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A45112 The history of the houses of Douglas and Angus written by Master David Hume ... Hume, David, 1560?-1630? 1643 (1643) Wing H3658; ESTC R398 531,313 470

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and had put servants into it but the Priour was stronger about the town and findes a mean to thrust them out Foreman cannot get his Bulls proclaimed none durst take it in hand so long as Hume and Hepburne agreed He workes wisely having been born under the Lord Hume he flees to him as his Patron agrees with him as a friend and gives the Abbacie of Coldinghame to his youngest brother David He doth his turne proclaimeth his Bull but had no power in Fife to prosecute it any further Yet it causeth Hepburne to come to a point to take composition the Bishoprick of Murray and 3000. crownes by year and a discharge for all his by-past intromissions So he agrees with Foreman but dis-agrees with the Lord Hume and despites him with such malice because of that morsell pulled out of his jawes that he ceased not to work him what mischief he could He did so possesse the Governour with jealousie of the Lord Humes and Angus greatnesse and aspiring that he thought there was no way to secure himself and his Government but by ridding the Countrey of them both Wherefore the Lord Hume repairing to him and finding by his neglectfull carriage and cold entertainment the little good-will he bare him repenting too late his forwardnesse in his election and calling to minde what Angus had foretold him though he had contemned his counsell yet now seeing no other remedie went to him and the Queen his wife condemning his fact and regrating the present estate of the King and Countrey and advised them to flie into England with the young King When the Governour had notice of this consultation he used such diligence and expedition that coming to Stirlin unlooked for he surprized the Queen and removing her and the Douglasses from about the King he gave the keeping of him to the Lord John Ereskin and other three Noblemen Hereupon the Queen and Angus as also the Lord Hume and his brother William with-drew themselves into England and the Governour upon their departure sent Ambassadours to King Henry to clear himself that he had done nothing why they should be so afraid of him or leave their Countrey He dealt also privately with themselves by their friends promising and protesting to give them all content and satisfaction in such wayes that they beleeving and desiring to live at home returned all of them save onely the Queen who being then near the time of her childe-birth remained at Harbottle in Northhumberland where she was brought to bed of Lady Margaret Douglas Then assoon as she was able to endure travell she went to London where she was kindly welcomed and lovingly entertained by her brother King Henry and her sister Mary Queen of France and afterward Dutchesse of Suffolk But the Governours head being once filled with suspitions and new causes of distrust arising dayly could not be quieted by their return nor the Queens absence neither could he think himself bound by promises Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to Angus was committed to prison John Lord Drummond his Grandfather or mothers brother David Panetier Secretarie to the late King were likewise laid fast Alexander Lord Hume and his brother William were executed their goods confiscat their lands forfeited and their heads affixed on the Citie Gate of Edinburgh called the Nether-Bow Being thus rid of the Chamberlain he did much fear the Earle of Angus whom he left to governe in his absence for he went into France but joyned with him the Earles of Arran Argyle Huntley the Archbishop of S. Andrews and Glasgow together with a Frenchman named Antonius Darsius commonly known by the title of Sieur de la Beaute To this La Beaute he allotted Dumbar the Shires of Lowthian and the Merse where the Chamberlaines lands and friends were This Darsius was slain by Sir David Hume of Wedderburn occasionally in the year 1517. the 18. of September For this Sir David was out-lawed his house seized and Sir George Douglas Angus brother suspected to be accessarie imprisoned in Garvet Castle they not daring to meddle with the Earl himself who was no lesse suspected to have been conscious of it though falsely because Sir David had married their sister Alison Not long after this there fell out an occasion of great troubles betwixt the Earle of Angus and the Earle of Arrane There was some question of the Bailiff-ship and right of keeping Courts in Jedward Forrest the Earle of Angus his Lands but in which Andrew Ker of Farnihaste challenged a right and priviledge of doing justice and punishing male-factors as hereditarie Bailiff In this controversie Arrane sided with Farnihaste not for any particular relation or because he thought his right was good but onely in opposition to Angus whom he hated inwardly What the cause of his hatred was we ●…ear not and they had been good friends before Arrans base sonne James Hamilton as he was on his way towards Farnihaste to assist him John Summervale of Camnethen set upon him killed five or six of his company took thirty men and horses and pursued himfelf so near that he was forced to turne in to Hume Castle for his safetie This fact was imputed to Angus on whom Summervale did for the most part depend men thinking that it was done by his direction But it is well known that besides this quarrell of the Earles that man had ever a particular feude with the Hamiltons But if the Earle had been guiltie of this wrong and offence done unto them it is not likely that he would have been so slightly accompanied at Edinburgh and have stayed their coming thither with so small forces if he had suspected any ill meaning from them or known any such deserving in himself Besides they having so just cause they might have complained and gotten redresse and satisfaction of the Earle by order of law if they could have made it appear that he had any hand in it and not have taken this violent course Wherefore in all likelihood this was but a colour and pretext Hereupon however in the year 1520. the 27. of April a convention being appointed at Edinburgh where Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie the Earle of Angus his uncle or Consin-German rather was Provest the Hamiltons refused to come thither alledging that they could not think themselves assured of their lives in the Town where he was Provest Archbald to cut off their excuse and that he might not hinder publick businesse laid down his office voluntarily and in his room was chosen Robert Logane a Burgesse of Edinburgh Then they came to the City and finding the Earle of Angus there but meanly attended and weakly guarded his friends not being yet conveened they assembled together with the chief Noblemen of the West in Archbishop Betons house in the Black-Frier-Winde this Beton was also Chancellour and there resolve by all means to apprehend Angus alledging that his power was so great that nothing could be discerned freely so long as he
7. That this Indenture should be showne to the Pope and ratified by him And so it was sealed and subscribed with a Henry as long as the whole sheet of Parchment the worst shapen letters and the worst put together that I ever saw And as I beleeve it hath a particular Letter of confirmation of the Pope in the hands of the Earle of Angus It is thought that when William Earle of Douglas went secretly into England that his errand was to this or some such purpose to have made a proffer of his service to King Henry on these or the like conditions For even then the seeds of civill discord were sowne and began to bud forth But either because things were not as yet come to any ripenesse or for that the Earle of Douglas was fallen into disgrace with his Prince nothing was done Now about the year 1460. in the minoritie of King James the third King Henry came into Scotland and did thus transact with the Earle of Angus A rare thing and whereof the like example is hard to be found in any subject except it be the Earle of Douglas concerning the Dutchie of Turaine with the King of France which is not unlike in many things Howsoever this shews how little inferiour the house of Angus hath been to the house of Douglas in credit and authority at home and abroad This Indenture took no effect it being now too late and King Henries estate brought to so low an ebbe that both his friends and his fortune having forsaken and turned their backs upon him his aide could not suffice against the whole power of England to make head against King Edward and to stoppe the current of his victories Notwithstanding Angus gave him a taste of what he could have done for him and shewed him in a notable exploite how available his service would have been if his case had not been desparate and past recovery Which though it were not rewarded with a Dutchie yet doth it not want nor ever shall want the due reward of high praise and honour as one of the hardiest and greatest interprises that hath been atcheived by any subject The Queen King Henries wife had obtained of her friends in France a few souldiers 300. of which were in the Castle of Anwick with Monsieur Brissac their commander King Edward following his victories and that he might prevent or suppresse any commotion that might arise in the North parts or out of Scotland was come to Durhame with a great Army He himself remaining in the Town sent abroad his Commanders to take in all such Castles as stood good for King Henry Amongst others he sent the Earle of Warwick to besiege Anwick with 20000. men He had another Army lying about Bambrough not far off from this and a third besieging another Town King Henry and more especially his Queen being very solicitous for the French men dealt with the Earle of Angus very instantly to have them relieved He promised to do his best and performed no lesse than he promised He assembled to the number of 10000. horse amongst whom there were 500. empty horses or moe for commonly the best appointed have ever two horses for service upon which he might mount the French-men and bring them away So he marches toward Anwick and when he came within a little space of the Castle he ranged his men in order of battell in the sight of the English Army making show as if he would have invaded them or at least that he meant to bide them battell if they should offer to set upon him or hinder him in his purposed businesse In the meane time he sent those 500. spare horse conducted by some choice troups to a posterne of the Castle to receive the French and so brought them away Some of the the English esteeming it a great affront to suffer them to be carried away in such sort from under their noses advised the Earle of Warwick to stay them But he was resolute in the contrary and told them that he had no commission to fight And sayes he who knowes what more aide these may have near hand in the parke or some other place And suppose they have not these are certainly all choice men able enough to sustaine our charge They cannot take the Castle with them into Scotland let them take the men I shall get the Castle which is all that my commission bears And so he lets them go who returned into Scotland with the French men an acceptable present chiefly to the Queen of England This was a fair assay and preamble of his ensuing services which being prevented by King Henries destinie and his death were smothered in the cradle and his Dutchie engrossed in parchment to have lien betwixt Trent and Humber is confined to a narrower precinct within the compasse of a Coffer Notwithstanding of this greatnesse and power to make him yet stronger and more puissant on the borders he did excambe his Lands in the Maines and Clarberon with Robert Grahame of old Monrosse and got for them the Lands of Eskedale upon the border He contracted his sonne Archbald and his heir apparant to Catherine daughter to Alexander Earle of Huntly or to any other of his daughters which the said George should choose The portion 2000. markes the termes of payment 10. years 100. markes every terme That if Archbald should die his brother whom the Indenture doth not name should marrie one of the said Earle of Huntlies daughters That the Earle of Angus should give his sonne 100. mark Land in Angus That Archbald after he be seven years old shall be given to the Earle of Huntly and the Earle of Huntlies daughter to the Earle of Angus The Indenture is dated at Saint Andrews 1461. the last of September This marriage took no effect what ever were the cause thereof Either before or after this there fell out a dissention amongst the Estates about the choosing of a governour and protectour for the young King James the third In which he and his brother Bishop Kennedie with the greatest part of the Nobilitie opposed themselves to the Queen who pretended to be Tutrix and had now usurped that place a year while as the Nobilitie being busied in the Warres had no leasure to look into these things The Queene and such as followed her remained in the Castle and the other party in the Abbey of Halyroodhouse A Convention being appointed the Queene and her faction came to the Parliament house and declared her Tutrix So soon as this was known the Earle of Angus and James Kennedie came up to the market place where the said Bishop declares that their intention was nothing else but to maintain their old law and the ancient practice of the Countrey which was that in such cases the Nobilitie should choose one whom they thought most fit to undergo that charge of governing which was for the good both of the King and Countrey whereas they of the other party
was free The cause was plausible their malice great and the occasion fair considering his singlenesse and their multitude So soon as Angus heard of their consultation he sent to them his uncle the Bishop of Dunkell desiring that if they had any grievance or just quarrell against him they would complain thereof to the convention to whose censure he would submit himself and make such satisfaction as it should please them to ordain And to this purpose Dunkell spake to Glasgow the Chancellour to move the rest to accept of this offer and that he would not be an instrument of civill dissention But he had fair perswading of him no man was deeper in it than he who was ringleader to the rest and very Episcopally had put on armour to be present at it and to assist them himself in person yet he sought to excuse himself and laid all the blame upon the Earle of Arran who said he is highly offended with the Earle of Angus for many occasions but chiefly for the affront done to his son by Sommervale and for the slaughter of De la Beaute committed by his brother-in-law Sir David Hume not without his knowledge consent and councell For this cause Arran will needs have him to go to prison There is no remedie sayes Glasgow upon my conscience I cannot help it And in the heat of his asseveration he beat his breast with his hand where his conscience lay well covered with a jack of Maile or a Secret hid under his Seton or Cassock And now being knocked upon it answered with a ratling noise which the plates of iron did yeeld bearing witnesse against him how little he cared for that inward witnesse which be-lyed him when he protested he was desirous to pacifie matters being indeed thus preparing for warre Neither did Dunkell stick to tell him so saying How now my Lord me thinks your conscience clatters We are Priests it is not lawfull for us to put on armour or bear Arms it makes us irregular And so leaving him he returned to his Nephew and told him shortly that there was no possibility of composing matters and as little of escaping or fleeing for the City Gates were shut and his enemies were assembling For me I am a Church-man I will go to my Chamber and pray for you And so he did but he sent his servants with the Earle to aide him Some ascribe this to want of strength and to his debilitie and old age but it was indeed because he held it not lawfull as a thing forbidden in the Canon-law and which he had reproached to Bishop Beton For in the year 1513. his eldest brother George slain at Flowdon was but 44. and Gawin the fourth brother not above 38. or 39. so that now in the year 1520. he hath not been more than 46. which is no age of Decrepitnesse Dunkell being gone to his devotion Angus without further consultation resolves rather to die honourably defending himself against his enemies than to be hailed he and his friends forth to the Scaffold and lay their necks upon the block to be be-headed by their proud and insulting enemies So he conveens his small troup tels them what his minde was and exhorts them to stand to it manfully They all commended his resolution and shewed themselves most willing to hazzard their lives for his safety Wherefore that they might not be surprized in their Chambers they came forth and went down the High-Street for the Earle did lodge at the Straight-Bow being in all but 80. or 100. at most but they were all of them choice men valarous and hardie Angus was well beloved in the Town so that when he came by the Shops where the Pikes and Speares are made they had libertie to furnish themselves with long Weapons and many also were reached to them by the Citizens out at the Windows and from the Stairs which was no small advantage their enemies having no long Weapon at all The Chief Street is so seated that the Gates being shut there is no entrie to it but by some few Lanes that reach from the Cow-gate in one of which called the Black-frier-Winde the adverse party had conveened Now that they might not issue forth upon him at divers places and so oppresse him with their multitude Angus had caused his men to close up and barre the entrances of the Lanes with Coale-horses and Ale-barrels Carts and such things as would best serve for that purpose and could be gotten on a sudden He placed also some few men at every Lanes head to defend the Barricadoes but he himself with the choycest and most resolute of his company planted themselves directly over against the Black-frier-Winde which he had left open for them and as they thronged out he assailed them with Pikes and long Weapons There having slain many of the formest that came out and scattered them all he drave the rest down the Lane which by the narrownesse thereof made their number unprofitable as had been rightly fore-seen by Angus who knew that a few would be able to make good a straight passage against many their multititude availing nothing scarce one of ten having room to fight at once and come to strokes together The Earle of Arran and his sonne James Hamilton having been apparantly of that number that issued forth at the Lanes head at first or else he could not have gone that way crossing the High-Street fled down a Lane on the Northside of the City and finding a Coale-horse standing in their way they threw off his loading and rode through the North-logh at a foord where there is none known now and so escaped easily no man pursuing them that way The rest were scattered on the other side of the Town of which some fled to the Gray-Friers Monasterie for sanctuary the Chancellour fled on foot to Lithgow In the mean time while they were at this bickering within the City with great tumult William Douglas Priour of Coldingham Angus his brother and Sir David Hume his brother in law came to the City Gates with 800. horse which they had brought out of the Merse and finding them shut broke open the wicket with Smiths hammers and so entred But before they could get in the fray was ended Angus strengthened and emboldened with this supply because the City was still full of his enemies caused it to be proclaimed with sound of Trumpet at the Market-Crosse that none should be seen abroad with Arms but he and his under pain of death This enforced them of his adverse party to crave leave to depart which was granted unto them Such was his moderation towards those who had plotted his ruine and overthrow He had fought for his life and honour not out of malice or hatred and now that these were out of danger he lets his enemies go away safe and sound And so there departed of them in one company 800. horse well laughed at and derided of the beholders to see so many beaten and
which had come indeed under the conduct of Martige of the House of Luxemburg but that the Civill Warres at home made him to be called back again The Earle of Argyle came to Glasgow with 600. horse and had some conference with the Hamiltons and others of that faction but they not agreeing he went home again and did nothing Huntley also with 1000. men was coming toward Edinburgh and was on his journey as farre as the water of Erne but the Bridges and Foords being guarded by the Lord Ruthven he went likewise home again Last of all they procured Letters from the Queen of England in which she desired that they would delay the meeting till such time as she were informed of their proceedings and justnesse of their cause why they took Arms against their Queen her Cousin of whose wrongs she behooved to take notice and be sensible It was hard to offend her but harder to suffer their adversaries to gain the poynt they aimed at which was in the Queens name and by her authoritie to keep a meeting and to forfeit all those who were on the K. side having already appointed a day for that purpose Wherefore they go on with their Convention and punish some few for example to terrifie others And for suppressing the daily incursions of the Niddisdale Anandale and Galloway men they raised an Army of 5000. horse and 1000. Musketiers which expedition because it was memorable for the extreame scarcitie of victuals when they came to Hoddam was called The Roade of Hoddam They set forth from Edinburgh the 11 of June and returned thither againe the 26. The chief thing that they did in that journey was that they seized the houses of Bog-hall Crawford Sanwhere Logh-wood Hoddam Logh-Maban and Annand Logh Maban is a house of the Kings and was then in the Lord Maxwels keeping but now being surrendred Drumlenrigge is made keeper of it who was also made Warden of the West Marches Assoone as the Regent was gone from thence with his Armie Maxwels folks who had hidden themselves in some secret corner of the Castle turned out Drumlenrigges men and re-possessed themselves thereof again Logh-wood belonged to Johnston Hoddam to the Lord Harris and the rest to their severall Lords and Owners which were all spared on hope of their promised obedience Onely Skirlin was razed and Ken-Moore a house of Loghen-varres who was obstinate and would not yeeld upon any condition The Regent and Morton sent Sir David Hume of Wedderburne to him who was brother to his wife but no entreatie nor threatning could prevail with him or move him to submit himselfe When they threatned to pull down his house he said They should by so doing save him a labour for he meant to take it down himselfe and build it up again better Which was performed on both sides for it was cast down the 16 of July and he did afterward re-edifie it much better Many yeelded divers stood out of whom there came a thousand within a mile of the Regents Camp Who were their heads is not mentioned but as yet Maxwel Johnston Loghen-varre and Cowehill were not come in and whether it were any of these or some other we have not learned Morton and the Lord Hume with a thousand horse went out against them but they were gone before they came neere and fled to the Boggs and waste Marishes In their return at Peebles they received Letters again from the Queen of England wherein she renewed her former request to them that they would send some up to her to inform her of the equity of their cause The Regent himselfe undertakes the journey with whom went Morton Lindsay the Bishop of Orknay Master Pitcarne Abbot of Dumfermeling Sir William Metellan Secretary Master James Mackgill Master Henry 〈◊〉 and Master George Buchanan The Queene having heard their Justification and Defences made answer That she saw nothing for the present to object against their proceedings yet she desired them to leave some of their company behinde to answer to such things as might be objected afterward by their Queens Ambassadours While they are there Duke Hamilton came over out of France and desired the Queene of England to cause Murray give over the Regents place to him being as he alledged his due seeing he was next heire to the Crowne But the Queen perceiving that he intended to make some stirre and to raise new troubles in Scotland commanded him to stay and not depart till he were licensed The Regent with his company was dismissed and returned into Scotland the 2 of February Within a while after the Duke returned also being made Lieutenant for the imprisoned Queene and adopted to be her father He sent forth his Proclamations commanding that no authority should be obeyed but his which no man would obey And that none might fear him the Regent went to Glasgow with an Armie and there Hamilton came ro him and promising to acknowledge the King and Regents authoritie he gave pledges to be kept till such time as he should do it prefixing a day when he would come in When the day was come he came to Edinburgh and began to shift and desire a longer day while he might have the Queens consent Then being asked what he would do if the Queen would not give her consent he answered that he would do nothing and what he had done already he had done it out of fear Hereupon he and the Lord Harris were sent to prison in the Castle of Edinburgh The next to be taken order with were Argyle and Huntley Both had been busie in the Regents absence but not alike Argyle had onely showne himself in the fields but had done hurt to no man Huntleys case was worse he had vexed the Mernes and Angus made Lieutenants about the water of Dee and behaved himself in all things as if he had been King After much debate Argyle was onely made to take an oath that he should be obedient in time coming and Huntley was also pardoned save that he was ordained to make satisfaction and restitution to the parties who were robbed and spoyled by him and his followers For the performance of which the Regent and Morton went to Aberdene Elgin and Inner-nesse with two Companies of Harquebusiers and Musquetiers where having received hostages and sureties of Huntley they returne to Perth to hold a Convention of the States Thither were brought two Packets of Letters from the two Queens The Queen of England made three Propositions First that the Kings Mother might be restored to her former Place and Crown Secondly that if they would not yeeld to that yet that her name might be used in all Writs and joyned with her sonnes and that the Government should continue in the Regents hands The third last was that if none of these could be granted she might be suffered to live a private life as another subject with as much respect and honour as could be given to her without
North-folcian went away to Berwick After this the Regent came to Leith and caused fortifie it and make it as strong as he could to hinder any victuall to be carried from thence to Edinburgh and having appointed the Lord Lindsay to remain there as Governour he returned to Stirlin and Morton went with him to hold the Parliament which was appointed to be there in August There was at this time no small contest and debate betwixt the Court and the Church about Bishops and Prelates concerning their office and jurisdiction The Ministers laboured to have them quite abolished and taken away and the Court thought that forme of government to be more agreeable and compatible with a Monarchicall estate and more conforme to the rules of policie and Civill government of a Kingdome Besides the Courtiers had tasted the sweetnesse of their rents and revenues putting in titular Bishops who were onely their receivers and had a certain Pension or Stipend for discharging and executing the Ecclesiasticall part of their office but the maine profit was taken up by the Courtiers for their own use Wherefore they laboured to retain at least these shadowes of Bishops for letting of Leases and such other things which they thought were not good in Law otherwayes There was none more forward to keep them up than the Earle of Morton for he had gone Ambassadour to England on his own private charges and to recompense his great expenses in that journey the Bishoprick of S. Andrews being then vacant was conferred upon him He put in Master John Douglas who was Provest of the new Colledge in S. Andrews to bear the name of Bishop and to gather the rents till such time as the solemnity of inauguration could be obtained for which he was countable to him This he did immediatly after he came home out of England Now he wil have him to sit in Parliament and to vote there as Archbishop The Superintendent of Fyfe did inhibite him to sit there or to vote under paine of excommunication Morton commanded him to do it under pain of Treason and Rebellion The Petition given in to the Parliament desiring a competent provision for the maintenance of Preachers in which they complained of the wrong done unto them by the Courtiers who intercepted their means was cast over the Barre and rejected and by the most common report Morton was the cause thereof Afterward Morton in a meeting of some Delegates and Commissioners of the Church at Leith by the Superintendent Dune's meanes used the matter so that he obtained their consent to have his Bishop admitted and installed Wherefore the 3. of February he caused affix a Schedule on the Church doore of S. Andrews wherein he charged the Ministers to conveene and admit him to the place which they did accordingly but not without great opposition For Master Patrick Adamson then a Preacher but afterward Archbishop there himself in a Sermon which he preached against the order and office of Bishops said there were three sorts of Bishops 1. The Lords Bishop to wit Christs and such was every Pastour 2. My Lord Bishop that is such a Bishop as is a Lord who sits and votes in Parliament and exercises jurisdiction over his brethren 3. And the third sort was my Lords Bishop that is one whom some Lord or Nobleman at Court did put into the place to be his receiver to gather the Rents and let Leases for his Lordships behoofe but had neither the meanes nor power of a Bishop This last sort he called a Tulchan Bishop because as the Tulchan which is a Calves skin stuffed with straw is set up to make the Cow give down her milk so are such Bishops set up that their Lords by them may milk the Bishopricks Likewise Master Knox preached against it the 10. of February and in both their hearings Mortons and his Archbishop to their faces pronounced Anathema danti anathema accipienti a curse on the giver and a curse on the taker This much I thought fit to mention here and to cast these things together which are of one nature though done at severall times yet which began at this Parliament in Stirlin While the Lords assembled at Stirlin lay there securely and negligently without fear of the Enemie that lay so farre off as they thought at Edinburgh they had well nigh been cut off all of them and the whole cause overthrown Forthere was in Edinburgh one George Bell an Ensigne-bearer to a Company there and a Stirlin-man borne who knew all the Town and every Lane and Street every turning and corner in it He had learned also in what particular houses everie Nobleman was lodged This Bell knowing by intelligence how carelesse the Lords were how few they had with them and that there was either no watch kept at all or else but very negligently the Centinels very thin placed thought it possible to surprize them with a very few men wherefore having imparted it and acquainted the chief Commanders withall they liked and approved of it So with all speed they prepare for the journey and march from Edinburgh with 200. horse and 300. foot the Earle of Huntley Claude Hamilton of Pasley and Walter Scot of Balcleugh being their Captains and Leaders They used such expedition and were so fortunate that having got thither undescried they planted themselves in the Market-place and setting men to guard all the Lanes and narrow passages of the Town they entred the Noblemens lodgings and took them prisoners the Regent Glencairne and others Onely Mortons house made some resistance which being so well defended that seeing they could not enter otherwayes they set it on fire and he seeing all filled with fire and smoak one or two of his servants also being slain yeelded himself to Balcleugh who had married his Neece Margaret Douglas And thus having made all sure as they supposed the Souldiers began to roame up and down the Town and rifle the houses seeking for spoyle and bootie In the mean time the Earle of Mar●…e and his folks who were in the Castle and had essayed divers times to break into the Market-place but in vain all the passages and entries being so well guarded that they could by no means do it at the last he sent some 16. of his men with small brasse pieces of Founds as they call them to his own new house which was then a building and because no body dwelt in it for it was not yet finished the Enemy had not regarded it These entring in at a back-gate got up to the top of the house and to the windows which did look directly into that Street where the Enemie was and began to shoot among the thickest of them Hereupon they presently fled so fast that they 〈◊〉 one upon another thronging out at the gate Marres folks came presently down and pursued them but the lodging-gatebeing shut they could not get out at the little narrow wicket but one at once and that very slowly whereby
the King who had agreed upon this conclusion Thirdly hee said that Councels and Doctors of the Church did think that the triall of such things is most conveniently and fitly to bee taken in the place where the slander is raised and scandall given which was Saint Andrewes for there that Sermon was preached Fourthly hee pleaded that the priviledges of the University granted and given to it by former Kings and confirmed and ratified by his Majesties self made the Rector and his Assessors Judges to all Ministers Masters and Students that were Members of the same and were accused of any offence committed within the liberties thereof Fifthly that he spake nothing but what he had good warrant for from scripture Sixthly that he had for him first the testimony of the Universitie signed by the Rector and sealed with their seal secondly the testimony of the Church-Session in S. Andrews subscribed by the Ministers Elders and Deacons thirdly the testimony of the Provest and Bailiffs and town Councell signed by the town Clerk by their commandement and sealed with their seal fourthly and last of all the testimony of the Presbyterie subscribed by the Clerk thereof which testimonies were of more value to absolve him than any one mans accusation was to condemne him Seventhly he desired that he might have the common priviledge of all the Subjects which was to know his accuser and the prerogative of a Minister of Gods word that an accusation should not be received or put in processe against him but under two or three witnesses Eighthly that his accuser might be liable and incurre the punishment due to him by the Acts of Parliament if his accusation were found to be false Ninthly that the Defender might have place and be permitted to object against his Accuser And that if William Stuart were the man he would prove that the said William had professed hatred against him and had threatned him to do him bodily harm in which respect his information was to be suspected if he were the Delatour or if he were a witnesse his testimony was not sufficient Notwithstanding of all this yet he said he would simply declare the truth in the presence of God and his Angels so far forth as his memory would serve him He said his text was Daniels expounding of the hand-writing on the wal to Baltazar Here he observed how Daniel in reproving Baltazar for not giving glory to God for his benefits toward him and his father and for abusing the vessels of the house of God did apply the Text of the hand-writing to Baltazar From hence and other places of Scripture he inferred that application ought to be made of examples whether of mercies or judgements by the Ministers of the Word as Daniel was to Kings as was Baltazar And that the nearer the example touched the party to whom it were applied as that of Nabuchodonosor who was father to Baltazar the more forcible it would be This said he is the right way of application but who doth it now-a-dayes Or if any do it who cares for it or is moved with it If a man should now apply the example of our Predecessours to these times as of King James the third how his Courtiers and flatterers abused him would they not say that he raved and wandered from his Text Nay perhaps accuse him of Treason Secondly he said concerning these words which his accuser did alledge to have been spoken by him that our Nabuchodonosor to wit the Kings mother had bin banished twice seven years would be restored again as it never came into his mind so did he not remember the words or any expression tending to that purpose or importing any such thing Thirdly As for that speech That the King was unlawfully called to the Crown or any thing sounding that way he protested before God he never spake it nor did he ever doubt of the lawfulnesse of his Majesties authority which the Church had ever maintained he himself constantly avouched as all that knew him could bear witnesse That it was true that in speaking of Nabuchodonosor he had said That first howbeit he had succeeded to his fathers Kingdome and that when he was of ripe years secondly though he were endowed with wisedome learning liberality and other vertues thirdly though he had conquered and purchased divers Territories and Countries as a valiant Captain having been Lieutenant to his father in his fathers time fourthly And although he were made King after his father by all the Nobility yet Daniel maketh mention of none of all these but saith That God gave him the Kingdome From whence he gathered as a firm conclusion That by whatsoever way Kingdomes do come whether by election succession or conquest whether by ordinary or extraordinary means it is God that gives them he that makes Kings But alas men do forget this that are in high places as experience doth shew And not only Atheists and Idolaters but even godly Kings are subject to this forgetfulnesse David extraordinarily called Salomon also extraordinarily and Joas extraordinarily preserved and crowned in his tender years did all forget the ordainer all forget God their advancer and he therefore did chastise them That instead of applying this to the King he did as his custome ever was when he spake of his Majestie turne and convert it into a Prayer That since such was the weaknesse of Godly Kings it would please God of his mercie never to suffer our King to forget Gods goodnesse and mercie toward him who had called him extraordinarily to be King of the Countrey first being but a childe in his Cradle secondly his mother yet alive thirdly a great part of the Nobility his enemies and fourthly some of them still pursuing of him ever since the heavie burden of government was laid on his shoulders He concluded that these were his formall words upon which what ground any man could have to build such accusation against him he referred it to the wisedome of his Majestie and his councell who he hoped would not give eare to such who through malice did stretch or wrest his words or through ignorance did mistake them not being able to distinguish betwixt extraordinary calling and unlawfull calling This Declaration he set forth not so much to beg favour or releasement but to render the reason of his chosen and voluntary exile Divers moe than he who suffered as he did and for the same cause set forth likewise their apologies to justifie themselves by clearing of their innocencie and shewing the causes of their leaving the Countrey their callings The Courtiers did interest the King in all these quarrels and laboured to embarke him therein the deepest they could and by all meanes strove to make him beleeve that all was against him and that their aime was at him whom they wounded through their sides and fain they would have perswaded all others to the same But all were not so blinde there were many that could did distinguish
their no small disgrace and shame of the Countrey yea to his Majesties discredit in forraine Nations and suffer a doore to bee opened to those corruptions which had been kept out of the Church both in doctrine manners by vertue of that order which onely in their conscience was agreeable with Scripture This their zealous hearts could not endure let all perill be silent where conscience and Religion speak let no enemy breathe out his threatnings where the minde is set on God So it came to passe here For while the Acts were in proclaiming at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh the Pastours of that Towne Master James Lowson Master Walter Balcanquell Master Robert Punt taking their lives in their hands went boldly and made publick Protestation against that Act of the erection of Bishops as unlawfull in many respects whereof they took instruments Hereupon they being menaced to avoide their furie Master Walter Balcanquell flees to Berwick together with Master James Lowson Thither came also after them Master James Carmichael Minister at Hadinton Master John Davison and William ●…ird Ministers of the Suburbs of Edinburgh or some Churches neare to it also Master Patrick Galloway and Master James Melvin with divers others of the Ministerie Edinburgh being thus destitute of Pastours Master Patrick Adamson Archbishop of Saint Andrews was brought to supply their places and to maintaine the lawfulnesse of the office the seven and twentieth day of May being Wednesday which was an ordinary Sermon day but on which the Courtiers were not ordinary auditours But that day they would needs accompany their Bishop and grace him with the Kings personall presence Yet the people disgraced him by their absence they disdained to heare a Bishop other than a Pastour whose office is not ordained by GOD in the Scriptures and was ejected out of the Church of Scotland wherefore being grieved to see this Wolfe in their true Pastours place they go out of the Church and leave him to preach almost alone Besides the common people the Kings owne Ministers Master John Craig and John Brand also John Herriese with others preached against it and were therefore summoned to appeare before the Councell the five and twentieth day of August where they were reviled and rebuked with bitter words as sawcie and presumptuous fellowes and being demanded how they durst speak against the Kings Lawes they answered boldly that they both durst and would speak against such Lawes as were repugnant to the word of GOD. Hereupon the Earle of Arran starting up suddenly upon his feet in a great rage fell a swearing many an oath and with a frowning countenance said unto them that they were too proud to speak such language to the Councell adding that hee would shave their heads paire their nailes and cut their toes that they might bee an example to others Then hee warnes them to compeir before the King himself at Falkland the foure and twentieth day of September where they were accused againe by the Earle of Arran then Chancellour for breaking of the Kings injunctions in not acknowledging nor obeying his Bishops To which they answered that Bishops were no lawfull office of the Church having never beene instituted by Christ and that therefore they would not obey them nor no person else that would command without warrant of the word of GOD assuring him that GOD would humble all proud Tyrants that did lift up themselves against him as for them their lives were not so deare to them but that they would bee contented to spend them in that cause Arran arising from his seat and sitting down on his knees sayes to them scoffingly I know you are the Prophets of God and your words must needs come to passe behold now you see me humbled and brought low Well well saith Master John Craig mock on as you please assure your selfe GOD sees and will require it at your hands that you thus trouble his Church unlesse you repent Then they were remitted to the sixteenth day of November and in the mean time Master John Craig was discharged to preach About this time in November Master James Lowson died at London meekly and sweetly as he had lived Edinburgh had been all this while destitute of Pastours and did want preaching at sometimes for the space of three weeks This was very odious amongst the people and now Master John Craig being silenced they were like to want oftner than they had done to remedie this the Archbishop of Saint Andrews was ordained to preach to them and the Towne-Councell ordained to receive him as their ordinary Pastour The Councell obeyed but the people would not heare him and when they saw him come up to the Pulpit they arose and went forth at the Church doores The Ministers every where persisted to oppose that office and by common consent appointed a Fast to be kept the foure and twentieth day of October whereof they publickly and advowedly gave out these to be the causes First to stay the creeping in of Wolves meaning Bishops Secondly that GOD might send true Pastours Thirdly that he would repair the breaches and decayings of the Church which had been sometime the Lanterne of the world Fourthly that he might remove the causes of this decay tyranny and the flatterie of Courtiers This was plainer language than pleasant they behooved to be wisely dealt with There are two wayes to deal and work upon men by fear and by hope by terrifying and flattering they used both these toward them Wee heard how the sixteenth day of November was appointed for their compearance many therefore were warned against that day from divers parts When they were conveened they were pressed to allow of the Act concerning Bishops and in token of their approbation thereof to promise and subcribe obedience to their Ordinary To move them hereto they partly flattered and partly threatned them saying That all was well meant and no hurt intended to Religion Who was so well affected to it as the King Who so learned among Princes Who so sincere That he would respect and reward the worthy and obedient And by the contrary no Stipend should be payed to him that refused but hee should be deprived imprisoned banished When all this could not prevaile they devise how to temper and qualifie their promise of obedience which was conceived in these words You shall acknowledge and obey Bishops according to the word of God This seeming a restriction and limitation as if the meaning had been that they should allow of and obey Bishops as far as the word of God allowed and ordained them to be obeyed many took it for good Coyne and were so perswaded of it that some said in plaine terms Bring a Cart full of such Papers and we will subscribe them all For to obèy such a Bishop in such a sort according to the word of GOD that is so far as the word of God commands to obey him is not to obey him at all for the word of GOD commands not
but small hope to prove yea or to colour their pretended accusations and that they diffide and distrust that they shall be able to doe it And most men thinke that if there bee nothing wrung out of John Hume by some one means or other as there is no cause to doubt of the Gentlemans honesty and constancy they will have no subterfuge for their false allegations which must needs tend to your Lordships good and honour clearing your innocency and confuting the calumnies of your enemies I received a letter by Master James Melvine and Master Walter Balcanquel who arrived here on friday last declaring the couragious and constant death of Maines who gave testimony of your Lordships innocency and loyall affection to his Majestie by his last words There was no other new matter of importance in it being dated the 18. of February not long after your Lordships coming from Newcastle But I shall have no more intelligence that way for the Authour is forced to flee hither having been searched for and escaped narrowly Hee was delated by the confession of William ●…ray my brother Wedderburnes servant who being booted confessed he had delivered him a letter from me It is done by Manderston to make it reflect upon my brother and he to recriminate hath accused his son George and it is thought he will be able to prove it by George Hume of Cramnicrook John Johnston is also fled and great summes of money offered for him this other letter will shew what comfort I may expect from Scotland or he who is now in the same case There is sure word from France that the Duke of Guise is in the fields with an Army of 30000. or 40000. men some say against the King maniest against Navarre or Geneva So ceasing to trouble your Lordship I rest c. Out of these may be seen the honest and honourable dealing together with the right and loyall disposition of the Earle of Angus whatever hath been set abroche or intended by any other as it is clear there have been some other motions made to him which his heart could not incline to nor his minde dispense with For certainly this feare could not arise without some great occasion and what it hath been or whether it did tend as also who are likeliest to have been Authours of it though it may be conjectured in some sort probably yet I will leave it to every mans consideration of the circumstances and persons who were upon this course of joyning together For my taske being at this time to draw though with a rude hand as I can the true draughts of this Noblemans minde whom I have now in hand I could not omit this piece whereby though there were no more to bee found of him this generall may appeare that duetie justice and vertue were the men of his counsell and the square by which hee ruled all his actions from which no extremity or hard estate could ever divert him or drive him away but to touch upon any other man or glance at any thing which might rubbe a blot upon any is besides my purpose and no wayes incumbent to mee But to returne it fell out with them according to this last letter for as they were removed from Berwick to Newcastle to secure the Scottish Court so Newcastle being not so farre from Edinburgh but that within twentie foure houres or little more they could have been there upon a necessary occasion the Courtiers were put in feare by others or faigned and imagined feares to themselves for taking away of this suggested or apprehended feare as they had been removed from Newcastle to Norwich so now they are brought from thence to London as was pretended to answer to the Embassadours accusation but indeed to advise with him of the way how they might be restored to their Countrey and the Countrey rid of Arran who was now become odious both to Court and Countrey It is a true saying That there is no society amongst Pirats without Justice for if the Arch-Pirate take all to himselfe or if hee divide not the prey equally the rest will kill or forsake him The Earle of Arran knew not this rule or regarded it not for in parting of the spoile of these Noblemen their lands their goods honours government and places of Command hee dealt them unequally drawing most to himselfe and in Councell and guiding of the State he was the onely figure or number and the rest were but ciphers and instruments to execute his decrees There were then at Court of greatest note the Master of Gray a near Kinsman to the late Earle of Gowry and of the ancient Nobilitie who did hate and disdain Arran for that he had beene Authour of the death of his deare friend seized on his lands and did presumptuously take upon him to govern the whole Countrey alone being but newly raised to bee noble There was also Sir Lewis Ballandine of kinne likewise to Gowry an ancient depender on the house of Angus and Master John Metallane Secretary who had beene indeed an enemy to the Earle of Morton and was well contented that Arran should be imployed to work his ruine but he could not away with his peremptory and absolute domineiring These were the actours and great instruments of his fall Gray directly and of purpose the other two by conniving and being conscious to the plot yet so as they would have seemed not to know of it and they did rather give way to it then worke it They all thought it reason that they should at least have their share of the spoil in a fit proportion but they could not have it any wayes proportionable to their esteem of themselves There was besides these Francis Earle Bothwell who amongst other causes of discontentment was grieved at the banishment of the Earle of Angus his Ladies brother Alexander Lord Hume had been discarded for being thought to be his friend Sir George Hume of Wedderburn and Sir James of Coldenknowes were knowne and professed friends to the Earle of Angus and Wedderburnc was of kinne to the Master of Glames and allied to the house of Marre Robert Carre of Cesford was also of the party what out of love to Angus what for emulation with the house of Farnhaste who were on the other faction His Uncle the Provest of Linclowdan Douglas to his name was a speciall stickler in the businesse hee was very familiar and intimate with the Secretary Metellane who without his advice did almost nothing But above all the Lord Maxwell made Earle of Morton entred into open hostilitie for being charged to compeare he disobeyed and refused and by intelligence with the banished Lords hee levied souldiers slew one Captain Lammie that was sent against him with his companies whom Johnston did assist Hereupon a Proclamation was set forth in the Kings name that all that were able to beare armes should come and follow the King who was to pursue him in person the 24. of October
These and many others and indeed the whole Countrey agreeing in this conclusion that Arran was to bee removed from the helme of governement which hee steerd so ill the Master of Gray was sent Ambassadour into England and had broken the businesse with the Lords concerning their returne and his removeall Now Sir Lewis Ballandine is sent up Ambassador with Commission to accuse them of a conspiracy detected by Duntrethes deposition Hereupon they are sent for from Norwich to make answer to it The Master of Glames being of greatest age and learning they made choice of him to plead their cause before a certain number of the Councellours of England deputed by the Queene to heare and judge of it Their owne innocencie the abilitie of the pleader and the favour of the Judges meeting together made them to be easily absolved notwithstanding that the Ambassadour did his best in framing and pressing his accusation to the full to discharge his Commission every way It is a pretty sport to consider the proceedings of the world and what masques and vizards men doe put on sometimes to cloake their designes With what respect and reverence did they carry themselves towards my Lord Ambassadour and with what strangenesse and aversation did he looke upon them One day as the Earle of Angus was walking into the fields for his recreation he encountered the Ambassadour coming from Tuttle-fields in a narrow lane ere he came near he espied him and knowing it was he hee called to his servants to give way to my Lord Ambassadour and he himselfe standing aloofe with cap in hand made a low reverence to his Lordship as he passed by The Ambassadour again acted his part finely remembring his place the person hee represented and the errand for which he was sent to be his accuser with a countenance which did beare anger and grief in it to see the Kings rebells hee turned away his face and would not so much as looke on that side of the street notwithstanding that hee both loved and honoured him in his heart and was even then laying the ground-work of his restitution Hee being gone home the plot went forward in Scotland England was no better affected toward Arran then his owne Countrey was they did altogether dislike of him and suspected his wayes they conceived that he did prosecute the Guisian plots begunne by Obignie and which had beene interrupted by his disgrace and discourting And yet they acted their part also bore faire countenance and correspondence with him and he with them but all was but dissimulation and like a stage play The Lord Hunsdon Governour of Berwick and Warden of the Marches on that hand paid him home in his owne coine and entertained a shew of friendship with him but no more Divers meetings they had upon the borders and many fair promises were made by Arran to keep back England from favouring or aiding the Lords That the King should bee at the Queens devotion that he should follow her advice in all things that hee should not marry without her consent and that hee should make a league with her offensive and defensive The Master of Gray Ambassadour had promised so much but when the English urged the performance of it it was a jeast to see their fine shifting The Master of Gray put it upon Arran Arran upon the Master of Gray and the King professed that neither of them had warrant or direction from him to say any such thing and therefore he was not tied to make it good they were too sharp and quick sighted not to see through greater clouds In the mean time it fell out at a meeting of the Wardens of the middle-marches that Sir Francis Russell sonne to the Earle of Bedford was killed whether by chance or of set purpose is uncertain This did alienate them from the Courtiers and joyned them to the Lords whom they knew to be honest true and trusty and therefore they wished well to them and helped forward their interprise endirectly all they could While matters were thus in working the Lords remained still at London and were lodged at a place appointed to them called long-ditch near Saint James Parke whither the banished Ministers resorted and kept continuall exercise of preaching praying and fasting on occasion in a private manner without ostentation or notice thereof in publicke being done within their lodging onely There was a motion made to the Counsell of England that there might be a particular Church allowed and allotted unto the Scots as the French Italians and Dutch have their Churches apart but it was not granted they being unwilling apparantly that being of one language our discomformitie with their ceremonies should appeare to the common people This grieved us greatly and especially Master James Lowson who partly for that partly because of a letter written to him from the towne of Edinburgh in which they did unkindly reproach his flying into England as a de●…ertion and did renounce him for their Pastour calling him a Wolfe who had fled without just cause and had joyned himselfe with rebells and such other calumnies as Bishop Adamson had endited and caused the Provest and towne Counsell signe he sickned and died being much lamented both of English Scots and all that knew and were acquainted with him Notwithstanding that they could not obtain a peculiar Church yet the Lievetenant of the Tower being acquainted with some of our Ministers he desired them to preach in his Church within the Tower which is a priviledged place and without the jurisdiction of the Bishops and many of the people came thither to hearethem Amongst other exercises Master Andrew Melvine read Lectures in Latine upon the old Testament beginning at Genesis which were much frequented and the Earle of Angus was a diligent Auditour and a painfull repeater of them for his owne use and contentment But now the negotiation of their returne being farre advanced and come even to the maturitie and full ripenesse Angus Marre the Master of Gl●…mes with a few onwaiters take post from London and came with all expedition to the Borders They had composed their differences with the Lord Maxwell and the Lord Hamilton and so all were to joyne in the common businesse with one heart and hand as one man Before Angus came from London he wrote to his friends in Scotland after this sort You have now knowne by M. John Colvill as I think that wee stay here only till wee receive new advertisement from the Provest of Lincluden in name of the rest of our friends that should joyne with us in that Countrey after the receit whereof we mean not to stay but immediatly to come down wherefore be ye not unready seeing others will be forward enough as we beleeve At our first coming we mean to be quiet two or three dayes in which space I mean to speak with some principals and by their advice to go more plainly to our purpose This State will not seeme openly to
I continued in great anger whereof I am not yet fully freed because of that sentence or decreet reserved to Farnihaste against the Earle of Angus and though the doers bee partiall yet I blame most his owne simplicitie I must needes so call it seeing his authoritie ought to put order to others where now hee is onely a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to doe But hee must either take matters otherwayes upon himselfe or undoe himselfe and all the rest with him For if the Master of Glames forgetting the event of Ruthven businesse will needs trace the steps of the Earle of Gowrie it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothfull to their owne hinderance They are indeed at Court but are esteemed no better abroad then beasts in the Countrey never like to acquire the favour of any but continually declining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends who all speake as though they saw already an evident ruine of them and that doubtlesly deserved for lying in their good cause and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen and return or we shall bee forced to lament for that which wee shall never bee able to amend If they sticke to their cause all is sure otherwise nothing sure for either their suretie is by the Kings favour whereof I speake nothing or the favour of the people this they must have by pressing their cause of Noblemen for relieving them from bondage and revenging their bloud of Gentlemen and Commons for purging Religion restoring of Justice and providing that Tyrannie thrust not it selfe in againe If this bee urged it will confirme such as are already in the cause and will make more to joyne in it So shall the cause prosper and if occasion crave so there is a partie ever ready to take Armes for it But if omitting this a flattering or a fearefull course bee taken who shall speake plaine and assist such fearefull dissemblers who shall credit them when afterwards as heretofore they shall take on the name of the good cause I wish the Kings Majestie may bee used with all Princely reverence but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his owne undoing though I seeme to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked I aske them whether they had a just cause in hand or not and yet of all these evils under the burden whereof the Countrey groned they have opened nothing at all to his Majestie why is it not then justified in deed by condemning the other worthy to bee condemned Is their cause already ended And if not why is it then left off hath it not enemies why should it not then bee fortified against them The Declaration of their cause why was it published To acquire favour at the hands of the people And why then is there nothing done to retaine this favour yea rather why are such things done as procure their disfavour and hatred I see nothing but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts God to discover their hypocrisie hath given them their hearts desire but for their further ruine for their Hypocrisie I cannot forbeare to write this though I bee out of hope of any good yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly shall in Gods favour bee provided for though with trouble when God shall require of those dissemblers the bloud of such as have perished and shall perish through their default giving them a proofe of their owne wits and their unfaithfull hearts They would not serve God hee made men their masters Are means failed him No the last shall bee worse then the first It seemeth to mee that God hath even prepared a mischief for them and therefore given them over to their owne devices wherewith they are so drunke and blinded as men in a melancholicke apprehension who are past all cure of Physicke But this above all troubles mee most that till such time as good men bee all undone and the Land utterly ruined and overborne with Tyrannie it shall not bee resisted hereafter For a new Generation must arise that hath forgotten these things before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit good men are so often deceived under that colour and pretext and drawne on to their wracke And certainely rather then I were hee that through mis-governance and evill order should undoe so many as are like to bee undone at this time I had farre rather give my owne life for it But I speake to deafe men and therefore I cease committing to God the providing for those whose hearts hee sees to bee upright having from time to time kept nothing backe of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men and the cause without troubling them with any particulars If Angus could steere in his owne roome hee might redresse the Masters errours Speake to Dunniepace and Largoe See what is done about the Barons and give me notice of such direction as goeth to their Shires I say for conclusion their earnest suite in particulars and negligence in the common cause convicts them before all men and the King may justly say They had no good meaning But if it were mine to doe wee should goe all together to the King and say this or the like speech Sir in that yee have as may be redressed our particulars wee thanke you heartily though it was ever the least part of our desire for Gods Church hath beene heavily oppressed then tell him the particulars apart Your Realme and Subjects have beene tyrannized over then tell him also some proofes Let therefore the Gospell bee restored to the owne libertie and some men chosen to set downe some sure policy which may last and continue Let some also bee deputed to heare the plaints and grievances of such as have beene wronged under the colour of your Majesties name and let their wrongs bee redressed as much as is possible and such order taken that the Subjects may bee out of feare heareafter of suffering so they keepe the Lawes Let the Lawes also bee revised by wise men and such of them taken away as bee hurtfull to the Subjects for you shall finde the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of olde This being done wee doubt not but God shall blesse you and your Countrey seeing the neglecting hereof hath beene the cause of the evills past Sir doe it your selfe for the gaine is yours though wee put you in minde of it Now except this bee done there can bee no continuing quietnesse Postscript THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloofe I heare the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Countrey of Scotland but seeth not that in them which hee could wish Let the Master behave himselfe as hee pleaseth can the King but thinke that hee would rather wish his owne ●…ster sonne King I finde great fault that the Abbots Driebrough and Cambuskenneth Lie abake who are practitioners and
their Writers to extoll their owne facts and to lessen their neighbours for they say there were slaine onely at Bannockburne of the English 10000. and at this battell but 15. how apparently let the Reader judge Our Writers say there was no small number of them slain and that it was fought with great courage neverthelesse of this inequality neither did the Scots turne their backs or give ground untill their Generall fighting valiantly in the midst of them was slaine There died with him John James and Allane Stuarts sons to Walter Stuart in his owne battell the Earle of Rosse to whom he had committed the Vauntguard with Kenneth Earle of Sutherland Alexander Bruce Earle of Carrict Andrew James and Simon Frasers Few were taken prisoners and such as were taken by the commandment of K. Edward were beheaded the next day against the law of armes some few were saved by their keepers who were more covetous of their ransome then of their bloud Such cruelty did this gentile nature practise before the battell upon the Seatons in the the chase upon the flyers and after the battell upon the prisoners in cold bloud But his aime was to make a full conquest of Scotland which did faile him notwithstanding This battell was fought July 22. 1333. called Magdalens day accounted by the superstition of the people unfortunate for Scotland Thus died Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway fighting for his Countrey his love thereof his indignation against so inhumane a fact is commendable his magnanimitie likewise and valour is such as became his house his conduct is blamed and the cause thereof whether it were anger or errour his anger or desire of revenge though the cause be never so just should have beene bridled and tempered and so governed with such wisedome as might have effected a due punishment indeed and not so headie as to have precipitated himselfe and the Countrey into extreme danger and ruine whilest he sought revenge Or if it were errour and too much relying upon the forwardnesse of his Army that indeed is a thing not to be neglected but to be taken hold of and made use of yet it ought not to be so farre trusted but well imployed and managed with judgement as a good addition to other meanes and helps but not that the whole hope of the victorie should be grounded and hang upon it alone farre lesse ought it to be made use of when there is too great odds In which case it serves but for a spurre to set us on to our more speedy ruine If it were feare that he should be thought a coward if he did not fight that moved him his feare was needlesse he had given good proofe of it before and might have given more thereafter he should have remembred that he was a Generall and Leader in whom want of wisedome and government were as much to be blamed as fearefulnesse He was also a Governour in whose safety the Kingdome was interessed and who ought to have regarded the good thereof In this ballance he should have weighed things and should have done according to it though with hazzard of a sinister report for a while which might easily have beene recovered in the owne time Concerning which and all idle fame and vaine opinion of ignorant people we have that notable example of that worthy Fabius Maximus the Romane Captaine who neither by the provocation of the enemie nor importunitie of the souldiers nor disgracefull rumours scattered among the people as if he durst not have fought or had colluded with Hanniball and other such slanders could be moved to fight but at a convenient time Nay rather then he would doe it he suffered the halfe of his Armie to be taken from him and given to his Lieutenant as the hardier man than he who both durst and would fight as he bragged And so he did indeed upon the first occasion but with such foole-hardinesse as that he had both lost himselfe and his whole Army if Fabius had not come in time to his rescue who at that fit time of fighting shewed in effect both what he durst in manhood and what he could do in wisedome and easily made those fond rumours to vanish to his perpetuall glory the confuting and confounding of his Competitour and confession and acknowledgment of his worth from those who had blamed him before Not unlike to this was the saying of great Scipio the Africane who being reproached by a certain man that he was not so forward a fighter as he could have wished though in very deed he was forward enough daigned him with no other answer but that his mother had borne him to be Commander not a fighter thinking that a Captaines chiese honour is to command well and to choose fit times places and meanes for fighting And not to goe any farther we heard before in good Sir James his life how little he was moved at the English Heralds demands who desired in the Kings name that he would fight him on the plaine field upon equall ground if he had either vertue or honour Sir James sent him away with derision as one that had made a foolish request telling him that a good Captaine should account it his honour not tofight for his enemies request but as he found most expedient and convenient for himselfe in wisedome choosing the forme the field the time the place and all for the advantage of his Army and giving no advantage to the enemy whereof he could possibly hinder him And this I have insisted upon so much the more because many that are of good spirits otherwise do oftentimes erre in this false opinion and thereby doe both lose themselves and their honours So that while they affectate to be called hardie fighters doe prove indeed to be foolish Captains and ill Commanders and so doe not eschew reproach but incurre it Neither get they the honour of valour which they seeke but the blame of temeritie and rashnesse which they should avoid So that the Writers speaking of this fact doe all of them condemne it and brand it with a note of ill conduct and some of them say in expresse termes Archbald Lord of Galloway was not valiant in this case but temerarious and foolish very truly and wisely to warne others to take heed and beware of failing in the like kinde very soberly and respectively restricting it to this particular onely and in this case leaving him his due praise and commendation in his other actions as ye have heard hee very well deserved This defeat drew on with it the surrendring of the Towne of Berwick the next day after by Sir Alexander Seaton and of the Castleby Patrick Dumbarre Earle of March lives and goods safe themselves giving their Oath of allegeance and fealty to the K. of England He commanded the Earle of March to re-edifie the Castle of Dumbarre which he being not able to keepe it had demolished that it might not be a receit to the English And within a
short time this overthrow had wellnigh overthrowne the Kingdome and the cause for the greatest part of the Nobilitie that were not dead before being slain in this conflict the rest flying to save themselves to strengths desa●…ts Balliol assisted by Robert Talbot a Noble man of England whom the King had left with him with a few English bands being aided by his Favourers in Scotland made himself once more King and was confirmed by Parliament within half a yeare after he had been driven out All yeelded obedience to him save onely foure Castles to wit Loch-leven Dumbarton Kildrummie Urwhart and Lowdon peele seated on a little lake so that no man in Scotland durst call David Bruce their King except young children in their playes so far were matters altered by this check Where it is to be marked that as by the wise and wary government of the same Archbald his Countrey and lawfull King were defended and Balliol chased out of his usurped Kingdome So by the same mans oversight in government both the usurping Edwards English and Scots are repossessed again therein and his Countrey plunged into misery and the rightfull King and his partners brought to great extremitie Of so great efficacie is good or evill government therefore it is so much the more circumspectly to bee looked to and to bee exercised according to the rules of wisedome and not after the opinions of men fame and reports anger or whatsoever other cause doth make men stray from the right and strait course of reason This was the lamentable condition of our Countrey But let us have patience a while and wee shall shortly have better newes Both these usurpers shall ere long bee driven to let go their hold and at last be utterly disappointed of all their hopes and projects God conserving the liberty of this Countrey and the Crowne thereof to the rightfull heire and the Bruces bloud in whose posterity it shall yet prosper In which work no little part shall bee the valiant and faithfull efforts of the Douglasses Amongst whom it were requisite to speake of the next Lord Douglas But the order of time draws me another way it being long before his turne come in even tenne or twelve or perhaps twentie yeares as shall be seen in the owne p ace for hee hath been young it should seeme and abroad out of the Countrey but in his absence some other of the Douglasses must not be idle Archibaldus Duglasius ad Halidonem coesus 1333. Non potuit perferre nefas foedamque Tyranni Perfidiam Et quisnam sustinuisse queat Ergo furens animi atque accenso pectore inardet Praelia ingratas increpat usque moras Poscimus aut aequo dixit certamine Martem Aut certum est fatis cedere velle tuis Ah nimis ah properant Non illis ignea virtus Defuerat nocuit praecipetasse nimis Nec te victorem jactes temeraria virtus Sic nocuit Vinci vis animosa nequit In English thus He was not patient enough to see The Tyrants faithlesse fact and who could be Hence his enflamed breast with anger sweld Enrag'd at such impediments as held His hand from just revenge Come let us trie Our chance and winne the field or bravely die If fate will have it so he said and all With too much haste obey'd their Generall No courage wanted but the hard event Prov'd the act rash and lose the punishment Of ill rul'd valour Thou didst nothing gain Who to his passion yeelds commands in vain Of William Douglas Lord of 〈◊〉 called the flowre of Chevalrie BEfore we proceed to the rest of the Lords of Douglas the order of the History requires that wee speake something of William not Lord of Douglas but Lord of Liddesdale and a worthy member of the house and name of Douglas The first mention of him and his actions is at the battle of Annand where hee was with Archbald Lord of Galloway The last of his actions of importance are in the beginning of the first Earle William before the battle of Durham the space of thirteen yeares or thereby which time hee imployed for his lawfull King and Countrey against the usurpers so diligently as shall bee deduced in the progresse of this Story Writers call him naturall sonne to Sir James slain in Spain which is truth But they erre when they say that John Lord Dalkeith was brother to William Lord of Liddesdale hee being Liddesdales uncle and Sir James brother so master John Major hath Davidis for Gulielmi and Hollinshed and 〈◊〉 William for Archbald who was made Captain of the castle of Edinburgh by this same William But it is so clear and manifest whom they mean of that there is no question to be made of it However it be he hath so honoured and nobilitated himself by his vertue that no posteritie needs to enquire of his birth We finde that he was married to a daughter of Sir John Grahame Lord of Abercorne called Margaret Grahame by whom he got the lands of Liddesdale he had but one onely daughter Mar●… who was married to Sir James of Lowden who after the Lord Liddesdales his death and Marga●…t Grahames got the lands of Liddesdale His first appearing to wit at the battell of Annand hath been spoken of after that hee was for his wisedome and manhood accounted worthy to have the custody and government of the West Marches ●…s the charge of the East Marches was committed to Patrick Du●… Being Wairden there hee had his residence at Annand where at a certain skirmish with the English his men were scattered himself was hurt and taken prisoner about that same time that Regent Murray was taken at Roxbrough to wit in the yeare 1332. before the battell of Halidoun hill which was the occasion that he was not there with his uncle Archbald Lord of Galloway He continued a prisoner untill 1335. and then he and Murray were both set at libertie having payed a great summe of gold for their ransome It is strange that these two great Politicians the two Edwards I mean intending a conquest of Scotland should have suffered such men to bee set at liberty at any rate without making them sure to their side considering that the detaining of them would greatly have facilitate their designes and their liberty being enemies hinder and annoy them as we shall heare it did not a little It was apparently the pride of their hearts in that good successe which made them carelesse and secure not fearing any danger from these or any else So doth successe and pride growing thereupon commonly blind men or so doth God blinde the wisedome of unjust men when hee hath a work to do against them But before wee come to the rest of the deeds of this valorous Lord we must take a view of the estate of things at that time that the circumstances which are the life of History and light of actions being knowne the actions themselves may be the better considered