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A15400 An harmonie vpon the first booke of Samuel wherein according to the methode obserued in Hexapla vpon Genesis, and Exodus, but more compendiously abridged, these speciall things are obserued vpon euery chapter: the diuers readings compared, doubtfull questions explaned, places of Scripture reconciled, controuersies briefly touched, and morall collections applied. Wherein aboue foure hundred theologicall questions are handled, with great breuitie and much varietie, by the former author of Hexapla on Genesis. Willet, Andrew, 1562-1621. 1607 (1607) STC 25678; ESTC S120031 271,285 362

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vigilant ought the dispenser of things spirituall to be The Imperiall lawes haue prouided that Aduocates should not evagari stray out of the cities and places where they practised Cod. lib. 2. tit 7. leg 2. and for souldiers it is prouided milites non tractent aliena negotia They should not busie themselues with other mens affaires but attend vpon their owne calling and charge Cod. lib. 2. tit 13. leg 7. If they which doe but fight for mens bodies and such as plead for mens goods must giue such diligent attendance much more is the same requisite in those that are charged with mens soules But now a daies this at many hands is counted so ordinarie and easie a thing to be the Pastor of soules that a man will require more diligence at his seruants handes about his cattell then many doe performe in the feeding of soules God in his good time open the eyes of such that they may see the great danger which they by their negligence and carelesnesse cast themselues into and that they may feele the heauie waight of the burthen of soules that they may deliuer their owne soules 6. Lastly not to heape vp more arguments in so euident a matter This is not the least thing which should mooue Pastors to be resident among their people because they giue great offence by their vnnecessarie absence to the Church of God as seeking rather to feede vpon them then to feede them as the Prophet Esechiel complaineth of such idle shepheards Ye eate the fat and cloath you with the wooll ye kill them that are fedde but ye feede not the sheepe Esech 34.3 Saint Paul saith to the Corinthians I seeke not yours but you 2. Cor. 12.14 But such as care not for Christs flocke doe euidently proclaime that they seeke not them but theirs Of this kinde of scandall and offence Augustine had experience in his people of Hippo of whome he thus writeth Populus Hipponensis cui me deus servum dedit ita est ex omni parte infirmus vt pressura etiam levioris tribulationis poterit aegrotare eum modo cum regressus sum periculosè scandalizatum comperi de absentia mea The people of Hippo whose seruant the Lord hath made me is so altogether weake that a little trouble is able to make them very sicke I found them at my returne dangerously scandalized with my absence Epist. 7. If the people tooke offence at Augustines necessarie absence for without iust cause that holy man would not absent himselfe much more grieuous is the offence which is iustly giuen by vnnecessarie absence Of lawfull and iust causes of the Pastors absence Now whereas it hath been thus shewed that the presence residēce of Pastors is necessarie both in respect of the great danger which they incurre thereby the cause thereof the wāt of loue the inconueniences which growe vnto the people the vigilancie of the spirituall aduersarie the price and excellencie of their charge concerning soules and the publike offence and scandall yet are there some occasions which may lawfully draw the Pastor for a time from his people and especially these fowre 1. He may be absent for the publike seruice of the Church as in beeing present in generall or provinciall Councells in helping to settle and compound the variances and differences in other Churches and such like profitable employments As S. Paul when a man of Macedonia appeared vnto him in a vision saying Come and helpe vs tooke it for a sufficient warrant for him to goe into Macedonia to pla●● the Gospel there Act. 16.9 10. So although in this behalfe the calling of Apostles and Pastors is much different the one beeing not limited the other tied to a charge yet it is a good occasiō of absence when the necessitie of other Churches calleth for helpe at some Pastors hands As Ambrose saith Non dubito fratres contristari vos quotiescunque absentem me à vobis necessitas facit I doubt not brethren but that you are grieued when as necessitie maketh me absent from you Ser. 39. And in an other place Alterius Ecclesiae necessitatibus evocatus minime vobis solitum studium dependisse videor beeing called forth by the necessarie busines of an other Church I seeme not to haue bestowed on you my wonted care Ser. 28. 2. An other cause of absence is when the Pastor personally is sought for and can not remaine among his flocke without perill of his life and when his sheepe are become wolues to rise vp against their own shepheard Dauid though accounted king ouer Israel beeing personally pursued by Saul with whome the Ziphims of his owne tribe conspired 1. Sam. 23. fled out of the land and S. Paul beeing sought for in Damascus was let downe in a basket by a window 2. Cor. 11.33 Athanasius whose life was sought for by his enemies the Arrians did leaue his Church of Alexandria and gaue way for the time hiding himselfe for the space of sixe yeares in a drie cisterne and fowre moneths in his fathers tombe And he himselfe maketh this Apologie Quis mihi mirabiliter divinitus erepto vitio vertat quod non in manus me quaerentium reiecerim c. Who can blame me beeing miraculously deliuered that I did not cast my selfe into their hands which sought me Tripart hist. lib. 6. c. 22. This occasion of absence is allowed by the auncient practise of the Church Si non suo vitio sed plebis contradictione aberit à parochia If he be absent not by his owne default but the contradiction and opposition of the people Antiochen can 18. Who doubteth therefore but that those holy Confessours in the late daies of persecution in England which fled out of the land seeing the life of the Pastors and Ministers was cheifly sought for therein were warranted to doe as they did beeing by this meanes preserued by Gods prouidence for the restauration of the Church afterward 3. A third lawfull cause of absence and discontinuance for a time is for recouering the health of bodie for many diseases are helped by the change of aire and in this case it is lawfull for a man if the place be such as agreeth not with the state of his bodie to leaue the charge altogether beeing called vnto an other This cause staied Epaphroditus from the Church of the Philippians whome as soone as he was recouered S. Paul sent vnto them that they might reioice when they saw him Philip. 2.25.28 The Ecclesiasticall histories make mention of Sylvanus who was made Bishop of Philippolis in Thracia by Atticus Patriarke of Constantinople but beeing of a thinne bodie and not able to endure the colde of that countrey was remooued from thence to Troas in an hotter climate Socrat. lib. 7. c. 37. 4. A Minister or Pastor may vpon his necessarie priuate occasions lawfully for a time be absent as in following necessarie suits of law to defend his right which require his personall attendance or in attending vpon some
the thing 3. Therefore neither is their interpretation to be receiued that thinke Saul praieth that he which was faultie might come to light Vatab. Ioseph as though Ionathan had beene more faultie then Saul which was not like because Ionathan ignorantly brake the oath and vow of his father neither gaue consent vnto it Osiand 4. But as Ionathan is not to be held to haue beene the speciall offender whome God here shooteth at as he did vpon the like occasion bring Achans sinne to light Iud. 7. so neither is he to be altogether excused for although it be a sinne to make a rash oath and vowe at the first yet it is a fault also to breake euen such a rash oath and yet a greater sinne it is to keepe it with greater inconueniencie and hurt and ignorance though it doth qualifie the offence yet it doth not altogether iustifie it ignorantia excusat à tanto non à tot● ignorance excuseth from so great a fault but not from all the fault as the Preacher speaking of the paying of vows would not haue a man plead and say it was ignorance Eccl. 5.5 We must therefore yeild Ionathan to haue beene somewhat faultie in breaking the oath though ignorantly because the lots fell out iust but yet Saul more faultie in making it for the Lord doth not by this lot shew who was most faultie but who it was that had broken the oath which was the thing which Saul earnestly requested But though Ionathan were somewhat touched in this action as his owne heart doth misgiue him which two arguments of the disposing of the lots and his owne confession shew that he was not altogether cleare yet this was not Gods principall intendiment to discouer the offence of Ionathan as to lay open Sauls hypocrisie by that meanes which had endammaged his owne sonne and troubled the hoast and hindred the victorie as also God by this meanes would humble Ionathan least he might haue beene puffed vp too much with the ioy of his victorie and further it must be considered that as God by lot brought Ionathan to light and so into this danger yet he had prouided also a meanes whereby Ionathan should escape it by the mediation of the people 5. But although it be graunted that Ionathan was faultie yet offending materially in respect of the thing done not formally in regard of any such minde or purpose which he had yet this example prooueth not that rash vowes as of forced chastitie and other such superstitious iniunctions as to goe in pilgrimage to Ierusalem or such like are better kept then violated it is an offence for a man euen to breake a vowe which is not in his power to keepe in regard of his rashnes that made such a vow and so dallying as it were with God but it is a greater sinne to keepe such a vow to greater mischiefe as if a man hath vowed not to marrie if he doe marrie he offendeth because of his former rashnes but he sinneth double if keeping his vow he falleth thereby into adulterie Iipthah had done best of all if he had not made so rash a vow to offer whatsoeuer came first to meete him for a dog or vncleane beast might haue beene the first as well as his daughter but the vow beeing made it had beene better for him not to haue kept his vowe but to haue redeemed it according to the law which appointeth redemption both for men and women that are consecrated vnto God Leuit. 27.3 4. yet had it beene an offence also in Iipthah in not keeping his vowe his former rashnes considered though his ouersight was greater in performing it contrarie to the law Leuit. 27.3 4. 19. Quest. v. 41. Whether Saul praied with faith seeing the Lord heard him and directed the lots 1. Some thinke that this was a great preheminence of the Israelites that God vouchsafed to giue them answers when they asked counsell of him which direction Christians now haue not But their state and ours considered this was no preheminence but rather a supporting of their weaknes for they consulted with God either for direction to know what they should doe but that is not now needefull seeing the word of God is a sufficient rule vnto vs or els to know what successe they should haue in their busines this was necessarie for them then that their religion should be confirmed by such signes and they were but one nation and all the world was against them therefore such sensible presence of the Lord among them was necessarie But now the faith of Christians hath beene alreadie sufficiently confirmed by miracles and some of all nations belong vnto the Church therefore there is not now such cause of the Lords visible manifesting of himselfe Mar. 2. And though the Lord heareth Saul it was not for any efficacie in his praiers beeing voide of faith but because the Lord doth challenge vnto himselfe the ordering of lots as the marriners lots in Ionas shippe though they were Idolaters fell out iust when they cried vnto God because that which they asked was agreeable to Gods will and the Lord would reape glorie by it So in this place the Lord doth that which Saul desired not because he asked it but for that God intended some further worke thereby as the humbling of Ionathan and the reuealing of the hypocrisie of Saul ex Martyr 20. Quest. Whether Saul or Ionathan were the greater offenders seeing Ionathan was taken by lot 1. It is cleare that Saul had trespassed more in making such a rash vow at the first giuing occasion to the people to sinne in eating of blood further he sweareth thrice vnaduisedly first when he made the vow againe when the Lord would not answer him and the third time after Ionathan was discouered three times did he thus sweare that he should die Now Ionathans ouersight is excused two waies by his necessitie that vrged him to eate and his ignorance that did hide it from him 2. But yet it pleased God that Ionathans slippe should be discouered for these causes 1. if Saul beeing king had beene pointed out by lot it would somewhat haue empaired the credit of the king 2. it was a greater griefe vnto Saul then if he himselfe had beene taken for no man could haue executed the sentence vpon him 3. by this meanes some thinke that God would establish militarie discipline that orders made in armies should be strictly obserued 4. and though Ionathan sinned of ignorance yet it was fitte it should be purged 3. Saul sheweth his hypocrisie in that he neglecteth Gods commandement which the people had transgressed in eating of blood but he presseth obedience to his owne law euen vnto death So among the Romanists he that speaketh against their superstitious rites is punished vnto death whereas adulterie blasphemie and other greater enormities are either not at all or very lightly punished ex Martyr 21. Quest. v. 45. How Ionathan was deliuered by the people 1. Saul in
made him in Carmel 1. Some thinke that he there set vp a triumphant pillar or monument of the victorie Hierom. as taking the honour thereof vnto himselfe and not giuing due thanks vnto God Osiand but this Carmel beeing in Iudah it seemeth that Saul would not haue chosen that place rather then his owne tribe and territorie of Benjamin to set vp any such triumphant monument in 2. Some thinke that Saul made some stay there to diuide the pray and spoile among the people Vat. but it seemeth by the bleating of the sheepe and the lowing of the oxen afterward that the pray was not diuided yet and Saul afterward excused himselfe that they had reserued them for sacrifice v. 14. 3. So neither is it like that Saul made him a place that is there built an altar vnto God as some Hebrewes thinke for by his answer made vnto Samuel it appeareth that he had not yet sacrificed 4. Therefore the place which in Hebrew properly signifieth an hand that is a space or elbow as it were of ground which Saul made was some conuenient plot of ground where Saul refreshed his hoast beeing newly returned from battell for he staied not there long but from thence went to Gilgal Iun. 13. Quest. v. 12. Of Carmel where Saul made his place 1. This word Carmel is sometime taken appellatiuely in Scripture and it signifieth a greene eare of corne Leuit. 2.14 or purple colour Cantic 7.5 sometime it is taken for a fertile or fruitfull field as Isa. 10.18 carmilo his fruitfull fields 2. But here it is a proper name of a towne in Iudah Iosh. 15.55 which was in the way as they returned from Amalek Iun. 3. There was an other Carmel which bounded Zebulun Ifachar and Assher Iosu. 18.24 which was diuerse from this Carmel for that was toward the Sea westward as that place of Ioshua sheweth famous for the confession of Baals priests there by the Prophet Elias 1. king 18. the other was South neere vnto mount Seir in the tribe of Iudah Borr. in Iosh. 18.24 4. Yet some doe thinke that it might be all one Carmel one ende whereof hung ouer into the Sea the other reached vp in the land toward mount Thabor Masius in Iosh. 14. Quest. v. 15. Of Sauls excuse and defense vnto Samuel Sauls hypocrisie here is discouered 1. in boasting that he had fulfilled Gods commandement wheras apparātly he had transgressed it for this is the manner of hypocrites when they follow their owne deuises to say they haue fulfilled the commandement of the Lord. Bis. 2. He excuseth himselfe in laying the fault vpon the people and putting it from himselfe Pellican 3. He cloaketh and coloureth his couetousnes with a pretense of zeale and religion as though he had spared the best things for sacrifice 4. He afterward notwithstanding iustifieth his sinne as though he had for all this done well and obeied the voice of God v. 22. Pellican 5. He maketh a semblance of sorrow and repentance at the last but it was farre from true submission v. 25. Borr. 6. He doth all vpon a vaine ostentation onely desiring that the Prophet would honour him before the people v. 25. Osiand 15. Quest. v. 23. Of the meaning of the Prophets words Rebellion is as the sinne of witchcraft 1. The Prophet to amplifie Sauls sinne compareth it with two great transgressions of soothsaying and diuining by magicall predictions and of committing idolatrie he toucheth two kindes of idolatrie one inward in the superstition of the minde called here aven which signifieth a lie or falshood as also iniustice or vnrighteousnes as the Sept. read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but here it is properly applied to false worship the other kinde is in the outward adoration of Idols here called teraphim Bor. 2. Some thinke that here is a comparison made not of the sinnes but of the punishment that rebellion deserueth as well a capitall punishment as either Idolatrie or soothsaying ex Vatab. but the Prophet speaketh directly of the sinne it selfe as before of the vertue of obedience to obey is better then sacrifice v. 22. 3. The Prophet must be vnderstood not to speake of transgressions either of ignorance or infirmitie but of the sinne of obstinacie contumacie and rebellion whē one knowing the will of God doth wilfully resist it for this proceedeth from the same cause namely infidelitie which the other sinnes of witchcraft and Idolatrie doe he which feareth not to breake Gods commandements doth in a manner not acknowledge the Lord to be God Pellican and he maketh himselfe wiser then God as though he could finde out a better way then the Lord hath prescribed Vatab. 4. By this then we see what is to be iudged of the manifold superstitions among the Romanists their leauing of Gods commandements to establish their owne traditions that although they pretend a good intention yet the wilfull forsaking of the word of God and his institution to make way for humane superstitious rites is as the sinne of soothsaying before God 5. Yet it can not be inferred hereupon that sinnes are equall and that euery transgression and disobedience of Gods cōmandement is equall to the sinne of witchcraft and Idolatrie but the qualitie of the sinne is rather here to be respected then the quantitie for rebellion and obstinacie in what thing soeuer doth proceed from infidelitie euen as the sinnes of witchcraft and idolatrie though not in the same degree and Iosephus doth seeme to expound it thus that this disobedience of Saul did preiudice his sacrifice and made it of no value or acceptance with God as if a soothsayer or Idolater should sacrifice vnto God as the Prophet in the same sense saith he that killeth a bullocke is as he that smiteth a man Isa. 66.3 that is an hypocrite is no more accepted of God then a prophane murderer and wicked person And this disobedience of Saul was a sufficient cause to depriue him of the kingdome as if he had beene guiltie of soothsaying or Idolatrie 16. Quest. v. 24. Of Sauls repentance in saying to Samuel I haue sinned There was great difference betweene Sauls repentance here and Dauids 2. Sam. c. 12. who in the very same word saith catathi I haue sinned 1. Dauid at the first as soone as his sinne was shewed vnto him confessed it but Saul is hardly brought to acknowledge his sinne it was a long time first so he is serae poenitentiae exemplum an example of slow late repentance 2. He doth not make a simple and plaine confession but minseth and extenuateth his sinne that he feared the people and so at their instigation did as he did so hard is it for hypocrites to be brought to make a true confession of their sinne but to lay the fault vpon others Osiand 3. He confesseth his sinne rather for feare to loose the kingdome then for greefe that he had offended God for till such time as Samuel had saide the Lord had reiected and cast him off
seruants and said I haue seene a sonne of Ishai Iunius thinketh that this might be Ionathan who had the first notice of Dauid but then it seemeth he should not haue beene called one of Sauls seruants or young men and beside it may be gathered chap. 18.1 that Ionathan had then onely the first sight and knowledge of Dauid when his heart was knitt vnto him It was rather as it should seeme some of Sauls ordinarie followers and seruants that gaue this intelligence of Dauid 2. And further whereas Iunius thinketh that Dauid was knowne now to be a warrelike man by that exploit which he did against Goliath which storie following in the next chapter he taketh to be set out of place and to haue beene done before this it is not necessarie so to applie these words which rather may haue relation to his more then warrelike feates in slaying the lyon and the beare which might be done before this Gods spirit beginning to worke in him 3. Gods prouidence herein appeareth in bringing Dauid to Sauls court that he might be acquainted with the affaires of estate before he tooke vpon him the kingdome Borr. as also that Dauids patience humilitie wisedome might be diuersly exercised and tried that first he might be humbled and afterward exalted Genevens CHAP. XVII 1. Quest. v. 4. Why Goliath is called habenaim betweene two 1. THe most Interpreters vnderstand it to be so spoken because he came betweene the two armies A.P.V. supplying the word armies but because he is said to come forth from the Philistims campe it should seeme superfluous to adde betweene the two armies as also for the same reason the Chalde reading from betweene them seemeth not to be so proper because he is saide also to come forth from the armie of the Philistims 2. But the Latine translatour readeth spurius a bastard without any shew of reason or ground 3. Some thinke it to be spoken of his great stature that he was as bigge as two Pellican but the description of his great stature followeth afterward 4. Therefore I rather approoue Iunius reading that he is called habenaim that is duellator because he challenged any hand to hand that the combate might be betweene two as his challenge is set out and proclaimed v. 8 9 10. Giue me a man that we may fight together so the Sept. giue the sense reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a mightie man a champion for the word benaim beeing of the masculine gender can not agree with machanoth armies or campes beeing of the feminine and the article set before habenaim noteth some speciall description of the man 2. Quest. v. 4. Of Goliaths stature 1. Whereas it is saide in the text that he was sixe cubits and an hand breadth high that is counting after the common cubit three yards and an hand high Iosephus is deceiued that maketh him but foure cubits high and an hand breadth lib. 6. de antiquit c. 10. 2. It is like seeing this Goliath was of Gath that he was of the generation of the Anakims who beeing expelled out of Israel yet remained in Azzah Gath and Ashdod Iosh. 11.22 Osiand 3. As his bodie was huge and vast so was his armour his brigandine or brestplate called kashkashim of the similitude of fish skales weighed fiue thousand shekels of brasse which counting after the common shekel which was halfe an ounce amounteth to an 156. pound 4. ounces and his speare head weighing sixe hundred shekels maketh 18.3 quarters Genevens wherein appeareth the great strength of this gyant whose armour and weapons if all of them were reckoned weighed not lesse then 200. pound waight more then any other could beare yet he was able to walke vp and downe with it and to weild himselfe and his armour yet this armour of proofe could not defend him frō the stone out of Dauids sling for there is no strength nor counsell against God 3. Quest. v. 6. Whether it were Goliaths sheild which he caried betweene his shoulders or what other part of his armour it was 1. The most doe here read a sheild of brasse betweene his shoulders A.P.L.S.B.G. but his sheild was borne before him by his armour bearer v. 7. as captaines haue their pages that beare their targets and the word chidon Iosh. 8.18 is by Montan. and Pagnin in that place translated a speare not a sheild 2. Some thinke that it was the hinder part of the helmet which hung downe betweene the shoulders and couered them as a sheild Vatab. but that part of the helmet which commeth out vseth to be before for safegard of the face which if it were turned behinde would be combersome 3. Iunius calleth it humerale a shoulder piece but the same word Iosh. 8.18 and Ierem. 6.23 he taketh for a speare and whereas v. 45. Dauid saith to Goliath thou commest to me with a speare and chidon if it had beene the shoulder piece that was not in Dauids sight he would rather haue spoken of his brigandine or brestplate that was before him and in his view 4. Therefore I rather preferre the reading of the Chal. which calleth it a speare or iauelin of brasse both because the word is so taken Iosh. 8.18 where Ioshua lift vp his speare for a signe Iob 41.19 where it is said that the Leuiathan of the sea laugheth at the shaking of chidon the speare Iosephus also saith he carried his speare betweene his shoulders It seemeth therefore that he had both a speare or launce in the one hand and a iauelin or trunchin of brasse which he caried betweene his shoulders with the other 4. Quest. v. 8. Why Goliath saith Am not I a Philistim 1. Ionathas Syrus thinketh that this Goliath was that Philistim which had before killed Eli his sonnes and taken the Arke and therefore he saith in a vaunting manner Am not I that Philistim but that exploit seemeth to haue beene done to long before almost fourtie yeares considering also that the brother of this Goliath was slaine by one of Dauids worthies toward the ende of Dauids raigne 2. Sam. 21.19 which was very neare eightie yeres from the death of Eli his sonnes 2. The most read Am not I a Philistim but it had beene no great matter for him to be a Philistim the Israelites had no cause to be afraid of euery ordinarie Philistim 3. Therefore Vatablus readeth well Am not I Pelisteus ille that Philistim and as the Chalde interpreteth Am not I Goliath the Philistim that is that famous Philistim which hath done so many great exploits among them Vntab 5. Quest. v. 10. Of Goliaths chalenge that prouoked Israel to fight hand to hand This kind of chalenge is much displeasing vnto God as proceeding of pride and tending vnto mischiefe 1. which vse of putting the triall of the common cause vpon the hazard of two or some few was taken vp first among the Gentiles as the Romanes and the Albani did set out each of them three champions that by their aduenture the generall
court of iustice where he is impleaded So S. Paul by appeale was sent to Rome there to make answer for himselfe before Cesar. The Canons of the Church were herein at the first very strict first it was not permitted that any of the Cleargie ne propter causam suam quamlibet intraret in curiam for any cause whatsoeuer should goe into any court Concil sub Silvest 1. c. 16. Afterward more libertie was graunted that they might goe vnto the Courts and places of iudgement vt aut viduis pauperibus succurrant aut de verbo dei iudices admoneant to succour the widowes and poore or to admonish Iudges of their dutie out of the word of God Cabilonens sub Carol. c. 11. And this libertie was further enlarged that one might depart from his cure maiorum authoritate inductus beeing drawne and fetched by authoritie Pelag. 2. Epist. 2. It was also decreed Concil Sardicen that Priests and Deacons in Thessalonicorū civitate non diutius morentur quam constituta tempora per Episcopos should stay no longer in the citie of Thessalonica then the time appointed by the Bishops They were permitted then to stay so long about their busines as was thought fit and was limited vnto them But as these fowre necessarie occasions premised doe excuse the absence of Pastors for a season so yet they are limited and confined with these fowre restrictions 1. The Pastor must see that he pretend not a necessitie without necessitie but it must be indeede a more vrgent cause that draweth him from his vrgent busines at home for the attending vpon his flocke is a necessarie thing and it must not be intermitted but vpon a great necessitie as Cyprian sheweth Quoniam sic rebus vrgentibus detinemur vt longe isthinc excurrere diu à plebe cui de divina indulgentia praesumus abesse non datur facultas because we are so deteined with vrgent busines that we can not goe farre away or be absent from the people ouer the which God hath set vs. lib. 4. epist. 6. 2. The Pastor must prouide that when necessitie calleth him from home his absence may by others for that time be supplied that the Church be not left destitute This was Augustines rule They which in time of common daunger reserue themselues for better times doe well cum alij non desunt per quos ministerium suppleatur ne ab omnibus deseratur when as others are not wanting by whome the ministerie may be supplied that the Church be not forsaken and left destitute of all Epist. 180. 3. Augustine in the same Epistle seemeth to giue an other caueat propounding the example of Dauid Ne se committeret praeliorum periculis lucerna in Israel extingueretur à suis hoc petentibus sumpsit non praesumpsit Dauid that he should not offer himselfe to the daunger of battell and so the light of Israel should be put out he presumed not of himselfe but assumed it as desired of the people In such necessarie absence and discontinuance of the Pastor the consent of the people were fit to be had though it be not alwaies necessarie that as the Apostle would haue the man and wife to be sequestred for a time the one from the other but yet with consent 1. Cor. 7.5 so a mutuall consent in the absence of the Pastor from his Church to the which he is as it were married and espoused were requisite and so lesse offence would be taken at it 4. This time of absence vpon the former iust occasions would not be long as before the Apostle would not haue the married couple one to defraud an other but for a time Ambrose saith Paucorum dierū occupationibus detentus coetui vestro videor defuisse beeing deteined from you by the employment of a few daies I may seeme to haue beene wanting vnto your assembly Serm. 28. Sardicen con c. 14. it was decreed Episcopus per tres dominicos non amplius absit ab Ecclesia that a Bishop should not be absent aboue three Lords daies from his Church meaning whereas he was not by any vrgent necessitie deteined And where there was cause of absence the cause ceasing they were eftsoone to returne to their charges Now as these causes before alleadged may excuse the necessarie absence of Pastors not continually but for a time so these that follow which by some may be pretended are no sufficient allegations for the Pastors absence Causes pretended by some not sufficient to warrant or excuse the Pastors absence 1. When there is publike persecution raised against the Church in generall by hostile inuasion the life of the Pastors beeing not personally sought when as well the people are persecuted as the Pastor in this case he is not to flie and leaue his flocke as Dauid when the Lyon and beare inuaded his flocke did not turne his backe and leaue them to be a pray but manfully withstood them and deliuered his flocke But where as our Sauiour biddeth his Apostles when they were persecuted in one citie to flie vnto an other Augustine wisely answeareth making a difference betweene personall and publike persecution Fugiunt Christi servi quod praecepit seu permisit cum eorum quivis specialiter à persecutoribus quaeritur c. let the seruants of Christ flee as Christ did command or permit when any of them is specially sought for by the persecutors In communi autem omnium periculo qui indigent ne ab his quibus indigent deserantur but in the common danger of all let not them which stand in neede be forsaken of them whome they haue neede of August epist. 180. For by this marke our Sauiour describeth an hireling who when he seeth the wolfe comming fleeth and leaueth the flocke Ioh. 10.12 2. An other instance may be giuen of the plague and pestilence when a contagious sicknes hath inuaded the parish whether the Pastor in this case may not goe aside to preserue himselfe from daunger In this case a difference must be made betweene priuate men and such as beare publike office the one beeing free the other bound for they which are not tied by any office or administration to attend vpon the Church or Common-wealth may as freely escape from the pestilence by chaunging of place as from the sword but otherwise neither the Pastor from his flocke nor the Magistrate from his gouernment can with any better conscience flee away then the husband from the wife the father from the children for all these are comprehended vnder the Apostles rule Let euery man abide in the same vocation wherein he is called 1. Cor. 2.20 Therefore he which is called to gouerne rule or teach must not leaue his standing and charge for that were to depart from his calling Gregorie 3. did giue a good resolution in this case writing thus to Bonifacius who was desirous to be satisfied whether in the time of pestilence they which were yet vntouched might not escape from the daunger
may admit degrees 3. Quest. v. 8. Of Sauls hatred toward Dauid 1. Saul is giuen ouer to be tormented of his owne affections at once he is inuaded with anger feare and enuie which bringeth forth hatred at the last first he is angrie with the women without cause for they had ascribed vnto Dauid no more then he deserued for in killing Goliath he had done as great seruice as ten thousand could haue done and they gaue vnto Saul more then he deserued as Chrysostome sheweth homil de Davide Saule for Saul had continued 40. daies in the campe suffering the Philistim to make his vaunts and did nothing yet least they should seeme altogether to disgrace Saul they say Saul hath slaine his thousand Next vnto his anger followeth his feare he beginneth to be iealous of his kingdome saying What can he haue more sauing the kingdome then he falleth to enuie Dauid and to be suspicious of him he had an eye vnto Dauid from that day forward v. 9. and last of all he hateth him and deuiseth mischiefe against him Martyr 2. This enuie which Saul bare vnto Dauid brought these enormities with it first he therein opposed himselfe against the will and counsell of God who had determined and set it downe that Dauid should be King Dauid did not so who beeing driuen out of Ierusalem by his sonne doth meekely submit himselfe to the Lords pleasure saying If he say thus vnto me I haue no delight in thee behold here I am let him doe to me as seemeth good in his eies 2. Sam. 15.26 Secondly Saul is violently caried with this streame of enuie to hate Dauids vertues euen that for the which Dauid was worthie to be loued Thirdly this enuie tended vnto Sauls owne hurt it was as a fire in his bosome and as a worme continually gnawing vpon him not suffering him to haue any rest so enuie is a sinne against God against man and most of all the enuious person sinneth against his owne soule Borr. 4. Quest. v. 10. How Saul is said to haue prophesied 1. Some doe interpret that he was madde Chal. but to play the Prophet simply is not to be madde 2. Some thinke he is said to prophesie because he spake in his fitts he knew not what he vttered straunge words and phrases farre from the capacitie of other as the Prophets vttered parables as Avicenna noteth that madde men in their fitts many times vtter straunge languages and words which they neuer learned nor vnderstood Mart. 3. Some take it to be spoken according to the opinion of the vulgar sort who when men prophesied thought they were madde as Iehu his companions called the young man which Elisha sent to anoint Iehu king madde fellow 1. king 9. and those which were madde they thought did prophesie Mart. 4. Some thinke that Saul here vttered sacred psalmes and hymnes as the two Prophets vsed to doe Osiand but Sauls manner of prophesying here and that c. 10. and 19. when he prophesied among the Prophets was not all one for there he did as the other Prophets the spirit of God comming vpon him but here the euill spirit vexed him 5. Therefore the meaning is no more but this that Saul was rauished as a man beside himselfe his speech for manner though not for the matter was straunge and his behauiour outwardly was such as when the Prophets were stirred by the spirit of God Iun. Borr. 5. Quest. v. 11. Of Dauids escaping when Saul east the speare at him 1. Where it is expressed that Saul saide namely within himselfe that is thought as the word is taken often in the new Testament as the Scribes and Pharisies said within thēselues that is thought Borr. it appeareth that though Sauls head were troubled yet he was not starke madde but that he knew what he did some thinke that as men in their sleepe doe dreame of those things which they thought when they were awake so madde men haue reliques of their former euill thoughts remaining but here Saul saide that is thought thus and reasoned within himselfe he was not then altogether depriued of reason but we see the fruits of this his madd prophesying as the spirit wherewith he was mooued was a murtherer from the beginning so Saul intendeth nothing but murther and mischeife 2. Gods prouidence appeareth in deliuering Dauid that as God directed the stone out of Dauids sling to hitte Goliath so he guideth the speare out of Sauls hand that it did not touch Dauid though he by Gods direction vsed the meanes also in declining the stroake Martyr 3. Herein Dauid was a type of Christ who as Dauid here by his sweete musicke would haue allaied Sauls madnes so by the sweete voice of his preaching sought to cure the Scribes and Pharisies of their spirituall madnes and oftentimes escaped their snares which they laid for him Mart. 4. Beside it hath this morall vse that it is lawfull for vs to decline and auoid violence and daunger intended as Dauid did twice at this instant but not to offer violence and reuenge againe Osiand 6. Quest. v. 13. Why Saul set Dauid ouer his men of warre 1. Some thinke that whereas Saul had set Dauid before ouer all his men of warre v. 5. he now to disgrace him maketh him but captaine ouer a thousand but neither was Dauid set ouer all the men of warre for that place Abner had Pellican and that setting Dauid ouer the men of warre is the same here mentioned for when Saul put Dauid from him he made him captaine of a thousand and then he set him ouer his men of warre so Iosephus saith ex satellite tribunum fecit of his harnesse-bearer or one of his guard he made him a tribune or captaine 2. This Saul did partly to prouide for his owne securitie when Dauid was furthest from him Ioseph partly to obiect and expose Dauid vnto danger that he might fall by his enemies whome he did fight against Mart. 7. Quest. v. 17. Of Sauls breaking promise with David concerning his eldest daughter 1. Sauls daughter was alreadie by Sauls promise to be giuen vnto Dauid for vanquishing of Goliath Pellican as Saul broke his promise before so he doth againe for his eldest daughter was giuen to an other 2. This mariage was pretended to be an occasion of further danger vnto Dauid for Saul doth condition with him to fight the Lords battels pretending religion where he intended mischeife that Dauid might be ouerthrowne in battell marriage was ordained for mutuall helpe and comfort but there is nothing of so good institution which is not peruerted and abused by the hypocrites and wicked Mart. 3. Saul would haue the matter so carried as that he might be without all suspition his hand should not be vpon him not so much to auoide sedition among the people or as Kimchi thinketh least he might afterward haue beene brought into question of murder but he pretendeth loue purposing mischeife that Dauid might be the sooner ouertaken suspecting
vse oathes vnnecessarily and prophanely in their common talke vsing more vnreuerently the name of God then they would of a mortall man the Prince or their father or of any other whome they are bound vnto who remember not the saying of our Sauiour That whatsoeuer is more then yea yea nay nay he meaneth in common talke commeth of euill Matth. 5.37 3. Quest. v. 3. Whether Ionathan sinned in beeing so hard of beleefe that his father intended mischeife toward him 1. Some thinke that Ionathans affection might somewhat abate toward Dauid while he thought of the succession of the kingdome which he beganne to consider was likely to come to Dauid Pellican But no such thing can be imagined of that good man who loued Dauid as his owne soule and presently after v. 4. he promiseth to doe for Dauid whatsoeuer he desired 2. Therefore it is rather to be imputed to the goodnes of Ionathans louing nature who thought the best of his father as loue thinketh not euill as the Apostle saith but beleeueth all things 1. Cor. 13.5 that is taketh and interpreteth all in the best part And two reasons mooued Ionathan to be so confident first because his father had once spoken vnto him to kill Dauid but made no more mention of it afterward which he thought he would haue done if he had purposed any such thing because he vsed to conceale nothing from him Osiand secondly he builded vpon his fathers oath which he had made that Dauid should not die Borr. 3. But Dauid did well hauing had so often experience of Sauls hypocrisie that he would trust him no further as the saying is then he saw him And though he for the time behaued himselfe as a Prophet among the Prophets yet Dauid not without cause did mistrust him still Pellican 4. Quest. v. 3. Of Dauids words There is but a steppe betweene me and death whether Dauid sinned in beeing timorous 1. Some thinke that Dauid shewed great weaknes herein beeing in a manner diuina consolatione destitutus destitute of diuine comfort as when he cried out at an other time My God my God why hast thou forsaken me Borr. But it can not be that Dauid should shew so great infirmitie vnles it should be admitted that he distrusted Gods promises for he could not forget what the Lord had said vnto him by Samuel concerning the kingdome whereof he made no doubt 2. Others therefore doe excuse Dauid altogether saying Non peccat Dauid etsi timeat that Dauid sinned not though he were afraid Mart. But Dauid cannot here be altogether freed from humane infirmitie and doubting as the very words doe shew great passion There is but a steppe betweene me and death and Dauids doubtfull thoughts at an other time shew as much when he said in his heart I shall now perish one day by the hand of Saul c. 27.1 3. Therefore I preferre the meane betweene these two that as Dauid was not altogether voide of diuine consolation so neither was he free from humane weaknes and infirmitie yet so as that he still did comfort himselfe in God and relied vpon his promises as it appeareth by the 59. Psal. which he made about this time immediatly vpon his escape when Sauls men watched his house and he was let downe by the window as the title of the Psalme sheweth in the which he thus professeth his faith and confidence v. 9. I will waite vpon thee for God is my defence 4. But yet there is great difference betweene the feare of Dauid here and the feare of other the seruants of God and the feare of the wicked and in these three points 1. the one in their feare yet doe not leaue their faith and confidence in God though they are 〈◊〉 for the time yet they recouer themselues by their faith as Iaakob though he were afraide of Esau his brother yet he trusted in God and praied vnto him but Saul when the Philistims pursued him vtterly despaired and slue himselfe 2. The godly though they be in daunger attempt no vnlawfull meanes the wicked in their feare care not how they may worke themselues out as Saul fearing the losse of the kingdome seeketh to kill Dauid 3. The godly are not so perplexed but that in the middes of their feare they omit nothing appertaining to their dutie which may helpe them as here Dauid vseth Ionathan as a meane but the wicked are at their witts ende and knowe not which way to turne themselues casting all meanes aside and resolue thus desperately if we perish we perish as Hagar when the water of the bottell was spent sought no further but in despaire cast the child aside a good way from her because shee would not see his death Gen. 21.15 16. 5. Quest. v. 4. Of Ionathans liberall promise to Dauid to doe whatsoeuer he required 1. There is some difference in the reading of the words some read whatsoeuer thou saiest or desirest I will doe L.V. or whatsoeuer thy soule desireth I will doe B.G. but then the Hebrew coniunction should be superfluous veehesheth and I will doe it some read speake what is thy minde and I will doe it Iun. but here the words are inuerted which stand thus in the originall what saith thy soule mah the interrogatiue particle is placed first then this remaineth to be the best reading with an interrogation what saith thy soule and I will doe it for thee S. Ch A.P. for mah is a particle of interrogation or asking a question 2. In the which generall promise Ionathan must be taken to vnderstand this secret condition he would doe any thing for him so it were not against pietie or honestie Mar. and so all such generall promises are to be vnderstood But Ionathan expresseth no such condition because he had that confidence in Dauid that he would aske no dishonest or vnseemely thing 6. Quest. v. 5. Of Dauids sitting at Sauls table on the first day of the moneth 1. The Israelites had a solemnitie vpon the calends or first day of euery moneth when they offered peace offerings and thereof feasted together yet they were not to abstaine from their bodily labour vpon that day sauing in the first of the seauenth moneth when they were commanded to abstaine from all seruile worke Leuit. 23.25 Martyr And beside the solemne sacrifice prescribed to be kept euery new moone Numb 28.11 they added peace offerings and a feast Genevens Iun. And in the Kings Court the solemnitie was kept after the better sort according to the dignitie of the place and persons 2. Pellicane thinketh that Saul after he had prophesied in Naioth beganne to be more reasonable and friendly toward Dauid in admitting him to his table as he was accustomed But that is not like for Saul was not yet come from Naioth where he was a whole day and night and Dauid had this communication with Ionathan the very same day while Saul was prophesying whose place Ionathan supplied in his fathers absence and therefore Dauid
this oath Saul should haue had more iust cause to persecute him whereas now he had no pretext 2. But here this question will be mooued how Dauid kept his oath when as he caused the two sonnes of Rizpah Sauls concubine and the fiue sonnes of his daughter to be hanged because of the Gibeonites 2. Sam. 21. To this the answer is readie that Dauid for his part was so minded as much as in him lay to keepe this oath as may appeare by the punishment which he tooke of them that killed Ishbosheth Sauls sonne but in this oath was to be excepted vnlesse God gaue any speciall commandement to the contrarie as he did in the cause of the Gibeonites for Dauid asked counsell of God and followed the Lords direction in that action Mar. neither did Dauid voluntarily put thē to death but seauen of Sauls sonnes were required by the Gibeonites for oppression of whome the land was punished by famine neither was Sauls posteritie vtterly destroied for Dauid had compassion on Mephibosheth Ionathans sonne CHAP. XXV 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the death of Samuel the time and place 1. THough Saul hated Samuel because he had told him that the Lord had cast him off yet he had no power to hurt him for Samuel was of great authoritie both because he was the Lords Prophet and for that he had beene the Iudge and gouernour of Israel and had gouerned them iustly as also Samuel had giuen vp the politike administration betaken him to a priuate life in the schoole of the Prophets and therefore Saul the lesse regarded him but most of all the Lord kept Saul from doing any violence to Samuel Mar. 2. Seasonable mention is now made of Samuels death because Saul at the length had confessed that Dauid should be king Pellican the authoritie and testimonie of the Prophet was not now so needefull Dauids enemie acknowledging his right 3. Concerning the time of Samuels death Iosephus thinketh that it was in the eighteene yeare of Sauls raigne and that Samuel had iudged Israel 12. years alone lib. 6. c. 14. But this can not stand for Samuel was at the least 20. yeares Iudge alone as it may appeare c. 6.2 and Saul and Samuel had but 40. yeares betweene them Act. 13.21 then if Samuel iudged Israel 20. yeares and died in the 18. yeare of Saul there should remaine yet two yeares of the 40. yeares vnder Saul and Samuel therefore the opinion of some Hebrewes is false that Saul raigned but seauen moneths after Samuels death for after this Dauid soiourned a yeare among the Philistims c. 27.7 ex Pellican see more hereof qu. 2. c. 12. 4. The place where Samuel died and was buried was in his house that is among his familie and kinred in Ramah Osiand 2. Quest. Of the mourning for Samuel and his buriall and generally of funeralls 1. The people had great cause to mourne for Samuel the Lords Prophet and an vpright man and at this time two calamities happened together the death of Samuel so great a Prophet and the exile of Dauid Mar. and not long after Samuels death the Philistims preuailed against Saul when he and his three sonnes died in battell who were kept vnder while Samuel liued it is not like that Saul was either present or mourned for Samuel as he had done for Saul yet he did forbeare in this publike lamentation to pursue Dauid and therefore he taketh this opportunitie to escape to the vtmost parts of the land while they were busied about the buriall of Samuel Iun. 2. There was a very great assembly of all Israel to honour Samuels funerall for the bodies of the Saints are to be interred after a comely sort and according to their deserts while they liued to be brought vnto the ground with honourable solemnitie But here therefore two extreames are to be shunned that neither the bodies of Christians should be neglected and cast away as vncleane as among some heathen which had no opinion of the immortalitie of the soule they made small account of the dead and vnder the Pagane Emperours of Rome they suffered the bodies of Christians to lie vnburied and the like disgrace vnder the idolatrous Popes of Rome therein following the steppes of their predecessours hath beene offered vnto Gods Saints both keeping them from buriall and raking their bones out of their graues whereas the bodies of Christians in hope of the resurrection as the temples of the holy Ghost should with reuerence be commended and committed vnto Christian sepulture 3. The other extreame is in the superfluous and vnnecessarie cost which is bestowed vpon the sepulchres of the dead as the kings of Egypt had their costly Pyramides and Queene Artemisia made for her husband that famous tombe mausoleum famous ouer the world In time of Poperie they shrined them in siluer and cloath of gold and grew to further superstition to adore the reliques of the dead to inuocate them as their patrons whereas no such seruice was done vnder the law vnto Samuel or any of the Prophets neither did Christ or his Apostles euer command any such thing to be done This superstition euen Cicero misliked following onely the instinct and light of naturall reason for thus he writeth 1. Philippic An me censetis P. C. decreturum fuisse vt parentalia cum supplicationibus iungerentur vt inexpiabiles religiones in rempublicam inducerentur vt decernerentur supplicationes mortuorum adduci non possum vt quenquā mortuorum adiungerem cum deorum immortalium religione Doe ye thinke honourable fathers that I would haue decreed that funeralls should be ioyned with supplications that inexpiable religions should be brought into the Common-wealth that the praier to the dead should be decreed I can not be induced to ioyne any of the dead with the religion of the immortall gods Thus much Cicero one of the heathen Romanists our Christened Romanists may be ashamed then of their grosse superstition and wilfull blindnesse herein 4. Beside as they praied not here to Samuel so neither praied they for Samuel for the dead are neither to be praied vnto nor yet praied for We read that the Patriarkes Abraham Isaak Iaakob were mourned for when they died so were the Prophets Moses Samuel with others yet praiers and supplications were made for none of them wherby an other superstition of Poperie is discouered concerning Purgatorie if they answer that there was no Purgatorie before Christ surely there is lesse reason to imagine it after the comming of Christ seeing he by his death is as auaileable to purge our sinnes now as before And as in the sepulture of the Saints of the old Testament no mention is made of any prayer for the dead so neither is there in the new Testament as in the death of Iohn Baptist Stephen Iames. Act. 12. Mart. 3. Quest. v. 2 3. Of Nabal and Abigail his wife 1. Nabal is described by his place of dwelling in Maon who kept his cattell in Carmel
the Philistims beholding and bound vnto them with whome he knew when he should be king he was to haue warre Therefore it must be confessed and yeilded vnto that Dauid in comming vnto the Philistims for succour therein committed a great ouersight for herein it is not expressed that he consulted with God as at other times but he herein tooke counsell of himselfe and of the rest of his companie as Iosephus writeth But this ouersight of Dauid is excused by his necessitie as a theefe stealing to satisfie his hunger is more to be pitied then he that stealeth of wantonnes such was Dauids extremitie at this time Martyr 2. Quest. v. 2. Why Dauid fleeth againe to Achish of whome he was afraid before c. 21. when he fained himselfe madde 1. Some thinke because Achish is here called the sonne of Maoch that he was an other king of the same name and that this was a generall name to all the kings of Gath. Osian 2. The Rabbins thinke that Dauid sent messengers before vnto Achish and so he was receiued fide publica faith beeing made before for his safetie Iun. which is not vnlike 3. Adde hereunto also that whereas before he went priuily and by stealth now he goeth with a band of men able to doe the king seruice and for that cause he is entertained as Xerxes receiued Themistocles the Lacedemonians Alcibiades and the Volscians Coriolanus Mar. 3. Quest. v. 5. Why Dauid desired to be remooued from Gath. 1. Some thinke that Dauid desired to goe from the kings Court and citie least he might haue beene enuied of the Philistims and because he could not away with the vices superfluitie and excesse of the Court or most of all because of the Idolatrie of the citie Borr. 2. Some least he might haue bin chargeable to the king Pellican 3. But it is most likely least he might haue beene vrged to fight against his owne people Mar. and to be emploied against them Mar. And Dauid did see that he could not maintaine that great companie without liuing vpon the spoile and therefore he desireth to be further off that he might pray vpon the bordering nations without any controlment Osiand which his counsell Dauid wisely coloureth with a shew of modestie that it was not for him beeing a stranger to dwell with the king Iun. Also this fell out well in this respect that Dauid should haue a citie assigned him whether came vnto him a great number of Israel till they made a great armie like the host of God 1. Chron. 12.22 By this occasion Ziklag which was allotted to Iudah Iosh. 15.31 and vniustly deteined by the Philistims was restored to the right owners Iun. 4. Quest. v. 7. Of the time of Dauids aboad among the Philistims 1. Some read the time that Dauid dwelt c. was foure moneths L.S. but here somewhat is omitted it is in the originall daies and foure moneths R. Selamo thinketh that he was there but foure moneths then daies beside moneths should be superfluous in the text 2. Some read foure moneths and certaine daies B. G. V. but here the words are transposed which stand in this order daies and foure moneths so Iosephus thinketh that he was there foure moneths and twentie daies 3. Chimhi thinketh he was there seauen moneths for so many moneths were betweene Samuel and Sauls death 4. But the sounder opinion is that Dauid was there a yeare and foure moneths as it may appeare by these reasons 1. Because chap. 29.3 Achish saith he hath beene with me these daies or these yeares that is one full yeare and going vpon the second for in the space of a few moneths the king could haue no great experience of his seruice 2. In so short a time all those things could not well be done which are set downe from this chapter to the 31. 3. iammim daies is taken in this sense as c. 1.21 a sacrifice iammim of daies that is a yearely sacrifice and the order of the words shew as much the greater number is vsed to be placed first we say not daies and moneths but moneths and daies but to say a yeare and moneths agreeth well 5. Quest. v. 8. Of the Geshurites and Girzites whome Dauid put to the sword 1. These were a remnant of the Cananites the Geshurites were those that dwelt in Geshur Iosh. 12.5 in Gilead and the Gizrites in Gezer which belonged vnto Ephraim Iosh. 16. v. 3. who at the comming of the Israelites left those places and went and dwelt among the Amalekites but at the beginning they dwelt in that land that is the Geshurites and Girzites in Canaan Iun. 2. These Cananites were ordained of God to destruction and therefore Dauid might safely inuade them Osiand 3. But it is like that Dauid as he did this exploit of a zeale to roote out the enemies of Gods people so also he had at this time a respect vnto his present state and tooke the spoiles of them for the maintenance of him and his for God many times vseth mens infirmities to accomplish his will Martyr 6. Quest. v. 10. Whteher Dauid offended in making such an excuse to Achish as though he had inuaded the Israelites 1. Some thinke that it was lawfull for Dauid to destroy those nations without sinne so he might without sinne colour it with a shew of inuading his owne people Osiand but that is not so for not onely the lawfulnes of the thing which is done must be considered but the manner also that it may be done without offence now howsoeuer for the present Dauid cōtented Achish yet was it an offence vnto good men which might take Dauid to haue done as he spake Mar. 2. Some thinke that Dauid dissembled not but spake the truth not that he put the Ierahmeelites which were a familie of the Iudah to the sword 1. Chron. 2.9 or the Kenites but onely smote the south coasts which of right belonged vnto the Israelites but were possessed by other nations But it appeareth in that Achish was contended with Dauids answer that he vnderstoode him to speake of the Israelites whome he had inuaded 3. Others say that Dauid here plainly mentitur telleth an vntruth Mar. but I rather thinke with Iunius that Dauid speaketh here doubtfully and ambiguously not vsing that plainnes which became such a good man that he might either be taken to speake of the Israelites inhabiting Iudah or of the nations which bordered vpon the South coasts 4. Achish was very credulous and readie to beleeue Dauid Iosephus giueth this reason because it was easie to perswade him to beleeue that which he greatly affected and desired CHAP. XXVIII 1. Quest. v. 2. Whether Dauid promised his aide vnto Achish and whether therein he did well 1. SOme thinke that Dauid had no purpose at all to fight against Israel but onely he would haue defended the Kings person who saith he would make him keeper of his head for euer but this agreeth not to Dauids owne words that seemeth to be