 72. languages or more or lesse tooke then beginning 2. whether some of those nations are not now utterly perished as Pliny out of Eratosthenes alleageth that divers people in Asia as of the Solymans Lelegians Bebrycians Calycantians are extinguished 3. Neither is it certaine whether every particular language now used was then founded or only the mother originall tongues out of the which other since have bin derived which is most like Mercer QVEST. XVI Where Cainan first added to the genealogie reconciled Vers. 12. THe Septuagint betweene Arphacsad and Sale place Cainan and so doth S. Luke in his Gospell ca. 3. according to most copies but Cainan is not found in the Hebrew to reconcile this doubt 1. We neither allow Cajetanes solution that the septuagint have set downe the true genealogie and that the Hebrew copies are imperfect and have beene corrupted by the Jewes for the Jewes had no reason to corrupt the genealogie which giveth the Christians no advantage neither maketh against them and beside the Chalde Paraphrast which is most ancient leaveth out Cainan 2. Neither is it like as Eugubinus saith that the Septuagint erred herein and that S. Luke followeth their error for although an error may be admitted in the Septuagint in this place as in many other yet the holy Evangelist was farre from approving their error being directed by the spirit of God 3. Neither doth the answer of Ioannes Lucidus and before him Nauclerus satisfie that Cainan and Salâ— were one and the same and that the place in Luke should be read which was of Sala which was of Cainan Luke 3.36 But this cannot be for beside that that there was no cause why Luke should set downe two names only of Sala and of none of the rest beside in the Septuagint Cainan is made the father and begetteâ— of Sala Genes 11.4 Lippoman and Canus answere that as Mathewe omitteth three of the kings in his genealogie betweene Ioram and Ozias to make the line of 14. generations equall from Abraham to David from David to the captivitie and from thence to Christ so Moses to make tenne generations from Sem to Abraham correspondent to the ten patriarkes before the floud might omit Cainan But the reason is not alike 1. For those three Kings Ahaziah Ioas Amaziah are thought by some to to bee omitted for another cause because they were killed for evill government Concent 2. And againe Moses summeth the yeeres of these Fathers which Mathewe doth not and therefore if Moses should of purpose leave out Cainan a great error would fall out in the Chronologie and computation of yeares 3. If Moses had left out Cainan to make the genealogie equall yet if there had beene any such hee should not have beene omitted in that catalogie of their names 1 Chro. 1.18 where was no such cause of â—mission 5. Some thinke that the Septuagint erred in adding of Cainan and that Luke followed that text not approoving that error but giving way to the time because the Septuagint was then well knowne among the Gentiles least if he had departed from that translation it might have hindred the credit of his Gospell Thus Iansenius and Genebrard among the pontificall writers and learned Iunius among the Protestants who saith that it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a slip or fault of memory but a faultlesse confession in respect of the time so also Mercerus who thinketh that this being but a matter of genealogie is not much to be stood vpon which Paul calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 endlesse 1. Tim. 1.4 6. But I approove rather Beza his answere that Cainan was put into the text in Luke by the ignorance of some that tooke upon them to correct it according to the Septuagint for in that ancient manuscript which he followed Cainan was not to be found and therefore Beza in his translation upon good ground left it out and so doth the great English Bible Other thinke further that the translation of the septuagint was also herein corrupted by some that at the first these Greeke interpreters put not in Cainan for neither Iosephus nor Epiphanius which follow the septuagint rehearsing the fathers before Abraham make mention of this Cainan and in the best Greeke copies it is left out 1 Chronic. 1. QVEST. XVII When Arphaxad was borne Vers. 10. BEgat Arphachsad two yeare after the floud the question is whereas Elam and Asshur the sonnes of Sem are named before Arphacsad the third sonne how Sem could have these three in two yeares I answer 1. Neither with Aben Ezra that Sems wife might bee with childe in the Arke when the waters began to decrease for I thinke rather that
thinketh no such thing being expressed 3. Wherefore this proceeded of Abrahams infirmitie rather who should have committed the preservation of his life rather to the providence of God than any such deuice of his owne Vatablus and although Abrahams intent were good to preserve his life in regard of Gods promise made to his seede yet he failed in the meanes and though he had rather have died than hazard his wives chastitie yet being wholly intent how to provide for his life he forgetteth all other things and casteth what perill might come one way and not another Calvin QUEST XVII Of the taking of Sarai into Pharaos house Vers. 15. THe woman was taken into Pharaos house 17. but the Lord plagued Pharao and his house 1. It was an usuall thing among the heathen Princes whose will stood for a law to take with violence at their pleasure such women as they liked so the Egyptians did steale away Isis the daughter of Inachus King of Argives and caried her into Egypt The Grecians carried away Europa daughter of Agenor out of Phenicia into Creta Iason brought Medea from Colchis into Grecia Paris did the like to Helena Menelaus wife so doth Pharao here to Sarai 2. Pharao was plagued some thinke with a flux of bloud some in that the wombs of their women were shut up as it is in the like story Gen. 20. Iosephus thinketh it was the plague Philo a torment both of bodie and minde it is most like it was such a plague as Pharao felt in himselfe 3. His house also was smitten with the same plague not onely the Princes that commended Sarai her beauty and so were accessary to this fact as Chrysostome thinketh but the whole house generally who though they all were not agents in this matter yet God whose judgements though secret yet are alwayes just was able to finde sufficient cause of punishment among them Calvin QVEST. XVIII How Pharao did know that Sara was Abrahams wife Vers. 18. WHat is this thing thou hast done unto mee c. By this wee see that even among the heathen adultery was counted an hainous sinne Et regi ipsi cavendum and even to be shunned of the King Ambr. lib. de Abrah c. 2. 2. Pharao taketh it grievously that hee was thus deceived of a stranger and if God had not protected Abraham it might have cost him his life Luther 3. This was knowne to Pharao not by the Egyptian Priests whom Pharao should consult withall as Iosephus thinketh though sometime it may please God that such may gesse at the truth as Balaam did but either it was made manifest by divine revelation as the like was to Abimelech Gen. 20. Chrysostom or else by the confession of Sara Oecolampad after that Pharao being feared by these plagues beganne to examine what might be the cause 4. Pharao layeth all the fault upon Abraham not considering that God saw his unchaste thought and his inhumanity towards strangers Iun. QVEST. XIX How Sarah was preserved from Pharaos lust Vers. 19. BEhold thy wife take her c. 1. Sarai was kept by Gods providence from the violent lust of Pharao as she was likewise preserved from Abimilech Genes 20. if God shewed that mercy to Abraham againe offending in the like it cannot be otherwise thought but he found that mercy with God before and the preservation of Sarai the second time sheweth that she was not corrupted before Calvin 2. The cause hereof was neither any moderate disposition in Pharao nor yet because the use was among those Easterne Princes as we reade of the Kings of Persia Est. 12.12 to prepare and purifie with sweet oyles and odours some while before such women as entred into the King Hieron But it is most like that Pharao was hindred by this sudden disease that he could not accomplish his lust Iun. and therein Chrysostome noteth the like miraculous deliverance of Sara from Pharaos raging lust as of Daniel from the Lions 3. The reason why here it is not expressed in like manner as Gen. 20. that Pharao came not neare Sarai Theodoret maketh to be this because Per id temporis Sarai paritura erat Isaach about that time Sarai was to beare Isaach and therefore it is expressed Ne suspectum illud semen esset lest he might bee thought not of Abrahams seed 4. Rupertus well noteth in this story of Abraham a type and figure of those things that hapned to his posterity 1. As a famine brought Abraham into Egypt so did it Iacob and his familie 2. As Abraham was afflicted by the taking away of his wife so was his seed oppressed 3. As Pharao was plagued for Abraham and Sarai so Pharao and Egypt were punished with ten plagues because of the Israelites 4. As Abraham was enriched by Pharao so the Israelites received great gifts of the Egyptians when they went out QVEST. XX. How long Abraham stayed in Egypt COncerning the time of Abrahams being in Egypt 1 Neither is it true as Eusebius citeth out of one Atrabanus that he aboad there twenty yeares seeing Abraham had dwelt but ten yeares in Canaan when Hagar was given him and Ismael borne Gen. 16. 2. Neither was Abraham so long conversant in Egypt and that by the leave of Pharao as that he did teach them the liberall sciences as Astrologie and such like as Iosephus thinketh lib. 1. antiquit But it is most like they learned it afterward by Iacob that lived there seventeene yeares or of Ioseph that was their governour 80. yeares 3. Wherefore at this time it is probable that Abraham stayed not long in Egypt no not a yeare for presently after that Pharao was plagued of God he delivered Sarai and sent away Abraham giving him guides to see him safely conveyed QUEST XXII How the Kings of Egypt came to be called Pharaos Vers. 20. PHarao gave commandement c. 1. It appeareth that the name of Pharao was common to all the Kings of Egypt and no proper name for the Kings of Egypt were so called above a thousand yeares from Abraham till the destruction of the Temple and they had orher proper names beside as we reade of Pharao Necho 2 King 23. of Pharao Ophra Ierem. 44.30 2. It is not like they were so called as Vives thinketh of Pharus an obscure Island of the which there was no reason to name their Kings 3. But rather as Iosephus conjectureth of one of their first Kings that was so called as the Kings of Syria were called Antiochi the Kings of Egypt after Alexander Ptolomie the Emperours of Rome Caesars and Augustine 4. But whereas Iosephus thinketh that after Pharao Salomons father in law none of the Kings of Egypt were named Pharaos it is a manifest errour for 400. yeares after Salomon in Iosias time mention is made of Pharao Necho 2 King 23. 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Of the free grace of election Vers. 1. THe Lord had said get thee out of thy Countrey
c. This calling of Abraham from among the Chaldeans without any merit or desert in Abraham who lay drowned in the dregges of superstition is an argument of our free and gracious election in Christ without respect of any worthinesse in us as the Apostle saith We are saved by grace through faith Ephes. 2.8 Calvin Perer. 2. Doct. Vocation of the Gentiles CYrill also well noteth Ex vocatione Abraha prasignata est vocatio Iudaeorum Gentium c. By the vocation of Abraham is signified the calling of the Iewes and Gentiles who was the father of the faithfull and beleevers 3. Doct. Canaanites in the Church Vers. 6. THe Canaanite was in the land c. As there were Canaanites in the promised land so there are Canaanites in the Church such as challenge to themselves the name and profession of the Church being but Usurpers and Canaanites whom God shall one day cast out as Iosua did the Canaanites Marloret 4. Doct. Abrahams faith in Christ. Vers. 8. HE built an Altar to the Lord c. Abraham knew well enough that God was not pleased with the bloud of beasts his faith therefore directeth him to the bloud of Christ whose day Abraham saw and rejoyced Ioh. 8.56 Calvin 5. Places of confutation 1. Confut. Against the Iewes the Messiah shall not erect a temporall Kingdome Verse 3. IN thee shall all the families of the earth be blessed c. The Messias then promised to Abraham shall not come to conquer the nations by the sword or to erect a temporall Kingdome as the Jewes imagine but he shall be the cause of their spirituall blessing to deliver them from the wrath and curse of God Luther 2. Confut. Against Monkes that pretend Abrahams example Vers. 4. SO Abraham departed c. The example of Abraham leaving his Country is unfitly alleaged by the Papists as a ground of Monasticall life 1. Abraham had the expresse commandement of God so to doe but they can shew no warrant out of Gods word 2. Abraham went from Idolaters but Monkes goe unto Idolaters and the profession of Idolatry 3. Abraham went he knew not whither but the Monkes know very well whither they goe to ease pleasure riches Muscul. 3. Confut. Against the invocation of Saints Vers. 8. HE built an Altar and called upon the name c. This manner of invocation used by the fathers of the old Testament should be a patterne unto true worshippers of God under the new They onely invocated and called upon the name of God we read not of any other of the holy men their predecessors whom they made their advocates Wherefore it is a superstitious and new doctrine 〈◊〉 call upon any in prayer but the Lord. 4. Confut. Against naked ceremonies without the spirituall substance FUrther the building of the Altar was but the outward forme and ceremonie the substance was the invocation of the name of God We learne that ceremonies are but vaine observations if they be not referred to the spirituall worship Wherefore hypocrites relying upon outward rites doe but worship God in vaine Calvin 5. Confut. Against pilgrimage ABraham came into the land of Canaan 1. Neither of an unstable minde which maketh many to change Countreyes 2. Nor of a thirsting desire to see strange fashions and learne curious Art◠as Pythagoras Empedocles Plato among the heathen travelled 3. Nor yet of a covetous minde to enrich himselfe as Merchants use 4. Not yet of a superstitious devotion to visit the Sepulchers of holy men and to goe in pilgrimage to holy places which cause Pererius alloweth for he came from Mesopotamia where Paradise was and by likelihood Adam and Melchisedech and other holy Patriarkes buried 5. But he travelleth both to be delivered from the perillous society of Idolaters where he lived as also with a purpose to draw others to the knowledge of God 6. Confut. Against them that measure religion by plenty Vers. 10. THen there came a famine in the land Before Abraham came into Canaan we read of no famine as soone as he is entred a famine followed him Wherefore it is a frivolous objection against the Gospell if where it is professed famine sometime be sent and scarcity of things for so in the time of Elias and Elizeus there hapned famines and in Saint Pauls time under Claudius Luther This was the foolish argument of the idolatrous women who to justifie their superstition thus alleaged When we burnt incense to the Queene of heaven we had all things plenty c. Ierem. 44.17 7. Confut. Hebrewes come not of the Egyptians ABraham went downe to Egypt 1. Hence appeareth the errour of Possidonius Appion with others that thinke the Hebrewes tooke first their originall from the Egyptians 2. They also are here confuted who thinke that Egypt before Homers time was a navigable Sea or fennie ground not habitable which in continuance of time was gained from the water Herodotus calleth it accessionem terra fluminis donum an addition to the land and a gift of the floud for we see that Egypt was an habitable Countrey in Abrahams time nine hundred yeares before Homer who lived as most hold an hundred yeare after the Trojane warre which fell out about the same time that Heli was Judge in Israel so that Homer flourished under Salomon nine hundred yeares and more from Abraham from the 75. yeare of Abrahams age to the going of the Israelites out of Egypt are foure hundred and thirty from thence to the building of the Temple under Salomon foure hundred eighty 3. As those that doe make the land of Egypt too young so Iosephus maketh it too ancient that affirmeth that there were Kings in Egypt for the space of 1300. yeares and more before Salomon whereas from the floud untill Salomon there are not accounted above 1335. yeares in all and it is not like that within 35. yeares after the floud Egypt could be inhabited much lesse have a King 6. Morall observations 1. Morall Observ. To forsake all and follow Christ. Vers. 1. GEt thee out of thy Countrey c. By the example of Abraham that left his Countrey and kindred to obey the calling of God we learne to forsake father and mother and whatsoever else we have in the world to follow Christ for our Saviour saith He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me Matth. 10.37 Marlor 2. Morall Observ. A good name the gift of God Vers. 2. I Will make thy name great c. As men ought not ambitiously to hunt after the praise of men as the Pharisies did Matth. 6. so we ought not to neglect a good name in the world we see here it is the blessing of God and promised to Abraham Perer. The Apostle also saith Procure things 〈◊〉 in the sight of all men Rom. 12.17 3. Morall Observ. Good men have their enemies Vers. 3. I Will curse them that curse thee c. Abraham though a just and upright man yet he
7.3 they must be the one addicted and obliged only to the other 4. Ambrose againe excuseth this marriage of Abraham with Hagar by the mystery in it as it is expounded by S. Paul Galat. 4. quod ergo putabas esse peccatum advertis esse mysterium that which you thought was iniquitie appeareth to be a mysterie Contra. A mysterie we admit according to the Apostles collection in Abrahams marriage with Hagar but that giveth no liberty or immunity unto it for so theft might be excused because the suddennesse of Christs comming to judgement is likened to the comming of a theefe in the night neither is it therefore a thing excusable to play an unrighteous steward because Christ draweth a parable from thence Luk. 16. 5. Augustine further saith sufficiendae prolis causa erat uxorum plurium simul uni viro habendarum inâ—culpabilis consuetudâ— he calleth it an inculpable custome for one man in those dayes for procreation sake to have many wives He excuseth the multiplicity of wives by the custome of those dayes though the use bee now otherwise like as sometime among the Romans it was counted a hainous thing tunicas habere talares vâ—l manicata to weare sleeved or side gownes but now for a man of honest condicion not to have such is counted a shame c. Contra. Indeede indifferent things such as are the formes and fashions of apparell may be changed and sometimes held lawfull sometimes uncomely according to the divers customes of times but that which is simply unlawfull by no custome can be made lawfull that which is evill whatsoever the custome is ought not to be followed the Scripture herein giveth us a rule not to follow a multitude to doe evill Exod. 23.2 2. Neither doth it yet appeare that there was any such custome among the faithfull in Abrahams time to couple themselves to more than to one wife 3. Chrysostome of this very customâ— of having many wives thus excellently writeth Vides quomodo non oportet consuetudinem praetextere sed quod justum est inquirâ—re ecce quoniam mala erat consuetudo expl sa est c. You see then that we must not pretend custome but intend that which is just because it was an evill custome it is left 6. Chrysostome in the same place alleageth another excuse Permissum est cum duabus vel tribus misceri ut humanum gâ—nus propagaretur c. It was then permitted to be coupled with two or three that mankindâ— might be increased Contra. If this were a sufficient reason for polygamie it had beene more needfull that in the creation many women should have beene made and so likewise that more than one wife a piece for Noah and his sonnes should have entred into the Arke for then there was greater need of all meanes for procreation Wherefore all these reasons and excuses doe not serve to exempt the Patriarks from all blemish and blame in their multiplying of wives 4. A fourth opinion there is that God gave a dispensation for polygamie to the fathers and as it is most like to Noah when he said to him Increase and multiply sic Perer. in Gen. 16. disp 1. Contra. 1. Against a precept written dispensation unwritten hath no place seeing then the commandement is expressed For this cause shall a man leave father and mother and cleave to his wife Gen. 2.24 he saith not wives but wife as speaking of one but such dispensation is no where mentioned we hold it to be a meere humane conjecture 2. If God had given Noah such an indulgence it is like that he and his sonnes would have used it there being then greatest cause in the renewing of the world 3. And though they are blessed with increase yet only the lawfull meanes of increasing and multiplying are permitted for otherwise this might be an excuse for adulterous copulations 5. Wherefore the safer and sounder opinion is that polygamie that is the marriage of many wives was neither simply lawfull nor for a time dispensed with but that it was an humane infirmity even in those holy Patriarks 1. Because it degenerateth from the first institution in Paradise to the which Christ sendeth us From the beginning it was not so 2. The first that brought in the doubling of wives was Lamech of the cursed seed neither doe we read of any of the Patriarks from Adam to Abraham for the space well-nigh of two thousand yeares that had more wives than one 3. If there had beene at any time a needfull use of polygamie it is most like that in the beginning when the world was not yet replenished as in Adam and Noahs time it should have beene permitted 4. To have a concubine together with a wife was never lawfull but such an one was Hagar for Abraham did cast her out with her sonne she was also a bond-woman and therefore not fit to be a wife to so great a Patriarke and a wife is defined by the Apostle to be such an one as is taken to avoid fornication 1 Cor. 7.2 but to that end did not Abraham take Hagar having Sarai beside And whereas the text saith that Sarai gave her to Abraham for or instead of his wife the meaning is not that Hagar became properly Abrahams wife but that she was in the place and stead of his wife for as Sarai saith It may be I shall receive a childe by her Gen. 16.2 but if she had indeed beene his wife and so manumitted and not Saraies bond-woman still the childe should have beene counted hers and not her mistresses and Gen. 25.6 mention is made of Abrahams concubines Pelagshim whereof Hagar must be one 6. But yet this being admitted that the Patriarks erred in multiplying their wives yet some cautions must be received withall 1. That herein they finned not against their conscience but of ignorance and infirmity as in other things this being not yet revealed unto them 2. Though God dispensed not with their so doing yet it pleased the divine indulgence in silence and mercifull connivence to passe by this over-sight as the Apostle saith in another case The time of this ignorance God regardeth not Act. 17.30 3. We abhorre the blasphemie of the Manichees sufficiently confuted by Augustine who doe charge the Patriarks with lasciviousnesse and wantonnesse of flesh in using many wives which they did for generation of children not satisfaction of their iust and as Augustine well saith Castius utebantur plurib quam nunc una c. They used many wives more chastly than we now use one so he concludeth O virum viriliter utentem foeminis conjuge temperanter ancilla obtemperanter nulla intemperanter O worthy man using women manly his owne wife soberly his maid obediently but none of them intemperately Morall observations 1. Observ. Affliction and punishment commeth from God Vers. 2. THe Lord hath restrained me from childe-bearing Sarai as a godly woman imputeth her sterility and
not to be stood upon 2. Some think that these children began to be borne in the beginning of the first seven yeares as R. Levi but the text overthroweth that conceit for Iacob went not into Lea till he had ended his terme of seven yeares vers 21. Some thinke that these and the rest of the children were borne to Iacob in the last seven yeares and the six yeares beside of Iacobs service but the story is otherwise that all Iacobs children were borne before he entred into a new covenant to stay still with Laban his two seven yeares being expired Genes â—0 25 But it is more probable that all Iacobs children only Benjamin excepted that was borne in the land of Canaan that is eleven sonnes and one daughter were brought forth in the compasse of the last seven yeares for it is not necessary to assigne their birth successively one to be borne after another but that their mothers might be with childe at once and so it is not improbable that foure women in seven yeares might bring forth 11. or 12. children Mercer 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. God directeth even the least actions of his servants Vers. 1. IAcob lift up his feet that is he went cheerefully and willingly and in that mention is made of so small an action as the lifting up of his feet we learne that even the least and ordinary actions of the faithfull are directed by the spirit of God and guided by his providence Mercer as our Saviour taketh knowledge of Nathaniels sitting under the figge tree Ioh. 1.48 so the Apostle saith that all things worke together for the best to them that love God Rom. 8.28 2. Doct. Men may hold the truth in generall and yet faile in particular Vers. 15. SHouldest thou serve me for nought Laban here speaketh reason and seemeth to know what is just and right but afterward he failed and recompenced Iacob but meanely for his faithfull service as Iacob complaineth Thou hast changed my wages ten times Gen. 31.41 Thus we see that carnal men may hold generall principles a right but when it commeth to their owne particular then they are blinded with selfe-love Calvin So dealt Herod with Iohn Baptist he did acknowledge him to be a just and holy man yet to please his wives daughter commanded him to be beheaded 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Custome not to be pretended where greater enormities are admitted Vers. 26. IT is not the manner of this place to give the younger before the elder He pretendeth a custome in the lesse matter in the meane time he transgresseth the custome and all good order in a thing of greater importance in thrusting upon a man in the night one sister for another thus after the like manner the Romanists object the custome of the Church against the marriage of Ministers whom they call Priests and in the meane time they breake all good order while for want of the due remedie fornication and uncleane lust is suffered to be practised amongst them Muscul. 2. Confut. Iacobs polygamie and marriage of two sisters not justifiable Vers. 30. SO entred he into Rachel also This multiplicity of wives which is called polygamie is diversly excused 1. Augustine saith Nulla lege prohibebatur it was forbidden by no law quandâ—mos erat crimen non erat It was no fault when the custome was so as in times past it was a shame for the Romans to have talares tunicas side garments but now every one of honest sort doth weare them Aug. lib. 22. cont Faust c. 47. Contra. 1. Though there were no written law in those times yet their owne conscience grounded upon the light of nature and the faithfull tradition of the fathers might have discerned it to be a fault seeing that God in the beginning for one Adam made but one Eve and Lamech of the wicked race is the first found in Scripture to have had two wives 2. And though custome may be pretended for many wives yet to marry two sisters there was no such custome Mercer 3. The example of long garments is nothing like for it is a thing indifferent which may be thought comely or uncomely as time and place doth vary but that which is simply unlawfull and against the first institution as polygamie is cannot be borne out by any custome 2. Some say that polygamie is after a sort against nature yet so as it may be dispensed with as it is like after the flood to Noah this indulgence was given Perer. in 29. Gen. numer 31. Contra. 1. If Noah had beene dispensed with for many wives then had there beene greatest cause to have used that liberty and if polygamie for propagation were tolerable God might have preserved in the arke more than for every man one woman 2. Against a written law and institution as this is of having one wife Gen. 2.24 A man shall leave father and mother and cleave to his wife not wives a dispensation unwritten cannot be admitted 3. Divers allegories are made of Iacobs two wives Augustine by Leah figureth the people of the Iewes by Rachel the Gentiles Rupertus saith contrary that Rachel was a type of the Iewes Leah of the Gentiles August ser. 80. de tempor Rup in Gen. 29. Gregorie by Leah interpreteth the active life by Rachel the contemplative Homil. 14. in Ezech. ex Perer. Contra. 1. By the diversitie of these allegories it appeareth they are mens collections and humane devices and therefore cannot excuse the transgression of a divine ordinance 2. And though these allegories might be warranted by the Scripture yet thereby is not the fact justified Christs comming for the suddennesse thereof in Scripture is compared to the comming of a theefe yet I trust thereby is not a theeves sudden approching approved 3. This then is the resolution of this question 1. that Iacob shewed his infirmity in this not double but quadriple marriage yea and the same incestuous in the marriage of two sisters 2. yet Labans fault was greater than Iacobs who by his craft induced him unto it 3. God in his deepe providence used this oversight of Iacob as a meanes greatly to increase and multiply his seed 4. Iacob and the rest of the Patriarkes in their manners and generall example of life but not in some particular acts such as this is are to be imitated Mercer 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. Education of children in labour Vers. 9. RAchel came with her fathers sheepe for she kept them Thus in that simple age did they bring up their children not idly and wantonly but in labour and houshold workes Laban had many servants beside in his house yet he setteth this faire damzell to keepe his sheepe though this be not an example now to men of good sort and place thus to imploy their daughters for the particular yet they should follow it so far to provide that their children bee industriously brought up and not to give them the reines of licentious liberty
house blessed because of Ioseph Gen. 39.3 Masters therefore should have a speciall care to make choyce of godly servants that God may blesse the worke under their hands Perer. CHAP. XXXI 1. The Contents IN this Chapter first we have Iacobs departure from Laban with his wives and children and cattell where wee have 1. The occasion that moved Iacob the murmuring of Labans sonnes and change of Labans countenance vers 1 2. 2. The Commandement of God for Iacobs departure vers 3. 3. Iacobs consultation with his wives first Iacob maketh report of his faithfull service vers 6. Labans churlish dealing vers 7 8. of Gods blessing vers 10. to vers 14. then his wives give their consent vers 14. to 15. and so Iacob departeth he and his vers 17. to 22. Secondly there is described Labans pursuit and expostulation with Iacob where is set forth Labans accusation and Iacobs recrimination 1. Laban accuseth Iacob of two things the secret carrying away of his daughters vers 26 27. the stealing away of his gods vers 30. Iacob defendeth himselfe in shewing the cause why he went a way secretly vers 31. in giving Laban leave to search for his gods which hee doth but findeth them not by reason of Rachels excuse to vers 36. 2. Iacob againe accuseth Laban for his hard dealing making profession of his great travell and faithfull service and Gods blessing to 42. then Laban yeeldeth himselfe vers 43. Thirdly there is declared in this Chapter how Iacob and Laban make a covenant together 1. The covenant it selfe is expressed vers 49. to 52. 2. The ratification of it of each side by an oath and ceremonies Laban sweareth by the God of Nahor 53. and together with Iacob maketh an heape of stones vers 47 48. Iacob sweareth by the feare of his father Isaack 53. and offereth sacrifice vers 54 55. 2. The divers readings v. 1. And Iacob heard S. T. and he heard cater hath gotten all this substance C. all this glory caet cabhor glorie v. 5. the God of my father was with me caet the word of the God of my father was my helpe C. v. 7. your father hath lied unto me C. hath mocked me T. hath deceived me caet hatal signifieth all these hath changed my reward or wages often lambs so also vers 41. S. ten times or turnes caeter manah a portion v. 8. if he said the white shall be thy reward they brought forth white H.S. if hee said the particoloured G. or ring-straked B. or spotted C. or spotted in the legs T. gnà cadh to binde whereof commeth the word here used that signifieth them that are spotted in the binding places that is the shankes and the legs v. 10. of divers colours H. sprinkled as with ashes S. spotted or party B.G.C. spotted as with haile heb baradh signifieth haile T. v. 13. I am the God which appeared unto thee in the place of God S. I am the God of Bethel cater v. 14. have we had as yet any portion B. is there yet any more portion for us in our fathers house caet for they could not say that they had hitherto no part seeing it followeth in the next verse vers 16. all the riches which God hath taken from our father is ours c. v. 15. and should he also devoure our money T. should wee suffer him still to devoure that God hath given us and hath eaten also our money caet v. 18. he tooke all his cattell and houshold stuffe S. all his cattell and goods cat v. 20. and he would not confesse to his father in law H. he concealed from Laban the Aramite S. C. stole away the heart of Laban B.G. he stole away from Laban as v. 27. or deceived the heart of Laban Tr. v. 23. he tooke his sonnes and brethren S. his brethren caet that is kinsfolkes v. 24. that thou speake nothing bitterly to Iacob H. that thou speake not evill S. that thou speake ought save good B.G. that thou speake neither good nor bad that is concerning his returning againe T. heb from good to bad P.C. v. 29. it is in my hand through God B. there is power in my hand caet cel is the name of God it signifieth also strength v. 31. that I departed without thy knowledge I feared c. I was afraid and said lest thou wouldest have taken thy daughters cat v. 32. the place where thou findest thy God let it not remaine C. with whom thou findest thy gods let him be slaine before our brethren H. with whom thou findest c. let him not live caeter and he found or knew nothing with him added by the Septuag v. 36. so the sollicitude or care of the searcher was marked H. Laban searched through all the house and found not the idols S.G. Laban tossed or handled all the tent C.B.T. mashesh to feele to handle v. 38. were not barren H.S.G. cast not their young C.P.T.B. shacall to be deprived of young v. 40. what was stollen thou didst require of me H. what was wanting of the number thou diddest require of me I kept them by day and by night C. of my hand didst thou require what was stollen by day or night caeter v. 43. are mine and my daughters S. are mine c. v. 47. Laban called it the heape is witnesse Iacob called it the heape of witnesse H.S. Laban called it legar sahadutha Iacob called it Galeed caet gnal is an hillocke or heape gnedh a witnesse put together gnalgnedh v. 49. and Laban added c. H. and he called it a watch tower S.C. and he called it Mispah G.B.T. v. 54 and he offered sacrifice H.S. Iacob offered sacrifice caet they did eat and drinke S. they did eat caeter 3. The explanation of doubâ—full questions QUEST I. How Laban had changed Iacobs wages ten times Vers. 7. HE hath changed my wages ten times 1. Neither Cajetans exposition is to bee received that his wages was not so often changed but it is saith he an hyperbolicall speech for where the words may be taken properly what need a figure to be admitted 2. Rasi is in the other extreme who taketh the word monim here used for ten peeces of coine so that he would have his wages changed ten times ten times that is an hundred times 3. Hierome taketh it literally and so doth Augustine that he was deceived twice every yeare for the five last the first not counted because twice in every yeare in Italy and likewise in Mesopotamia the Ewes have young as Hierome alleageth out of Virgil bis gravidae pecudes â—wes twice with young 4. The Septuag read for ten times or turnes ten lambs which Augustine would justifie because a lamb may be taken for the lambing time as arista an eare of corne is taken for harvest and so their meaning should be that Iacob was deceived ten lambing times q. 95. in Genes But it is more like
in multeribus lethalem that yawning in travaile to women is morâ—all 2. The Hebrewes thinke that Rachel being wearied in her journey came before her time but it is not like that Iacob would have hastened his journey if his dearest wife had beene so neare her time 3. Neither hath it any ground that God punished Iacob with the death of Deborah and Rachel for the slaughter of the Sichemites Mercer 4. Ruperius in that Deborahs death and Rachels is expressed Rebâ—ckaes and Leahs death concealed thereby resembleth the â—ynagogue of the iewes which he would have prefigured by Deborah and Rachel for so their Synagogue did die and fall away the church of the Gentiles revived and increased But such allegories doe not much perswade having no warrant or ground in Scripture QUEST XVI Of the names Ephratha and Bethlem why and by whom they tooke beginning Vers. 19. EPhrath which is Bethlem 1. Some thinke that this place was called Ephratha of Calebâ— wife Ephrata 1 Chron. 2.9 which Caleb was sonne of Hezron and went downe with Iacob into Egypt and afterwards it was called Bethlem that is the house of bread after the famine in Elimelech and Ruths time of the abundance of corne R. Salomon Lyran. 2. Tostatus misliketh this opinion because this Caleb that went downe into Egypt must be 215. yeare old and more if he survived to returne with the Israelites into the Land of Canaan at which time it is like Ephrata tooke the name and beside if the name Bethlem were given in Elimelechs time how commeth it to be used by Moses so long before But these reasons may be easily answered for the name Ephrata might be given by the second Caleb after his grandfathers name and divers names are inserted into this history not knowne in Moses time as the name Dan Gen. 14.14 which were added by way of explanation by those Prophets directed by the spirit of God which disposed the Scripture into order Perer. 3. But it is more likely that this place had both these names of the fruitfulnesse of the ground for so Ephrath is derived of Pharah which signifieth to fructifie and it was afterward called Bethlem the house of bread Mercer but by whom these names and when they were imposed is uncertaine QUEST XVII Of the tower of Ader where Iacob pitched his tents Vers. 21. ISrael c. pitched his tent beyond the tower of Ader or of the flocks 1. The Hebrewes in this place doe hold that the temple was afterward built because the Prophet calleth Sion the tower of the flock Micah 4.7 but that cannot be for this tower where Iacob pitched was not far from Bethlem about a mile Muscul. but Ierusalem was further off Mercer yet this name was given to Sion because the people assembled thither in flocks or because of the flocks of sheepe thither brought to be sacrificed Perer. 2. This tower was made for the safegard of the shepherds in that country that used to watch their flocks by night and Hierome well observeth this to be a type and prophecie of those shepherds which in this very place watched their flocks at the birth of Christ where afterward Helena for a memoriall of the apparition of the Angels unto them builded a temple Perer. Luther QUEST XVIII Of the incest of Ruben with Bilha Vers. 22. RVben went and lay with Bilha his fathers concubine c. 1. The Hebrewes to excuse the sinnes of their fathers here imagine that Ruben did nor commit incest with Bilha but only cast out her bed out of Rachels tabernacle where Iacob had placed it after Rachels death whereas the text is evident that he slept with Bilha In like manner they would excuse the offence of Elie his sons that they did not lie with the women at the gates of the temple but onely deferred their businesse and so kept them longer from their husbands contrary to the evidence of the history 1 Sam. 2.22 2. Iacob though he might have used the sword in this case yet leaveth the punishment to God but for this sinne of defiling his fathers bed Ruben lost his birthright which was given to Ioseph in respect of his double portion the principality to Iudah 1 Chron. 5.1 3. This was a very great sinne to commit uncleannesse with his fathers concubine which was as his wife such fornication as was not once named among the Gentiles as the Apostle saith 1 Cor. 5.1 for Antiochus the sonne of Seleucus being in love with Stratonice his mother in law yet for shame concealed it and fell into a most grievous disease Hippolitus is famous in the tragedie for resisting the unlawfull lust of Phaedra his mother in law 4. Some thinke that after this time Iacob did refraine the company of his wives but that is uncertaine Mercer It is most like that he after this accompanied not with Bilha as David served his concubines which Absolom went in unto 2 Sam. 20.3 QUEST XIX Of the genealogie of the Patriarkes wherefore it is here set downe Vers. 26. THese are the sonnes of Iacob which were borne him in Mesopotamia c. 1. Moses setteth here downe together the number of Iacobs sonnes 1. Because after this he had no more sonnes borne 2. As also Ruben is counted among them to shew that although he had fallen into this grievous sin yet the Lord vouchsafed to count him among the Patriarkes 3. As also to distinguish betweene Iacob and Esaus progenie which Moses prosecuteth in the new chapter Mercer Perer. 2. Dinah is not rehearsed among them because she made no tribe Mercer Neither useth the Scripture to set downe the genealogie of women Perer. 3. The word is put in the singular number which was borne for the plurall not for any such mystery as the Hebrewes note to shew that they were all begotten by one man or to shadow the birth of the Messiah but it is a property of the Hebrew speech to use the singular for the plurall 4. All these are said to be born in Mesopotamia whereas Benjamin was born in Canaan as Chrysostome thinketh for Benjamin was borne ten yeares after Iacob departed from Mesopotamia but here by a synechdoche according to the use of the Scripture that is affirmed of all which agreed to the most Mercer Perer. So Iohn 20.24 Thomas is called one of the twelve there being but eleven Iudas having hanged himselfe and so S. Marke calleth them the eleven Marke 16.14 QUEST XX. At what time Iacob came to Isaack his father Vers. 27. THen Iacob came to Isaack his father 1. Although now at the length ten yeares after Iacobs returne into Canaan hee came first to Isaack with his whole family yet it is not unlike but that Iacob went often over to see his father they dwelling not farre asunder Mercer 2. Mention is not made of Rebecca who is supposed at this time to have beene dead which is thought also to be the cause of Isaacks being in Hebron whom Iacob at his departure left
whatsoever he hath decreed concerning any mans salvation shall stand Calvin For the gifts and calling of God are without repentance Rom. 11.29 Yet must not this doctrine make us secure to sinne presumptuously trusting to Gods election but as the Apostle saith We must worke out our salvation with feare and trembling lest we be circumvented of Sathan and prevented of that which we vainly hoped for Confut. Against the errour of the Novatians THis example of Ruben notwirhstanding his fall restored to his patriarchal dignity doth further confute that error of the Novatians who denied pardon to those which were fallen and refused to receive them into their society and congregation Calvin We see that our Saviour Christ when Perer had thrice denied him yet vouchsafed to receive him to mercy and to confirme him in his Apostleship 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. Amendment of life delivereth from dangers Vers. 2. THou said Iacob put away the strange Gods c Iacob being in great danger doth purge and cleanse hâ—s houshold so the next way to finde deliverance and to obtaine ptotection from God is to amend our life and to renew our hearts and to turne every man from his evill wayes Perer. Heereupon Balaam gave that wicked counsell to put a stumbling blocke before the Israelites to cause them to sinne that they might run into Gods displeasure and be out of his protection 2. Observ. The people must shew themselves willing to be reformed Vers. 4. THey gave unto Iacob all the strange gods Herein appeareth the singular and prompt obedience of Iacobs houshold who are contented to put away their idols iewels and caterings wherein they had so much before delighted Mercer which â—eacheth that the people should shew themselves ready and willing to be reclaimed from their superstitions and corruptions of life as we read that the souldiers and people came unto Iohn and asked him Master what shall we doe Luk. 3. 3. Observ. God striketh feare into mens hearts Vers. 5. THe feare of God was upon the cities Thus God is able to command the affections of men and to smite them with feare where otherwise there is no apparent cause of feare as here the strong and populous cities of Canaan are afraid of Iacob So Rahab confessed to the spies the feare of you is fallen upon us Iosu. 2.9 Thus God is able to deliver his Church whereas no other meanes are at hand by terrifying the hearts of the enemies thereof 4. Observ. It is lawfull and commendable to mourne moderately for the dead Vers. 8. IAcob and his company made such lamentation for the departure of that godly matron Deborah that he called the place the â—ake of lamentation It is not then unlawfull to mourne for the dead nay it is an uncomly thing to shew drie cheekes in the funeralls of parents wives and children as some doe S. Paul forbiddeth not to mourne for the dead but not as they that have no hope 1. Thessal 4. Muscul. 5. Observ. Our â—oyes in this life are miâ—ed with sorrow Vers. 19. THus died Rachel Iacob doth not so much rejoyce for the birth of Benjamin as he hath occasion of griefe offered for the losse and death of deare Rachel thus the Lord seeth it to be good to temper our joy with sorrow and therein we see the mutable and changeable condition of this life which affordeth no perpetuall and constant joy Perer. And therefore amidst our joyes it is good to arme our selves against sorrow as Iob in the midst of his prosperous estate did looke for adversity saying The thing which I feared is now come upon me Iob 3.25 6. Observ. One affliction followeth after another WE see further that Iacobs life was a continuall warfare still one temptation followed in the necke of another 1. Dinah was ravished 2. Simeon and Levi put the city to the sword 3. Deborah dieth 4. Then Rachel his beloved wife 5. Then Ruben commiteth incest 6. Ioseph is sold into Egypt 7. Isaack dieth 8. Benjamin is also taken from him to goe into Egypt Thus many are the tentations and tribulations wherewith the Lord trieth his children Calvin We learne that while we live here we should prepare our selves for crosses and afflictions and when we are escaped one to looke presently for another This was Iobs case when one messenger followed at the heeles of another bringing him evill tidings Iob 1. 7. Observ. Godly women may die in childbirth Vers. 18. AS shee was about to yeeld up the ghost c. The Hebrewes note three women in Scripture that died in travaile Rachel the wife of Phinehes the sonne of Eli and Michol Davidâ— wife because it is said she had no children till the day of her death but this is a simple conjecture the meaning is that she had no children at all Mercer But we see by this example that even godly women may have Rachels lot to die in travaile and therefore such are not to hee discomforted if it please God that they so end their daies 8. Observ. Great blemishes sometime fall out in the Church of God Vers. 21. RVben lay with his fathers concubine c. It need not then seeme strange if such blemishes fall out sometime in the Church of God and families of Saints as Ruben here committeth incest in Iacobs house and it seemeth Bilha the mother of two tribes in Israel was consenting thereunto so among the Corinthians a young man had his fathers wife 1 Cor. 5.1 Mercer CHAP. XXXVI 1. The Method and Contents IN this chapter the externall state and happinesse of Esau is set forth first by his polygamie and marriage of many wives with the fruits thereof his children and the adjunctes thereunto his riches vers 1. to vers 8. Secondly by his genealogie where his children and nephewes are rehearsed and described 1. By their nativitie of what wives he had them vers 8. to 15. 2. By their dignity vers 15. to 20. Thirdly by the estate of his country where first the old inhabitants the Hâ—rites are described vers 20. to 32. then the new inhabitants the Edomites first governed by Kings vers 31. to 40. then by Dukes againe vers 40. to the end 2. The divers readings v. 2. Eliba Sebagon S. Aâ—libama Sibeon cat v. 5. Ieul Ieglom S. Iehus Iaalon cat v. 6. all the bodies of his house S. the soules of his house caet he went out of the land of Canaan S. into another country H. C. G. P. into a country away B. into the region of Seir T. from his brother Iacob H. from the face of his brother S. B.G.P. because of his brother C. before the comming of his brother T. from the face of his brother heb v. 8. Iacob dwelt in the land where his father dwelt in Canaan S. v. 11. Kâ—nez and Châ—ra H. Kenes cater v. 13. Zaresome S. Zerach Sammah cat v. 14. The sonnes of Libemas the daughter of Enam S. of Aâ—libamah the daughter of Ana caeter
Benjamin was younger than Ioseph but then not above foure or five yeares old and therefore not so capable of his fathers love as Ioseph who began now to shew his vertue and good disposition the rest also of Iacobs sonnes were borne in his old age all within the compasse of seven yeares and he was 84. yeare old when he began to have children â— yet Ioseph was the youngest of them and the first borne of his beloved Rachel much desired and longed for on both sides before he was borne and therefore best beloved when he came 4. Now the reasonâ— why children borne in old age are best beloved of their parents are these 1. Because they are the last borne and the aged parents looke for none after-sembling his mother Rachel Iosephus his heroicall and princely mind which appeared in his dreames a ward Phil. 2. And are most likely to be the longest livers and so to continue their fathers name Cajetan 3. Or for that the aged parents are delighted with the pratling and sport of young children Oleaster 4. Or they are alwayes at hand and in their fathers eye Ramban 5. Or the parents doe it in wisdome to make most of the youngest because they are least able to shift for themselves Other causes there might bee of Iacobs affection to Ioseph as the comelinesse of his body resembling his mother Rachel Iosephus his heroicall and princely minde which appeared in his dreames a prophecie of his honourable estate afterward Philo. His vertuous and godly disposition but these causes are concealed lest they might have increased the envy of his brethren Chrysost. QUEST VII Of Iosephs particoloured coat Vers. 3. HE made him a coat of divers colours the word is passim peeces 1. Some doe read a side gowne or coat as Aquila and Gregory doth thereby understand his constancy and perseverance 2. Some reade tunicam manicatam a sleeved coat Symmach but the word will beare neither of these interpretations 3. Neither yet was it made of divers kinds of threads for that was forbidden by the law Levit. 19.19 whereas in Davids time Thamar did weare such a garment of the same name passim 4. Neither yet was it a white silke garment representing the Priesthood as some thinke 5. Nor yet of divers peeces put together for that had beene no such precious garment 6. But it was a coat of divers colours as the Septuag translate poikâ—lon which seemed as though it had beene of divers parts and peeces Mercer Iun. QUEST VIII The difference betweene envy and hatred Vers. 4. THey hated him 1. There is great difference betweene hatred and envy 1. Men are hated for evill they are envied for some good thing as prosperity riches wisdome 2. Hatred is of some particular matter envy hath a generall object for any thing that happeneth well to a man 3. Hatred may sometime be just as to hate the wicked envy is never just 4. Hatred may be conceived against bruit beasts as a man hateth a serpent or a tode but envy is only against men 5. Envy ceaseth when men from a prosperous state fall into misery but even men in misery may bee hated 6. Hatred is where wee have received hurt but they are often envied of some whom they never hurt 7. Whom men hate they will harme if they can but sometime a mans gifts are envied against whom no hurt is intended 2. Beside these differences betweene envy and hatred envy hath these peculiar properties 1. Envy rejoyceth in another mans fall 2. He that is envied many times fareth the better as Ioseph did 3. An envious man huâ—teth himselfe most and him nothing that is envied 4. An envious man dissembleth in his outward behaviour making outwardly a shew of friendship bearing malice in his heart such was Ioaâ— toward Abner while he embraced him with the one hand he killed him with the other 5. An envious man as Gregory noteth sheweth himselfe to be of a base mind for in that he envieth another he bewrayeth his owne wants not having that which hee envieth in another 3. The remedy against this devouring sinne of envy Basil prescribeth Si nihil rerâ—m humanâ—rum magnum aut vehementer expetâ—â—dum putemus to thinke no humane thing to be of any great reckoning or much to be desired and then shall wee neither envy the rich for his riches nor the honourable person for his honour nor any other for any worldly gift Againe the wise man saith Ne comedas cum homine invido eat not with an envious man or a man that hath an evill eye Prov. 23.6 lest that by conversing with such we learne of their qualities Perer. QUEST IX Of Iosephs dreame why doubled Vers. 6. HEare the dreame which I have dreamed c. 1. Ioseph hath two dreames shewed him both tending to the same end to declare the certainty of his exaltation above his brethren as Ioseph afterward saith to Pharao that had two dreames likewise foreshewing the same thing Gen. 41.32 The dreame was doubled the second time to Pharao because the thing is established with God 2. Iosephus is deceived that â—aith Iosephs brethren found no fault at the telling of the first dreame whereas the text is otherwise they said nothing at the rehearsing of the second referring it to the judgement of their father to whom Ioseph told it againe whom his father rebuked in the presence of their brethren and therefore they spared their reprehension or Moses thought good to omit it Mercer 3. Some doe apply those parables to Christ making him the sheafe of corne to whom all the Patriarks and Prophets do stoope Rupert some also further make Ioseph a type of Christ 1. In that hee uttered dreames as the other parables 2. Christ spake of his exaltation as Ioseph of his 3. Christ was hated for his parables â—s Ioseph for his dreames Perer. QUEST X. Of the divers kinds of dreames FUrther it is to be considered that dreames are divers waies caused 1. Some dreames arise of the fulnesse of the bellie and excesse of drinke such are the dreames of Epicures and drunken persons 2. Some come of emptinesse and want as when an hungrie or thirstie man dreameth of meat or drinke Isay 29.8 3. Some are wrought by the illusion of Sathan 4. Some partly by the illusion of Sathan partly by mans owne imagination Eccles. 5.3 A dreame commeth by the multitude of businesse 5. Some dreames are sent by divine revelation such were those of Ioseph 6. Some proceed partly of our owne serious cogitation partly of divine revelation such were Nebuchadnezars dreames as Daniel saith to him O king when thâ—â— wast in thy bed thoughts came upon thee c. Dan. 2.29 Perer. ex Gregor QUEST XI Ioseph not worthy of rebuke Vers. 10. HIs father rebuked him c. 1. Ioseph did herein nothing worthy of reprehension the neither told these dreames of any vanitie of minde nor of childish simplicitie but as the dreames were revealed
Pererius allegeth that place Psal. 16.10 Thou wilt not leave my soule in hell to shew that sheol is taken for hell it shall not be amisse by the way to examine the sense of this place whereof there are three expositions First some by soule nephesh understand the dead body as it is taken Levit. 21.1 Let none be defiled among the dead the word is nephesh soule Genebrard a popish writer thus confuteth this opinion denying that nephesh is in this place taken for the body but by a metonymie it signifieth the exequies and funerall duties performed to the soule of the dead Contra. Though we also approve not the former exposition of nephesh in this place and that reverend man that so translated Act. 2. hath himselfe in that point altered his translation in his last edition of his annotations upon the new testament yet Genebrard had no reason to deny the word to bee so taken Levit. 21.1 for 1. beside that the Israelites had no such custome to use any suffrages or exequies for the soules of the dead and therefore nephesh can signifie no such thing 2. The defiling was by touching the dead Levit. 22.4 or by going to the dead Levit. 21.11 but the soules of the dead cannot be touched neither could the suffrages for the soules but the presence of the bodies pollute them 3. The Levites are forbidden to defile themselves with the dead saving their fathers and mothers and other of their neare kindred Levit. 22.2 But it is not like that they should have beene forbidden to pray or offer suffrages for any but their owne kindred yea the high Priest is forbidden to defile himselfe for his father and mother vers 10. Let them say also that he was forbidden to pray for the soule of his father and mother if any such thing had beene in use then therefore Genebrards exposition is vaine and without any good ground Secondly Pererius and other of that sort doe take hell here for that locall place and region of soules where they imagine the fathers to have remained before the comming of Christ and Pererius best reason is because the Prophet maketh a manifest distinction betweene the soule and body of Christ and hell and the grave saying Thou shalt not leave my soule in hell nor suffer thy holy one to see corruption Perer. in cap. 13. numer 100. Contra. 1. Here is no distinction of divers parts but an explanation of the same thing in divers words according to the use of Scripture so that what is first said somewhat darkly Thou wilt not leave my soule in grave is afterward more plainly declared that is Thou wilt not suffer thy holy one to see corruption 2. That such locall place of hell cannot be here understood may appeare by these reasons out of the text it selfe 1. That place where Christs soule was not left and it was impossible he should be holden of it God loosed the sorrowes of Act. 2.24 but God loosed not for Christ the sorrowes of hell which he felt not after his passion Ergo Christs soule was not left in hell 2. The not leaving of Christs soule in hell was the cause why his flesh did rest in hope vers 26 27. the not leaving of his soule in the locall place of hell caused not his flesh to rest in hope but the not leaving of it in the grave and the not seeing of corruption for their soules which are left in hell shall also returne to their bodies and bee raised together with them Ergo. 3. That hell where Christs soule is not left is the place where corruption is to be seene for so one clause of the sentence is expounded by the other but in hell there is no corruption Ergo. 4. David when he said Thou shalt not leave my soule in hell spake of Christs resurrection Act. 2.31 but the not leaving of Christs soule in the infernall hell concerneth not the resurrection of Christs body Ergo David meaneth not that hell The third exposition therefore is which I preferre before the rest that Christs soule that is his life or person should not be left in the grave and so this place of the Psalme may bee expounded by the like Psal. 89.48 What man liveth and shall not see death shall hee deliver his soule from the hand of hell or the grave here the Psalmist himselfe expoundeth hell to be death where the soule that is the life lieth as it were hid and buried as Psal. 88.3 My life draweth neare to the grave sic Paul Fag annotat in Chaldaic paraphras in Pentateuch 8. Confut. Iacob goeth mourning to the grave not to hell BUt whereas Pererius yet further in this place concerning Iacobs descending c would have hell and not the grave understood for all goe not downe to the grave and Iacob did thinke that Ioseph was not in the grave being supposed to be torne of wilde beasts the contrary shall now appeare 1. This is a friuolous objection for the grave is not onely a pit or a hole made for the dead but any place where the body falleth to dust and corruption as Iob describeth it chap. 17. vers 13. The grave shall be my house vers 14. I shall say to corruption thou art my father vers 16. They shall lie together in the dust thereof even Ioseph also though he had beene torne of wilde beasts and rotted upon the earth should have had his grave 2. In saying all goe not to the grave he manifestly contradicteth the Scripture as is before alleaged What man shall deliver his soule from the hand of the grave Psal. 89.48 3. Hell in the old Testament is not taken otherwise than for a place of torment and punishment but neither Iacob not Ioseph went to any such place 4. This hell Iacob went unto with his gray head or haires Gen. 42.38 but the grave not hell is the place for gray haires 5. Lastly that sheol here signifieth the grave it is the opinion of Ab. Ezra whom Eugubinus Cajetanus Oleaster Vatablus follow and among the Protestants Fagius Mercer with others 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. That parents be not partiall in their loves toward their children Vers. 4. IOsephs brethren hated him because they saw that their father loved him Ambrose noteth this to have beene an over-sight in Iacob for preferring one of the brethren before the rest who if he in Ioseph loved and preferred his vertue should rather have concealed his affection for as hee well saith it is no marvell if brethren fall out for houses and land when Iosephs brethren hated him for a coat Ambr. lib. 2. de Ioseph Wherefore parents may learne how inconvenient a thing it is to bee partiall toward their children and by immoderate love toward some to exasperate and provoke the rest which the Apostle giveth warning of Fathers provoke not your children to wrath Eph. 6.4 2. Observ. A pitifull man will first offer himselfe to them that are in misery Vers.
Simeon 1. We neither say with Ambrose that they are rather to be called prophecies than blessings lib. de Benedic Patriarc c. 2. 2. Neither with Pererius that they were so called of the greatest part for it is said that he blessed every one 3. Neither by the word blessing is cursing understood by an antiphrasis that is a contrary kind of speech as some thinke but Iacob blessed them verily and indeed 4. But the opinion of R. Salomon is not farre from blasphemy that Iacob did indeed purpose to blesse his sonnes but falling into phrensie he cursed them in stead of blessing for this were to make the motions of Gods spirit mad fits 5. Neither is it like that Iacob gave his sonnes other blessings here not expressed 6. But hee indeed blessed them all though not alike for the temporall chastisement laid upon Ruben Simeon Levi was but a fatherly correction for their amendment Calvin they also are blessed because they are counted among the tribes had their inheritance among them Mercer whereupon afterward Moses in particular blessed both Ruben and Levi Deut. 33. Iacob also doth conclude these three within the number of his sonnes and so comprehendeth them within the covenant Iun. QUEST XXXI Of the double cave where Iacob desired to be buried Vers. 30. IN the cave that is beside Machpelah c. 1. Iacob maketh a particular and perfect description of the cave where he would be buried from whence he had beene absent 17. yeares Ioseph 39. yeares that they should not doubt of the place 2. But that is a fable devised by the Jewes that Tsepho the sonne of Eliphaz did strive with Iacobs sonnes about this burying place and that he fought a great battell with them but they overcame him and brought him downe to Aegypt and when Ioseph was dead he fled out of Aegypt into Italy 3. Iacob intreated his sonne Ioseph to bury him with his fathers but he chargeth and commandeth his sonnes because Ioseph was the principall who should obtaine leave of Pharaoh and at whose costs Iacobs funerall should bee solemnized the rest were but to accompany him Mercer beside his other sons did still depend upon him and were as a part of his family whereas Ioseph was a man of great command and authority in Aegypt Perer. 4. Iacob sheweth who were buried there and maketh speciall mention of Abraham that his sonnes should bee more carefull there to bury him also seeing Abraham had of purpose bought that ground to bee a place of buriall for him and his Luther and seeing that his mother was there buried and Leah his wife it might seeme more reasonable that he should be buried there also 5. These three couples here mentioned were buried together there Abraham Sara Isaack Rebeckah Iacob Leah the hebrewes thinke also that Adam and Eve had their sepulture there but that is not like as it is also uncertaine whether any other of the twelve Patriarkes were there interred Mercer QUEST XXXII Why Iacob maketh mention againe of the purchase of the cave Vers. 32. THe purchase of the field c. 1. This repetition is not inserted by Moses as Marlorat but they were the words of Iacob 2. This verse therefore without cause is wholly omitted and left out by the Latine Translatâ—r 3. Yet did not Iacob here shew unto his sonnes the very instrument of conveyance whereby Abraham did purchase the cave and field as the Hebrewes for that rite custome was not then in use But Iacob hereby sheweth the undoubted right which he had to that ground whereof his fathers had possession both alive and dead 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. How the Patriarkes and Prophets used imprecations Vers. 7. CVrsed be their wrath c. The righteous did many times use imprecations and denounce curses as David Psal. 35.4 Let them be confounded and put to shame that seeke after my soule and in other places and Iacob here but they did it not in wrath or in their heat but with these considerations and regards 1. They spake as Prophets and as Ministers and Pronouncers of Gods sentence and decree so that they were not so much maledictions as predictions Perer. 2. For the most part they accursed such only in temporall things for their amendment as Iacob here doth his sonnes as David also saith Fill their faces with shame that they may seeke thy name O Lord Psal. 83.18 Perer. 3. If they denounced any spirituall curse it was upon such as were incorrigible as Psal. 68.21 God will wound the hairy pate of him that goeth on in his sinnes 4. They did not hereby revenge their owne particular cause but did censure them as enemies to the whole Church as Psal. 35.20 They imagine deceitfull words against the quiet of the land But these examples are no warrant for us to use the like imprecations because we have not the like spirit of prophecie as our Saviour answered to Iames and Iohn who asked him if they should command fire to come downe from heaven upon the Samaritans as Elias did Ye know not of what spirit ye are of Luk. 9.55 2. Doct. Iacob prophesieth of his sonnes as the spirit of God directed him FUrther in that Iacob spareth not to pronounce the curse of God against his owne sonnes it is evident that hee spake not of any partiall affection or ambitiously seeking to make his posterity great as the prophane disciples of Lucian the Atheists use to object against the doctrine and history of Moses Calvin but that he spake as he was thereunto moved by the spirit of God both in that against his naturall and fatherly disposition hee pronounceth hard and heavy things against his sonnes as also because the event afterward answered to these his predictions 3. Doct. All our helpe and strength is from God Vers. 24. THe armes of his hands were strengthened by the hand of the mighty God c. Although in waging of battell weapons of warre and other meanes are carefully to be used yet the help power and strength must come from God as Ioseph was strengthened by the hand of God against his enemies as David prayeth Make haste to deliver me make haste to helpe me O God Psal. 70.1 Luther 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. That the punishment of sinne remaineth not after the remission of the fault Vers. 6. INto their secret let not my soule come This punishment which was inflicted upon Simeon and Levi was not a satisfaction for their sinne past which was already upon their repentance remitted unto them as the Popish doctrine is that the punishment of sinne often remaineth the fault being pardoned but the Lord thinketh good to chastise those which have offended though their sin be forgiven them for these causes 1. That they may thorowly be humbled and take heed that thy commit not the like againe as David therefore saith It is good for me that I have beene afflicted Calv. 2. For the example of other that they also may
But afterward he rejected this opinion quâ—st 2. in Exod. Oâ—cumenius also upon Iude bringeth in the Devill contending with Michael the Archangell that Moses was not worthy of buriall because he unjustly killed the Egyptian But S. Stephen defendeth this fact of Moses as being a proofe of his calling from God Acts 7.25 2. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that the Hebrew here smitten of the Egyptian was the husband of one Salomith with whom the Egyptian committed adultery and had by her that blasphemer that was put to death Levit. 24. and therefore he was justly killed of Moses but these are meere conjectures 3. Some other Hebrewes thinke that Moses killed not the Egyptian with the sword but by the word of his mouth as Peter killed Ananias Act. 5. but then Moses needed not to have beene so circumspect and to have buried him privily in the sand Simler 4. Cajetane defendeth this fact because this Egyptian was one of the cruell taskmasters that oppressed the Hebrewes and therefore it was lawfull to kill him but if Moses had beene a private man it had not beene lawfull no not to kill an enemie in this case 5. Paulus Burgensis upon this place is of opinion that Moses might doe this in charitie to deliver his brethren and to relieve the oppressed though he had not a singular inspiriation or publike calling to doe it so Ambrose seemeth to thinke lib. 1. de officiis cap. 36. And the Scripture seemeth to warrant it Deliver them that are drawne to death Prov. 24.11 But though it be an act of charitie to deliver and to rescue yet it is an inordinate charitie to kill one to deliver another 6. Wherefore the best defence is that Moses was inspired of God and had his authoritie from him to doe the office of a Judge betweene the Hebrew and the Egyptian which is affirmed by Saint Stephen He thought that his brethren would have understood that God by his hand should give them deliverance Act. 7.25 And this is the resolution of Augustine quast 2. in Exod. Thostatus Lyranus and Thomas Aquin. Unto this may be added that Moses being the reputed sonne of Pharaohs daughter was a publike person and so of great authoritie Iun. in Analys It may be also that all the circumstances of this fact are not expressed as that the Egyptian did so assault the Hebrew as that the one could not be rescued without killing of the other or Moses might kill him in his owne defence the Egyptian running upon him when hee offered to rescue the Hebrew Perer. But the best defence is that Moses was hereunto extraordinarily stirred up of God which extraordinarie motions are not now of us to be imitated or to be drawne into example Ferus QUEST XX. Why Moses though warranted from God yet useth great secrecie and circumspection in this businesse Vers. 12. ANd he looked round about and when hee saw no man c. It will be objected if Moses had authoritie and a calling from God to kill the Egyptian why did hee it secretly To this may be answered that although Moses was to himselfe assured of his calling yet was it not knowne either to the Hebrewes or Egyptians and therefore his calling being yet secret and hid it was fit that his acts should be secret otherwise his publicke acts his calling being yet secret would have beene as much offensive and called in question as if hee had had no such calling Iun. in Analys So Ehud killed Eglâ—â— privately in his secret chamber Iudg. 3. and Gedeon being not yet pulikely knowne and taken to be appointed of God to deliver his people did pull downe the altar of Baal by night Iudg. 6.27 Herein thâ—n Moses sheweth his godly discretion that he might proceed by order QUEST XXI How Moses is said to feare seeing the Apostle denieth that he feared the King Heb. 11.26 Vers. 14. THen Moses feared and said c. Yet the Apostle saith he feared not the fiercenesse of the King Heb. 11.26 To reconcile Moses and the Apostle 1. We approve not Theodorets exposition that Moses is said not to feare in respect of the cause of his flight the killing of the Egyptian which fact he feared not as not repenting him hereof but this interpretation seemeth somewhat hard and the Apostle sheweth that he feared not the King no not when he left Egypt therein then consisted the vacuity of his feare not in respect of the fact 2. Chrysostome expoundeth his not fearing of his so leaving Egypt that yet he feared not to returne againe thither but Moses was strengthened and incouraged of God to returne afterward the vision which he saw 40. yeeres after did not take away his first feare 3. Theophylact understandeth it of the degree of his feare hee did not so feare the King as that he fled a farre off but went to Midian a Countrie adjoyning not fearing that the King would pursue him thither But the Apostle exempteth him not onely from some degree but from all feare 4. Some referre his feare unto the affliction and persecution that by this meanes was like to be increased so hee feared not for himselfe but for the people Pellican but Moses speaketh of his owne feare upon the which he fled his fleeing was a meanes to deliver himselfe from the danger and not the people 5. Other say that he feared not so much the King as hee feared to offend God lest if he had offered himselfe to the danger and not made an escape he should have tempted him by presuming Osiander But the text sheweth that hee was afraid of Pharaoh and fled from him 6. Others confesse that Moses shewed his infirmitie of feare but it was covered by faith and so not imputed Genevens But the Apostle denieth that he feared at all 7. Some doe expound it not of Moses first leaving of Egypt when indeed he feared the King but of his second departure when he brought out the people thence for then hee feared not Pharaohs anger at all as is evident cap. 10.29 Lyranus Thostatus Pererius Iun. And this exposition doth very well resolve this doubt 8. Unto this also may be added that if wee understand it of his first departure Moses fled not for any feare in respect of himselfe but lest that his calling by this meanes should be hindred and he withdraweth himselfe not so much of feare as to reserve himselfe for a better opportunitie Simler Nor yet doth he feare as distrusting his calling but because hee lost this opportunitie Iun. And the reason of his feare is expressed in the text Then Moses feared and said certainly this thing is knowne Hee feared lest he should be hindred in this businesse of the deliverance of the people Thomas also to the same effect saith that there are two things to be considered in feare unum vituperabile one to be dispraysed when for feare any evill is committed or any good omitted and this was not in Moses another that is Laudabile praise
that worketh the evill spirit as the winde and weather that tempteth and moveth God as the sternes man that directeth and guideth all So Augustines resolution is Deus voluntatem ejus proprio suo vitio malum in hoc peccatum judicio suo justo occulto inclinavit God by his just and secret judgement inclined his will being evill by his owne corruption into this sinne De liber arbit cap. 20. Hee there speaketh of Shemei whom David saith God bid curse him the like may bee said of Pharaoh who is properly said to have hardened his owne heart Exod. 8.15 as the next and immediate worker of it but God hardened it concurring as a just Judge in punishing Pharaohs sinne by obstinacie and hardnesse of heart See more of this question before chap. 1. doct 1. QUEST XX. How Israel is called the first borne sonne of God Vers. 22. ISrael is my sonne even my first borne 1. Israel is called the Lords first borne not only in respect of eternall election as Pellican for the election of God doth not hinder terrene government they might be eternally elected of God and yet bee Pharaohs servants still 2. Neither is this spoken only comparatively because they were the first nation that publikely professed the worship of God and had the prioritie of the Gentiles who were as the younger brother Ferus 3. Nor yet is it spoken only by way of similâ—tude that they were as deere unto God as the first borne Piscator 4. But they were the first borne people by a peculiar election whereby the Lord had set them apart from all other people to whom he would give his lawes and therefore Pharaoh was not to keepe them in servitude belonging to another Lord Simler Therefore to them did belong the right and preeminence of the first borne as dignity authority Borrh. And they were beloved of God in the right of the Messiah the first borne of all creatures and the only begotten sonne of God Iun. who was to bee borne of that nation according to the flesh Osiander 5. Therefore God will slay the first borne of Egypt both of man and beast because of the injurie offered to his first borne and this being the last judgement which was shewed upon Egypt it is like that God revealed to Moses aforehand all those severall plagues which afterward were sent upon Pharaoh QUEST XXI Who smot Moses in the Iune and how Vers. 24. THe Lord met him and would have killed him 1. In the Hebrew it is said Iehovah met him the Latin and Septuagint read the Angell of Iehovah giving the sense rather than the word for Iehovah by his Angell smote Moses the Angels of God are found in Scripture to bee the Ministers of Gods judgements Pellican Iun. 2. Tertullian thinketh that Moses sonne that was uncircumcised was in danger rather than Moses himselfe but that is not like for then Moses himselfe rather if he had beene in case would have circumcised the child rather than his wife 3. For the manner of punishment inflicted upon Moses that is a ridiculous fable of R. Salomon that the Angell appeared in likenesse of a Dragon and swallowed up Moses past the middle to the place of his circumcision and then when Zipporah in haste had circumcised the child hee let him goe againe Theodoret thinketh that the Angell appeared with a drawne sword threatning Moses but Moses was more than threatned for hee was so weake that hee was not able to circumcise his child therefore the common opinion of the Hebrewes is that Moses was smitten with some sudden disease as may appeare in that his wife was faine to cut off her sonnes foreskinne and yet it is like that whether the Angell appeared in a visible humane shape or otherwise came upon Moses thar by some visible and evident signe hee and his wife perceived that it was for neglect of circumcision Iun. QUEST XXII For what sinne the Lord would have killed Moses NOw concerning the cause why the Lord laid his heavy hand upon Moses 1. It was neither because he carried his wife and children with him which were a cumber unto him and therefore hee sent them bake as Augustine and Eusebius Emisenus for seeing Moses had no speciall commandement to leave them behind he was therein to follow the common order and duty required in matrimony to take care of his wife and children Simler And he could not have left his wife behinde without offence to his father in law who might have thought hee had neglected her and would take him another wife in Egypt 2. Neither was his feare the cause because he was afraid to goe unto Pharaoh as Theodoret for he was now in his journey and was resolved to goe forward 3. Therefore the cause indeed was for the neglect of the circumcision of the child as David Kimhi Rupertus Thostatus with others Ex Pereriâ— as it may appeare because that as soone as the child was circumcised Moses was presently delivered from the danger therefore some Hebrewes conjecture that God punished him for making so long stay in the â—ane is frivilous and without ground Simler QUEST XXIII Whether the Israelites transgressed in omitting circumcision 40. yeeres in the wildernesse BUt it will be further questioned why the Lord was angry with Moses for deferring of circumcision and yeâ— he did tolerate it in the Israelites which were not circumcised in the desert by the space of forty yeeres as is evident Iosh. 5. Some therefore thinke that the Israelites were dispensed with for being not circumcised in the wildernesse because it was not so needfull in that place seeing the people were separated from all other nations and lived apart by themselves and therefore circumcision was not so necessarie there the speciall end whereof was to distinguish the Israelites from all other people but when they came over Jordane among other nations then they received circumcision the badge or cognisance of their profession so Theodoret Damascen Contra. But this was not the principall end of circumcision to make difference betweene the Israelites and other people the chiefe scope thereof was to bee a seale of the covenant betweene God and his people and therefore ought not in any place to have beene neglected 2. Some therefore excuse this omission of circumcision in the desert by the continuall journeying of the Israelites they were still to follow the direction of the cloud whether by day or night but they could not travell immediatly upon their circumcision Perer. Who further addeth that if it had beene a fault in them Moses would not have suffered such a great breach of the law seeing the man that gathered stickes upon the Sabbath was punished Contra. 1. The continuall travell of the Israelites could not bee the chiefe or onely cause of such omission seeing they stayed many yeeres in one place as in Kadesh barnea Deut. 1.46 and when they were circumcised in Gilgal they were presently also to goe forward in expedition
exercise his power like as hee ran upon the heard of swine and cast them all headlong into the sea so hee were able to force men into many dangers both of their bodies and soules Ex Perer. Beside this absolute limitation and restraint of Satan when God doth stay him from working there are two other kindes of inhibiting for neither hath Satan such free scope to exercise his rage upon the faithfull as hee hath power to worke upon the children of disobedience for they are his proper subjects and in them the God of this world blindeth their mindes 1. Cor. 4.4 and they are taken in the snares of Satan at his pleasure 2. Tim. 2.26 But over the faithfull hee hath no command to delude deceive or seduce them neither to invade them at all without speciall liceâ—ce from God as Iobs tentation sheweth And againe though the Lord for some causes best knowne to himselfe doe give him leave to trie his children yet God so qualifieth his assaults and tentations as that they effect not that which Satan intendeth but are disposed of to that end which the Lord propoundeth as Satan desired to winnow Peter as wheate and thorowly to have sifted him but Christ upheld him that his faith failed not Luk. 22.31 32. and that his tentation tended not to his subversion Concerning this threefold limitation of Satan I thinke it not amisse here to adde the sentence of Augustine For the first that Satan cannot doe what he would but his power is restrained he thus writeth Si tantum posset nocere diabolus quantum vult non aliquis justorum remaneret If the Devill might hurt as much as he would not any of the just should remaine For the second that Satans power is more free and absolute over the wicked he thus saith In fili is diffidentiae tanquam in suis mancipus operatur quemadmodum homines in pecoribus In the sonnes of unbeliefs he worketh as in his owne vessels as men upon their cattel Againe Sicut homo de pecore suo facit quod vult de alienâ— pecore ut faciat expectat sibi dari potestatem ab eo cujus est As a man doth what hee will with his owne cattell but with another mans he cannot doe any thing but expecteth first that leave be given him of the owner For the third that when the Lord permitteth Satan to assault his owne servants yet he moderateth the action that Satan worketh not his will upon him but what he intendeth for their destruction the Lord directeth to be onely for their probation Augustine also thus inferreth Vtitur Deus Angelis malis non tantùm ad puniendos malos ut in Achab sed etiam ad probandos manifestandos bonos sicut fecit in Iob God useth evill Angels not only to punish the wicked as in Achab but to prove and make knowne the good as he did in Iob. Thus then is this point determined 1. The Devill hath not now such power as before his fall as Augustine saith Sunt nobis potentiores neque tamen tam firmi nunc sunt ac si in pristino statu permansissent They are mightier than wee are but yet not so strong as if they had remained in their former estate 2. The good Angels have greater power in working upon the creatures than the evill Augustine In haec Angelis longe amplior potestas est bonis malâ— quamvis major bonis The Angels both good and bad have greater power than man over these inferiour creatures and yet the good have greater power than the evill 3. Satans power is limited he doth not what hee will 4. The Devill hath more command over the wicked than power over the righteous 5. When hee practiseth against the righteous yet his malice is restrained God turneth the tentation to that end which shall be to his glory and the good of his children From hence may bee inferred two conclusions first that righteous and faithfull men are not altogether freed from the assaults and invasions of Satan as S. Paul felt in himselfe the pricke of the flesh the messenger of Satan sent to buffet him 2. Cor. 12. And as hee may trie them with spirituall tentations so also he may if God permit torment them with corporall vexations as Iobs example sheweth and to this purpose Augustine concludeth well Contra mulâ—iformes daemonum incursus quis sua innocentia fidit c. Who can trust upon his innocencie to be defended against so many incursions of the Devill seeing that they many times vex infants then whom nothing is more innocent The other conclusion is that although Satan may set upon the members of Christ yet hee cannot hurt them he may enter into the lists with them but not overcome them the Serpent may bite the heele but Christ hath broken his head and as our blessed Saviour saith of himselfe The Prince of this world commeth and hath nought in me Ioh. 14.30 So neither by Gods grace hath he any part in us that are the members of Christ. Augustine doth notably touch this point in this manner Fortior quis est aut corpore c. One may be said to be stronger either in body as an horse is stronger than a man or in minde as the reasonable creatures than the unreasonable and in affection and disposition as the just man more than the unjust or in power and authority as the Captaine stronger than the souldier by the first of these wayes potestas datur deterioribus in meliores the worse may have power given them over the better for the proofe of their patience and so he concludeth Principes illi in re inferiore superant in potentiore superantur fideles enim mente firmiores sunt infirmiores corpore Those principalities he meaneth the spirituall powers are superiours to us in things inferiour but they are in things superiour weaker the faithfull are stronger in minde and more infirme in body QUEST XIV Whether the Devill by his owne power can raise thunder and lightning HItherto it hath beene shewed what Satan is able to doe in that immediate action of moving and transporting himselfe and other creatures from place to place it followeth to shew wâ—at power he hath in the other mediate action which is done by the meanes and instrument of the creâ—â—ures But here ariseth a question fit to bee discussed whether the Devill by his owne power can raise tempests windes thunder lightning as Pererius thinketh he can by warrant of the story of Iob where Satan brought downe lightning upon Iobs sheepe and raised winde whereby the house was overwhelmed upon Iobs children Perer. in 4. disput in cap. 7. Num. 34. But herein I must needs dissent from Pererius though I finde that Augustine inclineth to the same opinion for thus he writeth In libro fidelissimo legimus diabolum potuisse ignem de coelo demittere We reade in a most faithfull booke that the Devill could bring
insinuateth Deut. 11.11 where Moses sheweth a difference betweene the land of Canaan and Egypt where they watered their fields with their feet as a garden that is they conveyed the waters of Nilus by trenches and furrowes to their fields which overflowing their grounds serveth in steed of raine and therefore the Egyptians did more honour Nilus than heaven Perer. QUEST XLIII Whether the Sorcerers did turne the waters into true bloud NOw whether the Sorcerers brought forth true bloud as Moses did though it need bee no question as is before shewed Quest. 21. yet there are divers opinions about it 1. Augustine thinketh that the Sorcerers by the Devils helpe did change the water into very naturall bloud lib. 83. quâ—st 79. But that cannot be for the Devils have no power to change or transforme one substance into another immediatly without naturall meanes and seeing true bloud is not ingendred but in the body and that not immediatly but by certaine degrees and preparations Satan could not in truth doe any such thing 2. Pererius thinketh that this bloud was cunninly conveyed by the Devils helpe from some other place and not made out of the water But this is not likely for it was no small quantity of bloud which seemed to be changed by the Sorcerers out of how many bodies could the Devill draw and sucke so much bloud and if the bloud were brought what came of the water that must bee conveyed away also Beside the text saith that the enchanters did likewise then as Moses turned water into bloud they must to make their worke like turne water also into bloud or seeme to doe it 3. Wherefore I subscribe rather to Iustinus Sanguinem à Magis exhibitum non fuisse verum sed fallacem praestigiosum That the bloud brought forth by the Magicians was not true bloud but deceitfull and counterfeit quaest Orthod 26. Ferus reason is because naturas mutare solius Dei est it only belongeth unto God to change natures Osiander saith Videntur ad breve tempuâ— conversae The waters seemed to be changed by the Sorcerers but for a short time but Moses miracle continued seven dayes which sheweth that it was a true miracle So Ambrose concludeth Si arte sua quis sublimitate astutiae aliam creaturam fingat ad horam sicut finxerunt Iannes Iambres If any by his cunning and deepe deceit can faine another creature for a time as Iannes and Iambres did c. QUEST XLIV How this first plague was stayed HOw this plague ceased is not expressed 1. Philo thinketh that at the supplication of the Egyptians made to Moses and his prayer unto God the waters returned to their first nature But if it had beene so it is not unlike but that Moses could have expressed so much as hee doth in the other plagues that were stayed by that meanes 2. Iosephus writeth that Pharaoh seeing the miserable state of the Egyptians did give leave to the Israelites to depart and so the plague ceased but presently after hee repented him but the Scripture seemeth to be contrary for Pharaohs heart was hardened at the first and not mollified at all neither did this plague enter into his heart vers 23. 3. Therefore it is most like that this plague contined untill the beginning of the second which is the end of the first and so it ceased neither at the entreatie of Pharaoh or the Egyptians or by the prayer of Moses but by the will of God Thostat Perer. QUEST XLV Of the application and use of this first plague FOr the mysticall application of this plague 1. Augustine comparing the ten plagues of Egypt and the ten Commandements together doth referre the first plague to the first Commandement applying it thus The water out of the which commeth the generation of many things signifieth God the beginning of all the turning of this water into bloud is the corrupting of the divine worship by humane and carnall inventions of flesh and bloud 2. But I preferre rather Ferus applications the one propheticall that this plague did portend the bloudy end and destruction of Pharaoh and the Egyptians the other morall that wherein a man sinneth thereby in the justice of God is he punished as Adonibezek by the cutting off his fingers and toes as he had served others Absalon by his haire which hee was proud of so the Egyptians are punished in the water wherein they had destroyed so many innocent babes Pererius 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Of the institution of the princely and priestly calling Vers. 1. I Have made thee Pharaohs God and Aaron thy brother shall be thy Prophet Here we have the institution of two most necessarie callings among the people of God the princely power in Moses whose commission was to give edicts and lawes and the Ecclesiasticall in Aaron to whom it appertained to interprete and expound the Law as the Prophet saith Aske the Priest concerning the law Borrh. 2. Doct. Of the hardning of the heart how it is said to proceed from God Vers. 3. I Will harden Pharaohs heart Mans heart is hardened two wayes either by it selfe internally or by some externall accident that moveth the inward cause or the instruments thereof the externall agents are either efficients and so the Devill as an efficient and working cause moveth the heart of man unto evill being corrupt of it selfe or they are only disposing and ordering so the Lord is said to harden the heart which he doth three wayes 1. By leaving the will of man being destitute of good to it evill nature and disposition 2. By some occasion given by the Lord which in it selfe is good the heart of the wicked becommeth more obstinate as by the Lords commandement by Moses Pharaoh was more hardened so the Apostle sheweth that some take occasion by the law which is good to bee more evill Rom. 7. like as tender and weake eyes by the brightnesse of the Sunne doe dazle the more and become blinder 3. The Lord seeing the will of obstinate men to be thus hardened and bent upon evill he in his justice also driveth them to that end whither of themselves they runne headlong Iun. Like as the primum mobile in the heavens the utmost sphere carrieth all the other inferiour orbes of the planets about yet every one of them doe keepe their contrary course by the which the eclipses of the Sunne and Moone fall out yet so as by the first overruling motion they are whirled about and brought to their Eclipse which is properly caused notwithstanding by their owne particular motion so there is an overruling power of God that bringeth every thing to the end appointed yet the defects and eclipses of our will doe proceede of our owne corrupt nature See more of this point how the Lord is said to harden the heart chap. 4. quest 19. 3. Doct. That no man sinneth of absolute necessitie Vers. 22. HE did not hearken unto them as the Lord had said It was
doe as I counsell thee poteris aâ—dire pracepta Dei thou shalt have time to heare what God commandeth thee that is to consult with God which his leisure would not now permit him to doe Oleast Osiand 3. But this clause seemeth to depend of the first word â—m if so that the meaning rather is this if God doe approve this my councell Iun. Wherein appeareth the piety of Iethro that would not obtrude his councell upon Moses no otherwise than it should have the divine approbation Simler Calvin QUEST XXIV In what sense the people are said to goe quietly to their place ANd all this people shalâ— goe quietly to their place 1. Some take this to be the meaning that this order devised by Iethro was but to serve during the time of their travell but when they were come to their place that is to the land of Canaan then they should have Officers and Judges set in their Cities Ex Siml But Iethro in these words sheweth the present benefit which should redound unto them by this order both Moses should be eased of much labour and the people of their attendance 2. In these words therefore Iethro doth insinuate two things both that the people should dispatch their businesse whereas they were constrained before to goe home their controversies undecided because Moses was not at leasure to heare all and so they should goe home quietly Simler And againe they should not need to hang so long and give such attendance as they did Iun. For Moses should bee able to dispatch their greater causes which they brought unto him in time and their smaller controversies should be taken up at home Tostat. quast 8. QUEST XXV Whether these Officers were chosen by Moses Vers. 25. ANd Moses chose men 1. These Officers and Magistrates were taken out from the rest of the people by election so that the government of Israel was in respect of Moses Monarchicall for the supreme authority still remained in him but in respect of these inferiour Magistrates it was Aristocraticall which forme of government is so called because the best and most worthy are elected to rule and governe 2. Moses is said to have chosen them because he coÌ„nfirmed the peoples choice and admitted those whom they presented for so hee said unto the people Bring you men of wisdome c. and I will make them Rulers over you Deut. 1.13 For it was the safest way for the people to make choice of them because they were better knowne unto them and they would the more willingly obey them Tostat quaest 9. 3. Further whereas Moses saith Deut. 1.8 I am not able to beare you my selfe alone as though Moses himselfe first thought of this device it must be understood that after Iethro had given this councell unto Moses then he propounded it unto the people Genevens QUEST XXVI Whether these Officers were of equall authority or one subordinate to another Vers. 25. ANd make them heads over the people 1. It is not like that these Officers whereof some were set over thousands some over hundreds some over fifties some over tennes that they had their severall distinct regiments so that they which were not under one Officer as under the Ruler over ten were not also under his superiour Officer that was set over fifty for then if they had beene all of equall authority this distinction needed not to have beene that some were Rulers of thousands some of hundreds c. But it had beene better for them all to have beene of one sort as all over hundreds or tens and againe if these Officers had not beene subordinate one under another that inconvenience should not have beene prevented which Iethro intended to deliver Moses of trouble for by these meanes if the people might not appeale from one Judge to a superiour a multitude of causes still should have beene devolved to Moses 2. Therefore it is resolved that these Officers were one under another the Ruler of ten under the Ruler of fifty and he under the Centurion and this also under the tribune or millenary Officer so that there was none of the people which was not subject to a Ruler of ten or tithing man to a Ruler of fifty a Ruler of an hundred and a Ruler over a thousand And this subordination served to two purposes both for the Officers themselves that if any controversie fell out among them it might bee ordered by the superiour Judge and if the people found themselves agreeved with their tithing men and inferiour Officers they might appeale for redresse to their superiour Judges And so the appeale ascended from the Ruler of ten to the Ruler of fifty from the Ruler of fifty to the Centurion and from him to the millenary Judge or Tribune and thus their causes were decided before they came at Moses only the hardest and most difficult matters were reserved for his hearing and from him there was no further appeale Tostat. quaest 11. QUEST XXVII Of the difference betweene these Officers and the 70. Elders Num. 10. FUrther it is here to be considered that this institution of Officers which was brought in by the councell and advice of Iethro was divers from that order of 70. Elders which was instituted afterward by the Lord Numb 10. For they differ both in order of time these were appointed before they came to Sinai the other after they removed thence and in number these were many no doubt divers thousands the other onely 70. Iethro gave the advice for the choice of the first but the Lord himselfe of the other Their office also and administration was divers the seventy were the Councell of State which consulted only of the publike affaires of the Kingdome the other attended upon the private causes and suits of the people This difference betweene the Senators and Counsellers of State and inferiour Judges was observed in all well ordered Common-wealths among the Athenians Lacedemonians Romans and is to be seene in our State This was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Senate of the Jewes which at the first consisted indifferently of men taken out of all the tribes six out of each of the eleven tribes the Levites excepted and the other foure to make up 70. were supplied by Levites and Priests to direct the rest This indifferent choice out of all the tribes continued untill the time of the Kings when the choice of these Elders was overruled by their authority then after the captivity because of the prerogative of the tribe of Iudah to whom the principality of right appertained most of the Elders were taken out of that tribe and so it continued till Herod dissolved that honourable and grave Senate of the Elders making havocke of them and putting most of them to death Iun. ex Ioseph Analys in Num. cap. 11. QUEST XXVIII At what time Iethro tooke his leave of Moses Vers. 27. AFterward Moses let his father in law depart c. 1. Some thinke that Iethro neither came unto Moses in
for that heathenish conceit of the Philosopher that vertue is not properly said to be in women it is contrary to that position of the Apostle that in Christ there is neither male nor female Galath 3.28 the spirit of God can plant grace and vertue in the hearts of women as well as of men nay often the Lord chuseth the weake things of this world to confound the mighty things 1. Cor. 1.27 And the examples of so many vertuous and good women in the Scriptures of Sara Rebecca Anna the Shunamite and the rest in the old of Marie Anna Martha Lydia Dorcas and many other in the new Testament doe evidently confute that prophane paradox of the Philosopher 4. And to deliver the regiment of women from the Cardinals vile and impure slaunder this country and nation of ours as is hath found the government of a woman the worst in the late Marian persecutions when more good men and women Saints of God were put to death than in any three Kings reigne beside so have we seene it in the next change the best of all other Princes reignes that went before famous Queene Elizabeths government as for flourishing peace honourable fame and name enriching of the Land subduing of forraine enemies enacting of good lawes may be compared with the reigne of any former Kings So for the advancing of true religion increasing of learning propagating the Gospell none of her predecessors came neere her That as the refining of coine being reduced from base money to pure silver and gold was her honour in the Civill State so the purging of religion according to the purity of the word of God in the Church shall bee her everlasting fame in the world and is her eternall reward with God 4. Confut. That Christ shall have no Iudges under him at the latter day but shall be the only Iudge himselfe Vers. 22. LEt them judge all small causes Origen upon these words hath this private conceit Hanc sâ—guram Iudicum non solum in hoc seculo sed etiam in futuro servandam c. 〈◊〉 this forme of Iudges shall be observed not only in this world but in the next And then he alleageth that text Matth. 18.28 That when the Sonne of man shall sit in the throne of Majesty yee which have followed me in the regeneration shall sit upon twelve seats and judge the twelve tribes of Israel Whereupon he inferreth that Christ at the day of judgement shall appoint other Judges beside himselfe Qui judicent populum de mineribus causiâ— c. Which shall judge the people in smaller causes referring the greater to him The Rhemisnis and Romanistes whose manner is to scrape all the refuse of the Fathers affirme likewise That the faithfull shall judge and give sentence with Christ at the latter day wresting the same text in Matthew to the same purpose Contra. 1. The Apostles and Saints are said indeed to judge the world but not in that sense as Christ is said to be the Judge of the world but as he saith his Word shall judge them at the latter day Ioh. 12.48 that is be a witnesse against them so the Word preached by the Saints in their life and their conversation following the same shall be a witnesse against the world and so their condemnation like as in the processe of judgement here in earth the evidence that is brought in and the witnesses produced are said to condemne the guilty partie and to judge them though the Judge only give sentence Thus Ambrose fitly expoundeth this phrase Iudicabunt Sancti hunc mundum quia exemplo fidei illorum perfidia mundi damnabitur The Saints shall judge the world because by example of their faith their perfidiousnesse shall be condemned 2. For otherwise if Christ should observe the same forme which Moses did to appoint coadjutors because he alone sufficed not this were to derogate from his all sufficient power who needeth not as man any assistants or fellow helpers Vers. 22. Every great matter let them bring to thee Upon this president the Romanistes would ground the papall reservation of cases from whom no appeale say they is to be made as there was not from Moses Tostat. quaest 11. in 18. cap. Exod. Contra. 1. There is great difference betweene the reservation of matters to Moses and of certaine cases to the Pope for Moses was set over but one nation which at this time encamped together within the compasse of not many miles and so they might with ease bring the weighty causes to him But the Pope challengeth to be the supreme Judge over all the world and so without infinite trouble the greater causes cannot be brought unto him 2. Moses judgement was sought for because hee could not erre having often conference with God to direct him as the Pope hath not and this Testatus confesseth Romanus pontifex c. The Roman Bishop though he have great power sometime is not a man very vertuous and though he be because he hath not God present to answer unto all his demands facilius errare potest he may more easily erre therefore that is but a foppish and fawning conclusion of the Canonists that the Pope hath Omnia jura in scrinio pectoris All lawes in his breast 3. Whereas Iethro intended in this device the peoples ease not to goe farre for their causes and Moses ability to performe his office neither of these inconveniences is helped in making appeales to Rome for neither is the Pope able to amend all such causes and the people would be infinitely molested to be hurried to Rome 4. And if it were not for the advantage of the Court and Consistory of Rome they would desire to bee eased rather of than cumbred with such appeales But Moses herein only sought the profit of Gods people not his owne Simler 6. Morall Observations 1. Obs. To take heed of idle and vaine talke Vers. 8. THen Moses told his father in law c. Moses did conferre with Iethro about the wondrous workes of God which the Lord had wrought for them Vnde arguuntur hi qui vanis colloquiis delectantur They then are reproved which are delighted with vaine talke Ferus Which may serve as a good motive in our dayes to cut off idle if not very prophane conference when wee meet remembring ever that of idle words we must give an account B. Babington 2. Observ. Workes must be joyned with faith Vers. 12. THen Iethro tooke burnt offerings c. Having beene thankfull in words now he addeth deeds for S. Iames calleth that a dead faith where workes want if we joyne both these together as Iethro did we shall fully give assurance both to others and to our selves of our true faith B. Babington 3. Obs. That we should doe all our workes as in Gods sight Vers. 12. THey came to eat bread with Moses father in law before God Hereupon Origen well noteth Sancti manducant bibunt in conspectu Dei c. The
pillowes under all arme-holes There are other flatterers in civill affaires such was Iehonadaâ— that applied himselfe to 〈◊〉 filthy humour 2. Sam. 13. thinking thereby to insinuate himselfe unto him being the Kings eldest sonne Pelarg. 3. A double mischiefe commeth by these flatterers for they both corrupt them whom they flatter and nourish them in their evill and feed their humorous disposition as the people puffed up Herod in pride by their flattering acclamations that it was the voice of God not of man Act. 12. So Alexander and Nero were corrupted by flattery and of good Princes became most cruell Tyrants Simler Therefore Diâ—gâ—â—s said well that it was better to fall upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crowes than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 flatterers for they did but devoure the body these did devoure the soule And beside this mischiefe flatterers procure great hurt unto those whom in their flattery they accuse and traduce as Doâ—g was the cause that 85. Priests were put to the sword Simler 5. Another kinde of false testimony is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all kinde of lying and false speaking for lying lips are an abomination to the Lord Prov. 12.22 The beginning of lying was from the Devill Ioh. 8.44 When he speaketh a lye thâ—n speaketh he of his owne he is a lyer and the father thereof and the end of liers is to be cast into the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone Basting Pelarg. Of the divers kindes of lies see before quest 6. QUEST XVIII Of a false testimony which a man giveth of himselfe NOw remaineth the last kinde of false testimonies when one is a false witnesse of himselfe and hereof there are two sorts 1. Arrogancy and vaine ostentation when any maketh his boast of vertue and piety which is not at all in him such the Prophet Esay meaneth chap. 65.5 which say Stand apart came not neare me I am holier than thou Such was the Pharisie that vaunted himselfe before the Lord of his fasting and almes 2. The other is coloured and cloaked hypocrisie such was that of the Pharisies that under pretence of long prayer devoured widowes houses Matth. 23.14 these 〈◊〉 gaine and profit the end of their religion Another sort of hypocrites make the praise of men the scope of their dissimulation such were also the Pharisies that caused a trumpet to be blowne before them when they gave their almes and used to pray in the corners of the streets that they might be seene of men Matth. 6. Like unto these Pharisaicall hypocrites were the Monkes in Popery that through a pretence of religion gathered infinite wealth and riches possessions and lands unto their Monasteries and Cels. All these are enemies to the truth and maintainers of falshood making a lye of themselves Simler 3. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. The particular vertues commanded with their contrary vices forbidden IN this Commandement generally is commanded the love confession and defence of the truth and contrariwise is forbidden all lying falshood dissimulation 1. The first vertue then here required is the love of the truth and the franke confession thereof with the mouth and practice in the life therefore the Devill though he sometime speake the truth yet because he loveth it not hee is not of the truth neither can be said to be true The confession of the truth as it concerneth the glory of God belongeth to the third Commandement but as it respecteth the good of our neighbour it is referred to the ninth Concerning this inward love and outward profession of the truth the Prophet David saith describing a righteous man Psal. 15.2 And speaketh the truth in his heart Contrary hereunto are 1. In the defect all kinde of lying whatsoever dissimulation fraud circumventing flattering such the Prophet noteth Psal. 12.2 They speake deceitfully every one with his neighbour flattering with their lips and speake with a double heart the Lord cut off all flattering lips 2. In the excesse there is 1. an intempestive and unseasonable confession of the truth concerning the which our blessed Saviour giveth this caveat Not to give holy things unto dogs nor to cast pearles before swine Matth. 7.6 not in all places and before every one to utter every truth 2. Curiosity which is to enquire things unnecessary or unsearchable as the Apostles were inquisitive after the time of restoring the Kingdome to Israel to whom our Saviour maketh this answer That it was not for them to know the times and seasons which the father hath put in his owne power Act. 1.7 2. Here is required that vertue called Candor which is a favourable interpreting of mens doings and sayings taking all things in the better part and hoping the best where there is no evident cause to the contrary which is an especiall fruit of charity as the Apostle sheweth 1 Cor. 13.7 It beleeveth all things it hopeth all things Contrary hereunto are 1. In the defect first perversenesse taking all things in the worst part and wresting mens sayings and doings to another sense than they meant as the false witnesses did those words of our blessed Saviour Of the destroying the temple and raising it in three dayes which he meant of the temple of his body they turned it to the materiall temple Secondly suspition when men are ready to take every occasion to suspect their neighbour of evill which is contrary to charity which thinketh not evill 1 Cor. 13.5 it is not suspitious Yet all suspition is not condemned in Scripture for our blessed Saviour saith Matth. 10.16 17. Beware of men c. And Bee wise as Serpents c. There is then a good suspition and an evill suspition which are thus distinguished 1. The evill suspition is raised without any cause at all or the same not sufficient the good ariseth of a probable and sufficient cause 2. The evill when upon a bare suspition any thing is certainly concluded the good leaveth the thing suspected in suspense and doubt 3. The evill is when upon suspition followeth hatred and an intention to worke mischiefe the good when one useth his suspition to charitable and friendly admonition 2. In the excesse here offendeth the credulous person that is without all suspition where there is just cause such an one was Godaliah that would suspect nothing of bloudy Ismael that was sent to kill him Ier. 40.16 Secondly the flatterer erreth here who upholdeth men in their sinnes and will not tell them their 〈◊〉 therefore Moses saith Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart but thou shalt plainly rebuke thy neighbour and not suffer him to sinne 3. Simplicity and plainenesse is commanded which is a vertue whereby one plainly and sincerely professeth that which is right and agreeable to the truth without any colouring or cloaking so in Nathanieâ—â— commended for an Israelite indeed in whom there was no guile Ioh. 1.47 Contrary hereunto is doubling and dissembling either in words or workes sayings or doings so Iehâ—nadab that gave that lewd
to Moses but their Elders and the chiefe of them came in the name of the rest Deut. 5.23 Iun. QUEST V. Why the people desire that Moses would speake unto them Vers. 19. ANd said to Moses talke thou with us 1. Some doe here lay fault and blame upon the Israelites in refusing to heare the voice of God and chusing rather that Moses should speake unto them But the Lord commendeth them for so doing Deut. 5.28 They have well said all that they have spoken Therefore they thus spake not as preferring Moses voice before the Lords but because they were not able to heare the Lords voice being so terrible Tostat. quaest 37. 3. And the Lord terrified his people with his thundering voice for these two causes 1. That the people hereby should learne and be taught to feare the Lord. 2. And that they might be driven of themselves by this meanes to desire the ministery of Moses in speaking unto them for it was fit and requisite that as the Lord the Authour and founder of nature had by his owne mouth given such Lawes as were grounded upon nature such as were so evident even by the light of nature as that every one might at the first understand and acknowledge them so that the rest of the Lawes which were not so evident but needed explanation should be declared and rehearsed by Moses Sic Tostat. 4. Beside herein Moses was a type and figure of Christ who is the Mediator betweene God and us and by whom the will of God is revealed unto us Marbach Pelarg. 5. Moses herein formam boni aâ—ditoris describit c. describeth the forme of a good auditour who promiseth to heare and fulfill the precepts of their master Gloss. interlinear QUEST VI. Why the people are afraid they shall dye Vers. 19. LEt not God talke with us lest we dye Wee shall finde in Scripture that it was an usuall thing for men to feare that if they had seene God they should dye as Iacob counteth it a great benefit that he had seene God and yet lived Genes 32. So Gedeon and Manoah when they had seene God were afraid 1. Tostatus maketh this the cause of this feare that if they heard Gods voice any more they should dye because of the infirmity of the body which could not endure the Lords terrible voice for as the harmony of the body is dissolved by any excessive quality as with exceeding great heat or cold Ita excellens tolerabile vel terribile corrumpit potentiam tolerantem So an exceeding terrible or tolerable thing corrupteth and confoundeth the tolerating faculty Tostat. quast 38. But the cause of this feare is not so much in the body for Adam before his fall could endure the voice of God well enough 2. Some understand this of everlasting death Gloss. interlinear But it is evident that they meane the outward and corporall death which is contrary to this temporall life for thus the people say Deut. 5.24 Wee have seene this day that God doth talke with man and he liveth 3. Cajetanus doth gather these two reasons of this their feare both that terrible fire which they were afraid to come neere and the thundring voice of God which they could endure no longer to heare and these two reasons are expressed Deut. 5.25 Now therefore why should we dye for this great fire will consume us if wee heare the voice of the Lord our God any more we shall dye 4. But the greatest cause of this their feare was their sinne Conscius homo peccati c. metuit iram Dei c. Man being guilty to himselfe of sinne feareth the wrath of God Simler as Peter said to our blessed Saviour Luk. 5.8 Lord goe from me for I am a sinfull 〈◊〉 QUEST VII How the Lord is said to come unto them and why Vers. 20. GOd is come to prove you 1. God is said to come unto them not that he goeth from place to place but he came unto them by certaine effects his sinnes and wonders and two other wayes beside the Lord commeth by his word and by afflictions and crosses Simler 2. There are three ends of the Lords comming unto them 1. To trie them 2. That his feare may alway be among them 3. That they sinne not All these three arise one from the other probation and triall worketh feare and feare causeth to flee from sinne 3. So although Moses free them from one kinde of servile feare which was the feare of death and destruction yâ—â— he retaineth them still in that profitable kinde of feare whereby they might be kept in awe and obedience still Simler QUEST VIII How the Lord is said to tempt and prove his people Vers. 20. GOd is come to prove you 1. Deus metaphorice non proprie tentat c. God is not said properly but metaphorically â—o tempt as he is said to be angry Quiâ— facit effectum 〈◊〉 c. because he worketh the like effect as he which tempteth that is to cause the feare and obedience of the people to appeare Cajetan 2. God tempteth the Devill tempteth and man is said to tempt God is not said to prove or try for his owne knowledge and experience Cum omnia Deus videat priusquam 〈◊〉 seeing God knoweth all things before they are done Chrysost. hom 41. in Ioanu But God trieth and proveth Vt nos manifestemur aliis that we should be manifest to others as Abrahams obedience was made knowne to all in that he refused not to sacrifice his sonne vel nobis ipsis or to our selves as the Israelites were tempted in the wildernesse that it might be knowne what was in their heart Deut. 8.2 Tostat. Satan tempteth quia evertere â—ititur because he goeth about to supplant and overthrow us as hee tempted Iob. Home aliquando tentat ut probat aliquando ut rapiat Man sometime tempteth to prove sometime to catch as the Scribes and Pharisies tempted Christ to entangle him Ambros. in 2 Cor. 13. QUEST IX Why the people stood afarre off and where Vers. 21. SO the people stood afarre off 1. Cajetanus thinketh that the people returned not to their tents but stood a little from the mountaine and continued in the place whither they fled before vers 18. Tostat. 2. But it is evident Deut. 5.30 that they were bidden to goe unto their tents Iun. For as Moses went up neerer unto the presence of God so the people went still further backward unto their tents being so commanded of the Lord. 3. The mysticall signification hereof is that our sinnes doe make us stand aloofe off from God untill wee be reconciled by a Mediatour whereof Moses was a type and figure here Simler QUEST X. How Moses is said to draw neere to the darknesse BVt Moses drew neere unto the darknesse c. 1. Moses was in the darknesse before for all the hill was covered with smoake but he was not in that darknesse wherein the Lord was Vbi expressiora signa fiâ—â—ant quibus
so he taketh here si if for quia because Contra But the very letter of the law is against this exposition for it is expresly said The oxe shall be stoned and the owner shall die also But if the owner might at his libertie redeeme his life with money then he should never be put to death and so that clause of the law should be superfluous Tostat. quaest 29. 2. Neither yet is Tostatus opinion here to be received Quandoque posuit in electione cognatorum c. That the law doth put it in the choice of the kinsmen of the slaine when they would demand the owner to die and when they thought good to set him a summe of money and so hee maketh this a different case from that vers 22. where the Judges were to set the summe of money because it was no capitall offence but here he is to pay whatsoever is required by the adversarie part without any moderation or limitation of the Judges because the offence being capitall cannot be valued or esteemed by any certaine summe of money Tostat. quast 28. Contra. But this is not like that this was left to the choice of the adversaries for either they might set such an unreasonable summe which the owner was not able to pay or else might use partialitie that in the very like case some owner should die when another should escape with his life and so the law should not be equall and indifferent to all 3. Some thinke that it was in the Judges discretion to change the sentence of death into a pecuniary mulct concedit lâ—x quòd possit Iudex decernere c. The law alloweth the Judge to determine c. Cajetan Lippoman thinketh that the adversaries were to make the demand praevia tamen non iniqui Iudiciâ— moderatione c. yet by the moderation of an indifferent Judge going before But if it were altogether arbitrarie in the Judge when a man should die in this case when not to what end saith the law The owner shall die also In that case then there propounded he was certainly to die which sentence by the Judge could not be dispensed with 4. Therefore I thinke rather with Iunius that in this mitigation of the former sentence of death a divers case is put from the former that if the owner of the oxe non satis scivit did not sufficiently know it vel non satis cavit or did not take heed enough thinking he had sufficiently provided for his beast that in this case he might be excused Si simplick as vel incogitantiâ— hominem excusaâ—â—t if the mans simplicitie or forgetfulnesse did excuse him c. so that he were not found to be wilfully negligent and carelesse the Judge might set him at a summe of money Calvin QUEST LXVII What servants this law meaneth Hebrewes or strangers Vers. 32. IF the oxe goare a servant or maid 1. Some thinke this is generally meant of all servants among the Hebrewes where lesse respect is had unto servants than unto free men Vt cura libertatis major vigeret in populo Dei c. That there should be more care had of libertie among the people of God that they come not through their owne default into servitude and bondage Lippoman 2. But it is rather understood of such servants as were Gentiles and strangers and not Hebrewes as may appeare by the former lawes vers 20.26 which are onely referred unto that kinde of servants Iun. For in all kinde of percussions and wrongs offred to the bodie or life the Hebrew servants had the same privilege which free men had Againe Tostatus addeth this reason because if he were an Hebrew servant that was killed the money should not be given to his master but so much onely as his service remaining might be valued at the rest was to goe rather to his children or kindred as put the case that his service were esteemed at foure sicles yearly and there remained but one yeare of his service before the seventh yeare came then his master was to have but foure sicles of the thirtie sicles But because the Gentile servants were their masters perpetuall possession the whole summe which the servant was valued at that perished belonged unto them Tostat. quaest 3. QUEST LXVIII Why a certaine summe of money is set for all servants Vers. 32. HE shall give unto their masters thirtie sicles The common sicle weighed the fourth part of an ounce of silver so that thirtie sicles made seven ounces and an halfe that is so many dolleâ—â— seven crownes starling and an halfe Iun. which is about 37.s. 6.d. of our money Now although there was great difference in the price of servants for the men servants were more worth than the maids and the young and strong than the old and weake yet a certaine rate is set for these reasons 1. Some thinke this proportion and summe is named because out of Cham there issued thirtie generations Gen. 7. from whom servitude tooke beginning But this is but a figurative reason which rather belonged to the ceremoniall than to the politike lawes Tostat. quaest 29. 2. These reasons rather may bee yeelded 1. That whereas the summe for the death of a free man is arbitrarie vers 30. but the certaine quantitie is named for a servant slaine by a beast this was to shew a difference betweene servants and free men Cajetan 2. Quia caedes erat involuntaria c. Because this slaughter was involuntarie and the owners negligence onely is punished therefore one servant is not set at an higher rate than another Simler 3. And beside this moderate and indifferent price is taxed that the owner of the oxe and the master of the servant might as it were divide the losse betweene them that seeing it was done of negligence non multum gravaretur in solvendo Dominus bovis The owner of the oxe should not be burthened with over great payment Tostat. quaest 29. QUEST LXIX What kinde of wells this law meaneth where and by whom digged Vers. 33. WHen a man shall open a well or digge a pit c. 1. Here are two cases put when either one uncovereth a well digged alreadie or diggeth a new well and leaveth it uncovered then he is subject to this law Lyran. For if one made a well and left it covered and another commeth and uncovereth it though he made it not now he is in fault and not the other that made it quia causam immediatam tribuit malo because hee is the immediate cause of the evill or mischiefe that is done Tostat. qu. 30. 2. Rab. Salomon thinketh that if the master commanded another to make a well and leave it uncovered that in this case he is not to make good the losse but he that made it Contra. If he that made it were a servant who could not gainsay his masters commandement in this case the master was rather to be charged with the penaltie than the servant because he was the cause but if
consumitur amissis membris suis so the Devill is devoured his members being lost and taken from him So doth Rupertus understand by this image beaâ—en to powder Eos qui ex parte diaboli per poenitentiam confracti c. Those which having beene as of the body of the Devill are broken by repentance 8. Gregorie maketh this action propheticall to signifie the generall destruction of idols thorow the world Cernas oculis qui huiâ— vanitati erant prius dediti templa sua diruentes c. You may see with your eyes that they which trusted before in their idols doe now pull downe their temples And Procopius by the drinking thereof with the mouth understandeth the true confession of the faith quae ore fit which is done with the mouth whereby idolatrie is overthrowne But the other historicall reasons are rather to be insisted upon And this drinking of the water mixed with this powder was rather an evill signe unto them as the bitter water was unto the adulterous woman Numb 5. than a signification of any good QUEST LIX Whether by the drinking of the water any visible signe of difference was made among the people who had most deeply offended about the golden Calfe BUt some further affirme that this drinking of the water served to another end than that thereby some signe of difference might be made betweene the Ring-leaders unto this idolatrie and the rest that they might easily bee discerned of the Levites when they went up and downe in the host killing those whom they met 1. Therefore R. Salomon thinketh that this bitter water did cause their bellies to swell that were guiltie of this great sinne but to the rest it was pleasant and wholsome water like as the water of jealousie Numb 5. did cause the adulterous womans belly to swell and her thigh to rot but if shee were not guiltie it made her fruitfull 2. Others thinke that the signe was this everie ones beard that consented unto this idolatrie was coloured yellow like unto gold and by this marke the Levites knew them from others But if there had beene any such visible marke set upon them seeing most of the camp consented unto this sinne there should have beene more found guiltie and more slaine than three thousand vers 28. 3. Tostatus thinketh that there was some externall and visible signe caused by drinking of the water though he will not determine what it was because it was not like that the Levites would hand over head slay one with another And he thinketh that Aaron drinking of the water had not that marke because the Lord pardoned his sinne because hee was thereunto drawne by compulsion This instance of Aaron sheweth that the drinking of the water did make no such signe for then Aaron should have had it whose sin was not yet pardoned neither had Moses yet intreated for him having not yet examined him The Levites might know to make difference among the people some other way than by any such visible signe See more of this quest 70. following QUEST LX. How farre Moses fact herein is to be imitated BUt whereas Moses did not onely put downe this abominable idoll but made it altogether unprofitable for any use burning and beating it to powder the question is how farre Moses herein is to be imitated 1. Neither is their opinion to be approved which take this example of Moses to be extraordinarie in demolishing this golden Calfe for as Moses did take away this publike stumbling blocke so it belongeth unto Princes è mâ—dio tollere to remove out of the way whatsoever is done against the worship of God as Hesekiah did likewise breake downe the brazen Serpent after it began to bee abused to idolatrie Ferus Who addeth further I would we had now some Moses to take away the evils which are in the Church Non enim unum tantùm vitulum habemus sed multos For we have not one golden calfe but many Thus Ferus complaineth of the Papall Church 2. But this is extraordinarie in Moses example that he converteth not this golden idoll unto any use but consumeth it to powder Herein Christian Magistrates are not bound to follow Moses example for Moses fact herein was singular ad majorem detestationem c. for the greater detestation of idolatrie Now it is lawfull to convert things consecrate to idolatrie to some profitable use ut juventur membra Christi that the members of Christ may be helped and releeved Gallas 3. And in that Moses doth remove this idoll which none else attempted to doe yet it may bee thought that many in Israel were offended with it so magistratus officium est non privatorum hominum it is the office of the magistrate not of private men to take away idolatrous images Osiander QUEST LXI How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of this sinne Vers. 21. WHat did this people vnto thee that thou hast brought c. 1. Moses layeth this sinne upon Aaron though he were not the first author of it because hee being left in Moses place stayed not the people by his authoritie therefore he is worthily reproved tanquam author sceleris quod passus est admitti as the author of this sinne which he suffered to be committed Calvin so that permissio peccati aeque in vitio sit atque commissio the permitting of sinne is as well in fault as the committing Pelarg. 2. Here then the Hebrewes in seeking to excuse Aaron and the people as seduced by the Egyptians doe labour in vaine seeing Moses doth so straitly charge Aaron as a principall doer in it for if he had not grievously sinned why should Moses here make him the cause of this sinne and the Lord be so offended with him that he purposed to slay him if Moses had not intreated for him Deut. 9.20 And in these three things Aaron sinned 1. In not staying the people and stilling them 2. In that besides consenting unto them hee is an agent in making a Calfe for them 3. And being made hee approved it and set up an altar before it So that Aaron is no more here to be excused than Peter in the Gospell which denied his Master Oleaster 3. Yet Aaron sinned not as the people did but as there were degrees of offenders among the people some incouraged and perswaded others some only gave consent and were seduced by others perswasion to commit idolatrie and some did neither but onely went with the multitude for company to desire a Calfe to be made So Aarons sin differed from the rest timore ductus fabricavit vitulum hee made a Calfe being drawne by feare Tostat. qu. 33. And therefore Moses dealeth otherwise with Aaron than with the people Aaronem verbis redarguit populum cecîdit gladio Hee rebukes Aaron in words the people he slayeth with the sword Ferus 4. But yet Aarons sinne cannot bee so much extenuated as to free him from the sinne of idolatrie as Tostatus confesseth that he sinned Nec
tamen sequitur ex hoc quòd fuit idololatra and yet it followeth not hereupon that he was an idolater for howsoever Aaron thought in his heart the verie making of an idoll to be worshipped erecting of an altar and offering sacrifice unto it all which Aaron did doe proclaime him guiltie of externall idolatrie QUEST LXII Why idolatrie is called a great sinne THis great sinne 1. Idolatrie is counted a great sinne even in the highest degree because it is a sinne committed directly against God not as other sinnes of the second table which are done against our neighbour which are also against God because they are against his Law but not directly against Gods honor as the sins against the first table are 2. And among all the sins of the first table there is none which so directly impugneth the honour of God as idolatrie for he which taketh Gods name in vaine or prophaneth the Sabbath is an enemie to Gods honour but yet such an one denieth not the Lord to bee God as idolaters doe Tostat. qu. 33. 3. Like as then in a Common-wealth all offences are against the King because they are against his Lawes but those which are against his person are most directly against him and among them treason specially which is intended against his life of the same nature is idolatrie which is high treason against God 4. Thomas saith Tantum est aliquod peccatum gravius quanto longius per ipsum homo à Deo separatur A sinne is so much the more grievous the further wee are thereby removed from God but by infidelitie and idolatrie one is furthest separated from God 5. Idolatrie also is a great and grievous sinne in regard of the judgement and punishment which it bringeth with it for here Aaron as much as in him lay aâ—â—er fit ultimam cladem had brought upon them utter destruction Calvin if Moses had not turned the Lords wrath they had all beene at once destroyed QUEST LXIII Why Moses onely rebuketh Aaron and forbeareth further punishment NOw that Moses spared Aaron from further punishment and onely rebuked him 1. Some make this to be the cause for that the Lord had revealed unto Moses Aarons sinne in the mount before he came downe at what time Moses prayed also for him seeing the Lord bent to kill him Tostat. qu. â—5 But that intreatie for Aaron was afterward at Moses second going up to God when hee fasted fortie dayes and fortie nights as before at that time he saith he prayed for Aaron Deut. 9.20 And seeing at this time the Lord purposed to destroy all the nation and so Aaron could not escape Moses now onely prayed in generall for all Israel that God would not destroy the whole nation 2. Others thinke that Moses did after a milde manner reprove Aaron quiae sic arguendi praelati because Prelates and Ecclesiasticall Governours are so to be reproved Ferus he thinketh he was now the high Priest So also Oleaster calleth him Pontificem summum the chiefe Priest But as yet Aaron was not consecrated as Lippoman inferreth upon these reasons Quia non illi improperatur conspâ—râ—atum sacerdotium He is not upbraided with defiling of his Priesthood by this meanes neither doe we read of his reconciliation afterward which should not have beene omitted in such a case of irregularitie 3. Procopius thinketh that Aaron was both spared at this time and afterward likewise when he repined against Moses cum propter alias causas tum propter sanctos ex ejus lumbis prodituros Both for other causes as also for those holy mens sakes which should come out of his loynes But if this had beene the reason all the tribes should have beene spared likewise because out of all of them came holy and worthy men Judges Prophets or Kings 4. But the causes rather were these 1. Aaron confessed his sinne and therefore Moses inclined to favour him 2. Moses afterward intreated the Lord for him and the Lord at his instance forgiving his sinne the punishment also was remitted Simler 3. Adde hereunto that Aaron was now appointed to be high Priest order was taken for his priestly apparell and his office what it should be and how he and his sonnes should bee consecrated all which had beene in vaine if Aaron now had perished 4. Beside Moses had direction from God to put divers of the people to the sword for this offence but for Aaron hee had no such commandement 5. But Augustine yeeldeth the best reason Novit ille cui parcat c. God onely knoweth whom to spare for amendment and whom not to spare at all or for a time for his wayes and judgements are past finding out qu. 148. 5. Now whereas Tostatus further reasoneth that Moses by all likelihood had prayed for Aaron in the mount because then the Lord did specially reveale unto him his sinne for otherwise Moses had knowne nothing of Aarons doings as he did as it appeareth by this reprehension it may be answered that it is not necessarie for this cause to presuppose any such notice to have beene given unto Moses in the mount for either Moses might by examination and inquirie after hee came downe learne out the truth or which is rather like Moses Aaronem vicarium constituerat had left Aaron his deputie governour when he went up into the mount Simler and therefore he was sure that such a thing could not bee attempted in the host without Aarons permission at the least and sufferance QUEST LXIV What things are to be commended in Aarons confession what not Vers. 22. THen Aaron answered c. 1. Some things are to be commended here in Aarons confession 1. His modestie that being Moses elder brother yet hee calleth him Lord and submitteth himselfe unto him whereof these two reasons may be yeelded both because Moses was greater in office than Aaron both as a Prophet and Governour of Israel Tostat. qu. 32. and his owne conscience accused him agnoscebat sejure argui he knew he was worthily reproved 2. Aaron confesseth and acknowledgeth his fault in saying Let not the wrath of my Lord waâ— fâ—erce Agnoscit crimen hee therein yeeldeth himselfe to be in fault Borrh. 3. He maketh a full and large declaration of the manner rem gestam liberè confiâ—etur he freely openeth all the matter how it was done Pelarg. both what the people required and upon what reason and ground what he did and what came thereof rem ut gesta est simpliciter narraâ— he simply declareth the matter as it was done 2. But Aaron in some things sheweth his infirmitie 1. Peccatum culpam in alios trajicere studet Hee seeketh to turne over the sinne and offence upon others laying the fault upon the people Ferus 2. Aaron bewrayeth some hypocrisie that seeketh to extenuate his fault as much as he can being afraid nâ— aliquid de existimatione sua decodat lest he should lose any thing of his credit Simler 3. He sheweth his ignorance thinking
where I use to commune with thee it seemeth then that the Lord was in some part of the mount by the description of the place in the rocke 3. Therefore it is like that this communication was had betweene the Lord and Moses not in the top of mount Sinai for then the Lord at this time would have shewed this sight which was not done till afterward when the Lord proclaimed his name Iehovah before Moses which followeth in the next Chapter chap. 34.7 Gallas But Moses went up to some part of the mountaine the next day after the slaughter of the people chap. 32.30 where he had all this conference with God which is declared in this Chapter saving that it is somewhat interrupted by the inserting of that narration of the peoples laying aside of their best garments and Moses removing of the Tabernacle out of the host vers 7. to vers 12. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. That the contemplative life should not hinder the active Vers. 23. AFter he returned to the host Moses did not dwell in the Tabernacle which he pitched without the host but returned againe to the campe after he had talked with God to attend the businesse of the people which sheweth that men should not be so much given to the contemplative life as to neglect their callings and to withdraw themselves from doing good unto others As some in time past for love of solitarie life being fit for their gifts to bee imployed in the Church did utterly refuse all kinde of calling therein But this is not the fault of this age Nimius ambitus jam damnandus too much ambition in seeking of preferment in Church and Common-wealth is now rather to be condemned Simler But our blessed Saviour sheweth by his example what a good temper should be made of the active and contemplative life who in the day time taught in the Temple and in the night went out and abode in the mount of Olives there giving himselfe to prayer Luk. 21.37 2. Doct. Grace with God is of mercie not by works Vers. 12. THou hast found grace in my sight Oleaster hereupon noteth that man is said to find grace Quia eam quasi thesaurum casu invenit non suâ— industria aut labore Because he findeth it unlooked for as a treasure not by his owne labour or industrie as the Apostle saith It is not in him that willeth or runneth but in God that sheweth mercie 3. Doct. The Lord knoweth all his Elect by name Vers. 12. I Know thee by name This sheweth that God hath a peculiar and particular knowledge of the elect as here Moses is knowne unto God by name And lest any should thinke that this was a speciall privilege unto Moses that he was more knowne unto God than another Procopius addeth I thinke it were better ut universaliter ille locus accipiatur de omni qui eadem qua Mosis pollent sanctitate That generally this place be understood of every one that is endued with Moses holinesse c. So the Apostle maketh a generall doctrine of it The foundation of God remaineth sure and hath this seale the Lord knoweth who are his 4. Doct. That there is mention made in Moses of everlasting life Vers. 20. NO man shall see me and live Cajetan well urgeth this place against those which thinke there is no mention made in Moses of everlasting felicitie For if no man should see God after this life it had beene sufficient to say no man shall see me at all therefore in adding and live hee insinuateth Quod adempta hominis vita poterit homo videre ipsum That when this life is taken away a man may see him c. As the Apostle saith When he appeareth we shall be like him for we shall see him as he is c. 1. Ioh. 3.3 5. Doct. A difference betweene the decree of election and reprobation Vers. 19. I Will shew mercie to whom I will shew mercie Marbachius here observeth the difference betweene election and reprobation Electio citra respectum operum nostrorum est Election is without the respect of our works but Damnatio reprobatio non est sine operum hominis respectu Damnation and reprobation is not without respect of mens works for if it were otherwise it would follow that the absolute will of God is the cause of their damnation which were contrarie to the Prophet I will not the death of a sinner The Apostle indeed calleth the vessels of wrath prepared to destruction as it is said He hath prepared the vessels of mercie unto glorie But yet with this difference it is said actively that God hath prepared the one to glorie his will and decree is the onely cause of their election without any foresight of their works it is of his mercie as here the Lord saith to Moses but the other are said passively to be prepared because first the Lord doth Eos in sordibus suis relinquere leave them in their filthinesse and upon the foresight of their sinne decree them unto everlasting damnation God doth sponte praeterire of his owne will as he electeth some so pretermit others but the decree of actuall condemnation is upon the foresight of their sinne See more Synops. pag. 822. 5 Places of Controversie 1. Controv. Of the corrupt reading of the Latine text Vers. 15. WHereas the Hebrew text here readeth to this effect If thy face goe not with us The Latine text changeth it thus If thou goe not which Tostatus justifieth thus that Hierom Cautissime mutavit did most warilie change it because there should otherwise seeme to be no difference betweene the Lords answer and Moses replie as now there is for by my face the Lord might understand his Angell But Moses is not contented that Gods Angell goe with them but requireth that the Lord himselfe would be their guide Contra. 1. If the Latine translator were cautelous in altering of the originall reading for If thy presence goe not If thou goe not then it would follow that it is an oversight in the originall and what is this else but for man to take upon him to correct the enditing of the Spirit 2. By Gods face and presence Moses understood not any Angell but God himselfe as vers 20. the Lord by face understandeth himselfe Thou canst not see my face for there shall no man see me and live 3. Neither doth the difference betweene the Lords speech and Moses replie consist in that distinction as is shewed before quest 31. the like error is committed before vers 13. where the Latine Interpreter readeth Shew me thy face for shew me thy way 2. Controv. That our calling is altogether of grace Vers. 19. I Will shew mercie to whom I will shew mercie Ambrose hereupon inferreth well Quod Dei gratiam nemo praeveniat merito suo c. That no man preventeth Gods grace by his merit as hee further proveth by that place of the Apostle 1 Ioh. 4.10
he were a mercenarie man or an hireling then he together with the master that set him aworke are joyntly to beare the losse because it was in his power to have refused Tostat. So then not onely he that maketh such a pit and leaveth it uncovered but he that also caused it are punishable by this law Iun. 3. But in this other point R. Salomon his opinion is very probable that this law must be understood of such pits as were made in such common and usuall places where cattell used to goe not of such as were digged in solitarie and unfrequented places as in the mountaines for then it was a meere chance if any such casualtie happened Tostat. Lyran. Neither can this law take place now when men have their severall and divided grounds wherein they make their pits and wels which divisions were not so usuall among the Israelites then Gallas 4. Though mention be made onely of the oxe and asse that shall fall into the pit yet there is the same reason of other cattell as of sheepe and goats Lyran. But there is a greater doubt what should bee done if a man and woman should perish by such meanes Simlerus seemeth to be of opinion that the owner or maker of the pit should be punished in this case as if hee had not kept his oxe that used to goare But the life of man is of greater value than to be taken away where there is no direct law but by a kinde of consequent If indeed any man should of purpose leave open a well to intrap his brother here he is guiltie of wilfull murther because he lay in wait for his brother and therefore was to die for it according to the law vers 14. But if the pit bee left open of negligence in this case the digger of the pit shall not make satisfaction for the life of a man as for a beast there decaying because a man in his reason and discretion could better prevent the danger of falling into the pit than a bruit beast 5. Gregorie doth thus mystically applie this law Quid est aperire cisternam nisi sacra scriptura arcaâ— penetrare c. What is it to open a well but to search into the Arke of the sacred Scripture Subliâ—â—s sensus coram non capientibus silentiâ— contegat Let him cover with silence the high and secret sense before those which cannot conceive them otherwise he shall be guiltie si per verba ejus mens in scandalum c. if by his words the simple minde of the hearer shall be scandalized Gregor 17. moral cap. 13. 6. Thomas doth thus moralize Then one giveth occasion of falling to another which is to fall into the pit quando facit aliquid vel dicit minùs ratum when hee doth or saith any thing which is not right whereby occasion is ministred to another of falling Thom. quodlibet 4. art 23. ad 3. QUEST LXX How the live and dead oxe are to be divided where they were not of equall value Vers. 35. IF a mans oxe hurt his neighbours oxe c. they shall divide c. 1. This is not meant of the oxe onely but of other cattell also as if one mans ramme kill another à parte totum intelligendum est by one part the whole is to be understood August quaest 82. in Exod. 2. And this law is most equall because it cannot be knowne which of them first assaulted the other the one being not knowne to push more than the other that both the live dead should be equally divided Simler The like law the Romans had in the 12. tables that if ones beast hurt another the owner should make it good or deliver the beast Gallas 3. But this division must bee understood where the beasts are of equall value otherwise there should be wrong done to one of them As if the dead oxe were worth six pound and the live oxe but two pound if both should be divided then he that was owner of the live oxe should receive foure pound twice so much as his oxe were worth and the other should lose two pound in the price of his beast the meaning then is that an equall division should be made where the oxen are equall in value and the losse in the dead oxe to bee equally borne by them both as if the live oxe bee worth six pound and the dead oxe was worth as much being alive but now is valued at foure pound then either of them both the oxen being sold should have five pound a peece and so each of them should beare 20.s. losse Lyran. But where the value was unequall first the price must bee made up in money where the oddes was and then the rest divided as if the live oxe were worth 12. sicles and the dead oxe worth but six alive and foure now he is dead these being now both sold make 16. sicles in all of this summe first six sicles must be given unto the owner of the live oxe to make up the equall value of the dead oxe which was worth but six then the residue being ten sicles should bee divided to each of them five sicles and so the losse should bee indifferently borne betweene them Tostat. quaest 32. 4. To know then how an equall division may bee made when the beasts are of unequall value these rules must be observed 1. Si non perdit uterque aequaliter â—f both doe not lose alike the owner of the live beast and the owner of the dead the division is not equall Tostat. quaest 33. Medietas damni debet poni super unum c. The halfe of the losse must bee laid upon one and the other halfe upon the other Lyran. As if the live oxe be worth 12. sicles and the dead oxe was worth but six being alive and now is sold for foure here are two sicles lost which must bee equally borne betweene them so that the owner must have five sicles and so he loseth but one 2. Another rule is that if either of the owners receive more for the live or dead oxe than it was worth being alive the division is not good as in the former example if the owner of the live oxe should have above 12. sicles or the owner of the dead above six 3. If the owner of the dead oxe have lesse allowed him than his dead oxe is worth as if hee should receive but three sicles when the dead carcase is sold for foure 4. If the owner of the dead oxe receive as much for the dead as he was worth alive as namely six sicles whereas he is worth but foure the division is unjust for now the whole losse of two sicles should lie altogether upon the owner of the live oxe Tostat. quaest 33. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of keeping the seventh day of rest holy unto God Vers. 2 IN the seventh yeare he shall goe out free Consider here Quali affectu Deus diem septimum prosequatur c.
so doubtfully as not knowing what was befallen him Lyranus And beside God would not have suffered Satan in the same place where hee gave them signes of his glorious presence in the clouds to have practised his cosening and counterfeit tricks 2. They shew their contempt not vouchsafing to call him by his name Contemptim virum illum appellabant c. They in contempt call him the man c. Lippoman 3. They also bewray their infidelitie that having daily experience how the Lord fed them with manna could not conceive how the Lord should preserve Moses alive also fortie dayes without any supplie of food from them Simler 4. They shew their oblivion and forgetfulnesse that having seene Moses goe up into the mountaine and entring into the thicke cloud talking with God they now begin to imagine that he might be consumed and devoured in those flames Osiander 5. This their apostasie and falling away from God and despising of his Prophet did prefigure their falling away afterward from Christ Ferus QUEST XII Why Aaron bad them pull off their earings Vers. 2. THen Aaron said plucke off the golden earings c. 1. Some thinke because the people made great account of their jewels and earings that Aaron by this meanes did thinke to have turned them from their purpose So Augustine Intelligitur illis difficilia pracipere voluisse ut isto modo ab illa intentione revocaret He may be thought to have commanded them hard things to revoke them from their intention c. So also Tostatus Lyranus 2. And Calvin further addeth that he required this lest they might have spoiled the Tabernacle to finde gold for this idoll and he might thinke the people would have beene more hardly drawne unto it because they had given so liberally unto the Tabernacle alreadie But Calvin is herein deceived for the Tabernacle was not yet made Moses being not come downe from the mount where he received instruction for the making of the Tabernacle 3. Further Aaron might thinke that the women would hardly have parted with their jewels and that there might have risen by this meanes some tumults and stirres in their families by which meanes this attempt should have beene stayed Siml Oleast And this is very like that Aaron used all meanes secretly to have put off the people but herein was his great fault that he dissembled in so weightie a matter and did not plainly and openly stay the people QUEST XIII Whether Aarons sin here is to be excused SOme goe about to excuse or extenuate Aarons offence here 1. Bernard alleageth that Aaron was forced thereunto Sceleratis tumultuantis populi contra volunt atem suam cessit clamoribus Hee gave way unto the wicked clamours of the people against his owne minde So also Theodoret Vitulum formaré necessario coactus est He was forced of necessitie to frame a calfe And so he excuseth himselfe afterward by the peoples outrage vers 22. But nothing should have compelled Aaron to doe evill he should have feared God rather than man and chosen to die before he would see God dishonoured 2. Ambrose saith Neque excusare tantum Sacerdotem possumus neque condemnare audemus We can neither excuse so great a Priest nor yet dare condemne him But seeing Moses did afterward sharply reprove him and the Lord would for this have slaine him Deut. 9. there is no question but that he most grievously sinned 3. Some alleage by way of excuse that all Aarons courses tended to have sought delayes till Moses comming in that he called for their earings which he thought would have beene gathered with much trouble and businesse then he casteth them altogether and melteth them and then caused it to bee fashioned with a graving toole after that he made an Altar and deferred the solemnitie till the next day Oleaster But all this being granted it is so farre from excusing Aaron that perfidiosior est assensus c. his consent is so much the more treacherous dissembling his conscience when he saw idolatrie so grounded and rooted in the people than if he had given a simple assent Iun. in Analys 4. Procopius saith Quasi convitienda exprobrat c. Aaron doth as it were upbraid them and scoffingly say unto them These are thy gods c. but neither were these the words of Aaron the people so said neither is it like that Aaron being afraid of them would have scoffed with them wherefore that Aaronâ— sinne was very grievous and inexcusable doth now follow to be shewed in the next question 5. Theodoret addeth Primo populi impetum verbis compâ—scere tentavit c. That first he tried to pacifie the heat of the people with words But this is not expressed in the text it may be he would have disswaded them but that he saw them so violently carried that there was no speaking unto them QUEST XIV Of the greatnesse of Aarons sinne AArons sin then is made manifest set forth by these circumstances 1. In respect of his person he had often conference with God and by him the Lord had wrought great works and miracles in Egypt therefore his example was so much the more dangerous and his fall the greater 2. The thing that hee consented unto was a breach of the first table it was not theft or adulterie or such like but wicked idolatrie for Spiritualia peccata graviora sunt Spirituall evils are more grievous Ferus 3. Quod propriis manibus accipit signum est effoeminati servilis animi In that he taketh their earings with his owne hands it was a signe of an effeminate and servile minde Calvin 4. He sinned also grievously in his dissimulation when for feare hee against his owne conscience dissembled and so betrayed the truth Iun. 5. Borrhaius addeth that he sinned two wayes beside in usurping a lawgivers office which belonged unto Moses and in bringing in new ripes and worship which God had not commanded But Aaron offended not in the first because Moses had left him governour in his place till he returned but in the latter his presumption was great 6. Aarons fall also appeareth in this that after he made a golden calfe seeing it to be pleasing unto the people he was so forward afterward both in making an Altar and proclaiming a solemnitie Pelarg. QUEST XV. Why it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall NOw it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall 1. Vt humiliaretur that he might be humbled lest hee might afterward have beene too much lifted up being called to bee high Priest Ferus 2. By this example we doe see Sanctissimos interdum faede labi c. that holy men may sometime grossely fall Borrh. 3. This sheweth that Aarons Priesthood was not perfect nor able fully to reconcile men unto God seeing he himselfe was a sinner Marb Quomodo unus captivus alium liberaret How should one captive deliver another Ferus Or one sinner make reconciliation for another 4. And for this
cause also it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall Vt nemo de gratia sua praesumat that no man should presume of his gifts or strength but let him that standeth as the Apostle saith take heed lest he fall Ferus 5. And by Aarons presumption we see how dangerous a thing it is to bring any thing into Gods service without his warrant Borrh. QUEST XVI How the golden calfe is said to be fashioned with a graving toole Vers. 4. ANd fashioned it with a graving toole and made thereof a molten calfe 1. The word here translated a graving toole is chereth which is sometime taken for a bag or purse as 2 King 5.22 where it is said that Naaman bound two talents of silver in two bags gave them to Gehezi and so some thinke that Aaron put all the peoples jewels and earings in a bag together lest they might thinke he had converted any part thereof to his owne use Cajetan but the other word vajatâ—ar he fashioned is against this sense 2. But most usually chereth is taken for a penny style or graving toole and so some thinke that Aaron with this instrument did draw a patterne making the proportion of a calfe which the workmen should follow in their casting So R. Salom. Osiand Lyran. 3. Others thinke that with this instrument Aaron made a mould in clay or such like matter and the mettall cast into it received that forme Tost q. 10. Oleast 4. Simlerus maketh a double use of this graving toole Vnum in formandâ— typo alterum in perpoliendo operefuso One in making the mould the other in polishing the worke after it was cast 5. But I rather subscribe to Gallasius that thinketh here is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a transposing of the words putting the latter first for the golden calfe was first cast and melted and then polished and trimmed with a graving toole as workmen use to doe 6. This calfe was made by Founders worke there are three wayes to make and frame things of mettall either by hammering and beating them to some fashion as the Cherubs upon the Arke were made or by joyning the peeces and joints together which are sunderly made or by casting and melting it in a mould and so was this golden calfe made Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XVII Why Aaron caused the likenesse of a calfe to be made rather than of any other thing Vers. 4. A Molten calfe 1. Some of the Hebrewes give this ridiculous reason why the image of a calfe was made rather than of any other thing when the Israelites were comming out of Egypt and intended to bring out Iosephs bones with them as they did they say Nilus had overflowen the place where his bones were and so Moses did make the picture of a calfe in a certaine golden plate which floting upon the water shewed the place where Iosephs bones lay which plate they say was brought among other jewels to Aaron here and cast into the fire by vertue whereof the whole masse of gold was turned into the shape of a calfe But here are many fables couched together 1. It is a very tale that Iosephs bones were found out by any such meanes 2. The people onely brought their golden earings therefore no such plate 3. Neither was there any such vertue in that golden plate if there had beene any such to convert or change the whole masse 4. Neither was there any such cause seeing the molten calfe was cast in a mould Opere fusario by Founders worke as the Latine translator readeth 2. R. Abraham seemeth to thinke that this figure of a calfe was made rather than any other as apâ—est at that time to receive some divine and celestiall influence but though Aaron were at this present grossely blinded and deceived yet it were impietie to thinke that he was given to such superstitious astrologicall observations as to make figures to derive some secret supernaturall influence and vertue into by the celestiall constellations 3. Some thinke that Aaron caused a calfe to be made to deride them as Helias did Baals Priests supposing they would not be so absurd as to ascribe divine vertue unto a calfe Procopius But it seemeth that Aaron was in good earnest by that which followeth in that he set up an Altar and proclaimed an holy day 4. It is further alleaged by some that Aaron intended not to make any thing of the gold thinking that the fire might consume it but that the Egyptians which were in the campe by their art Magike and by the operation of the devill caused the image of a calfe to come forth Ex Fero. But it may appeare vers 24. by Aarons confession unto Moses that he intended to make them an image when he cast the mettall into the fire and to what end else served the graving toole but to fashion it he would not have polished and trimmed the devils worke 5. Some further thinke they would have a calfe made because the sacrifices of bullocks are the chiefest and thereby they thought the better to please God But it is not like that they had any such purpose at this time to doe that which was pleasing unto God seeing they had heard not long before the Lord by his owne mouth forbidding them to make any kinde of image to worship 6. It is therefore most like that Aaron according to the desire of the people made a Calfe like unto the Egyptian god Apis which they had seene the Egyptians to worship and therefore they were drawne by the corrupt imitation of them to have the image of a Calfe made Lyran. Calvin Simler Gallas Augustine addeth further that the Egyptians had set up the image of an oxe or bullocke by Iosephs tombe which they worshipped So the Interlinâ—â—ry glosse giveth this reason Quia bovem adoraverunt in Aegypto Because they had used to worship a bullocke in Egypt And the Egyptians used to worship their King being dead under the forme of a live bullocke Plin. lib. 8. cap. 46. QUEST XVIII Whether the Israelites thought indeed the golden Calfe to be the God that delivered them THen they said These be thy gods O Israel which brought thee out of Egypt 1. Procopius thinketh that these words were uttered by Aaron and that hereby he would have brought them to remember that God which had brought them out of Egypt But it is evident by the text that these were the acclamations of the people 2. Lyranus thinketh that the people attribuebat idolo did attribute unto this idoll it selfe those great wonders which God had wrought for their deliverance and therefore for honour of this idoll they speake in the plurall number as men used to doe to great persons But it is not like they were so mad as to thinke the golden Calfe brought them out of Egypt cum res esset inanimata it being a thing without life Ferus And men use to speake for more honour sake in the plurall number in the first and second