him as he is But yet this must be understood with three conditions the first is touched by Hierome Non solum Divinitutem Patris c. posse oculos carnis aspicere sed mentis That not onely the Divinitie of the Father but neither of the Sonne or holy Ghost can the eyes of the bodie see but of the minde c. So also Athanasius as he is cited by Augustine Deum omnino esse invisibilem c. nisi in quantum Spiritu mente nosci potest That God is altogether invisible but as he may be knowne in the Spirit and minde c. These then at this time saw not with their bodily eyes the essence of God but certaine visible signes onely and demonstrations of his presence Secondly we shall have a more full sight of God in the next world than in this as Augustine saith Nemo potest in hac vita videre sicuti est No man can see him in this life as he is Eâ— promittitur sanctis in alia vita To see God in his nature is promised in the next life c. So also Gregorie Quamdiu hic mortaliter vivitur c. As long as we live in this mortall life God cannot be seene in his nature c. Thirdly yet fully the Divine nature shall not be comprehended of the Saints no not in the next life as Augustine to this purpose citeth Ambrose interpreting that place of the Apostle Who onely hath immortaliter c. whom never man saw neither can see c. Si natura ipsim est invisibilitas sicut incorruptibilitas c. If it appertaine to the nature of God to be invisible as well as to be incorruptible that nature shall not be changed in the next world of invisible to become visible because he cannot of incorruptible become corruptible c. And againe upon those words of the same Apostle To the King everlasting immortall invisible c. hee writeth thus Vnde ego non audeo ista distinguere c. Therefore I dare not divide or distinguish these things which the Apostle hath joyned together to say To him that is incorruptible for ever in this world and the next but invisible not in the next world but onely in this Contrarie then to this orthodoxall doctrine of the Fathers agreeable to the Scriptures are these ventrous and bold positions That wee shall in the next life participate with Christs Godhead and be made capable of his Divine substance That there is not any thing of Gods which his Saints shall not see In which assertion Augustine doth directly oppose himselfe to all such Dogmatists and Novelists in these words Non quia Dei plenitudinem quisquam non solum oculis corporis sed vel ipsa mente aliquando comprehendit Not because the fulnesse of God any can comprehend at any time not onely with the eyes of the bodie but with the minde it selfe c. for it is one thing to see another to comprehend the whole in seeing c. Totum comprehenditur videndo quod ita videtur ut nihil ejus lateat videntem c. The whole is comprehended in seeing which it so seene that no part thereof is hid from the seer c. Here Augustine evidently testifieth that God cannot wholly be seene unlesse nothing in the Godhead should be hid unto us which here he manifestly denieth 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. Honour in this life no signe of Gods favour Vers. 1. COme up thou and Aaron Nadab and Abihu c. These two which are bidden to come up with Moses and Aaron afterward were slaine with fire from heaven which sheweth that preferment in this life is not alwayes a signe of Gods favour but that the wicked are often exalted and lifted up that they may have the greater fall as the Lord said he 〈◊〉 appointed Pharaoh to shew his power in him Ferus 2. Observ. We must 〈◊〉 upon the Lord 〈◊〉 patience Vers. 16. THe seventh day the Lord called to Moses God would not at the first call unto Moses but maketh him to wait six daye Ne 〈◊〉 familiaritate superâ—iret Lest he should was proud by too much familiaritie Oleaster Vt discamus patienter ferre c. And that we may learne to beare it patiently if God at the first doe not answer to our desire Lippoman As S. Paul therefore be sought the Lord thrice that the temptation of his flesh whereby he was buffered might depart from him 2 Cor. â—â— 8 3. Observ. Sufficient deputies to be left in the Magistrate or Ministers 〈◊〉 absence Vers. 14. IN that Moses leaveth Aaron and Hur in his place It sheweth that the like 〈◊〉 in Ministers God would blesse to leave able deputies in their place when they have just cause to be absent and the contrarie fault he will severely punish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. Observ. The 〈◊〉 of fasting and prayer CHAP. XXV 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter Moses beginneth to set forth such generall ceremonies as belonged to the Tabernacle then instituted for the publike service of God there are two parts thereof the preparation to vers 10. the description to vers 40. 1. In the preparation these things are expressed in the charge which God giveth to Moses 1. Who shall offer the things required namely the people vers 2. 2. What they shall offer vers 3 4 5 6. 3. To what end vers 8. 4. After what manner vers 9. 2. In the description First the Arke is appointed to be made both the bodie thereof 1. Of what matter vers 10. 2. Of what measure vers 10. 3. With what ornaments it must be overlaid with gold vers 11. 4. What adjuncts and appendants both of rings and barres vers 13 14 15. 5. And of the use thereof vers 16. As also the cover of the Arke 1. The matter vers 18. 2. Measure vers 18. 3. The fashion with Cherubims how to be made vers 19. and how to be placed vers 20. 4. The place of the cover vers 21. 5. The use vers 22. Secondly the Table is described 1. The matter 2. The measure and forme vers 23. 3. The parts thereof the crowne vers 24. The border vers 25. The rings vers 26. 4. The appendants the barres v. 28. 5. The appertenants the dishes cups goblets vers 29. 6. The use to set the Shew-bread upon vers 30. Thirdly the Candlesticke is appointed to bee made 1. The matter and after what manner to bee wrought of gold beaten with the hammer vers 31. 2. The parts six branches three on the one side and three on the other vers 32. 3. The forme and fashion with boules almonds knops and flowers to v. 37. 4. The use thereof vers 37. 5. The appertenances the snuffers and snuffe-dishes vers 37. 6. The quantitie of a talent of gold all this must be made vers 39. 2. The divers readings Vers. 4. Fine linnen G. rather than cotten or bombasine I. or silke caeter
as is expressed Gen. 1.27 God created them male and female which story being briefly set downe in the first chap. is by way of recapitulation rehearsed more at large in the second chap. QVEST. XXXIIII How the creatures were brought to Adam Vers. 19. GOd brought them unto man to see how he would call them 1. We neither thinke that Adam gathered the cattell together as the shepherd his sheep 2. Nor yet that they were brought to Adam by the Angels for the text saith that God that formed of the earth every beast of the field brought them by his secret moving and stirring of them to present themselves to Adam as they did afterward to Noah when they went into the arke 3. Neither was this imposition of names done mystically nor historically as some thinke 4. Nor yet doe wee thinke that the beasts were not brought before Adam but his eyes so illuminate that hee saw them every where in their places for this is contrary to the text which saith God brought them 5. Nor yet is it to be imagined as Barcepha reporteth it to be the conceit of some that Adam sate in some high place in Paradise his face shining as Moses did and that every beast come as he was called and bowed the head as he passed by not being able to behold Adams face for brightnesse for these are but mens conceits 6. But we thinke that all the beasts by Gods secret instinct were gathered to Adam for these causes 1. that man seeing his excellent creation farre surpassing all other might thereby be stirred up to praise his Creator 2. that there might be a triall of Adams wisdome hee brought them to see how he would call them 3. that by this meanes the Hebrew language wherein those names were given might be sounded 4. that mans authority and dominion over the creatures might appeare for howsoever man named every living creature so was the name thereof 5. that man finding among all the creatures no helpe or comfort meet for him v. 20. might have a greater desire thereunto and more lovingly embrace his helper which should be brought to him QVEST. XXXV How an helpe could not be found meet for Adam FOr Adam found he not an helpe meete for him c. 1. not as Ramban noteth Adam could finde none to whom to give his name as he did to the woman calling her of ish ishah but it must bee understood of the nature of man that an helpe could not bee found answerable to him 2. R. Eliezer doth so interprete as that God could not finde an helpe but God knew that alreadie hee needed not for that cause to bring the creatures before Adam hee then that is Adam could not finde one for himselfe 3. But impious is the conceit of R. Sel. that man companied with every sort of beast and so could finde none apt and meet for him Mercer QVEST. XXXVI Of the excellent knowledge and wisdome of Adam FUrther by this imposing of names upon the creatures appeareth the great knowledge and wisdome of man 1. in naturall things for names were given at the first according to the severall properties and naâ—ure of creatures and if Salomon had such exact knowledge of beasts and fowles of trees and plants even from the Cedar to the hysop 1 King 4.33 no doubt Adam had greater knowledge whom we may safely hold to have beene farre wiser than Salomon notwithstanding that place 1 King 12. where Salomon is said to bee the wisest of all before him or after him for that is spoken of the common generation of men where both Adam is excepted created after Gods image and Christ that holy seed borne without sinne this place then needed not to have forced Tostatus to preferre Salomon before Adam in wisdome 2. Adam had also the knowledge of supernaturall things as he was not ignorant of the mystery of the Trinity according to whose image he was made one part whereof is knowledge Coloss. 2.10 3. It may also be safely held that Adam had knowledge of Christ to come though not as of a redeemer for that promise was first made after mans fall Gen. 3.15 but as of the author and fountaine of life whereof the tree of life in Paradise was a symbole 4. And whereas some thinke that Adam and the woman were not ignorant of the fall of the Angels as Catharinus upon this place yet it seemeth to bee otherwise as may appeare by the conference of Sathan in the serpent with the woman wherein she is altogether without suspition and the knowledge of the fall of Angels would have made her more cautelous not to have committed the same sinne of pride in desiring to be like unto God though not in the same measure or degree QVEST. XXXVII Of Adams sleepe Vers. 22. GOd caused an heavy sleepe to fall upon man and he slept 1. This was not a naturall sleepe as some thinke which Adam fell into by reason of his wearinesse in taking view of the creatures buâ— an extraordinary sleepe caused by the Lord who could otherwise have effected his purpose but it pleased him to use this meanes Mercer 2. This was an heavy sleepe the word is tardemah teunivah signifieth a light sleepe shenah a more profound sleepe but thardemah is the deepest sleepe of all 3. R. Isaac Cara thinketh that man was cast into a sleep to signifie that he should be as asleep in the house not given to contention and strife 4. We doe thinke that as this was a sound heavy or deepe sleep of the body so the soule of Adam was in an ecstasis or trance being illuminated of God as it may appeare by this that when he awaked he knew that the woman was taken out of him 5. And this was done Adam sleeping rather than waking both that neither Adams sight might be offended in seeing his side to be opened and a rib taken forth nor yet his sense of feeling oppressed with the griefe thereof which was not only by sleepe mittigated but by the power of God concurring with the ordinary meanes for we see by experience that sleep is a binding of the sense QVEST. XXXVIII Why the woman was made of one of Adams ribs ANd he tooke one of his ribs and closed up the flesh in stead thereof First the reason is evident why it pleased God to make woman out of the body of man not of the earth as he had made man 1. That hereby might appeare the preheminence that man hath over woman as the Apostle noteth 1 Cor. 11.7 8. that as man is the image and glory of God so the woman is the glory of the man because shee was taken out of man And therefore also the woman hath her name and denomination of man because she was taken out of him v. 23. 2. Another cause of this worke was that it might be a surer bond of love that the man knowing the woman to be taken out of him might more firmely set his
refuge for the water because brick work will endure the fire for they were not so foolish to imagine that the whole world could be preserved in one Tower and though the building might stand against the rage of fire yet the men enclosed should not be able to endure the heat 3. But the cause of chusing this matter for building was the necessity of the place Mercer where stone was not to be had and yet the earth of that plaine being of a fat and slimie substance was very fit to make bricke which was the cause why Pharao built his Cities in the plaine Countrey of Egypt of brickes Exod. 1. and beside that region afforded a kinde of naturall lime of slimie nature like pitch which issued forth of the River Is in great abundance as Herodotus saith and out of a fountaine neere to Naptha which in the Babylonian language signifieth liquid Pitch or Brimstone Strabo 4. This stuffe which they used for morter was neither argilla a kinde of Potters clay as Vatablus nor yet Crâ—ta chalke as Oleaster or luâ—um a soft earth as Pagnine nor calx viva lime as Diodor. Tharsense but as the Hebrew word chemer signifieth which the Septuag translate asphaltoâ— it was a reddish sulphurious earth clammie like pitch which was in stead of camentum as Hieron or intritum Tremell morter so that this chemâ—r slimie earth was in stead of chomer morter by which meanes of bricke and bitumen Semiramis afterward enlarged the wals of Babylon Perer. QVEST. III. Who was the chiefe in this worke vers 4. LEt us build a City and Tower 1. Cajetane gathereth from hence that all the people of the world were not here assembled because one City could not suffice for them all But that is no reason for they built not this City for the habitation of all but to be a monument of their fame and as the chiefe City of all other which they should build afterwards 2. Nimrod seemeth to have beene the captaine and ring-leader of this company for Babel was the beginning of his Kingdome Gen. 10.10 so thinketh Iosephus and Augustine 3 Though the counsell came first from Nimrod or some few abiit tandem in â—â—udium catholicum it grew to be the catholike that is common desire of all Muscul. QUEST IV. Of the heighth of the tower of Babel WHose top shall reach to heaven 1. It is not like that as Augustine supposeth they indeed thought to build a tower so high whose top should touch the clouds quest 21. in Gen. and so these words to be taken according to their literall sound 2. And that report of Abydenus cited by Eusebius is to be held but a fable that when they had builded almost up to heaven iâ— was tumbled downe by a mighty wind and it is very like that the Poets tooke occasion hereby to devise that fiction of the warre of the Giants and their laying the great hils of Pelion Ossa Olympus one upon another to climbe up to heaven 2. Neither to answer the objection of the heathen who tooke exception to this story it being unpossible though all the earth were laid for a foundation to build up to heaven need we with Philo to make an allegory of the building of this Tower who understandeth thereby their proud and high attempts against God 3. Neither yet is it like as Berosus Annianus that they reared this tower so high to make it equall to the mountaines or that as Iosephus writeth they imagined to bring it so high and accordingly performed it that it exceeded the mountaines in height to be a defence from like generall floud or that this tower was foure miles high as Hierome saith he was enformed by some in 14. Esai much lesse 27. miles high as some Hebrewes imagine 4. But in these words there is an hyperbolicall speech wherein more is expressed than meant usuall both in the Scriptures and in forraine writers as Deuter. 1.28 Their Cities are walled up to heaven their meaning then is that they would build this tower exceeding high And it is very like that it was of a very great and unwonted height although no certainty thereof is extant in any writer Herodotus speaketh of a Temple consecrate to Belus in Babylon foure square containing two stadia or furlongs in breadth and a tower in the middest being one furlong in height and another above that till it came to eight one above another so that by this account it should seeme to have beene an Italian mile in heighth Diodor. saith it was so high that the Chaldeans made it a Sea marke Plinie writeth that it continued till his time and Hierome that it remained till his and Theodoret also in his memorie The Hebrewes thinke that one third part of this tower sunke another was burnt the third part stood but howsoever that were it is like that some part of it remained as a perpetuall monument of their pride and follie Mercer QVEST. V. What moved the Babylonians to build this tower 4. THat we may get us a name lest we be scattered c. 1. It is not like that they built this tower to keepe them from the like generall inundation as Iosephus thinketh for they could not be ignorant that God had made a covenant with Noah never to destroy the world so againe 2. Neither did they make this bricke tower to be a defence against the rage of fire wherewith they knew the world should be destroyed for what was one tower to save the whole world 3. But one cause might be of the building of this tower the ambitious desire of dominion as Hugo saith Factum esse cupiditate regnandi Nimrod set forwards this worke that it might be the beginning and chiefe of his kingdome Genes 10.10 4. Another reason is here expressed lest they should be dispersed not as the Latine Interpreter before they should be dispersed for they knew it not they built them a City and Tower to maintaine society that they might dwell together and not be scattered here and there and Iosephus thinketh that they did it of purpose to oppose themselves against the ordinance and commandement of God who would have them dispersed into divers parts that the world might be replenished 5. As also another end of their purpose is here insinuated to get them a name as the Psalme saith They thinke their houses shall endure for ever and they call their lands by their names Psal. 49.11 as Absolon reared up a pillar to keepe his name in remembrance 2 Sam. 18.18 and Philo saith that these Babylonians did write their names also in this tower to revive their memories with posterity QVEST. VI. Whether they sinned in building this Tower HEnce appeareth Tostatus errour that thinketh it was not a sinne in them to build this tower to preserve their memory because he thinketh that Noah was one of the chiefe builders and that God hindred this worke not because it was evill but for that
thinketh no such thing being expressed 3. Wherefore this proceeded of Abrahams infirmitie rather who should have committed the preservation of his life rather to the providence of God than any such deuice of his owne Vatablus and although Abrahams intent were good to preserve his life in regard of Gods promise made to his seede yet he failed in the meanes and though he had rather have died than hazard his wives chastitie yet being wholly intent how to provide for his life he forgetteth all other things and casteth what perill might come one way and not another Calvin QUEST XVII Of the taking of Sarai into Pharaos house Vers. 15. THe woman was taken into Pharaos house 17. but the Lord plagued Pharao and his house 1. It was an usuall thing among the heathen Princes whose will stood for a law to take with violence at their pleasure such women as they liked so the Egyptians did steale away Isis the daughter of Inachus King of Argives and caried her into Egypt The Grecians carried away Europa daughter of Agenor out of Phenicia into Creta Iason brought Medea from Colchis into Grecia Paris did the like to Helena Menelaus wife so doth Pharao here to Sarai 2. Pharao was plagued some thinke with a flux of bloud some in that the wombs of their women were shut up as it is in the like story Gen. 20. Iosephus thinketh it was the plague Philo a torment both of bodie and minde it is most like it was such a plague as Pharao felt in himselfe 3. His house also was smitten with the same plague not onely the Princes that commended Sarai her beauty and so were accessary to this fact as Chrysostome thinketh but the whole house generally who though they all were not agents in this matter yet God whose judgements though secret yet are alwayes just was able to finde sufficient cause of punishment among them Calvin QVEST. XVIII How Pharao did know that Sara was Abrahams wife Vers. 18. WHat is this thing thou hast done unto mee c. By this wee see that even among the heathen adultery was counted an hainous sinne Et regi ipsi cavendum and even to be shunned of the King Ambr. lib. de Abrah c. 2. 2. Pharao taketh it grievously that hee was thus deceived of a stranger and if God had not protected Abraham it might have cost him his life Luther 3. This was knowne to Pharao not by the Egyptian Priests whom Pharao should consult withall as Iosephus thinketh though sometime it may please God that such may gesse at the truth as Balaam did but either it was made manifest by divine revelation as the like was to Abimelech Gen. 20. Chrysostom or else by the confession of Sara Oecolampad after that Pharao being feared by these plagues beganne to examine what might be the cause 4. Pharao layeth all the fault upon Abraham not considering that God saw his unchaste thought and his inhumanity towards strangers Iun. QVEST. XIX How Sarah was preserved from Pharaos lust Vers. 19. BEhold thy wife take her c. 1. Sarai was kept by Gods providence from the violent lust of Pharao as she was likewise preserved from Abimilech Genes 20. if God shewed that mercy to Abraham againe offending in the like it cannot be otherwise thought but he found that mercy with God before and the preservation of Sarai the second time sheweth that she was not corrupted before Calvin 2. The cause hereof was neither any moderate disposition in Pharao nor yet because the use was among those Easterne Princes as we reade of the Kings of Persia Est. 12.12 to prepare and purifie with sweet oyles and odours some while before such women as entred into the King Hieron But it is most like that Pharao was hindred by this sudden disease that he could not accomplish his lust Iun. and therein Chrysostome noteth the like miraculous deliverance of Sara from Pharaos raging lust as of Daniel from the Lions 3. The reason why here it is not expressed in like manner as Gen. 20. that Pharao came not neare Sarai Theodoret maketh to be this because Per id temporis Sarai paritura erat Isaach about that time Sarai was to beare Isaach and therefore it is expressed Ne suspectum illud semen esset lest he might bee thought not of Abrahams seed 4. Rupertus well noteth in this story of Abraham a type and figure of those things that hapned to his posterity 1. As a famine brought Abraham into Egypt so did it Iacob and his familie 2. As Abraham was afflicted by the taking away of his wife so was his seed oppressed 3. As Pharao was plagued for Abraham and Sarai so Pharao and Egypt were punished with ten plagues because of the Israelites 4. As Abraham was enriched by Pharao so the Israelites received great gifts of the Egyptians when they went out QVEST. XX. How long Abraham stayed in Egypt COncerning the time of Abrahams being in Egypt 1 Neither is it true as Eusebius citeth out of one Atrabanus that he aboad there twenty yeares seeing Abraham had dwelt but ten yeares in Canaan when Hagar was given him and Ismael borne Gen. 16. 2. Neither was Abraham so long conversant in Egypt and that by the leave of Pharao as that he did teach them the liberall sciences as Astrologie and such like as Iosephus thinketh lib. 1. antiquit But it is most like they learned it afterward by Iacob that lived there seventeene yeares or of Ioseph that was their governour 80. yeares 3. Wherefore at this time it is probable that Abraham stayed not long in Egypt no not a yeare for presently after that Pharao was plagued of God he delivered Sarai and sent away Abraham giving him guides to see him safely conveyed QUEST XXII How the Kings of Egypt came to be called Pharaos Vers. 20. PHarao gave commandement c. 1. It appeareth that the name of Pharao was common to all the Kings of Egypt and no proper name for the Kings of Egypt were so called above a thousand yeares from Abraham till the destruction of the Temple and they had orher proper names beside as we reade of Pharao Necho 2 King 23. of Pharao Ophra Ierem. 44.30 2. It is not like they were so called as Vives thinketh of Pharus an obscure Island of the which there was no reason to name their Kings 3. But rather as Iosephus conjectureth of one of their first Kings that was so called as the Kings of Syria were called Antiochi the Kings of Egypt after Alexander Ptolomie the Emperours of Rome Caesars and Augustine 4. But whereas Iosephus thinketh that after Pharao Salomons father in law none of the Kings of Egypt were named Pharaos it is a manifest errour for 400. yeares after Salomon in Iosias time mention is made of Pharao Necho 2 King 23. 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Of the free grace of election Vers. 1. THe Lord had said get thee out of thy Countrey
but whatsoever he hath decreed concerning any mans salvation shall stand Calvin For the gifts and calling of God are without repentance Rom. 11.29 Yet must not this doctrine make us secure to sinne presumptuously trusting to Gods election but as the Apostle saith We must worke out our salvation with feare and trembling lest we be circumvented of Sathan and prevented of that which we vainly hoped for Confut. Against the errour of the Novatians THis example of Ruben notwirhstanding his fall restored to his patriarchal dignity doth further confute that error of the Novatians who denied pardon to those which were fallen and refused to receive them into their society and congregation Calvin We see that our Saviour Christ when Perer had thrice denied him yet vouchsafed to receive him to mercy and to confirme him in his Apostleship 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. Amendment of life delivereth from dangers Vers. 2. THou said Iacob put away the strange Gods c Iacob being in great danger doth purge and cleanse hâ—s houshold so the next way to finde deliverance and to obtaine ptotection from God is to amend our life and to renew our hearts and to turne every man from his evill wayes Perer. Heereupon Balaam gave that wicked counsell to put a stumbling blocke before the Israelites to cause them to sinne that they might run into Gods displeasure and be out of his protection 2. Observ. The people must shew themselves willing to be reformed Vers. 4. THey gave unto Iacob all the strange gods Herein appeareth the singular and prompt obedience of Iacobs houshold who are contented to put away their idols iewels and caterings wherein they had so much before delighted Mercer which â—eacheth that the people should shew themselves ready and willing to be reclaimed from their superstitions and corruptions of life as we read that the souldiers and people came unto Iohn and asked him Master what shall we doe Luk. 3. 3. Observ. God striketh feare into mens hearts Vers. 5. THe feare of God was upon the cities Thus God is able to command the affections of men and to smite them with feare where otherwise there is no apparent cause of feare as here the strong and populous cities of Canaan are afraid of Iacob So Rahab confessed to the spies the feare of you is fallen upon us Iosu. 2.9 Thus God is able to deliver his Church whereas no other meanes are at hand by terrifying the hearts of the enemies thereof 4. Observ. It is lawfull and commendable to mourne moderately for the dead Vers. 8. IAcob and his company made such lamentation for the departure of that godly matron Deborah that he called the place the â—ake of lamentation It is not then unlawfull to mourne for the dead nay it is an uncomly thing to shew drie cheekes in the funeralls of parents wives and children as some doe S. Paul forbiddeth not to mourne for the dead but not as they that have no hope 1. Thessal 4. Muscul. 5. Observ. Our â—oyes in this life are miâ—ed with sorrow Vers. 19. THus died Rachel Iacob doth not so much rejoyce for the birth of Benjamin as he hath occasion of griefe offered for the losse and death of deare Rachel thus the Lord seeth it to be good to temper our joy with sorrow and therein we see the mutable and changeable condition of this life which affordeth no perpetuall and constant joy Perer. And therefore amidst our joyes it is good to arme our selves against sorrow as Iob in the midst of his prosperous estate did looke for adversity saying The thing which I feared is now come upon me Iob 3.25 6. Observ. One affliction followeth after another WE see further that Iacobs life was a continuall warfare still one temptation followed in the necke of another 1. Dinah was ravished 2. Simeon and Levi put the city to the sword 3. Deborah dieth 4. Then Rachel his beloved wife 5. Then Ruben commiteth incest 6. Ioseph is sold into Egypt 7. Isaack dieth 8. Benjamin is also taken from him to goe into Egypt Thus many are the tentations and tribulations wherewith the Lord trieth his children Calvin We learne that while we live here we should prepare our selves for crosses and afflictions and when we are escaped one to looke presently for another This was Iobs case when one messenger followed at the heeles of another bringing him evill tidings Iob 1. 7. Observ. Godly women may die in childbirth Vers. 18. AS shee was about to yeeld up the ghost c. The Hebrewes note three women in Scripture that died in travaile Rachel the wife of Phinehes the sonne of Eli and Michol Davidâ— wife because it is said she had no children till the day of her death but this is a simple conjecture the meaning is that she had no children at all Mercer But we see by this example that even godly women may have Rachels lot to die in travaile and therefore such are not to hee discomforted if it please God that they so end their daies 8. Observ. Great blemishes sometime fall out in the Church of God Vers. 21. RVben lay with his fathers concubine c. It need not then seeme strange if such blemishes fall out sometime in the Church of God and families of Saints as Ruben here committeth incest in Iacobs house and it seemeth Bilha the mother of two tribes in Israel was consenting thereunto so among the Corinthians a young man had his fathers wife 1 Cor. 5.1 Mercer CHAP. XXXVI 1. The Method and Contents IN this chapter the externall state and happinesse of Esau is set forth first by his polygamie and marriage of many wives with the fruits thereof his children and the adjunctes thereunto his riches vers 1. to vers 8. Secondly by his genealogie where his children and nephewes are rehearsed and described 1. By their nativitie of what wives he had them vers 8. to 15. 2. By their dignity vers 15. to 20. Thirdly by the estate of his country where first the old inhabitants the Hâ—rites are described vers 20. to 32. then the new inhabitants the Edomites first governed by Kings vers 31. to 40. then by Dukes againe vers 40. to the end 2. The divers readings v. 2. Eliba Sebagon S. Aâ—libama Sibeon cat v. 5. Ieul Ieglom S. Iehus Iaalon cat v. 6. all the bodies of his house S. the soules of his house caet he went out of the land of Canaan S. into another country H. C. G. P. into a country away B. into the region of Seir T. from his brother Iacob H. from the face of his brother S. B.G.P. because of his brother C. before the comming of his brother T. from the face of his brother heb v. 8. Iacob dwelt in the land where his father dwelt in Canaan S. v. 11. Kâ—nez and Châ—ra H. Kenes cater v. 13. Zaresome S. Zerach Sammah cat v. 14. The sonnes of Libemas the daughter of Enam S. of Aâ—libamah the daughter of Ana
borne Benjamin was younger than Ioseph but then not above foure or five yeares old and therefore not so capable of his fathers love as Ioseph who began now to shew his vertue and good disposition the rest also of Iacobs sonnes were borne in his old age all within the compasse of seven yeares and he was 84. yeare old when he began to have children â— yet Ioseph was the youngest of them and the first borne of his beloved Rachel much desired and longed for on both sides before he was borne and therefore best beloved when he came 4. Now the reasonâ— why children borne in old age are best beloved of their parents are these 1. Because they are the last borne and the aged parents looke for none after-sembling his mother Rachel Iosephus his heroicall and princely mind which appeared in his dreames a ward Phil. 2. And are most likely to be the longest livers and so to continue their fathers name Cajetan 3. Or for that the aged parents are delighted with the pratling and sport of young children Oleaster 4. Or they are alwayes at hand and in their fathers eye Ramban 5. Or the parents doe it in wisdome to make most of the youngest because they are least able to shift for themselves Other causes there might bee of Iacobs affection to Ioseph as the comelinesse of his body resembling his mother Rachel Iosephus his heroicall and princely minde which appeared in his dreames a prophecie of his honourable estate afterward Philo. His vertuous and godly disposition but these causes are concealed lest they might have increased the envy of his brethren Chrysost. QUEST VII Of Iosephs particoloured coat Vers. 3. HE made him a coat of divers colours the word is passim peeces 1. Some doe read a side gowne or coat as Aquila and Gregory doth thereby understand his constancy and perseverance 2. Some reade tunicam manicatam a sleeved coat Symmach but the word will beare neither of these interpretations 3. Neither yet was it made of divers kinds of threads for that was forbidden by the law Levit. 19.19 whereas in Davids time Thamar did weare such a garment of the same name passim 4. Neither yet was it a white silke garment representing the Priesthood as some thinke 5. Nor yet of divers peeces put together for that had beene no such precious garment 6. But it was a coat of divers colours as the Septuag translate poikâ—lon which seemed as though it had beene of divers parts and peeces Mercer Iun. QUEST VIII The difference betweene envy and hatred Vers. 4. THey hated him 1. There is great difference betweene hatred and envy 1. Men are hated for evill they are envied for some good thing as prosperity riches wisdome 2. Hatred is of some particular matter envy hath a generall object for any thing that happeneth well to a man 3. Hatred may sometime be just as to hate the wicked envy is never just 4. Hatred may be conceived against bruit beasts as a man hateth a serpent or a tode but envy is only against men 5. Envy ceaseth when men from a prosperous state fall into misery but even men in misery may bee hated 6. Hatred is where wee have received hurt but they are often envied of some whom they never hurt 7. Whom men hate they will harme if they can but sometime a mans gifts are envied against whom no hurt is intended 2. Beside these differences betweene envy and hatred envy hath these peculiar properties 1. Envy rejoyceth in another mans fall 2. He that is envied many times fareth the better as Ioseph did 3. An envious man huâ—teth himselfe most and him nothing that is envied 4. An envious man dissembleth in his outward behaviour making outwardly a shew of friendship bearing malice in his heart such was Ioaâ— toward Abner while he embraced him with the one hand he killed him with the other 5. An envious man as Gregory noteth sheweth himselfe to be of a base mind for in that he envieth another he bewrayeth his owne wants not having that which hee envieth in another 3. The remedy against this devouring sinne of envy Basil prescribeth Si nihil rerâ—m humanâ—rum magnum aut vehementer expetâ—â—dum putemus to thinke no humane thing to be of any great reckoning or much to be desired and then shall wee neither envy the rich for his riches nor the honourable person for his honour nor any other for any worldly gift Againe the wise man saith Ne comedas cum homine invido eat not with an envious man or a man that hath an evill eye Prov. 23.6 lest that by conversing with such we learne of their qualities Perer. QUEST IX Of Iosephs dreame why doubled Vers. 6. HEare the dreame which I have dreamed c. 1. Ioseph hath two dreames shewed him both tending to the same end to declare the certainty of his exaltation above his brethren as Ioseph afterward saith to Pharao that had two dreames likewise foreshewing the same thing Gen. 41.32 The dreame was doubled the second time to Pharao because the thing is established with God 2. Iosephus is deceived that â—aith Iosephs brethren found no fault at the telling of the first dreame whereas the text is otherwise they said nothing at the rehearsing of the second referring it to the judgement of their father to whom Ioseph told it againe whom his father rebuked in the presence of their brethren and therefore they spared their reprehension or Moses thought good to omit it Mercer 3. Some doe apply those parables to Christ making him the sheafe of corne to whom all the Patriarks and Prophets do stoope Rupert some also further make Ioseph a type of Christ 1. In that hee uttered dreames as the other parables 2. Christ spake of his exaltation as Ioseph of his 3. Christ was hated for his parables â—s Ioseph for his dreames Perer. QUEST X. Of the divers kinds of dreames FUrther it is to be considered that dreames are divers waies caused 1. Some dreames arise of the fulnesse of the bellie and excesse of drinke such are the dreames of Epicures and drunken persons 2. Some come of emptinesse and want as when an hungrie or thirstie man dreameth of meat or drinke Isay 29.8 3. Some are wrought by the illusion of Sathan 4. Some partly by the illusion of Sathan partly by mans owne imagination Eccles. 5.3 A dreame commeth by the multitude of businesse 5. Some dreames are sent by divine revelation such were those of Ioseph 6. Some proceed partly of our owne serious cogitation partly of divine revelation such were Nebuchadnezars dreames as Daniel saith to him O king when thâ—â— wast in thy bed thoughts came upon thee c. Dan. 2.29 Perer. ex Gregor QUEST XI Ioseph not worthy of rebuke Vers. 10. HIs father rebuked him c. 1. Ioseph did herein nothing worthy of reprehension the neither told these dreames of any vanitie of minde nor of childish simplicitie but as the dreames were
the heart fat the eares heavy and to shut the eyes Isai. 6.10 all which phrases doe imply an action and operation it is evident that God some wayes concurreth either directly or indirectly negatively or positively by way of working or giving occasion in the hardning of the heart QUEST XV. God otherwise hardeneth then by way of manifestation BUt yet God doth more than by way of manifestation harden the heart as some doe expound it that the Lord hardned Pharaohs heart which interpretation Augustine toucheth quâ—st 18. in Exod. that is by his plagues and judgements declared how hard it was 1. For in this sense God might bee said to commit any other sinnes when he doth manifest them and bring them to light 2. And though this exposition might serve here yet it faileth in other places as Deut. 2. it is said that God hardned the heart of Sehon King of the Amorites and Iosh. 10. that God hardned the hearts of the Canaanites and Rom. 9. God hath mercie on whom he will and whom hee will hee hardneth In these places it cannot be so expounded that God hardned that is declared their hearts to be hard QUEST XVI God hardeneth the heart not only by permission SOme doe expound it by way of permission because those that are hardned God depriveth of his grace and leaveth them to themselves So Damascen Ista non 〈◊〉 Deo agente accipienda sunt sed ut Deo permittente these sayings as God shut up all in unbeleefe and God gave them the spirit of slumber eyes that they should not see are not to be taken as though God did them but permitted them So likewise the ordinarie glosse in 4. Exod. Indurabo cor Pharâ—onis i. indurari permittam I will harden the heart of Pharaoh that is suffer it to be hardned So also Chrysostome Tradidit in reprobum sensum nihil aliud est quam permisit He gave them up to a reprobate sense it is nothing else than that hee permitted it as a Captaine leaving his souldiers in the midst of the battell may be said to deliver them into their enemies hands in Epist ad Roman Cajetane to confirme this interpretation sheweth how sometime in Scripture that is called a precept which is permitted as when Matthew said chap. 19.8 Moses for the hardnesse of your heart suffered you to put away your wives Marke hath Moses for the hardnesse of your heart wrote this precept unto you chap. 10. But although this be most true that God suffereth such to continue in their hardnesse of heart yet this is not all 1. For so the Lord suffereth also other sinnes to be done for there is nothing done in the world nisi omnipotens fieri velit vel sinendo ut fiat vel ipse faciendo unlesse the omnipotent God will have it done either by suffering it to be done or doing it himselfe Then if this were all the Lord might be said as well to steale and such like because he suffereth them to be done 2. Wherefore Augustines judgement is rather here to be received Deum ad indurationem cordis concurrere non modo secundum permissionem vel secundùm patientiam sed etiam secundùm actionem potentiam non sane per quem fiat immediatè duritia ipsius cordis sed per quem multa fiant à quibus peccator vitio suo concipiat duritiam corâ—â—â— That the Lord doth concurre in the hardning of the heart not only by permission or suffering but according to his power and action not by the which immediately the hardnesse of the heart is made but whereby many things are done by the which a sinner by his owne corruption doth conceive the hardnes of heart 3. And concerning the place alleaged out of Marke a precept is not there strictly taken for a commandement but for any order or decree that is written QUEST XVII Whether hardnesse of heart be of God as it is a punishment of sinne SOme doe hold because the induration of the heart is two wayes to be considered as it is a sinne and a punishment of sinne in the first God hath no part but as thereby God punisheth former sinnes so he as a just Judge inflicteth hardnesse of heart as a punishment as the Apostle sheweth Rom. 2.28 As they regarded not to know God so God delivered them up to a reprobate mind And 2. Thess. 2.11 Because they received not the love of the truth God shall send them strong delusions that they should beleeve lies In these places the Apostle sheweth how the Lord punisheth them with blindnesse and hardnesse of heart because of their former sinnes This distinction is approved by Augustine lib. 5. cont Iulianum Isidorus thus concludeth the same point Facit Deus quosdam peccatores sed in quibus talia jam peccata precesserant ut justo judicio ejus mercantur in deterâ—us â—re Therefore God maketh some sinners but in whom such sinnes are found before that by the just judgement of God they deserve to become worse and worse So Cajetane upon these words 2. Sam. 12. Behold I will raise evill upon thee out of thine owne house which was verified in Absolon that rose up against his father thus resolveth Deus non est author peccati ut sic sed ut est poena peccati God is not the author of sinne as it is sinne but as it is the punishment of sinne The same judgement he giveth of Shemei whom David saith the Lord bid curse David that God wrought that Shemei cursed David Non quatenus erat peccatum sed quatenus erat poena peccati Davidis Not as it was sinne but as it was a punishment of the sinne of David So Ioâ—senius Illa Deo tribuuntur non quatenus peccata sunt sed quatenus poena peccati they are ascribed to God noâ— as they are sinnes but as they are the punishment of sinne in chap. 15. Ecclesiastic But Pererius misliking this opinion thus reasoneth against it 1. If God be said to be the Author of the induration of the heart as it is a punishment of sinne then he may aswell be said to be the Author of the other sinnes when as a man falleth into them as a punishment of his former sinnes Contra. As though all such sinnes doe not proceede from the hardnesse of the heart that confirmeth and setleth the sinner in his wickednesse therefore God is not said to be the cause of these sinnes but of the hardnesse of heart which is the cause of those sins Man by continuing in sin hath his heart hardned by the just judgement of God and then out of the hardnesse of his owne heart he bringeth forth other sinnes of himselfe 2. The hardnesse of heart as it is a great and horrible sinne so it is a punishment of former sinnes if God then doe cause it to be a punishment he also causeth it as it is a sinne Contra. In this argument there are ambiguous termes for in the first clause this
way which they should walke Quantum ad credenda What they were to beleeve and the worke which they should doe Quantum ad agenda that is what things they were to doe Ferus QUEST XIX Of the qualities and properties required in good Magistrates Vers. 21. PRovide men of courage The first propertie required in a Magistrate is that he be valiant chaijl which signifieth not onely valour or strength of the bodie but the industry of mind as Pharaoh would have Ioseph set over his cattell such of his brethren as were valiant that is industrious and well practised and experienced among cattell In this first qualitie or vertue then these things are required 1. That they must be industrious able to dispatch and expedite causes Simler Valentes ingenio men of good dexteritie and wit Cajetan There must be verus intellectus a good conceit and understanding Tostat. 2. Constancie and strength is required Ne metu potentiorum deserat causam justam That he doe not leave a good cause for feare of mightie men Simler As Ecclesiasticus saith Noli fieri Iudex c. Seeke not to be made a Iudge lest thou bee not able to take away iniquitie and lest thou fearing the person of the mightie shouldest commit an offence against thine uprightnesse 3. Also it is fit they should be of greater power in riches or by birth and estimation in the world for if they be base and poore though upright they are sooner contemned so Deut. 1.15 they must be jedughim knowne and famous men if other vertues doe concurre withall Tostat. Among the Lacedemonians one Demosthenes an obscure and base fellow gave wise and prudent counsell which the Ephori which were the counsellers of state willed to be propounded by another man of fame and estimation lest it might have beene contemned because of the first author Simler 2. They must bee men fearing God For the feare of God is the foundation of all vertues and where that is not Non sunt verâ— virtutes sed umbrae They are not true vertues but shadowes of vertues Simler And if men of might should not feare God Cum ex potentia sua homines non timeant c. When in regard of their great power they feare not men they will be readie to commit many wrongs Tostat. quâ—st 6. Oportet jus dicentem aliis rationem habere superioris Iudicis c. It behoveth him that judgeth others to have respect unto his superiour Iudge to whom he must give account of all his acts Cajetan Deum spectent cujus vicem obtineant Let them looke unto God in whose stead they are Borrh. They must execute his will whose place and person they sustaine for where no feare of God is there justice is soone declined as is evident in Pilate Ferus 3. They must be men of truth Both understanding the truth that they may be able to distinguish right from wrong as also following the truth in their will and practice for there is a speculative truth in discerning and judging and a practicall truth in following a right judgement Tostat. There is veritas vitae truth of life when a mans conversation is framed according to the rule of truth veritas justitiae in giving unto every man his right and veritas doctrinae in discerning the truth from errour and right from wrong Lyran. This love of the truth containeth these two things both that in others he should give way to the truth that he should seeke out the truth by witnesses writings evidences and in himselfe having found out the truth give judgement accordingly Simler Vt sit vera tum dicendo tum faciendo to be true in word and in deed both to speake the truth and practise it Cajetan Veritas non tantum fraudibus crassis mendaciis sed ambitioni c. The truth is not opposed onely to fraud and grosse lies but to ambition flattery and such like and what other cunning soever may be used to corrupt judgement Calvin Stabiles sint in sententiis non mutabiles They must be stable in their sentences not changeable Oleaster 4. They must hate covetousnesse Quantumvis sufficiat homini non esse avarum c. Although it be sufficient for a private man not to be a covetous yet a Judge must be so far from covetousnesse that he abhorre and hate it Cajetan Some thinke that the Hebrew word batzah signifieth to fill a Judge then must not desire to be filled with riches for a covetous man will never be full but to be content with things necessary and convenient for his place Oleaster For gifts blind the eies of the wise and pervert the words of the just Beside these properties here required there bee other also elsewhere set downe as Deut. 1.13 they must be men of wisdome and understanding The first of these belongeth to the speculative and intellectuall part he must be wise both in the knowledge of God for true religion maketh wise and in humane affaires there is a particular wisdome as of every artificer in his trade but this must be a generall wisdome how to rule and governe all sorts of men The other which is called binah understanding belongeth rather to practise than speculation for hee that hath knowledge onely in generall and knoweth not how wisely to applie it to every particular occasion is not fit to be a ruler or governour Ioseph was wise in the unfolding and interpreting of Pharaohs dreame hee was also prudent and a man of understanding in giving advice afterward how to provide against the famine Further they must not be of base and obscure condition but such as are famous and well knowne as no man will commit his money to an unknowne Banker nor his bodie to an unexperienced Physitian so neither should men of unknowne conditions be trusted with the common-wealth Lastly their age must be respected as Numb 11.16 Moses is bid to take such as he knew to be Elders of the people not onely in yeares but in manners for age bringeth experience and experience maketh wise Yet young men which are endued with the wisdome of the ancient are not to be rejected from government as David and Iosias were but young when they came to the Kingdome Simler QUEST XX. How that Rulers over thousands hundreds c. are to be counted Vers. 21. RVlers over thousands c. 1. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that this distribution was onely of the under Officers and Ministers to the Judges that some of them had 10. some an 100. some 1000. apparitors under them for the execution of their sentence Ex Simler But this would have bred a great confusion that one Judge should have had so many ministers neither should their causes have beene dispatched so many being brought to one Judge 2. Others thinke that this division was of the Judges themselves that one session was of ten another court above that of 100. and a superiour to that of 1000. Simler But beside
make this the sense if thou doe as I counsell thee poteris aâ—dire pracepta Dei thou shalt have time to heare what God commandeth thee that is to consult with God which his leisure would not now permit him to doe Oleast Osiand 3. But this clause seemeth to depend of the first word â—m if so that the meaning rather is this if God doe approve this my councell Iun. Wherein appeareth the piety of Iethro that would not obtrude his councell upon Moses no otherwise than it should have the divine approbation Simler Calvin QUEST XXIV In what sense the people are said to goe quietly to their place ANd all this people shalâ— goe quietly to their place 1. Some take this to be the meaning that this order devised by Iethro was but to serve during the time of their travell but when they were come to their place that is to the land of Canaan then they should have Officers and Judges set in their Cities Ex Siml But Iethro in these words sheweth the present benefit which should redound unto them by this order both Moses should be eased of much labour and the people of their attendance 2. In these words therefore Iethro doth insinuate two things both that the people should dispatch their businesse whereas they were constrained before to goe home their controversies undecided because Moses was not at leasure to heare all and so they should goe home quietly Simler And againe they should not need to hang so long and give such attendance as they did Iun. For Moses should bee able to dispatch their greater causes which they brought unto him in time and their smaller controversies should be taken up at home Tostat. quast 8. QUEST XXV Whether these Officers were chosen by Moses Vers. 25. ANd Moses chose men 1. These Officers and Magistrates were taken out from the rest of the people by election so that the government of Israel was in respect of Moses Monarchicall for the supreme authority still remained in him but in respect of these inferiour Magistrates it was Aristocraticall which forme of government is so called because the best and most worthy are elected to rule and governe 2. Moses is said to have chosen them because he coÌ„nfirmed the peoples choice and admitted those whom they presented for so hee said unto the people Bring you men of wisdome c. and I will make them Rulers over you Deut. 1.13 For it was the safest way for the people to make choice of them because they were better knowne unto them and they would the more willingly obey them Tostat quaest 9. 3. Further whereas Moses saith Deut. 1.8 I am not able to beare you my selfe alone as though Moses himselfe first thought of this device it must be understood that after Iethro had given this councell unto Moses then he propounded it unto the people Genevens QUEST XXVI Whether these Officers were of equall authority or one subordinate to another Vers. 25. ANd make them heads over the people 1. It is not like that these Officers whereof some were set over thousands some over hundreds some over fifties some over tennes that they had their severall distinct regiments so that they which were not under one Officer as under the Ruler over ten were not also under his superiour Officer that was set over fifty for then if they had beene all of equall authority this distinction needed not to have beene that some were Rulers of thousands some of hundreds c. But it had beene better for them all to have beene of one sort as all over hundreds or tens and againe if these Officers had not beene subordinate one under another that inconvenience should not have beene prevented which Iethro intended to deliver Moses of trouble for by these meanes if the people might not appeale from one Judge to a superiour a multitude of causes still should have beene devolved to Moses 2. Therefore it is resolved that these Officers were one under another the Ruler of ten under the Ruler of fifty and he under the Centurion and this also under the tribune or millenary Officer so that there was none of the people which was not subject to a Ruler of ten or tithing man to a Ruler of fifty a Ruler of an hundred and a Ruler over a thousand And this subordination served to two purposes both for the Officers themselves that if any controversie fell out among them it might bee ordered by the superiour Judge and if the people found themselves agreeved with their tithing men and inferiour Officers they might appeale for redresse to their superiour Judges And so the appeale ascended from the Ruler of ten to the Ruler of fifty from the Ruler of fifty to the Centurion and from him to the millenary Judge or Tribune and thus their causes were decided before they came at Moses only the hardest and most difficult matters were reserved for his hearing and from him there was no further appeale Tostat. quaest 11. QUEST XXVII Of the difference betweene these Officers and the 70. Elders Num. 10. FUrther it is here to be considered that this institution of Officers which was brought in by the councell and advice of Iethro was divers from that order of 70. Elders which was instituted afterward by the Lord Numb 10. For they differ both in order of time these were appointed before they came to Sinai the other after they removed thence and in number these were many no doubt divers thousands the other onely 70. Iethro gave the advice for the choice of the first but the Lord himselfe of the other Their office also and administration was divers the seventy were the Councell of State which consulted only of the publike affaires of the Kingdome the other attended upon the private causes and suits of the people This difference betweene the Senators and Counsellers of State and inferiour Judges was observed in all well ordered Common-wealths among the Athenians Lacedemonians Romans and is to be seene in our State This was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Senate of the Jewes which at the first consisted indifferently of men taken out of all the tribes six out of each of the eleven tribes the Levites excepted and the other foure to make up 70. were supplied by Levites and Priests to direct the rest This indifferent choice out of all the tribes continued untill the time of the Kings when the choice of these Elders was overruled by their authority then after the captivity because of the prerogative of the tribe of Iudah to whom the principality of right appertained most of the Elders were taken out of that tribe and so it continued till Herod dissolved that honourable and grave Senate of the Elders making havocke of them and putting most of them to death Iun. ex Ioseph Analys in Num. cap. 11. QUEST XXVIII At what time Iethro tooke his leave of Moses Vers. 27. AFterward Moses let his father in law depart c. 1. Some thinke that
of regality and principality 3. As for that heathenish conceit of the Philosopher that vertue is not properly said to be in women it is contrary to that position of the Apostle that in Christ there is neither male nor female Galath 3.28 the spirit of God can plant grace and vertue in the hearts of women as well as of men nay often the Lord chuseth the weake things of this world to confound the mighty things 1. Cor. 1.27 And the examples of so many vertuous and good women in the Scriptures of Sara Rebecca Anna the Shunamite and the rest in the old of Marie Anna Martha Lydia Dorcas and many other in the new Testament doe evidently confute that prophane paradox of the Philosopher 4. And to deliver the regiment of women from the Cardinals vile and impure slaunder this country and nation of ours as is hath found the government of a woman the worst in the late Marian persecutions when more good men and women Saints of God were put to death than in any three Kings reigne beside so have we seene it in the next change the best of all other Princes reignes that went before famous Queene Elizabeths government as for flourishing peace honourable fame and name enriching of the Land subduing of forraine enemies enacting of good lawes may be compared with the reigne of any former Kings So for the advancing of true religion increasing of learning propagating the Gospell none of her predecessors came neere her That as the refining of coine being reduced from base money to pure silver and gold was her honour in the Civill State so the purging of religion according to the purity of the word of God in the Church shall bee her everlasting fame in the world and is her eternall reward with God 4. Confut. That Christ shall have no Iudges under him at the latter day but shall be the only Iudge himselfe Vers. 22. LEt them judge all small causes Origen upon these words hath this private conceit Hanc sâ—guram Iudicum non solum in hoc seculo sed etiam in futuro servandam c. 〈◊〉 this forme of Iudges shall be observed not only in this world but in the next And then he alleageth that text Matth. 18.28 That when the Sonne of man shall sit in the throne of Majesty yee which have followed me in the regeneration shall sit upon twelve seats and judge the twelve tribes of Israel Whereupon he inferreth that Christ at the day of judgement shall appoint other Judges beside himselfe Qui judicent populum de mineribus causiâ— c. Which shall judge the people in smaller causes referring the greater to him The Rhemisnis and Romanistes whose manner is to scrape all the refuse of the Fathers affirme likewise That the faithfull shall judge and give sentence with Christ at the latter day wresting the same text in Matthew to the same purpose Contra. 1. The Apostles and Saints are said indeed to judge the world but not in that sense as Christ is said to be the Judge of the world but as he saith his Word shall judge them at the latter day Ioh. 12.48 that is be a witnesse against them so the Word preached by the Saints in their life and their conversation following the same shall be a witnesse against the world and so their condemnation like as in the processe of judgement here in earth the evidence that is brought in and the witnesses produced are said to condemne the guilty partie and to judge them though the Judge only give sentence Thus Ambrose fitly expoundeth this phrase Iudicabunt Sancti hunc mundum quia exemplo fidei illorum perfidia mundi damnabitur The Saints shall judge the world because by example of their faith their perfidiousnesse shall be condemned 2. For otherwise if Christ should observe the same forme which Moses did to appoint coadjutors because he alone sufficed not this were to derogate from his all sufficient power who needeth not as man any assistants or fellow helpers Vers. 22. Every great matter let them bring to thee Upon this president the Romanistes would ground the papall reservation of cases from whom no appeale say they is to be made as there was not from Moses Tostat. quaest 11. in 18. cap. Exod. Contra. 1. There is great difference betweene the reservation of matters to Moses and of certaine cases to the Pope for Moses was set over but one nation which at this time encamped together within the compasse of not many miles and so they might with ease bring the weighty causes to him But the Pope challengeth to be the supreme Judge over all the world and so without infinite trouble the greater causes cannot be brought unto him 2. Moses judgement was sought for because hee could not erre having often conference with God to direct him as the Pope hath not and this Testatus confesseth Romanus pontifex c. The Roman Bishop though he have great power sometime is not a man very vertuous and though he be because he hath not God present to answer unto all his demands facilius errare potest he may more easily erre therefore that is but a foppish and fawning conclusion of the Canonists that the Pope hath Omnia jura in scrinio pectoris All lawes in his breast 3. Whereas Iethro intended in this device the peoples ease not to goe farre for their causes and Moses ability to performe his office neither of these inconveniences is helped in making appeales to Rome for neither is the Pope able to amend all such causes and the people would be infinitely molested to be hurried to Rome 4. And if it were not for the advantage of the Court and Consistory of Rome they would desire to bee eased rather of than cumbred with such appeales But Moses herein only sought the profit of Gods people not his owne Simler 6. Morall Observations 1. Obs. To take heed of idle and vaine talke Vers. 8. THen Moses told his father in law c. Moses did conferre with Iethro about the wondrous workes of God which the Lord had wrought for them Vnde arguuntur hi qui vanis colloquiis delectantur They then are reproved which are delighted with vaine talke Ferus Which may serve as a good motive in our dayes to cut off idle if not very prophane conference when wee meet remembring ever that of idle words we must give an account B. Babington 2. Observ. Workes must be joyned with faith Vers. 12. THen Iethro tooke burnt offerings c. Having beene thankfull in words now he addeth deeds for S. Iames calleth that a dead faith where workes want if we joyne both these together as Iethro did we shall fully give assurance both to others and to our selves of our true faith B. Babington 3. Obs. That we should doe all our workes as in Gods sight Vers. 12. THey came to eat bread with Moses father in law before God Hereupon Origen well noteth Sancti manducant bibunt in
the Scribes and Pharisies he therefore giveth the true sense of the law given them by Moses which allowed lawfull warre to be made Therefore Christs meaning cannot be that evill and injuries can no way be resisted 2. It must be considered that Christ here speaketh unto private men not unto Magistrates that they were not to seeke revenge which belonged unto the rulers and governours 3. Our blessed Saviours meaning is to restraine mens corrupt affections and grudges in seeking revenge and to exhort them to patience for according to the very letter our Saviour himselfe did not performe this precept for being smitten with a rod he did not turne the other cheeke but answered for himselfe Ioh. 18.23 So also did S. Paul when the high Priest commanded him to be smitten on the face Act. 23. 2. S. Paul would not have Christians to goe to law one with another 2 Cor. 6. much lesse it is lawfull to make warre Answ. S. Paul simply findeth not fault with their going to law but because they one convented another before Heathen Judges and for that they were impatient of wrongs and would put up nothing one at anothers hand 3. Our Saviour biddeth Peter to put up his sword adding further that they which take the sword shall perish with the sword Matth. 26.52 Answ. It is plaine that our Saviour speaketh of the private use of the sword not of the publike in lawfull battell when as the souldier doth not take the sword into his hand by his private authoritie but it is committed unto him by the commandement of the Magistrate 4 The parable of the tares is objected which our Saviour would have grow untill the time of harvest Answ. The end and scope of this parable must be considered which is to shew the state and condition of Christs Church in this world that therein the wicked and hypocrites are mixed among the faithfull and so it shall bee till Christ shall come in the end of the world to purge his floore and take away all the chaffe for otherwise if it were not lawfull to take away the evill there should be no place neither for Civill nor Ecclesiasticall discipline and so Saint Paul should have beene contrarie to his master who willed the incestuous young man to bee excommunicate 1 Cor. 5. and so the tares to bee weeded out of the corne 5 The Apostle saith The weapons of our warfare are not carnall c. 2. Cor. 10.4 we must not then use carnall and outward weapons Answ. 1. The Apostle speaketh there onely of such weapons which wee are to use against spirituall evils which indeed are onely spirituall not of those which are used against men 2. After the like manner S. Paul saith Christ sent me not to baptize but to preach the Gospell 1 Cor. 2.17 yet he baptized some his meaning is he was not sent chiefly to baptize but to preach so the chiefest armour of Christians are spirituall but they may use carnall and externall also Simler But now on the contrarie side that it is lawfull for Christian Magistrates to wage battell it may be thus shewed by the authoritie of the word of God 1. Deut. 20. there are divers lawes prescribed whom they shall make choice of to go to warre how they should be exhorted by the Priests and other orders are there expressed which had beene superfluous if it were a thing simply unlawfull to enterprise warre 2. In the new Testament when the souldiers came to Iohn to know of him what they should doe he biddeth them not to lay aside their weapons or to forsake their calling but not to doe wrong and to be content with their wages Luk. 3.14 Wee read in the Gospell of a Centurion that beleeved in Christ Matth. 8. and in the Acts of a Centurion converted by Saint Peter Act. 10. who retained that office and calling still 3. Further seeing it is the office of the Magistrate that beareth not the sword for nought to take vengeance on him that doth evill Rom. 13.4 And it may fall out that not one or two or a few but a multitude may doe evill and commit some outrage who cannot be resisted but by force of armes the Magistrate then is herein to doe his dutie to suppresse the evill and to take vengeance on them 4. But whereas it will be objected that there are no precepts in the new Testament concerning this matter but onely in the old wee answer 1. That it is sufficient that we finde it there for whatsoever is prescribed in the old Testament not repugnant to nor reversed in the new Christians are to receive and obey it was the wicked opinion of the Marcionites and Manichees which rejected the old Testament 2. And the reason why no mention is made in the new Testament of waging of battell and making of warre is for that there was then no Christian Magistrate by whose authoritie warre must be taken in hand And because there was then no such civill power in the Church the Lord gave unto his Apostles an extraordinarie power in punishing the wicked as S. Peter did strike Ananias and Sapphira with sudden death Act. 5. So they needed no schooles then because they were furnished with extraordinarie gifts of the Spirit but now they are needfull those extraordinarie gifts being ceased and so it is necessarie now that the Magistrate should use the materiall sword that spirituall sword of vengeance which the Apostles had being now no more exercised 5. Briefly somewhat shall be added here what conditions are required and ought to concurre to make just warre which are these three 1. By whose authoritie 2. Upon what occasion 3. In what manner warre must be taken in hand 1. Warre must not be attempted without the authoritie of the Magistrate for he beareth the sword Rom. 13.4 If the examples of Sampson and Abraham be objected for the first we answer that hee was moved by the Spirit for the second that he was no private man or subject to any other but free and at his owne command beside he was not without the direction of Gods Spirit And further if a true man shall defend himselfe against a theefe by the sword or a Citie being suddenly besieged or invaded of the enemie the Magistrate being absent in these cases it is lawfull to use the sword because though in particular they have not the expresse consent of the Magistrate yet in generall the lawes permit that it shall be lawfull for every one in such desperat cases to defend themselves 2. The causes of just warre are these three 1. When as any battell is enterprised by the speciall Commandement of God as Saul was sent against Amalek 2. To rescue and recover such things as are unlawfully taken away as David pursued the Amalekites that had burned Ziklag and carried away their goods and their wives and redeemed them againe 1 Sam. 30. 3. To deliver the oppressed and to bridle the insolencie and crueltie of the
wicked as Abraham followed after the foure Kings that had taken Lot prisoner and delivered him out of their hands Gen. 14. 3. The manner also must bee considered that although the cause of warre be just yet that it be not rashly set upon but all other meanes must first be tried as Ezekiah before he would by force resist the King of Assyria sought to have pacified him by paying a certaine tribute 2 King 18.14 So the children of Israel before they assaulted their brethren the children of Benjamin by open warre because of the wickednesse of the Gibeonites committed against the Levites wife first required of them that those wicked men might be delivered into their hands which when they wilfully refused then they resolved to set upon them Iudg. 20.13 Ex Simlero 4. Confut. Against the Romanists that make difference betweene counsels and precepts IN the next place the Romanists are to bee dealt withall and here commeth first to be examined that assertion that whereas we affirme that even in this Commandement Thou shalt not kill that dutie of charitie is prescribed even in loving our enemies they affirme that this is no precept which we are bound to keepe but a counsell of perfection and a worke of supererogation Thom. Aquin. 2.2 qu. 25. art 9. Contra. 1. This derogateth from the authoritie of Christ to say that he gave counsell to his Disciples and did not by his authoritie command them 2. Seeing all the duties of charitie are required by the law for love is the fulfilling of the law it followeth that even this dutie also in loving our enemies is enacted by the law and not left free 3. Our Saviour adding further as a reason hereof that ye may bee children of your Father which is in heaven sheweth that wee cannot otherwise bee the true children of our heavenly Father unlesse we be like him herein even in loving of our enemies then it will follow that it is not a counsell of conveniencie but a precept of necessitie Ex Bastingio See more of this popish distinction of counsels and precepts Synops. Centur. 1. err 84. 5. Confut. Against the Popish distinction of mortall and veniall sinnes ANother assertion of the Romanists here to be taxed is that anger si sit talis motus ut deducatur ratio est peccatum mortale c. If it be such a motion as that the reason is drawne to consent it is a mortall sinne Si usque ad consensum non pervertitur ratio est peccatum venidle c. But if reason be not perverted to consent then it is a veniall sinne but if it bee not a mortall or deadly sinne in the nature and kinde thereof as is murther and adulterie then although there be a consent it is no mortall sinne Sic Thom. in opuscul This distinction of sinnes veniall and not veniall in their owne nature in respect of the greatnesse or smalnesse of the sinne is not to bee admitted for these reasons 1. In the respect of the nature of sinne which of it selfe deserveth death Rom. 6.23 The wages of sinne is death and sinne is the transgression of the law 1 Ioh. 3.4 and every transgression of the law is under the curse Galath 3.10 2. In respect of the infinite Majestie of God which to violate can bee no veniall sinne of it selfe considering also the perfect and absolute righteousnesse of God which cannot abide the least blemish or imperfection therefore in regard of the perfect righteousnesse and infinite Majestie of God no sinne committed against God can in it selfe bee veniall 3. And concerning this motion and passion of anger even when it is sudden and unadvised though there bee no further purpose or intendment to hurt it is guiltie of judgement Matth. 5.22 Where by the way it shall not bee amisse to note the difference here betweene Thomas Aquin and Bellarmine for Thomas holdeth this anger here spoken of to bee a deadly sinne in that he saith He that is angrie with his brother shall be guiltie of judgement it must be understood dâ— matu tendente in nocumentum c. of a motion tending to hurt where there is consent and so that motion is deadly sinne Sic Thomas in opuscul Ex Lippoman But Bellarmine affirmeth that this is a veniall sinne and so deserveth not everlasting damnation because hell fire is onely due unto the last to call one foole Bellarm. lib. 1. de purgator cap. 4. Contra. 1. Every mortall sinne deserveth damnation but in Thomas Aquins judgement as is shewed before this anger here spoken of is a mortall sinne Ergo. 2. The naming of hell fire onely in the last place sheweth not a divers kinde of punishment from the rest but a divers degree of punishment for otherwise judgement in Scripture â—s taken for damnation as Psal. 143.2 Enter not into judgement with thy servant for no flesh is righteous in thy sight So Rom. 2.1 In that thou judgest another thou condemnest thy selfe Here to judge and condemne are taken for all one to be culpable then of judgement is to bee guiltie of damnation 4. Yet we admit this distinction of veniall and mortall sinnes if it be understood not in respect of the nature of sinne but of the qualitie of the persons for unto those that beleeve all sinnes are veniall and pardonable through the mercie of God Rom. 8.1 There is no condemnation to those that are in Christ Iesus but to the wicked and unbeleevers all their sinnes are mortall Rom. 6.23 to them the stipend and wages of sinne is death See more also hereof Synops. Papis Centur. 4. err 6. 4. Morall observations 1. Observ. Not to be hastie to anger THou shalt not kill Our blessed Saviour expounding this Commandement Matth. 5.22 sheweth that even hee which is angrie unadvisedly transgresseth this precept which may bee a caveat unto furious cholerike and hastie men that they should bridle their intemperate affections and not give place to rage for as Chrysostome saith Si concedatur licentia irascendi datur causa homicidii faciendi If libertie be granted unto anger even cause many times will bee given of murther But if any man shall say when hee is angrie with a man for railing and reviling that hee is angrie with his sinne let him consider that when he heareth the name of God blasphemed he is not so much moved which sheweth that he is angrie in respect of his owne name and person which is called in question and not simply for the sinne Simler 2. Observ. The challenging of one another into the field forbidden ANd if it be simply unlawfull to kill then let such looke unto it that take it to be their honour and estimation to challenge one another into the field whereupon often ensueth murther for we have otherwise learned in the Scriptures Omnem cupiditatem seipsum ulciscendi vetitam esse That all desire for a man to revenge himselfe is unlawfull Simler For such doe usurpe the Lords office The
workes sayings or doings so Iehâ—nadab that gave that lewd counsell to Ammâ—n is noted for a crafty and subtile man 2. Sam. 13.3 4. Constancie here required is a vertue which persevereth in the truth being once knowne and apprehended and not changing without necessary or probable cause as Psalm 15.4 That sweereth to his owne hindrance and changeth not Contrary hereunto are 1. In the defect levity and inconstancy without any just occasion to 〈◊〉 and change the opinion as Saul in his phranticke fits hated David and sought his life having confessed his foolishnesse and error before 1 Sam. 26.21 2. In the excesse is pertinacie and obstinacie by no reason or perswasion to change an opinion or purpose once conceived such was Herods perversenesse in keeping his rash oath in beheading of Iohn Baptist. 5. Docilitie or willingnesse or aptnesse to heare and conceive the truth is joyned with constancie hereof the Wise-man saith Prov. 21.28 A false witnesse shall perish but he that heareth speaketh continually He may soone be seduced to testifie falsly that will receive no other information but he that is willing to heare and to be further instructed in the truth cannot lightly erre or be deceived Contrary hereunto are 1. In the defect easinesse to be lead and carried away with every tale to bee light of beleefe as Patiphâ—r was against Ioseph without any further examination 2. In the excesse not to heare at all what others informe such an one was Nabal who was so wicked that a man might not speake to him 1 Sam. 25.17 6. Taciturnitie or discreet silence is here requisite also which is to conceale things secret and not fit to be revealed in time and place Herein Rachel and Loah contrary to the weaknesse of that sex shewed a good example in keeping secret Iacobs purpose of departing from Laban and consenting thereunto Gen. 31.14 Contrary hereunto are 1. In the defect first garrulitie pratling and talking to be full of words without reason and out of season Such light women the Apostle noteth 1 Tim. 5.13 They are pratlers and busie bodies Secondly futilitie in keeping nothing secret but telling whatsoever they know as the young man that discovered Ionathan and Ahimaaz and told Absolom 2 Sam. 17.18 Thirdly treaâ—herie as the Ziphius betrayed David unto Saul 1 Sam. 23.19 2. In the excesse are contrary morosity stubborne and wilfull silence not to speake at all or confesse any thing Such was Cain that being asked where his brother Habel was stubbornly made answer Am I my brothers keeper Genes 4.9 And concealing of the truth when it ought to bee revealed against such unwise uncharitable silence the Wise-man giveth this rule Answer a foole according to his foolishnesse lest hee be wise in his owne 〈◊〉 Proverb 26.5 3. Places of Controversie 1. Confut. Against the Origenists that in some cases made it lawfull to lye FIrst here that erroneous assertion which Hierome imputeth to Origen commeth to be examined which is this Homo cui incumbit necessitas mentiondi c. sic matur inter dum mendario quomodo condimento atque medicamento ut servet mensuram ejus c. He upon whom there lieth a necessity to lye let him sometime so use a lye as a sauce or medicine that he keepe a measure and exceed not the bounds c. Hierome reproveth this opinion and counteth it as one of Origens errours though Ruffinus therein finde fault with Hierome See Hierom. apolog cont Ruffin Contra. 1. But there is no necessity of lying at all Moriendum est potius quà m peccandum We ought to dye rather than finne and so consequently to tell a lye S. Pauls rule must stand We must not doe evill that good may come of it Rom. 3.8 2. If a lye were tolerable in any case then chiefly when by telling a lye one may save his life but even in such necessity a lye is not justifiable Augustine saith well Meâ—tiri vis ne moriaris meutiris mâ—râ—ris c. Thou wilt make a lye lest thou shouldest dye thou both liest and diest too for while thou wouldest shun one kinde of death which thou mayest deferre but canst not take away thou fallest into two first dying in thy soule and then afterward in thy body August in Psal. 30. Hierome to this purpose writeth to Innocentius of a woman suspected of adultery that was tormented and racked to confesse the fault whereof she was not guilty who in the middest of her torments uttered these words Tu testis es Domine Iesu non ideo me negare velle ne peream sed ideo memâ—â—â— nalle ne peccem Thou art my witnesse Lord Jesus that I doe not deny it lest I should perish but that therefore I will not lye lest I should sinne Sic Hierom. 3. Whereas Origen urgeth the example of Iudith that deceived Holoserâ—â—â— and of Iacob Qui patris benedictionem artifici impetravit mendacie who obtained his fathers blessing by an artificiall lye it may be answered that Iudahs example is one of an Apocryphall booke and therefore is of no force and Iacobs example is either extraordinary and so not to be imitated or that therein he sheweth some humane infirmity which is not to be commended though it pleased God to use it and dispose of it for the effecting of his purpose 2. Confut. Against the Priscilliâ—nists SEcondly the Heretickes called Priscillianists held that it was lawfull for their Mâ—â—dacio occuliare haeresius se Catholices singere To hide their heresie by telling a lye and to faine themselves Catholikes such a trick also that unreasonable sect of the Family of Love have taken up who use so to wind away with obscure and intricate termes when they are examined that their heresie by their confession can hardly be found out The Priscillianists reasons were these 1. That it was enough to have truth in the heart though not in the mouth 2. And a Christian is bound only to speake the truth to his neighbour but they which are of another religion are not our neighbours 3 Iohn fained himselfe a worshipper of Baal Answ. 1. But S. Paul requireth both to beleeve with the heart and to confesse with the mouth Rom. 10.10 Peter denied Christ only with his mouth not in his heart Et tamen laerymis hoc poccatum aâ—â—uit yet he was faine to wash away this sinne with teares 2. Licet aliqua 〈…〉 sint â—era c. although some truths may be hid from him that is not yet initiate in the mysteries of religion Non tamen dicâ—nda falsa sunt yet false things are not to be uttered 3. Augustine answereth that Iehu had not a right heare before God and therefore his example in every respect is not to be justified So August lib. commendatium But to this last answer thus much may be added that Iehu his example here is much unlike for he did not seeke his owne gaine or propounded his owne safety but did this in a zeale to the
and unregenerate are wholly sold over unto sinne and their very conscience is polluted Vrsin 4. In the glorious state of the Saints in the next life the obedience of the Saints shall bee perfect and they shall wholly be conformable to the will of God and then we shall be just not onely by the imputative justice of Christ sed propria essentiali justitia but by a proper essentiall justice and then we shall fully be made like to the image of Christ as the Apostle saith Rom. 8.29 Those which he knew before he also predestinate to be made like the image of his Sonne Marbach Now the contrarie objections are these 1. Object The works of the Spirit are perfect but good works in the regenerate are the works of the Spirit therefore they are perfect Answ. This argument proceedeth from that which is simpliciter simplie and absolutely said to bee of the Spirit to that which secundum quid after a sort is of the Spirit the works of the faithfull are not absolutely the works of the Spirit but they are so the works of the Spirit as they be also our works so they are pure as they proceed of the Spirit but impure and imperfect as they are wrought by man 2. Object They which are conformable to the image of Christ have perfect works The faithfull are conformable in this life to the image of Christ Ergo. Answ. The proposition is true onely of those which are perfectly conformable but so are not the faithfull in this life but onely in part as the Apostle saith 1 Cor. 13.12 Now I know in part and as our knowledge is so is our obedience both imperfect 3. Object There is no condemnation to the faithfull Rom. 8.1 therefore their works are perfect Answ. The argument followeth not for the privilege of the faithfull and their exemption from condemnation dependeth not upon the perfection of their works but upon the perfection of Christs righteousnesse imputed to them by faith 4. Object Christ at his comming shall render unto every one according to his works but it standeth not with Gods justice to give a perfect reward unto imperfect works therefore the works of the regenerate because they shall be perfectly rewarded are perfect Answ. 1. The obedience of the faithfull shall bee perfectly rewarded not according to the law of works but according to the law of faith whereby the righteousnesse of Christ is imputed and is rewarded in them being theirs by faith as fully as if it were their owne 2. Yet Christ shall judge also according to their works not as causes of the reward but as testimonies and lively arguments of their faith Vrsin 5. Object The Scripture ascribeth perfection to the works of the Saints as it is said of Noah Gen. 6.9 that he was a just and perfect man in his time so Hezekiah saith 2 King 20.3 I have walked before thee with a perfect heart Answ. 1. These and the like sayings must be understood de perfectione partium non graduum of the perfection of the parts of obedience not of the degree of perfection that is the faithfull doe exercise their obedience in every part of the law but not in a perfect degree or measure 2. They are said to bee perfect in comparison onely of such as were weake and imperfect 3. And further their sinceritie and perfection is understood as being opposite unto dissimulation and hypocrisie that their heart was perfect toward the Lord that is unfained without any dissimulation in which sense the Prophet David saith Iudge me according to mine innocencie Psal. 7.8 6. Object The Apostle saith Whosoever is borne of God sinneth not 1 Iohn 3.9 the faithfull then being borne of God sinne not Answ. The Apostle understandeth here not the dwelling of sinne but the reigning of sinne for otherwise he should be contrarie to himselfe who had said before chap. 1.8 If we say we have no sinne we deceive our selves and the truth is not in us They which are borne of God sinne not that is sinne though it remaine in them it reigneth not in them as S. Paul saith Though we walke in the flesh we doe not warre after the flesh Vrsin 7. It is evident then that the law was not given to justifie men thereby as the Apostle saith Rom. 3.20 Therefore by the works of the law shall no flesh be justified in his sight for by the law commeth the knowledge of sinne This then is the end and use of the law 1. It sheweth what God is one that loveth justice and hateth iniquitie 2. It is as a glasse wherein we may see that image after the which man was at the first created which now is defaced in him by sinne 3. It is a rule and line after the which wee should square out our life and actions 4. It sheweth the corruption of our nature and so is as a schoolemaster to bring us to Christ Marbach So Augustine saith Hac est utilitas legis ut hominem de sua infirmitate convincat gratiae medicinam quae in Christo est implorare compellat This is the profit of the law to convince man of his infirmitie and to drive him to seeke the medicine of grace in Christ Epist. 200. 6. Confut. That the Morall law nor any precept thereof may be by humane authoritie dispensed with THere remaineth yet one point to be discussed whether any of the precepts of the Morall law may be by humane authoritie dispensed withall wherein the Popes Canonists have heretofore given unto their terrene god an infinite and unreasonable power for these were their conclusions that Papa potest dispensare contra jus divinum The Pope may dispense against the law of God contra jus natura against the law of nature contra novum Testamentum against the new Testament contra Apostolum against the Apostle Papa potest dispensare de omnibus praeceptis veteris novi Testamenti The Pope may dispense with all the precepts of the old and new Testament c. But herein I preferre the judgement of Tostatus a moderate writer of that side who denieth unto the Pope any such authoritie and answereth the contrarie objections 1. Object As among men the Law-maker may dispense with his law so God that gave the Morall law is therefore above the law and may dispense with it and if God may dispense then the Prelates of the Church consequently may dispense because they are in Gods stead Answ. First to the proposition this may bee answered 1. That in humane lawes which tend unto the common good the preservation of the publike state the maintenance of peace and of justice the Law-giver himselfe cannot so dispense as to overthrow the end of those lawes as that it shall be lawfull to disturbe the publike state or such like for this were to evert the very scope and end of the law but yet in particular cases he may dispense as where an order is that every one shall watch
gave way Cajetan 5. All the people thus spake not to Moses but their Elders and the chiefe of them came in the name of the rest Deut. 5.23 Iun. QUEST V. Why the people desire that Moses would speake unto them Vers. 19. ANd said to Moses talke thou with us 1. Some doe here lay fault and blame upon the Israelites in refusing to heare the voice of God and chusing rather that Moses should speake unto them But the Lord commendeth them for so doing Deut. 5.28 They have well said all that they have spoken Therefore they thus spake not as preferring Moses voice before the Lords but because they were not able to heare the Lords voice being so terrible Tostat. quaest 37. 3. And the Lord terrified his people with his thundering voice for these two causes 1. That the people hereby should learne and be taught to feare the Lord. 2. And that they might be driven of themselves by this meanes to desire the ministery of Moses in speaking unto them for it was fit and requisite that as the Lord the Authour and founder of nature had by his owne mouth given such Lawes as were grounded upon nature such as were so evident even by the light of nature as that every one might at the first understand and acknowledge them so that the rest of the Lawes which were not so evident but needed explanation should be declared and rehearsed by Moses Sic Tostat. 4. Beside herein Moses was a type and figure of Christ who is the Mediator betweene God and us and by whom the will of God is revealed unto us Marbach Pelarg. 5. Moses herein formam boni aâ—ditoris describit c. describeth the forme of a good auditour who promiseth to heare and fulfill the precepts of their master Gloss. interlinear QUEST VI. Why the people are afraid they shall dye Vers. 19. LEt not God talke with us lest we dye Wee shall finde in Scripture that it was an usuall thing for men to feare that if they had seene God they should dye as Iacob counteth it a great benefit that he had seene God and yet lived Genes 32. So Gedeon and Manoah when they had seene God were afraid 1. Tostatus maketh this the cause of this feare that if they heard Gods voice any more they should dye because of the infirmity of the body which could not endure the Lords terrible voice for as the harmony of the body is dissolved by any excessive quality as with exceeding great heat or cold Ita excellens tolerabile vel terribile corrumpit potentiam tolerantem So an exceeding terrible or tolerable thing corrupteth and confoundeth the tolerating faculty Tostat. quast 38. But the cause of this feare is not so much in the body for Adam before his fall could endure the voice of God well enough 2. Some understand this of everlasting death Gloss. interlinear But it is evident that they meane the outward and corporall death which is contrary to this temporall life for thus the people say Deut. 5.24 Wee have seene this day that God doth talke with man and he liveth 3. Cajetanus doth gather these two reasons of this their feare both that terrible fire which they were afraid to come neere and the thundring voice of God which they could endure no longer to heare and these two reasons are expressed Deut. 5.25 Now therefore why should we dye for this great fire will consume us if wee heare the voice of the Lord our God any more we shall dye 4. But the greatest cause of this their feare was their sinne Conscius homo peccati c. metuit iram Dei c. Man being guilty to himselfe of sinne feareth the wrath of God Simler as Peter said to our blessed Saviour Luk. 5.8 Lord goe from me for I am a sinfull 〈◊〉 QUEST VII How the Lord is said to come unto them and why Vers. 20. GOd is come to prove you 1. God is said to come unto them not that he goeth from place to place but he came unto them by certaine effects his sinnes and wonders and two other wayes beside the Lord commeth by his word and by afflictions and crosses Simler 2. There are three ends of the Lords comming unto them 1. To trie them 2. That his feare may alway be among them 3. That they sinne not All these three arise one from the other probation and triall worketh feare and feare causeth to flee from sinne 3. So although Moses free them from one kinde of servile feare which was the feare of death and destruction yâ—â— he retaineth them still in that profitable kinde of feare whereby they might be kept in awe and obedience still Simler QUEST VIII How the Lord is said to tempt and prove his people Vers. 20. GOd is come to prove you 1. Deus metaphorice non proprie tentat c. God is not said properly but metaphorically â—o tempt as he is said to be angry Quiâ— facit effectum 〈◊〉 c. because he worketh the like effect as he which tempteth that is to cause the feare and obedience of the people to appeare Cajetan 2. God tempteth the Devill tempteth and man is said to tempt God is not said to prove or try for his owne knowledge and experience Cum omnia Deus videat priusquam 〈◊〉 seeing God knoweth all things before they are done Chrysost. hom 41. in Ioanu But God trieth and proveth Vt nos manifestemur aliis that we should be manifest to others as Abrahams obedience was made knowne to all in that he refused not to sacrifice his sonne vel nobis ipsis or to our selves as the Israelites were tempted in the wildernesse that it might be knowne what was in their heart Deut. 8.2 Tostat. Satan tempteth quia evertere â—ititur because he goeth about to supplant and overthrow us as hee tempted Iob. Home aliquando tentat ut probat aliquando ut rapiat Man sometime tempteth to prove sometime to catch as the Scribes and Pharisies tempted Christ to entangle him Ambros. in 2 Cor. 13. QUEST IX Why the people stood afarre off and where Vers. 21. SO the people stood afarre off 1. Cajetanus thinketh that the people returned not to their tents but stood a little from the mountaine and continued in the place whither they fled before vers 18. Tostat. 2. But it is evident Deut. 5.30 that they were bidden to goe unto their tents Iun. For as Moses went up neerer unto the presence of God so the people went still further backward unto their tents being so commanded of the Lord. 3. The mysticall signification hereof is that our sinnes doe make us stand aloofe off from God untill wee be reconciled by a Mediatour whereof Moses was a type and figure here Simler QUEST X. How Moses is said to draw neere to the darknesse BVt Moses drew neere unto the darknesse c. 1. Moses was in the darknesse before for all the hill was covered with smoake but he was not in that darknesse wherein
from all society and colloquy of men till he had his judgement Galas And by the Law Cornelia among the Romans he which had killed another with sword or poison or by false testimony lost his head if he were of the better sort if of meaner condition he was hanged on the crosse or cast unto wild beasts Simler 5. And the reason of this severity was because murtherers deface the image of God in man and they lay violent hands to take away his temporall life for whom Christ died to give him eternall Marbach 6. But it must be understood that the murtherer was to dye by the hand of the Magistrate it was not lawfull for every one to kill him Iun. For the murther was first to be tried out by witnesses which could not be done but before the Judge Simler QUEST XXXVII In what sense the Lord is said to offer a man into ones hand Vers. 13. IF a man hath not laid wait but God hath offred c. Neither can a man take away the life of another though he doe willingly attempt it unlesse God deliver him into his hands yet this is the difference that where a man intendeth not to kill and yet killeth illic tantùm Deus fecit there God only did it Hîc autem Deus homo propter voluntatem facientis sed non fecit Deus ut homo Here man and God doe it because of the will of him that did it though God otherwise doth it than man So Augustine quaest 79. in Exod. 2. So God is said to offer or as the Hebrew phrase is to cause him to run upon his hand when it is done nolente imprudente homine man not willing nor minding it Iun. And so this act seemeth to be casuall or accidentall unto man which are so called non quia nullam causauâ— habent not because they have no cause for that is impossible that any thing should be done without a cause but because causarum confluentium ordâ— nobis est incognitus the order of causes concurring is unknowne unto us Tostat. 3. Although the cause appeare not to us why the Lord suffred him that is so offred to ones hand to be slaine yet we are not to doubt but that it is most just Ex causa occulta permisit interfici c. God suffred him to be slaine upon some hid cause Lyran. occulta aequitate by an hid equity justo judicio paravit illum occidendum he ordained him to be slaine in his just judgement Cajetan Vel pro sceleribus vel ad emendationem purgationem malorum quae egerat Either for his wickednesse or for the amendment or purging of the evils which he had done Tostat. quaest 15. 4. Rupertus here giveth instance how after this manner Saul was twice delivered into Davids hand in the cave and when he tooke the speare and water pot from him and further saith that permissu legis poterat illum occidere by the suffrance of the Law he might have killed him and gone afterward to some of the Cities of refuge But there is great difference betweene this offring of a man into ones hand here spoken of and that oblation of Davids enemy unto his hand for Moses speaketh here of such an unlooked for event whereby one is slaine that opportunity offred to David was to trie his patience not to give him any warrant to kill and if David had taken that opportunity to slay Saul and had therein followed the carnall counsell of his servants he had sinned in laying his hands upon the Lords anointed for if Davids heart smote him for taking away a peece of Sauls garment how would it have tormented him if he had taken away his life Neither were the Cities of refuge appointed for wilfull murthers such as this should have beene seeing that there was enmity before betweene Saul and David QUEST XXXVIII What places of refuge were appointed I Will appoint him a place to flie unto c. 1. This place during the sojourning of the Israelites in the desert was the Tabernacle as appeareth in the next verse where mention is made of the Altar but after they came into the land of Canaan there were six Cities of refuge appointed three beyond Jordan and three of this side Iun. 2. But yet it seemeth that the Tabernacle afterward and the Temple was still a place of refuge as appeareth by Ioab who fled into the Temple and tooke hold of the hornes of the Altar which notwithstanding could not privilege him QUEST XXXIX Why the Lord appointed places for such to flie unto NOw the reasons why the Lord appointed Cities of refuge were these 1. Lest that the innocent party might be slaine by the friends of him whom he had killed before his cause was heard therefore he was appointed to flie to one of the Cities that the manner of the slaughter might be there considered of by the Judges Simler 2. And to this end it was so appointed that he might stay there to the death of the high Priest Iun. who was a type of our blessed Saviour by whose precious death we are all set free 3. And this was done ut mentem corum hac ratione medeatur c. to heale and allay the minde and fury of those which otherwise would delight in murther Theodoret. For by his absence and in continuance of time the rage of those that sought his life would be qualified and therefore God provideth that they should not be still provoked by the continuall fight of him 4. And further by this that hee which killeth one unwittingly is appointed to flie it is shewed quòd reus poenae efficitur that yet he is guilty of some punishment Theodoret. So that involuntary killing was punished with a kinde of banishment among the Israelites Simler So likewise among the Athenians such kinde of manslaughter was censured 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with one yeeres exile Galas And so among the Israelites he that escaped unto one of the Cities of refuge was not to goe out of the limits and bounds of the City if he did it was lawfull for the kinsmen of the man that was slaine to kill him Simler QUEST XL. What is to be counted wilfull murther Vers. 14. BVt if a man come praesumptuously c. 1. The word 〈◊〉 signifieth to deale arrogantly insolently to be lift up with swelling pride as Psal. 124.5 it is applied unto the swelling waves of the sea Oleaster and two things must concurre in wilfull murther it must be done wittingly and willingly Hic non solum inâ—â—ntio occidendi sed mentis utraque pars intellectus voluntas describitur Here not only the intention of killing but either part of the minde is understood the understanding in doing it with guile and the will in presuming Cajetane 2. Cajetane thinketh further that this is a divers law from the first generall prohibition of killing vers 12. for here the law speaketh of killing a neighbour or companion there of
betweene Christ and Moses and betweene the new and old Testament which both command us to love our enemies Therefore Chrysostome is deceived who thinketh that those precepts Thou shalt love thy friend and hate thine enemie terrenâ— carnali populo secundùm tempus datae sunt were given unto the earthly minded and carnall people according to the time and that Christ gave another rule in the Gospell to love our enemies for it is evident that this law commandeth us even to love our enemies And the Wise-man more evidently in the Proverbs sheweth the same chap. 25.21 If thine enemie be hungrie give him bread to eat if he be thirstie give him water to drinke c. Therefore we see that Christ in the Gospell non ferat novam legem sed veterem tantum exponat doth not make a new law but onely expoundeth the old Lippoman That therefore was no precept of the law but the Pharisies glosse That they should love their friends and hate their enemies QUEST VIII Whether it is to be read Thou shalt helpe him or lay it aside with him Vers. 5. THou shalt lay it aside with him 1. The most doe here reade Thou shalt helpe him up with it This sense followeth Calvine Cajetane Osiander Paguine as the like law is extant Deut. 22.4 Thou shalt lift them up with him But the word ghazab is seldome found in that sense but signifieth ordinarily and properly to leave or forsake 2. Therefore it is best translated Thou shalt leave or lay aside the burthen that the asse which cannot rise under his burthen it being put aside may the better stand up upon his legges But this sense being retained there are divers readings used and interpretations given 1. Some reade it with an interrogation Wilt thou indeed leave it with him Vatablus Oleaster and so understand here a negative to answer the interrogation Nequaquam No thou shalt not 2. Some reading this clause without an interrogation and understand it of the leaving or laying aside of his hatred or enmitie So the Chalde 3. But the best reading is to pronounce it without an interrogation as Montanuâ— and to referre it to the burthen of the beast as is before shewed omnino depâ—nito cum eo put it aside together with him that is thine enemie Iunius 4. And though mention be made onely of easing the asse under his burthen yet all other the like kinde of helpe is understood as if the beast be otherwise in danger as like to bee strangled or drowned whether hee have a burthen or not in these cases 〈…〉 QUEST IX How the poore mans cause is perverted in judgement QUEST IX Against lying in judgement and how it may be committed QUEST XI Who are meant here by the just and innocent Vers. 7. THou shalt not slay the innocent and the righteous 1. This is to be understood of slaying by giving sentence against such judicially for out of judgement neither is the guiltie and unrighteous person to be slaine Cajetane 2. R. Salomon by the innocent understandeth him that is cleere in his owne conscience but yet condemned by false witnesses that the Judges in this case when an innocent partie goeth from them condemned if any doe stand up to cleere them as Daniel did for Susanna they should be heard By the just he would have understood him that is indeed guiltie but yet freed in publike judgement that in this case if any doe appeare to prove him guiltie hee should not be admitted c. But the righteous and innnocent are here taken for all one as it may appeare by the opposite part I will not justifie a wicked man the innocent and righteous is set against the wicked And beside it is as acceptable to God to punish the wicked man as to cleere and set free the innocent 3. Cajetane and Tostatus make this difference Mundus est qui non commisit hòmicidium c. Hee is the cleane and innocent man which hath not committed murther adulterie or any such crime he is the just and righteous man which hath done some just thing or some good worke But this distinction is here too curious and unnecessarie for men use not to bee brought in question for their good works but for evill whereof they are either justly or wrongfully accused and so David taketh both these for the same Psal. 4.8 Iudge me O Lord according to my righteousnesse and according to mine innocencie that is in me 4. God therefore here forbiddeth Judges to condemne the innocent for guiltie as Naboth was Susanna and Ieremie with the rest of the Prophets Gallas 5. Judges are not to condemne the innocent Etiam si à superiori Iudice jubâ—â—mur c. Though they should be commanded by the superiour Judge as the Elders of Israel put Naboth to death at the commandement of Iezabel Lippoman QUEST XII In what sense God is said not to justifie the wicked FOr I will not justifie the wicked 1. Some make this to be the meaning of this reason that God would have Judges looke unto him in whose place they are that as God doth not justifie the wicked nor condemne the righteous so neither should Judges Marbach Pelarg. 2. R. Salomon maketh this the sense according to his former exposition taking the just for him which is so in the triall of mans judgement yet guiltie in his conscience and before God that yet the Judge should not put such an one to death for though he be freed by the judgement of man yet he cannot escape the hands of God he will not justifie him But this exposition is overthrowne before that a just man is not here taken in that sense 3. Therefore this rather is a menacing speech that God will be avenged even of the unrighteous Judge Iun. Quicunque impie facit sive suo sive alieno arbitrio c. Whosoever doth wickedly either of his owne minde or following anothers direction the Lord will punish it Lippoman QUEST XIII Whether a Iudge ought alwayes to follow the evidence when he himselfe knoweth the contrarie BUt here ariseth a great and weightie question whether a Judge knowing in his owne conscience that the man which is accused before him is innocent and yet he is by the witnesses and other evidence found guiltie whether he is bound to give sentence according to the evidence against his owne knowledge and whether in so doing he sinneth not 1. The affirmative part is maintained by Thomas Paulus Burgens Tostatus who putteth in these cautions that the Judge knowing the partie to bee innocent as a private person yet is to use all meanes to have the truth come to light as by giving some secret intimation to the partie accused how to defend himselfe by fifting and examining the witnesses narrowly to see if he can make them to disagree and so overthrow their testimonie and if all this will not serve to referre the matter to the superiour Judge but if he have no superiour then hee
cast by false witnesses even against his knowledge should be free then Pilate who condemned Christ being by false witnesse and the malice of the Jewes accused whom he knew to be an innocent man giving this testimonie of him I find no fault in him at all Ioh. 19.4 should notwithstanding herein have beene without fault Therefore upon these reasons the former conclusion of Lyranus standeth sound and good that a Judge sinneth in giving sentence against the innocent condemned and cast by false evidence if hee in his conscience knew him to be innocent And that he ought rather in this case to give over his office and dignitie if there be no other way to deliver the innocent rather than to be guiltie of his bloud QUEST XIV A Iudge is not bound of his knowledge to condemne a man not found guiltie in publike judgement BUt as the Judge is bound in conscience to deliver the innocent whom he knoweth so to be that yet is found guiltie through malice and envie notwithstanding it dâ—th not follow that hee should likewise condemne him that is cleared in publike judgement whom he knoweth in his private knowledge to be guiltie of the crime as of murther adulterie whereof he was accused but by favour and partialitie acquited and the reasons of this difference are these 1. The law is more readie to spare than to punish to extend favour than to shew rigour according to that rule in the law Odia restringi decet favores convenit ampliari Hatred is fit to be restrained and fafour to be enlarged Tostat. 2. In condemning a man of his owne knowledge he doth more than in dismissing the innocent for here he doth not absolve him by any sentence but onely suspendeth the sentence of condemnation and giveth over his place rather than he will give sentence against him but here he giveth sentence against the other 3. If he should condemne any upon his private knowledge onely he should doe it as a private man but so he hath no power to condemne Lyran. 4. Yet the Judge knowing the partie accused to be guiltie may by some meanes so worke and give such direction that his wickednesse may be found out but of his owne knowledge without further processe or evidence in judgement he cannot condemne him whom he knoweth to be guiltie QUEST XV. What a dangerous thing it is for a Iudge to take gifts Vers. 8. THou shalt take no gift 1. That is the Judge when any cause of his is in hand who bestoweth the gift upon him otherwise for the Prince or Magistrate to take a present or gift of acknowledgement which the subjects and inferiours doe offer to shew their dutie and thankfulnesse it is not here forbidden nay those wicked and unthankfull men that brought Saul no presents are reproved 1 Sam. 10.27 Osiander 2. And a difference is to be made betweene Judges and Advocates for these may safely take their fee so they exact not more than is due unto them because both they have not their set stipends as Judges have and beside they are but pleaders not givers of sentence and so the danger is the lesse whereas Judges have their certaine solarie appointed them and in their sentence definitive the cause standeth or falleth Tostat. 3. This also must bee understood of extraordinarie and unusuall gifts for inferiour Judges have by order certaine fees allowed them in every cause which they may safely take in some places they have publike allowance maintenance and revenues wherewith they ought to be contented as Nehemiah was allowed the bread of the Governour though he tooke it not chap. 5.15 4. And not he only which receiveth silver and gold sed etiam qui propter landom judicat male munus acciple c. but he also which for praise doth judge unjustly receiveth a reward August And there are three kindes of taking of gifts munus à corde est captata gratia à cogitatione c. there is a gift from the heart when a man thinketh to winne favour munus ab ore a gift from the mouth in praise and commendation munus ex manu a gift out of the hand by receiving of a reward Gregor QUEST XVI Whether all kinde of gifts are unlawfull 1. SOme thinke that all gifts are not unlawfull which are given to Judges and they make this difference some gifts are for gaine and lucre as silver gold and such like some are for meat and drinke and these were by some Lawes allowed to be taken especially after sentence given And these circumstances further they would have considered in gifts 1. Who giveth if the rich to him that is poore it is so much the more suspicious 2. The quantity of the gift if it be but small it is not like to corrupt the minde and therefore Tostatus saith Ecclesia Romana non consuevit in his interpretari accipientem delinquere vel donantem The Church of Rome useth not to interpret that the giver or taker offend in these small gifts But it is no marvell that their Church which loveth gifts so well according to the saying Omniae venalia Romae All things are saleable at Rome doth give such a favourable interpretation of bribery 3. The time of giving must be considered if one give unto him in his necessity it is not presumed that he did it to corrupt his mind as to releeve his want Tostat. As though it be not so much more like to corrupt the Judge when he receiveth a gift in his great necessity 2. Therefore this text seemeth to condemne all gifts great or small given to whomsoever rich or poore and whensoever being given to obtaine favour in their cause for a generall reason is given because all such gifts doe blind the eyes and judgement of the wise which are here called the seeing and as the word ghiver in piel signifieth doe not only blind but pull out their eyes as in the same mood it is said Ierem. 52.11 That the King of Babel put or pulled out the eyes of Zedekiah Oleaster And in another sense the word ghur signifieth evigilare to awake so gifts cause the eyes of the prudent to awake and attend upon the unrighteous cause Oleaster But the other sense is more fit here they are said to blind their eyes either that their judgement being corrupted they see not what is just or right as lovers are blinded in that which they love or though they see what is just yet they are turned by gifts to give wrong judgement against their owne conscience Simler These gifts also pervert the words of the just their heart also is first perverted but mention is made of words because principalis subversio c. est in verbis Iudicis the principall subversion and overthrow of the righteous cause is in the words of the Judge Tostat. qu. 8. They are called still righteous though now corrupted because they were so indeed before and seeme to be so still to themselves and others Simler
3. Wherefore if all gifts doe blind the eyes of Judges and pervert their words then it is not safe to receive any gift in that kinde which is given for the furtherance of ones cause No it is not lawfull for a Judge to take a gift to give right judgement Nam de vendâ—tione justi judicii veniretur ad venditionem nequissimi Lest from selling of just judgement they should fall to sell unjust judgement Tostat. And as it is unlawfull to sell justice so it is also to buy as S. Paul might have beene delivered for a reward Act. 24.25 but he chose rather to answer at Rome And in the ancient Church they were noted which did give money for their liberty that they might not be compelled to be present at the Gentiles idolatrous sacrifices Simler 4. So then howsoever the Canon law and the practice of the Church of Rome doth tolerate small gifts yet it is the safest way not to accept of any at all And herein the ancient Romane lawes are to be preferred which as is extant in their 12. Tabulae capite puniendum Iudicem c. did decree that Judge to be punished with death which tooke money to give sentence in a cause Dioclesian also made a Law that a sentence pronounced by a corrupt Judge ipso jure infirmam esse by the Law should be void and to be suspended by appeale Lystat being asked why he received not gifts of the Messerians answered Quia in lege justitiae peccatur Hee should have offended against the Lawes of justice Innocentius also hath a good saying speaking of corrupt Judges Vos non attenditis merita causarum sed personarum non jura sed munera non quod ratio dictet sed quod voluntas affectet non quod licâ—at sed quod lubeat c. pauperum causam cum mora negligitis divitum causam cum instantia promovetis c. You doe not consider the merit of the cause but of the persons not right but gifts not what reason enditeth but what will affecteth not what is lawfull but what you list c. the cause of the poore you neglect by delaying the cause of the rich you are diligent in promoting therefore Tostatus here resolveth and concludeth well that howsoever the Canons doe tolerate the receiving of small gifts yet it is better Si volunt effugere conscientiae scrupulum ut nihil omnino accipiant If they will avoid the scruple of conscience that they take nothing at all 5. A gift then is of great force it prevaileth much as the Wise-man saith in the Proverbs chap. 17.8 A reward is as a stone pleasant in the eyes of them that have it it prospereth whither soever it turneth As a precious stone shineth every way so a gift is available to any purpose Gifts doe much hurt in private matters as Amphiarans wife being corrupted with a precious jewell betrayed him and Procris chastity was overcome with a gift but in publike affaires gifts doe much more hurt as well in civill as Philip King of Macedonia non tam armis quam auro expugnavit libertatem Graecia did not so much by force and armour as by gifts and treasure overthrow the liberty of Greece As also in Ecclesiasticall matters where simonie doth as much hurt as bribery in the Common-wealth for they which by corrupt meanes attaine to the great preferments of the Church must needs also corruptly administer the same Aâ— the Prophet Ezechiel noteth the false Prophets which for handfuls of barley and peeces of bread did prophesie false things chap. 13.18 Simler Therefore seeing the Spirit of God hath set it downe that gifts and bribery doe corrupt and blinde Nimia eorum est impudentia c. They are very impudent and shamelesse that will make their boast notwithstanding that though they receive gifts they can give right judgement Gallas QUEST XVII Why strangers are not to be oppressed in judgement Vers. 9. THou shalt not oppresse a stranger 1. Some thinke that this is a repetition of the former Law chap. 22.21 Thou shalt not doe injury to a stranger that it may appeare quanta cura domino sint peregrini c. how carefull God is of strangers Lippom. And because the Israelites were given to be inhumane and hard toward strangers as the Jewes are to this day that contemne all people beside themselves the Lord saw it necessary often to inculcate this precept Simler But rather I thinke with Cajetane and Gallasius that this is a new Law Illud communiter hoc specialitèr datur judicibus testibus accusatoribus That was given in generall this in particular to Judges witnesses accusers 2. And to this end God so provided in his wisdome that the Israelites and their fathers should be strangers and sojourners in other countries as in Canaan and Egypt ut captivitatis peregrinationis miseriam discerent to learne by experience what the misery of captives and strangers was that they might the better know how to have pity on the like Nemo libentius hospitem sine tecto suo introducit hospitio c. No man more willingly receiveth him into his house that wanteth lodging than he that was sometime without lodging himselfe no man sooner feedeth the hungry and giveth the thirsty drinke than he that felt hunger and thirst himselfe c. August 3. And whereas it is added You know the heart of a stranger the meaning is how full of care and griefe they are that you need not afflict them more Simler that they are destitute of friends and had need to be so much the more pitied Tostat. and seeing strangers are no inhabitants but such as passe thorow the country they should not be stayed nor hindred ut iter suum posset exequi that they may finish their journey Lyran. You know also by your selves their hearts how ready they are to call unto God for helpe against their oppressors as you did in Egypt Simler QUEST XVIII Of the divers festivals of the Hebrewes Vers. 10. SIx yeeres thou shalt sow thy land c. The Hebrewes had divers kindes of festivall dayes which all tended to the honour of God Now impendimus honorem Deo c. wee doe give honour unto God either for an eternall benefit and so they had juge sacrificium every dayes sacrifice or for some temporall which is either generall as of our creation in remembrance whereof they kept the seventh day holy or of our preservation ideo erat festum Neomemae therefore they kept the feast of the new Moone every moneth or speciall as of some speciall benefit and deliverance in remembrance whereof they had their festivals of weekes as Pentecost of moneths as the seventh moneth of yeeres as the seventh yeere and the seventh seventh yeere which was the Jubile Thomas QUEST XIX Why the land was to rest the seventh yeere Vers. 11. BVt the seventh yeere thou shalt let it rest c. 1. The land is said to rest in
inter se committitur the word of God seemeth to fight with it selfe But as Abraham in the like temptation when Gods former promise and his present commandement seemed to bee contrarie yet shewed his obedience not doubting of the truth of Gods promise So Moses relieth upon the same ground and foundation of Gods promise though the Lord seemed for the present to be otherwise minded Simler 2. He prayeth therefore first directus spiritu being guided by Gods Spirit so to doe Gallas and God moved Moses to pray two wayes primò interius incitando first by stirring him inwardly to pray then movebatur exterius verbis Dei outwardly he was moved by Gods words though not directly Tostatus for the Lord in saying Let me alone as he did not directly bid him pray so secretly thereby he did insinate that by prayer his judgement might be staied Iunius 3. Moses prayeth with a vehement interrogation Why doth thy wrath wax hot which is not an expostulating with Gods justice but rather admonentis de benignitate of one admonishing God of his clemencie and gracious promise Borrhaius Neither doth Moses thus speake why c. as though God had no cause to bee angrie for it was well knowne to Moses that God had but too just cause at this time against his people but though God had just cause his meaning is Non debere irasci quia redundaret in ipsius dedecus That he ought not now to be angrie because it would redound to Gods dishonour Tostat. 4. Further it is said that Moses intreated the face of God as the Hebrew phrase is whereby is signified the earnestnesse of Moses in his prayer Et magnamentis elevatio usque ad faciem Dei And the great elevation of his minde even unto Gods face and presence And in that it is said Elohai to his God whom he calleth also Iehovah Magna describitur fiducia orantis Hereby is shewed the great confidence of Moses in his prayer Cajetan 5. And whereas Moses regardeth not the personall promise made to him that the Lord would make a great nation of him therein he sheweth his great charitie and love to his people as Chrysostom well noteth Ne id audire sustinuit He endured not to heare any such thing Sed potius una cum his qui sibi crediti erant perire quà m sine illis salvus esse ad majorem dignitatem assumi praetulit But rather chose to perish together with those which were committed to his trust than without them to bee advanced to greater honour QUEST XXXIII How the Lord is said to be angrie WHy doth thy wrath wax hot God is not subject to wrath and anger and other humane passions as man is But he is said to be angrie when he taketh revenge of sinners 1. Vltio divina furor vel ira dicitur The divine revenge is called rage or anger Hierom. And this is spoken to our understanding and after the manner of men Quia homines non puniunt nisi irati Because men use not to punish but when they are angrie therefore God is said to be angrie when he punisheth because he so seemeth to be unto us Tostat. qu. 16. 2. Another reason why God is said to be angrie is in respect of us Quod nos qui delinquimus nisi irascentem audicrimus Dominum non timeamus Because we when we sinne unlesse wee heare that God is angrie will not feare and stand in awe of him 3. Againe God is said to be angrie for the more ample commendation and setting forth of his mercie Facillimus enim ad deponendam iram For he is most readie to lay aside his anger not like unto earthly Princes that being angrie will admit no reconciliation Cyril This therefore doth more set forth the mercie and clemencie of God that being as it were inflamed with anger is so soone turned unto mercie as in this place his anger is mitigated by the prayer of Moses QUEST XXXIV Of the reasons which Moses useth in his prayer AGainst thy people c. Moses useth divers forcible and effectuall reasons to perswade the Lord in this his earnest and zealous prayer 1. Non excusat peccatum c. He doth not excuse their sinne but acknowledgeth and confesseth it Ferus 2. His second reason is à peculâ—o haereditate from the peculiar inheritance of God he calleth them thy people Pelarg. Occurrit sermoni Domini piè corrigit c. He doth as it were correct the Lords speech in a pious and dutifull manner the Lord had called them Moses people but Moses returneth that speech unto the Lord and calleth them his people Lippom. Not therein contradicting the Lord but relying upon his promise 3. From the memorie of Gods benefits which thou hast brought out of the land of Egypt all which should have beene in vaine if the Lord would now destroy his people Pelarg. Iun. 4. From the inconvenience that would ensue that while he thought to take revenge upon his enemies saviret in se he should in a manner rage against himselfe the hurt would redound unto God his name would thereby bee blasphemed Oleaster So praetendit gloriam Dei hee pretendeth the glory of God which was like to bee obscured and hindered by this meanes for the Egyptians would take occasion hereby to blaspheme and to accuse the Lord of malice against his people and of weaknesse and impotencie Iunius Pelarg. This argument is most forcible and therefore our blessed Saviour teacheth us to pray Hallowed be thy name Ferus 5. Lastly he putteth God in minde of his promises made to Abraham Izaak and Iacob which promise the Lord bound with an oath and two things the Lord promised the multiplying of their seed and the inheritance of Canaan And so Moses saith in effect if thou change in these things Nemo tibi amplius credet No man will give credit unto thee hereafter Ferus QUEST XXXV Why the Egyptians were more like thus to object than any other nation Vers. 12. WHerefore shall the Egyptians speake c. 1. Other nations likewise might so object as the Amalekites Moabites Edomites Canaanites which were all enemies unto Israel and were afraid of them as Moses saith in his song of thanksgiving chap. 15.15 Then the Dukes of Edom shall be amazed and trembling shall come upon the great men of Moab all the inhabitants of Canaan shall wax faint-hearted and therefore they would have rejoyced likewise in the destruction of Israel 2. But instance is specially given of the Egyptians in this place and yet Numb 14.14 both the Egyptians and other the inhabitants of Canaan are brought in thus speaking for these causes 1. Because they had endured more for oppressing the Israelites than any other nation even those ten grievous plagues sent upon Egypt 2. They had lost more than any other people in a manner halfe their substance when they gave unto the Israelites at their departure jewels of gold and silver 3.
inwardly grieved yet seeing the Lord so much provoked to anger it was not for him also to shew his anger too but rather to expresse his love in pacifying the Lords wrath Non oportuit in Dei praesentiâ— indignari sed furorem Dei deprecari c. It was not for Moses in Gods presence to be angrie but by entreatie rather to pacifie his anger 2. Now then whereas there are duo impetus in ira two forcible motions in anger the one when we know any thing by heare-say which may worthily move us to anger the other when by our sense wee perceive it so was it here with Moses hee was inwardly moved when first the Lord declared unto him the sinne of the people But this motion he suppressed when he saw the Lord bent to destroy the people amor vicit iram love in him overcame his anger but afterward when first by hearing he perceived their singing and rejoycing and further by his eye beheld the Calfe which he had made then his anger was vehemently kindled Tostat. qu. 26. QUEST L. Whether Moses sinned in his anger Vers. 19. MOses wrath waxed hot 1. It may seeme at the first that Moses wrath was immoderate because in his haste he cast the tables of the Law out of his hand And this may be thought more probable because Moses long after this sinned in his hastinesse when he smote the rocke in anger Numb 20. and if this had beene a sudden passion in Moses it had not beene so much now being so vehement and fervent it should seeme to bewray some infirmitie But Moses cannot bee convinced by these reasons to have offended in this his anger 1. Though Moses sinned at the waters of strife it followeth not that he was overseene here for there the Scripture noteth Moses infirmitie but here no such thing in him is reproved 2. And anger though it be exceeding great if it be in Gods cause is commendable Sicut enim amor Dei non circumscribitur terminis c. For as the love of God is not limited nor hath any bounds so neither hath zeale in Gods cause Simlerus 2. This then was a just anger and an holy rage in Moses There are two kindes of anger one is inconsiderate rash seeking private revenge there is another which is for Gods cause when wee see his honour called in question and his glorie defaced this anger is pleasing unto God when wee are angrie with mens vices not with their persons which kinde of anger is discerned by this Si postquam quis se correxerit eum odio habeat c. If one hate a man still after he hath amended his fault it is a signe hee hated not his vice but his person But if he returne in love againe the fault being redressed it sheweth his anger was only for Gods cause such was Moses here who after hee had taken revenge of the people for their sinne continueth his prayer unto God for them Tostat. qu. 27. Such was the zeale of Phinehas in slaying the adulterer and adulteresse and of Helias against Baals Priests and of our blessed Saviour when he cast the money-changers out of the Temple Ferus So Calvin concludeth well that Moses anger Cum manaverit à Spiritu sancto which proceeded from the holy Spirit was a vertue praise-worthy though it must be confessed that the affections of the Saints are not so perfect but that they may sâ—vour a little of the leaven of our corrupt nature QUEST LI. Whether Moses offended in breaking the tables of the Law Vers. 19. HE cast the tables out of his hand 1. Some thinke that Moses being carried away with heat of anger did not well consider what hee did Et prae infiâ—mitate tabulaâ— e manu excidisse And that through infirmitie the tables fell out of his hand But the text sheweth that Moses cast them out of his hand and Deut. 9.17 he saith I tooke the two tables and cast them out of my two hands it was then a voluntarie and advised act 2. R. Salomon to excuse Moses saith that of a sudden the writing of the tables was wiped out and Moses seeing them to be then for no further use cast them out of his hand But this fable contradicteth the text which describeth the tables at the verie same time when Moses carried them to bee written on both sides which is expressed of purpose to shew what a precious monument the Israelites were deprived of 3. Some make it simply an act of Moses rage that Furore turbatus tabulas fregerit c. Being distempered with rage he brake the tables which oversight of Moses in their opinion may seeme to be proved by these reasons 1. Because the tables of the Law were a most holy monument of Gods Covenant with his people in so much that Moses would not commit them to Ioshuah but carried them in his owne hands so that Moses in breaking the monument of the Covenant might seeme to offend against God the author of the Covenant and of that writing 2. It may be thought also to have beene done rashly and hastily of Moses so that therein hee could not be blamelesse 3. Like as if a Princes letter should bee cancelled by his messenger that was sent with it so the Lord might be herein angrie with Moses for defacing this writing Contra. 1. The tables indeed were a most holy and worthy monument when Moses received them of God but now inuntiles factae sunt they became unprofitable the Covenant being broken by the people the signe of the Covenant was needlesse and of no necessarie use and therefore it was no offence to breake them 2. Neither did Moses it suddenly or rashly but with good advisement he cast the tables out of his hand judging the people unworthy of them and he did it not without the instinct of Gods Spirit 3. It is no wrong to the Prince to have his letters cancelled where hee meaneth they should serve to no use but his minde is they shall be reversed So Moses knew that God would not have the tables of the Covenant offered at this time to the people that had broken his Covenant 4. This fact then of Moses in breaking of the tables may bee thus justified 1. Id fit asslatu peculiari Divini Spiritus It was done by the peculiar motion of Gods Spirit Simler Iun. Though Hugo de S. Victor make some doubt of it Vtrum ex humano affectu vel divino instinctu hoc fecerit non patet It is not evident whether hee did it of an humane affection or a divine instinct But seeing God was not angrie with Moses for doing it but biddeth to prepare the like tables againe chap. 34. it is certaine that it was no humane motion in him to doe it 2. Moses in respect of himselfe brake them Recusans esse paedagogus inobedientis populi Refusing to be the schoolemaster of such a disobedient people 3. Moses thought the people unworthy of such a
the owner is to die when his ox goareth any to death 66. qu. VVhether the owner might redeeme his life with money 67. qu. VVhat servants this law meaneth Hebrewes or strangers 68. qu. VVhy a certaine summe of money is set for all servants 69. qu. VVhat kinde of welles this law meaneth where and by whom digged 70. qu. How the live and dead ox are to be divided where they were not of equall value Questions upon the two and twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Of the divers kinds of theft 2. qu. VVhy five oxen are restored for one and for a stollen sheepe but foure 3. qu. Of the divers punishment of theft and whether it may be capitall 4. qu. VVhy the theefe breaking up might be killed 5. qu. How it is made lawfull for a private man to kill a theefe 6. qu. After what manner the theefe was to be sold. 7. qu. VVhy the theefe is onely punished double with whom the thing stollen is found 8. qu. How man is to make recompence of the best of his ground 9. qu. Of the breaking out of fire and the damages thereby 10. qu. VVhy the keeper of things in trust is not to make good that which is lost 11. qu. How the fraud in the keeper of trust was to be found out and punished 12. qu. VVhat is to be done with things that are found 13. qu. How this law of committing things to trust differeâ—h from the former 14. qu. How the cause of theft differeth from other casualties in matters of trust 15. qu. VVhether it were reasonable that the matter should be put upon the parties oath 16. qu. VVhat was to bee done if the thing kept in trust were devoured of some wilde beast 17. qu. Of the law of borrowing and lending when the thing lent is to be made good when not 18. q. Why such a strait law is made for the borrower 19. qu. Why the hirer is not to make good the thing hired as when it is borrowed 20. qu. Whether the fornicator by this law is sufficiently punished 21. qu. Why the woman committing fornication bee not as well punished by the law 22. qu. What kinde of dowrie this law speaketh of 23. qu. How this law differeth from that Deut. 22.29 24. qu. What was to be done if the fornicator were not sufficient to pay the dowrie 25. qu. What if the fornicator refused to take the maid to wife 26. qu. Whether this law were generall without any exception 27. qu. How farre this positive law against fornication doth binde Christians now 28. qu. Why the law doth require the consent of the father to such mariages 29. qu. Why next to the law of fornication followeth the law against witchcraft 30. qu. What kinde of witchcraft is here understood 31. qu. Whether love may be procured by sorcerie 32. qu. Whether witches can indeed effect any thing and whether they are worthie to bee punished by death 33. qu. Of the odious sinne of bestiall and unnaturall lust 34. qu. The reasons why men are given over to unnaturall lust 35. qu. What is meant by sacrificing to other gods 36. qu. Whether idolatrie now is to bee punished by death 37. qu. Why idolatrie is judged worthie of death 38. qu. Of kindnesse how to be shewed toward strangers and why 39. qu. Why widowes and Orphanes are not to be oppressed 40. qu. How and by what meanes prayers are made effectuall 41. qu. Why usurie is called biting 42. qu. What usurie is 43. qu. Of divers kinds of usuries 44. qu. That usurie is simplie unlawfull 45. qu. Certaine contracts found to be usurie not commonly so taken 46. qu. Whether all increase by the lone of money be unlawfull 48. qu. Whether it were lawfull for the Iewes to take usurie of the Gentiles 49. qu. What garment must bee restored before the Sun set which was taken to pledge and why 50. qu. Who are understood here by gods and why 51. qu. VVhy the Magistrate is not to be reviled and with what limitation this law is to be understood 52. qu. VVhether S. Paul transgressed this law Act. 23. when hee called the high Priest painted wall and whether indeed he did it of ignorance 53. qu. VVhat is understood here by abundance of liquor 54. qu. Of the difference of first fruits and tithes 55. qu. Of the divers kinds of tithe 56. qu. Reasons why tithes ought to be payed 57. qu. VVhether this law bee understood of the redemption of the first borne or of their consecration to Gods service 58. qu. VVhy the first borne of cattell were not to bee offered before the eighth day 59. qu. Of the meaning of this law whether it were mysticall morall or historicall 60. qu. VVhy they are forbidden to eat flesh torne of beasts 61. qu. Of the use and signification of this law Questions upon the three and twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Of raysing or reporting false tales 2. qu. What it is to put to the hand to be a false witnesse 3. qu. How great a sin it is to be a false witnesse 4. qu. VVhether in this law we are to understand the mightie or the many 5. qu. How the poore is not to be esteemed in judgement 6. qu. How person are accepted in judgement and how far the poore may be respected 7. qu. VVhy mercie is to bee shewed toward the enemies oxe and asse 8. qu. VVhether it is to bee read Thou shalt helpe him or lay it aside with him 9. qu. How the poore mans cause is perverted in judgement 10. qu. Against lying in judgement and how it may be committed 11. qu. VVho are meant here by the just and innocent 12. qu. In what sense God is said not to justifie the wicked 13. qu. VVhether a Iudge ought alwayes to follow the evidence when he himselfe knoweth the contrarie 14. qu. A Iudge is not bound of his knowledge to condemne a man not found guiltie in publike judgement 15. qu. VVhat a dangerous thing it is for a Iudge to take gifts 16. qu. VVhether all kinde of gifts are unlawfull 17. qu. VVhy strangers are not to bee oppressed in judgement 18. qu. Of the divers festivals of the Hebrewes 19. qu. VVhy the land was to rest the seventh yeare 20. qu. What the poore lived upon in the seventh yeare 21. qu. VVhether the seventh yeare were generally neglected in Israel 490. yeares together as Tostatus thinketh 22. qu. Why the law of the Sabbath is so oft repeated 23. qu. VVhat manner of mention of strange gods is here forbidden 24. qu. VVhy it is forbidden to sweare by the name of strange gods 25. qu. Whether a Christian may compell a Iew to sweare by his Thorah which containeth five books of Moses 26. qu. VVhether a Iew may be urged to sweare by the name of Christ. 27. qu. VVhether a Saracon may be urged to sweare upon the Gospell or in the name of Christ. 28. qu. VVhether a Christian may sweare upon the the Iewes Thorah 29. qu. That it is
had conceived that Moses were dead they would not have spoken so doubtfully as not knowing what was befallen him Lyranus And beside God would not have suffered Satan in the same place where hee gave them signes of his glorious presence in the clouds to have practised his cosening and counterfeit tricks 2. They shew their contempt not vouchsafing to call him by his name Contemptim virum illum appellabant c. They in contempt call him the man c. Lippoman 3. They also bewray their infidelitie that having daily experience how the Lord fed them with manna could not conceive how the Lord should preserve Moses alive also fortie dayes without any supplie of food from them Simler 4. They shew their oblivion and forgetfulnesse that having seene Moses goe up into the mountaine and entring into the thicke cloud talking with God they now begin to imagine that he might be consumed and devoured in those flames Osiander 5. This their apostasie and falling away from God and despising of his Prophet did prefigure their falling away afterward from Christ Ferus QUEST XII Why Aaron bad them pull off their earings Vers. 2. THen Aaron said plucke off the golden earings c. 1. Some thinke because the people made great account of their jewels and earings that Aaron by this meanes did thinke to have turned them from their purpose So Augustine Intelligitur illis difficilia pracipere voluisse ut isto modo ab illa intentione revocaret He may be thought to have commanded them hard things to revoke them from their intention c. So also Tostatus Lyranus 2. And Calvin further addeth that he required this lest they might have spoiled the Tabernacle to finde gold for this idoll and he might thinke the people would have beene more hardly drawne unto it because they had given so liberally unto the Tabernacle alreadie But Calvin is herein deceived for the Tabernacle was not yet made Moses being not come downe from the mount where he received instruction for the making of the Tabernacle 3. Further Aaron might thinke that the women would hardly have parted with their jewels and that there might have risen by this meanes some tumults and stirres in their families by which meanes this attempt should have beene stayed Siml Oleast And this is very like that Aaron used all meanes secretly to have put off the people but herein was his great fault that he dissembled in so weightie a matter and did not plainly and openly stay the people QUEST XIII Whether Aarons sin here is to be excused SOme goe about to excuse or extenuate Aarons offence here 1. Bernard alleageth that Aaron was forced thereunto Sceleratis tumultuantis populi contra volunt atem suam cessit clamoribus Hee gave way unto the wicked clamours of the people against his owne minde So also Theodoret Vitulum formaré necessario coactus est He was forced of necessitie to frame a calfe And so he excuseth himselfe afterward by the peoples outrage vers 22. But nothing should have compelled Aaron to doe evill he should have feared God rather than man and chosen to die before he would see God dishonoured 2. Ambrose saith Neque excusare tantum Sacerdotem possumus neque condemnare audemus We can neither excuse so great a Priest nor yet dare condemne him But seeing Moses did afterward sharply reprove him and the Lord would for this have slaine him Deut. 9. there is no question but that he most grievously sinned 3. Some alleage by way of excuse that all Aarons courses tended to have sought delayes till Moses comming in that he called for their earings which he thought would have beene gathered with much trouble and businesse then he casteth them altogether and melteth them and then caused it to bee fashioned with a graving toole after that he made an Altar and deferred the solemnitie till the next day Oleaster But all this being granted it is so farre from excusing Aaron that perfidiosior est assensus c. his consent is so much the more treacherous dissembling his conscience when he saw idolatrie so grounded and rooted in the people than if he had given a simple assent Iun. in Analys 4. Procopius saith Quasi convitienda exprobrat c. Aaron doth as it were upbraid them and scoffingly say unto them These are thy gods c. but neither were these the words of Aaron the people so said neither is it like that Aaron being afraid of them would have scoffed with them wherefore that Aaronâ— sinne was very grievous and inexcusable doth now follow to be shewed in the next question 5. Theodoret addeth Primo populi impetum verbis compâ—scere tentavit c. That first he tried to pacifie the heat of the people with words But this is not expressed in the text it may be he would have disswaded them but that he saw them so violently carried that there was no speaking unto them QUEST XIV Of the greatnesse of Aarons sinne AArons sin then is made manifest set forth by these circumstances 1. In respect of his person he had often conference with God and by him the Lord had wrought great works and miracles in Egypt therefore his example was so much the more dangerous and his fall the greater 2. The thing that hee consented unto was a breach of the first table it was not theft or adulterie or such like but wicked idolatrie for Spiritualia peccata graviora sunt Spirituall evils are more grievous Ferus 3. Quod propriis manibus accipit signum est effoeminati servilis animi In that he taketh their earings with his owne hands it was a signe of an effeminate and servile minde Calvin 4. He sinned also grievously in his dissimulation when for feare hee against his owne conscience dissembled and so betrayed the truth Iun. 5. Borrhaius addeth that he sinned two wayes beside in usurping a lawgivers office which belonged unto Moses and in bringing in new ripes and worship which God had not commanded But Aaron offended not in the first because Moses had left him governour in his place till he returned but in the latter his presumption was great 6. Aarons fall also appeareth in this that after he made a golden calfe seeing it to be pleasing unto the people he was so forward afterward both in making an Altar and proclaiming a solemnitie Pelarg. QUEST XV. Why it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall NOw it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall 1. Vt humiliaretur that he might be humbled lest hee might afterward have beene too much lifted up being called to bee high Priest Ferus 2. By this example we doe see Sanctissimos interdum faede labi c. that holy men may sometime grossely fall Borrh. 3. This sheweth that Aarons Priesthood was not perfect nor able fully to reconcile men unto God seeing he himselfe was a sinner Marb Quomodo unus captivus alium liberaret How should one captive deliver another Ferus
Or one sinner make reconciliation for another 4. And for this cause also it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall Vt nemo de gratia sua praesumat that no man should presume of his gifts or strength but let him that standeth as the Apostle saith take heed lest he fall Ferus 5. And by Aarons presumption we see how dangerous a thing it is to bring any thing into Gods service without his warrant Borrh. QUEST XVI How the golden calfe is said to be fashioned with a graving toole Vers. 4. ANd fashioned it with a graving toole and made thereof a molten calfe 1. The word here translated a graving toole is chereth which is sometime taken for a bag or purse as 2 King 5.22 where it is said that Naaman bound two talents of silver in two bags gave them to Gehezi and so some thinke that Aaron put all the peoples jewels and earings in a bag together lest they might thinke he had converted any part thereof to his owne use Cajetan but the other word vajatâ—ar he fashioned is against this sense 2. But most usually chereth is taken for a penny style or graving toole and so some thinke that Aaron with this instrument did draw a patterne making the proportion of a calfe which the workmen should follow in their casting So R. Salom. Osiand Lyran. 3. Others thinke that with this instrument Aaron made a mould in clay or such like matter and the mettall cast into it received that forme Tost q. 10. Oleast 4. Simlerus maketh a double use of this graving toole Vnum in formandâ— typo alterum in perpoliendo operefuso One in making the mould the other in polishing the worke after it was cast 5. But I rather subscribe to Gallasius that thinketh here is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a transposing of the words putting the latter first for the golden calfe was first cast and melted and then polished and trimmed with a graving toole as workmen use to doe 6. This calfe was made by Founders worke there are three wayes to make and frame things of mettall either by hammering and beating them to some fashion as the Cherubs upon the Arke were made or by joyning the peeces and joints together which are sunderly made or by casting and melting it in a mould and so was this golden calfe made Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XVII Why Aaron caused the likenesse of a calfe to be made rather than of any other thing Vers. 4. A Molten calfe 1. Some of the Hebrewes give this ridiculous reason why the image of a calfe was made rather than of any other thing when the Israelites were comming out of Egypt and intended to bring out Iosephs bones with them as they did they say Nilus had overflowen the place where his bones were and so Moses did make the picture of a calfe in a certaine golden plate which floting upon the water shewed the place where Iosephs bones lay which plate they say was brought among other jewels to Aaron here and cast into the fire by vertue whereof the whole masse of gold was turned into the shape of a calfe But here are many fables couched together 1. It is a very tale that Iosephs bones were found out by any such meanes 2. The people onely brought their golden earings therefore no such plate 3. Neither was there any such vertue in that golden plate if there had beene any such to convert or change the whole masse 4. Neither was there any such cause seeing the molten calfe was cast in a mould Opere fusario by Founders worke as the Latine translator readeth 2. R. Abraham seemeth to thinke that this figure of a calfe was made rather than any other as apâ—est at that time to receive some divine and celestiall influence but though Aaron were at this present grossely blinded and deceived yet it were impietie to thinke that he was given to such superstitious astrologicall observations as to make figures to derive some secret supernaturall influence and vertue into by the celestiall constellations 3. Some thinke that Aaron caused a calfe to be made to deride them as Helias did Baals Priests supposing they would not be so absurd as to ascribe divine vertue unto a calfe Procopius But it seemeth that Aaron was in good earnest by that which followeth in that he set up an Altar and proclaimed an holy day 4. It is further alleaged by some that Aaron intended not to make any thing of the gold thinking that the fire might consume it but that the Egyptians which were in the campe by their art Magike and by the operation of the devill caused the image of a calfe to come forth Ex Fero. But it may appeare vers 24. by Aarons confession unto Moses that he intended to make them an image when he cast the mettall into the fire and to what end else served the graving toole but to fashion it he would not have polished and trimmed the devils worke 5. Some further thinke they would have a calfe made because the sacrifices of bullocks are the chiefest and thereby they thought the better to please God But it is not like that they had any such purpose at this time to doe that which was pleasing unto God seeing they had heard not long before the Lord by his owne mouth forbidding them to make any kinde of image to worship 6. It is therefore most like that Aaron according to the desire of the people made a Calfe like unto the Egyptian god Apis which they had seene the Egyptians to worship and therefore they were drawne by the corrupt imitation of them to have the image of a Calfe made Lyran. Calvin Simler Gallas Augustine addeth further that the Egyptians had set up the image of an oxe or bullocke by Iosephs tombe which they worshipped So the Interlinâ—â—ry glosse giveth this reason Quia bovem adoraverunt in Aegypto Because they had used to worship a bullocke in Egypt And the Egyptians used to worship their King being dead under the forme of a live bullocke Plin. lib. 8. cap. 46. QUEST XVIII Whether the Israelites thought indeed the golden Calfe to be the God that delivered them THen they said These be thy gods O Israel which brought thee out of Egypt 1. Procopius thinketh that these words were uttered by Aaron and that hereby he would have brought them to remember that God which had brought them out of Egypt But it is evident by the text that these were the acclamations of the people 2. Lyranus thinketh that the people attribuebat idolo did attribute unto this idoll it selfe those great wonders which God had wrought for their deliverance and therefore for honour of this idoll they speake in the plurall number as men used to doe to great persons But it is not like they were so mad as to thinke the golden Calfe brought them out of Egypt cum res esset inanimata it being a thing without life Ferus And men use to speake for more