de Ou. F. Louel S de Troys I. de Artel Iohn de Montebrugg H. de Mounteserel W. Trussebut W. Trussel H. Byset R. Basset R. Molet H. Malouile G. Bonet P. de Bonuile S. de Rouile N. de Norbec I. de Corneux P. de Corbet W. de Mountague S. de Mounfychet I. de Geneuyle H. Gyffard I. de Say T. Gilbard R. de Chalons S. de Chauward H. Feret Hugo Pepard I. de Harecourt H. de Haunsard I. de Lamare P. de Mautreuers G. de Ferron R. de Ferrers I. de Desty W. de Werders H de Borneuyle Iâ—de Saintenys S. de Seucler R. de Gorges E. de Gemere W. de Feus S. de Filberd H. de Turberuyle R. Troblenuer R. de Angon T. de Morer T. de Roteler H. de Spencer R. de Saintpuinten I. de Saint Martin G. de Custan Saint Constantin Saint Leger Saint Med. M. de Cronu de S. Viger S. de Crayel R. de Crenker N. Meyuell I. de Berners S. de Chumli E. de Charers I. de Grey W. de Grangers S de Grangers S. Raubenyn H. Vamgers E. Bertram R. Bygot S. Treoly I. Trigos G. de Feues H. Filiot R. Taperyn S. Talbot H. Santsauer T. de Samford G. de Vandien C. de Vautort G. de Mountague Tho. de Chambernon S. de Montfort R. de Ferneuaux W. de Valence T. Clarel S. de Cleruaus P. de Aubermarle H de Saint Aruant E. de Auganuteys S. de Gant G. de Malearbe H. Mandut W. de Chesun L. de Chandut R Filz vrs B. viconte de Low G. de Cantemere T. de Cantlow R. Breaunce T. de Broxeboof S de Bolebec B Mol de boef I. de Muelis R de Brus. S de Brewes I. de Lylle T. de Bellyle I. de Wateruile G. de Neuyle R. de Neuburgh H. de Burgoyne G de Bourgh S. de Lymoges L de Lyben W. de Helyoun H. de Hildrebron R de Loges S. de Seintlow I de Maubank P. de Saint Malow R. de Leoferne I. de Louotot G. de Dabbeuyle H. de Appetot W. de Percy H. de Lacy G de Quincy E Tracy R de la Souche V. de Somery I. de Saint Iohn T. de Saint Gory P. de Boyly R de Saint Valery P. de Pinkeni S. de Pauely G. de Monthaut T. de Mountchesy R. de Lymozy G. de Lucy I. de Artoys N de Arty P de Grenuyle I. de Greys V. de Cresty F de Courcy T. de Lamar H. de Lymastz I de Monbray G. de Morley S de Gorney R. de Courtenay P. de Gourney R. de Cony I. de la Huse R. de la Huse V de Longeuyle P. Longespye I. Pouchardon R. de la Pomercy I. de Pountz R. de Pontlarge R. Estraunge Tho. Sauage A little aboue mention was made of the Bishops sea of Shireborne translated from thence to Salisbury The first bishop of Salisbury was Hermannus Normand who first began the new church and minster of Salisbury After whom succeded OsmuÌ„dus who finished the worke and replenished the house with great liuing much good singing This Osmundus first began the ordinarie which was called Secundum vsum Sarum an 1076. The occasion whereof was this as I find in an old story booke intituled Eulogium a great contention chanced at Glastenbury betwene Thurstanus the Abbot and his couent in the days of William Conqueror which Thurstanus the sayd William had brought out of Normandy froÌ„ the Abbey of Cadonum and placed him Abbot of Glastenbury The cause of this coÌ„tentious battaile was for that Thurstanus conteinning their Quier seruice then called the vse of S. Bregory coÌ„pelled his monkes to the vse of one WilliaÌ„ a monk of Fiscam in Normandy Wherupon came strife contentions amongst them first in wordes then from words to blowes after blowes then to armor The Abbot with his gard of harnest men fell vpon the monkes draue them to the steps of the high aulter where ii were slayne viii were wounded with shafts swords pikes The monkes then driuen to such a straight narow shift were compelled to defend themselues with fourmes and candlestickes wherwith they did wound certain of the souldiours One monke there was an aged man who in stead of his shield tooke an Image of the Crucifice in his armes for hys defence which image was wouÌ„ded in the brest by one of the bowe men wherby the Monke was saued My story addeth more that the striker incontinent vpon the same fell mad which sauoreth of some monkish addition besides the text This matter being brought before the king the Abbot was sent agayne to Cadonius and the monks by the commaundement of the king were scattered in farre countreys Thus by the occasion hereof Osmundus bishop of Salisbury deuised that ordinary which is called the vse of Sarum and was afterward receiued in a maner through all England Ireland and Wales And thus much for this matter done in the time of this king William Which William after his death by his wife Matildis or Maulde left iii. sonnes Robert Courtley to whom he gaue the Duchie of Normandy William Rufus his secoÌ„d sonne to whom he gaue the kingdome of England And Henry the third sonne to whom he left and gaue treasor and warned William to be to his people louing liberall Robert to be to his people sterne and sturdy In the history called Iornalensis is reported of a certain great man who about this tyme of kyng William was compassed about with Mise and Rattes and flying to the middest of a Riuer yet when that would not serue came to the land agayne and was of them deuoured The Bermaines say that this was a Byshop who dwellyng betwene Colen and Mentz in tyme of famine and dearth hauyng store of corne and grayne would not helpe the pouertie crying to hym for reliefe but rather wyshed hys corne to be eaten of Myse and Rattes Wherefore beyng compassed with Mise and Rattes by the iust iudgement of God to auoyd the annoiance of them he builded a tower in middest of the Riuer of Rheine which yet to this day the Dutchmen call Rattes tower but all that would not helpe for the Rattes and Myse swamme ouer to hym in as great aboundaunce as they did before Of whome at length he was deuoured William Rufus William Rufus the second sonne of William CoÌ„querour beganne his raigue an 1088. And raigned 13. yeares beyng crowned at Westminster by Lanfrancus who after his coronation released out of prison by the request of his father diuers of the English Lords which before had bene in custody It chaunced that at the death of William Conquerour Robert Courtsey his eldest sonne was absent in Almany Who hearing of the death of hys father and how William his yonger brother had taken vpon him the kingdome was therwith greatly amoued in so much that he laid his dukedome to pledge vnto his brother Henry and with that good gathered
vnto this time whiche was about the yeare of our Lord 1367. the offices here in England as the Lord Chauncellor Lord Treasurer of the priuy seale were wont to be in the handes of the clergy But about this yeare through the motion of the Lords in the Parliamēt and partly as witnesseth mine author for hatred of the clergy all the sayd offices were remoued from the clergy to the Lordes temporall After the death of Pope Urbane next succeeded Pope Gregory the 11. who among his other acres first reduced agayne the papacy out of Fraunce vnto Rome which had from thence bene absent the space now of 70. yeres being therto moued as Sabellicus recordeth by the answere of a certain bishop whom as the Pope saw standing by him asked why he was so long from his charge and church at home saying not to be the part of a good Pastor to keepe him from his flocke so long Wherunto the Bishop aunswering agayne sayd And you your selfe being the chiefe Bishoppe who may and ought to be a spectacle to vs all why are you from the place so long where your Church doth lye By the occasion whereof the Pope sought all meanes after that to remoue and to rid his Court out of Fraunce againe to Rome and so he did This 11. Gregory in a certayne Bull of his sent to the Archb. of Prage maketh mētion of one named Militzius a Bohemiā saith in the same bull that this Militzius should hold apinion teach an 1366. that Antechrist was alredy come Also that the said Militzius had certayn cōgregations folowing him that in the same congragation were certain harlots who being conuerted frō theyr wickednes were brought to a godly life Which harlots being so conuerted he vsed to say were to be preferred before al the holy religious virgins And therfore commaunded the archbishop to excōmunicate and persecute the sayd Militzius which in foretime had bene a religious man of Prage and after forsook his order and gaue himselfe to preaching and at length was by the foresayd Archb. imprisoned Iacobus Misnensis a learned man and a writer in the time of I. Hus maketh mention of this Militzius and calleth him a worthy and a famous Preacher Also citeth many things out of his writings In the which writinges thys good Militzius thus declareth of himself how he was moued vrged by the holy Ghost to search out by the sacred Scriptures concerning the comming of Antechrist And that he was compelled by the same holy spirite at Rome publickly to preach and also before the Inquisitor there to protest plainly that the same great Antechrist which is prophesyed of in y◠holy Scriptures was alredy come Moreouer his saying was that the church through negligēce of the pastors was desolate did abound in temporall riches but in spirituall riches to be empty Also that in y◠Church of Christ where certayne Idols which destroyd Ierusalē and defaced the Temple but hypocrisye caused that those Idols could not be sene Also that many there were which denied Christ because that knowing the truth yet for feare of mē they durst not confesse their conscience c. And thus much of good Militzius liuing in the time of Gregory 11. and king Edward the third an 1370. The which king of England holding a Parliamēt in the 3. yeare of this Pope sent his Embassadours to hym desiring him that he from thenceforth would abstayne frō his reseruatiōs of benefices vsed in the court of England And that spiritual men within his realme promoted vnto Bishopricks might freely enioy theyr electiōs within the realme and be confirmed by theyr Metropolitanes according to the auncient custome of the realme Wherfore vpō these and such other like wherein the king and the realme thought thēselues greued he desired of the Pope some remedy to be prouided c. Wherunto the Pope returned acertayne answere agayne vnto the king requiring by his messengers to be certified agayn of the kings mind cōcerning the same But what answere it was it is not in the story expressed saue that the yere folowing which was 1374. there was a tractation at Burges vpon certain of the said articles betwene the king the Pope which did bāg two yeares in suspēse so at length it was thus agreed betwene them that the pope should no more vse his reseruatiōs of benefices in England and likewise the king shoulde no more cōferre and geue benefices vpon the writ Quare impedit c. But as touching the freedome of elections to be confirmed by the Metropolitane mentioned in the yeare before therof was nothing touched As touching these reseruations prouisiōs and collations with the elections of Archbishops Bishops beneficed men and other wherwith the Pope vexed this realme of England as before you haue heard The king by the consent of the Lordes and commons in the 25. yeare of hys raigne enacted that according to a statute made in the 30. yeare of his graundfather Edward the first wherein was made an act against the rauenous pillage of the Pope thorough the same prouisions reseruations collations c. but not put in execution By the which prouisions the state of the realme decreased more and more the kings royaltie prerogatiue greatly obscured and diminished innumerable treasure of the realme transported aliens straungers placed in the best and fattest by shoprickes abbeyes and benefices within the realme And suche as eyther for their offices in Rome as Cardinalships such like could not be here resident or if resident yet better away for causes infinite as partly haue bene touched before Not onely reuiued the sayde statute made by Edward the first hys graundfather but also inlarged the same Adding therunto very strayt and sharpe penalties against the offenders therin or in any part therof as exemptiō out of the kings protection losse of al their lands goods and other possessions and theyr bodies to be imprisoned at the kings pleasure And farther who so euer was lawfully conuict or otherwise for want of appearance by proces directed forth were wythin the lappes of this statute or premunire for so bare the name therof shuld suffer al and euery such molestation iniuries as men exempted frō the protection of the king In so much that who so euer had killed such mē had bene in no more daunger of lawe therefore then for the killing of an outlaw or one not worthy to liue in a commō weale Lyke vnprofitable members were they then in that tyme yea of ignoraunce esteemed in thys common weale of Englande as would offer themselues to the wilfull slauery and seruile obedience of the pope which thyng in these dayes yea and that amōgst no small fooles is coūted more then Euangelicall holynes He that list to peruse the statute and would see euery braunch and article therof at large discussed and handled wyth the penalties therfore due Let him read the
vsing al celeritie to meete them before they came to London gathered a power such as hee could make about LoÌ„don and first coÌ„meth to Abyngdon from thence to Marlebridge hearing that the Queene was at Bathe thinking to encounter with them before they diuerted into Wales to the Earle of Pembroke whether he thought as they in deede intended that they woulde take But the Queene vnderstanding the king to be so nie remoueth from Bathe to Bristow sending word in the meane while to the citizens of Gloucester that they would graunt her leaue safely to passe by their Citie Which wheÌ„ it could not be obteined with her army she departeth froÌ„ Bristow to Teukesbery where the D. of Somerset knowing king Edward to be at hand at his very backe willed the Queene there to stay in no wise to flie backward for certaine doubts that might be cast Although this couÌ„saile was against the consent of many other captaines who thought it best rather to draw aside while the Earle of Pembroke with his army were with them associate yet the mind of the Duke preuailed The place was prefixed the field pitched the time of battaile came the King was loked for who being within one mile of Tewkesbury with like industry policy as his enemies had done disposed his army likewise in their aray This celeritie of the King taking the time was to him great aduantage who otherwise if he had differed till they had conioined with the Earle of Pembroke had put the matter in great hazard Such a matter it is to take a thing in time Of this battayle Hall this reporteth adding more then Polidore that the D. of Somerset although he was stroÌ„gly intrenched yet through the occasion or policie of the Duke of Gloucâ—ster which had the fore ward of the kings part a little reculing back followed the chase supposing that the Lord Wenlock who had the middle ward would haue followed hard at his backe The duke of Glocester whether for shame rather then of policie espieng his aduaÌ„tage sodenly turned face to his enemies Whereupon the coÌ„trary part was estsoones discomfited and so much the more because they were separate froÌ„ their company Tho Duke of Somerset not a litle aggyeued at this so vnfortunate case returneth to the middle ward where he seeing the L. Wenlocke abiding still reuileth him and calleth him traytour and with his are striketh the braine out of his head Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydor but sheweth not his author where he had it Polydore writing of this conflict writeth no more but this that the Queenes army being ouerset with the number and multitude of their enemies and she hauing no fresh souldiours to furnish the field was at last ouermatched and for that most part slaine or taken In which battaile were named to be slaine that Earle or Deuonshire the Lord Wenlocke Lord Iohn Duke of Somerset his brother beside other Among theÌ„ that were taken was Queene Margaret fouÌ„d in her chariot almost dead for sorow Prince Edward Edmund D. of Somerset Iohn Prior of S. Iohns with xx other knightes all which were beheaded within ij dayes after the Queene only and the yong prince excepted Which prince Edward being then brought to the Kings presence was demaunded of him how he durst be so bold to stand in battaile against him To this Edward Hall addeth more and saith that after the field was finished the King made Proclamation that whosoeuer would bring Prince Edward to him should haue annuitie of an C. li. during his life and the Princes life to be saued Whereupon sir Rich. Croftes not mistrusting the kings promise brought forth his prisoner c. And so the king demanding of the Prince as is said how he durst so presumptuously enter this Realme with his banner displayed against him he answered sayeng that he came to recouer his fathers kingdome and inheritance from his grandfather and father to him descending whereat said Polydor the King with his hande disdainingly thrust him from him Other say that the king stroake him on the face with his gauntlet At the speaking of these words was present George Duke of Clarence Richarde Duke of Gloucester and the Earle Lord William Hastings Who vpon the same vncourteously falling vpon the Prince did slaye hym Queene Margaret being brought prisoner to London was afterwarde raunsomed of hir father Duke of Angeow for a great summe of money which he borrowed of the French King and for the paiment therof was faine to yeeld vnto him the title of the kingdome of Sicile and Naples c. King Edward for these prosperous warres rendred to God his hartie thanks and caused publikely through his realme solemne processions to be kepte three daies together And thus much and too much touchyng the warres of King Edward the fourth which was done anno 1471. Ex Polid. alijs The same yeare and about the same tyme vppon the Ascension euen king Henry being prisoner in the Tower departed after he had reigned in all xxxviij yeares and vi moneths Polydore and Hall folowing him affirme that he was slaine with a dagger by Rich. Duke of Glocester the Kings brother for the more quiet and sauegard of the King his brother In the history intituled Scala mundi I finde these words Quod in turri in vigilia Ascensionis Dominicae ibidem feliciter moriens per Thamesiam nauicula vsque ad Abbathiam de Chertesey deductus ibi sepultus est That is that king Henry being in the Tower vpon the Ascension euen there happely or quietly departing was brought by Thames in a boate to the Abbey of Chertesey and there buried Polydore after he hath described the vertues of thys king recordeth that king Henry the seuenth did afterwarde translate the corps of him froÌ„ Chertesey to Windsore and addeth moreouer that by him certayne myracles were wrought For the which cause the sayde King Henry the seauenth sayth he laboured with Pope Iulius to haue him canonised for a Saint but the death of the king was the let why that matter proceeded not Edward Hall writing of this matter addeth more declaring the cause why king Henries sancting went not forward to be this for that the fees of canonising of a King were of so great a quantitie at Rome more then of another Bishop or prelaâ—e that the said king thought it better to keepe the money in his chestes then with the empouerishing of the realme to buy so deare pay so much for a new holy day of sainct Henry in the Calender c. Ex Hallo which if it be true it might be replied then to the Pope Iulius that if Popes be higher then kings in the earth and especially in heaueÌ„ why then is a Pope Saint so cheape in the market place of Rome and a King Saint so deare Againe if the valuation of things in all markets and buries be according to the
Turkes or Infidels or in their doctrine were any Idolatrous impitie or detestable iniquitie in their liues if they went about any deadly destruction or priuy conspiracies to oppresse your liues or by fraudulent dealing to circuÌ„uent you then had you some cause to coÌ„plaine and also to reuenge Now seing in their doctrine ye haue neyther blasphemy idolatry superstition nor misbeliefe to obiect vnto them seing they are baptised in the same beliefe and beleue the same articles of the Crede as ye do hauing the same God the same Christ sauiour the same baptisme and are ready â—s conâ—erre with you in all kinde of Christen doctrine neyther do refuse to be tryed by any place of the scripture how then riseth this mortall malice of you agaynst them If you thinke them to be herâ—tickes then bring forth if ye can any one sentence which they arrogantly hold contrary to the minde of holy scripture expounded by the censure of most auncient Doctours Or what is there in all yâ— scripture to be required but they acknowledge confesse the same See try the order of their liues doinges what great fault find you They serue God they walke vnder his feare they obey his law as men may do and though they be transgressors toward him as other men are yet toward you what haue they done what haue they committed or deserued why you should be so bitter agaynst them What offended the poore habitants of Merindal Cabriers when the bishop of Aix the Cardinall of Turon and other Bishops of France wrasting from Fraunces the French king a commission sent Menâ—rius with his Captayne Iohn de Gay to destroy theyr countrey an 1530. who driuing the poore people there into a barn ful of straw set the barn on fire burned vp men women and children And likewise in a church exercised the like crueltie vpon them where were murdered the same time to the number of a thousand yong and old women children and yong infants besides vii whole townes with the most part of the dwellers thering being murdered burnt in the sayd country of ProueÌ„ce Also before that what offended the Cittizens of Tholouse and Auinion when Pope Gregory the ix set Lewes the French king to warre agaynst them and agaynst Raymundus their Earle without cause where also the sayd kyng died at the siege Or to speake of later yeres what hurt or harme did the poore Protestantes in the towne of Uassy who peaceably being at a Sermon were miserably slayne and cut men women and children by the Duke of Guyes and hys armed souldiours besides other infinite examples almost not to be numbred of like crueltie in Calabria Apulia Bohemia Fraunce and now of late in Flaunders and in other countryes moe But to let other countryes passe let vs turne now to the peaceable gouernment in this realme of England vnder this our so milde gracious Queene now presently reigning Under whome you see howe gently you are suffered what mercy is shewed vnto you how quietly ye liue What lacke you that you woulde haue hauing almost the best rowmes and offices in all the realme not onely without any losse of lyfe but also without anye feare of death And though a few of your Archâ—lerkes be in custody yet in that custody so shrewdly are they hurt that many a good Protestant in the realme would be glad with all their hartes to chaunge rowmes and dyet with them if they might And albeit some other for their pleasure haue slipt ouer the seas if their courage to see countries abroade did so allure them who coulde let them yet this is certayne no dreade there was of death that draue them For what papist haue you seen in all this land to lose eyther life or limme for papistry during al these xii yeares hetherto since this Queenes reigne And yet all this notwithstaÌ„ding hauing no cause to complayne so many causes to geue God thaÌ„ks ye are not yet content ye fret and fume ye grudge and mutter and are not pleased with peace nor satisfied with safety but hope for a day and fayne would haue a chaunge And to preuent your desired day ye haue conspired and rise vpp in open rebellion agaynst your Prince whom the Lord hath set vp to be your gouernour And as you haue since that nowe of late disturbed the quiet and peaceable state of Scotland in murdering most trayterously the gentle and godly Regent of Scotland who in sparing the Queenes life there when he had her in his handes hath now therfore lost his own so with like fury as by your rebellion appeareth would disturbe the golden quiet and tranquilitie of this Realme of England if ye might haue your willes Which the mercifull grace of almightie for Christ his sonnes sake our Lord forfend and vtterly disapoynt Amen Wherfore these premises coÌ„sidered my question is to aske of you know what iust or reasonable cause ye haue of these your vnreasonable doinges of this your so mortall and deadly hatred fury and malice you beare agaynst these your euenchristened of these your tumultes coniurations gaping and hoping rebellions mutteringes murders wherewith you trouble and disquiet the whole world Of all which mischiefes if the true cause were well known the truth would be found doubtles to be none other but onely the priuate cause of the Bishop of Rome that he is not receiued and the dignity of his Church exalted Touching which cause how vnreasonable and vniust it is more shal be sayd the Lord willing in reply according as I shal see theyr answere if it shall so please theÌ„ or any of theÌ„ to answere this question In the meane time this for a briefe note shall suffice that it standeth not with the scripture but contrary to the scripture that the Bishop of Rome should so reuenge his owne priuate cause If his title plantatioÌ„ be good of God why doth he not refer it vnto god And no doubt but if it be so God will maintein it though the whole world sayd no. If it be otherwise it will fall be rooted out though all the world sayd yea yea the greatest argument to proue this plantation of the Popes supremacy not to be of God is that the Pope fighting in his owne priuate cause by outward worldly force seeketh his owne glory Christ our sauior being here refused himselfe yet neither reuenged his cause nor sought his owne glory but only the glory will of his father thus speaking of himself Si ego glorifico meipsuÌ„ gloria mea nihil est pater meus est qui glorificat me c. Ioan. 8. i. If I glorify my selfe my glory is nothing my father is he that glorifyeth me c. Euen so I saye with scripture that if the Popes procâ—edings were planted of God he would not so wrastle for his glory as â—e doth But forsomuch as he seeketh by such cruelty and bloudshed to exalt himselfe
vsurpe them so falsely and obtrud them vpon vs so straitly Moreouer if the sayd our aduersaries being conuicted by plaine euidence of hystorye and example of time will yeld vnto vs as they must needes in part and not in the whole let vs come then to the particulars and see what part of this regalitie they wil defend and deriue from the auncient custome of the Primitiue Church that is from the first fyue hundred yeares I meane after Christ. First in the Coōcell of Nyce which was the yeare of our Lord. 340. and in the .vj. Canon of the sayd Councell we finde it so decreed that in euery prouince or precinct of some one Church and Byshop of the same was appointed and set vp to haue the inspection and regiment of other churches about him Secundum morem antiquum that is after the ancient custome as the wordes of the Councell do purport so that the Byshop of Alexandria shoulde haue power of Lybia Pentapolis in Egypt for as much as the Byshop of the Cytie of Rome hath the like or same maner And in like sort also in Antioch in other countreyes let euery Church haue his due honor consequently that the Bishop of Ierusalem haue also his due honor to him reserued so that such order be kept that the Metropolitane Cities be not defrauded of their dignitie which to them is due and proper c. In this Councell and in the same Canon vj. and vij where the Byshops of Alexandria of Rome and of Antioch are ioyned together in on like maner of dignity fyrst there appeareth no difference of honor to be ment therin Secondlye for somuch as in the sayde two Canons after mention made of them immediately followeth that no Byshops should be made without consent of their Metropolitanes yea and that the City also of Hierusalem should be vnder hys Metropolitane and that the Metropolitane should haue the ful power to confirme euery Byshop made in his prouince Therfore it may be well suspected that the third Epistle decretall of Pope Anacletus and of Pope Stephanus with other mo are forged wherin these Byshops and especially the Byshop of Rome is exempted and desceuered from the name of a Metropolitane or an Archbyshop to the name of a Patriarch or Primate as appeareth in the decrees dist 22. cap. Sacro sancta wherefore as wee must needes graunt the Byshop of Rome to be called a Metropolitane or an Archbyshop by the Councell of Nice so we will not greatly sticke in this also to haue him numbred with Patriarches or primates which title seemeth in the old tyme to be common to mo Cities then to Rome both by the Epistle of Anacletus of Pope Stephanus of Pope Iulius and Leo c. After this followed a generall Councell in Aphricke called the vj. Councell of Carthage an 420. where were congregated 217. Byshops among whom was also Augustinus Prosper Orosius with diuers other famous persons This Councell continued the space of v. yeares wherein was great contention about the supremacie and iurisdiction of Rome The Byshop wherof then was Zosimus This Zosimus the Romane Bishop had receaued the same time into the communion of the church without any examination one that came to complaine to him out of Aprike named Apiarius a Priest whom Aurelius the Metropolitane with the Councell of Aphrike had worthelye excommunicated for his detestable conditions before Uppon this Zosimus after that hee hadde receaued and shewed such fauor to Apiarius for that he did appele to him sendeth to the Councell his messengers to wit Fastinus Byshop of Potentine and two Priestes of the Churche of Rome named Philippus and Asellus with these foure requestes first that Apiarius whom he had absolued might be receaued of them againe and that it might be lawful for Byshops or Priestes to appeale from the sentence of their Metropolites also of the Counsell to the sea of Rome Secondly that Byshops should not saile ouer importunely ad comitatum Thirdly that if any Priest or Deacon were wrongfully excommunicate by the Byshops of their owne prouince it should be lawfull for thē to remooue the hearing and iudgeing of their cause to their neighbour bishops Forthly that Vrbanus there Byshop either should be excommunicated or els sent vp to Rome vnlesse he would correct those things that were to be corrected c. For the approbation whereof the sayde Zosimus alledged for him the words as he pretended taken out of Nicene Councell The Councell of Carthage hearyng this and remembring no such thing in the Councell of Nice to bee decred yet not suspecting the Byshop of Rome to dare wrongfully to falsefie the wordes of that Councell writeth againe to Zosimus declaring that they neuer reade to their remembraunce in their common Latine exemplare of Nicene Councell any such Canon yet notwithstanding for quietnes sake they woulde obserue the same tyll time they might procure the originall copies of that councell to be sent to them from Constantinople Alexandria and from Antioch In like effect afterward they wrote to Pope Boniface which then succeded Zosimus And thirdly also to Celestinus which shortly after succeeded Boniface In the meane time this foresayd Councell sent their Legates Marcellus and Innocentius to Atticus Patriarche of Constantinople and to Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria for the autentique copies in Greeke of Nicene Councell which being sent vnto them they finding in the true originals no such Canon as the Bishoppe of Rome had falsely forged they wrote a sharpe an handsome letter to Celestinus Byshop of Rome calling him in the said letter by the way Domine frater declaring to him how they had perused all the copies of the Councell of Nice coulde finde no such Canon as he and his predecessours had falsely alledged and therewithall reciting the vj. Canon afore mentioned declared how the decrees of Nicene Councell had committed all and singular persons Ecclesiasticall as well Byshops as other vnto the charge of their Metropolitanes Moreouer expounding the same decree they shewed the reasons thereof 1. For that sayd they the fathers of that councell did well foresee to be most iust and conuenient that all controuersies there be ended in ijsdem locis where they begin 2. For that it is not to be supposed contrary but that the grace of God wil be as prest and ready in one prouince as in other to instruct his ministers both prudētly to vnderstand iudgement and constantly to mayntayne the same 3. For that there is no need to seeke further to any outlandish helpe because especially that the party whosoeuer is not contented with the determination of his iudges or commissioners may lawfully appeale either to the prouincial or to any generall counsell 4. That way to be better then to runne to any forranine Iudge it must needes be graunted because it is not like that our God will inspire his iustice and truth of
examining vnto one Byshop and denie it to a multitude congregated in a whole Councell 5. Neither can it be that any such outlandish iudgement in hearing and determining causes can stand perfect and vpright for that the necessary persons of witnesses either for infirmitie of sexe of age of sickenes or some other impeachment are not able to be present by whom the truth of the sentence should be directed Wherefore as by these other reasons they thought it not conuenient from them to bryng their matters ouer vnto Rome so neither was it to be found sayd they by any councell of the old fathers decred that any Legates should be sent frō Rome to thē for deciding of their matters And therefore exhorted they the sayd bishop of Rome that he would not induce fumosum typū or rather as I may call it typhos seculi in Ecclesiam Christi quae lucem simplicitatis humilitatis prefaert ijs qui Deum Diligunt that is that he would not induce the swelling pride of the worlde into the Church of Christ which church sheweth and giueth the light of simplicitie of humilitie to such as loue to see God c. In these foresaid letters moreouer is signified how the forenamed malefactor Apiarius whom the bishop of Rome before had absolued receiued to the communion of the church was afterward found culpable and therfore the councell proceded against him brought him to open confession of his faults so enioined him due penance for his demerites notwithstanding the absolution and inconsiderate clearing of the Bishop of Rome before proceeding In summe out of this Councell of Carthage these are to be noted First how glad the Bishops of Rome were to receiue such as came to them for succour 2. What pride they tooke by the occasion therof thinking and seeking thereby to haue all vnder their subiection 3. To the intent to allure other to seeke to them how redie they were to release and quit this Apiarius as guiltles which after was tried culpable by his owne confession 4. How contrary to the actes and doings of the Romish bishop this Councell condemned him whom the said bishop of Rome before had absolued litle respecting the proceedings of the Romish church 5. How the bishops of old time haue bene falsifiers of ancient Councels and writings wherby it may be suspected that they which shamed not to falsifie corrupt the Councell of Nice much lesse would they sticke to abuse and falsifie the decretall Epistles and writings of perticular Bishops Doctors for their owne aduantage as no doubt they haue done many one 6. In this foresaid Councell whereat Augustine himselfe was present where Aurelius President of the same was called Papa the bishop of Rome was called expresly in their letters but bishop of the citie of Rome and Dominus frater that is brother Bishop 7. Seuenthly the dominion of this Romain Patriarch in the said Councel of Carthage was cut so short that neither it was permitted to thē of Affrike to appeale ouer the sea to him nor for him to send ouer his Legates to them for ending their controuersies Wherby it may sufficiently appeare that the Bishop of Rome in those dayes was not fully admitted to be the chiefe of all other Bishops nor the head of the vniuersall church of Christ in earth c. 8. We heare in this Councell fiue causes or reasons giuē why it is not necessary nor yet conuenient for all forraine causes to be brought to one vniuersall head or iudge as is before recited 9. Lastly by the said Councell of Carthage we heare a vertuous exhortation to be giuen to the bishop of Rome that he would not induce into the meeke humble church of Christ the fuming and swelling pride of the world as is before declared c. In this or in some other Councell of Carthage it was moreouer prouided by expresse law and also specified in the Popes decrees that no Bishop of the first sea should be called the Prince of Priests or the chiefe priest or any such like thing but onely the bishop of the first seat as followeth more in the said decree Vniuersalis autem nec etiam Rom. pontifex appelletur that is Be it enacted that no bishop no not the Bishop of Rome be called vniuersall bishop c. And thus much cōcerning this foresaid Councell of Carthage Not long before this Councel was celebrate in Affrike an other Councel called Synodus Mileuitana about the yere of our Lord 442. at the which Councell also S. Augustine was present where it was decreed vnder payne of excommunication that no minister or bishop should appeale ouer the sea to the bishop of Rome whereby it may appeare that the bishop of Rome all this space was not vniuersally called by the terme of Oecumenical or vniuersal bishop but Bishop of the first sea so that if there were any preferment therein it was in the reuerence of the place and not in the authoritie of the person And yet it was not so in the place that the place importeth the Cittie of Rome onely but the first seate then was called Metropolitane Church as by the woordes of Nicene Councell and other constitutions moe is to be seene where the foure Patriarches were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as namely by the wordes of the Councell of Carthage may appeare which be these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is except he haue some special licēce or exception by the consent of the first seat of the proper bishop in euery country that is of him that is the Primate in the said countrey c. Also the wordes of the can 39. of the Councell of Carthage before touched be these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is that the bishop of the first sea be not called Prince of Priestes or head Priest or els any such like Againe Anicetus the x. bishop of Rome and Pope Stephen Pope Felix making a difference betwene Primate Metropolitane writeth thus Let no Archbishops bee called Primates but onely such as haue the first seat c. Thus it is made plaine how the bishop of the first seate or first bishop or Primate is none other but he which was called Patriarch and belonged not only to the church of Rome but to all such cities places where as before among the Gentiles were primi flamines c. dist 80. cap. vrbes loca in illis Where by the way is to be noted the repugnance or contrarietie of such as crastily but falsly haue counterfaited the Popes decretall epistles which besides other great and many coniectures also hereby may be gathered For where Clement Anacletus epist. 12. Anicetus and other ioyning together the office of Patriarchs Primates do deuide the same from the order of Metropolitanes or Archbishops alledging therin the constitution of the Apostles
the lawe I meane must ende and Christ reigne For both these Christ and the lawe grace and malediction can not reigne and gouerne together But Christ the Sonne of God which once dyed can die no more but must reigne for euer Wherefore the lawe with his strēgth styng and curse must needes cease and haue an end And this is it that S. Paule speaking of the tryumph of Christ saieth that he ascendyng vp led away captiuitie captiue hath set man at lyberty not at libertie to liue as flesh listeth neither hath freed him from the vse exercyse of the law but from the dominion and power of the lawe so that there is nowe no condemnation to them that bee in Christ Iesu which walke not after the flesh c. Romaines 8 And in an other place Saint Paule speaking of the same power and dominion of the lawe sayth that Christ hath taken the oblygation written against vs in decrees and hath nayled it vpon the Crosse tryumphing ouer all c. so that as the kyngdome of Christ fyrst began vpon the Crosse euen so vpon the same Crosse and at the same time the kingdome of the lawe expired and the malediction of the lawe was so crucified vpon the Crosse that it shall neuer ryse agayne to haue any power agaynst them that be in Christ Iesu. For lyke as if a woman be discharged from her first husband being dead hath maryed an other man the first husbande hath no more power ouer her euen so we nowe beyng espoused vnto Christ our seconde husbande are discharged vtterly from our first husbād the law as S. Paule in an other place sayth are no more vnder the law that is vnder the dominion malediction of the lawe but vnder grace that is vnder perpetual remission of al sinnes cōmitted not only before our Baptisme but as well also after Baptisme and duryng all our lyfe long For therein properly consisteth the grace of God in not imputyng sinne vnto vs so often as the repenting sinner rising vp by fayth flyeth vnto Christ and apprehendeth Gods mercy and remission promised in him according to the testimonie both of the Psalme Blessed is the man to whome the Lord imputeth no sinne c. also of all the Prophets which as Saint Peter saith giue recorde to him that through his name all that beleeue in him shall receaue remission of their sinnes c. Actes 10. Which being so as it can not be denied then what needeth these priuate and extraordinary remissions to be brought into the Church by eare confession by meritorious deedes and by the Popes pardons for if there be no condemnation but by the law and if this law it selfe be captiued crucified abolished and departed which was the first husbande what condēnation thē can there be to thē that be in Christ Iesu or by whome should it come If there be no condemnation but a free and generall deliueraunce for all men once gotten by the victorie of Christ from the penalty of the lawe what nedeth thē any particular remission of sinnes at sondry tymes to be sought at the Priestes handes or the Popes pardons He that hath a generall pardon needeth no particular If remedy for sinne be generall and perpetuall once gotten for euer to all them that be in Christ Iesu what needeth any other remedy by auricular confession If it be not generall and perpetuall howe then is it true that Saint Paule sayth the lawe is crucified and condemnation abolished or howe standeth redemption perpetuall and generall if remission be not generall For what is redemption els but remission of sinnes or sinnes bought out or what is els to kill the lawe but to discharge vs from condemnation for euer He that deliuereth his friende for a time out of his enimies hande doth him a pleasure but he that killeth the enimie once out of the way giueth perpetuall safety So if remission of sinnes by Christ were for some sinnes and not for all the lawe then must needes liue still But nowe the kylling and crucifying of the law importeth full remission to be absolute and our safety to be perpetuall But here percase will be obiected of some how standeth remission of sinnes certeine and perpetuall seeyng newe offences being daily committed doe daily require newe remission Hereto I aunswere albeit sinnes doe daily growe whereby wee haue neede dailie to desire God to forgiue vs our trespasses c. yet notwithstanding the cause of our remission standeth euer one and perpetuall neither is the same to be repeted any more nor any other cause to be sought besides that alone This cause is the sacrificed body of Christ once vpon the Crosse for all sinnes that either haue or shall be committed Beside this cause there is no other neither confession nor mens pardons that remitteth sinnes Furthermore as the cause is one and euer perpetuall which worketh remission of sinnes vnto vs so is the promise of God euer one once made and standeth perpetuall that offereth the same to the faith of the repenting sinner And because the sayde promise of God is alwayes sure and can not fayle which offereth remission to all them that beleeue in Christ being limited neyther to time nor number therefore we may boldely conclude that what time soeuer a repenting synner beleeueth and by fayth applyeth to him the sacrifice of Christ he hath by Gods owne promise remission of his sinnes whether they were done before or after Baptisme And moreouer for so much as the said promise of God offereth remission to the repentaunt synner by no other meanes nor condition but onely one that is by fayth in Christ therefore excluding all other meanes and conditions of mans working we say that what repenting sinner soeuer beleeueth in Christ hath already in him selfe and needeth not to seeke to any Priest perpetuall assuraunce of remission not for this time or that time onely but for euer and a day For the promise fayth not he that beleeueth in Christ shall be pardoned this tyme so he sinne no more neyther doth it say that the law is stayde or the sentence repriued but sayth playnely that the law with her condemnation and sentence her selfe is condemned and hanged vp and shall neuer ryse agayne to them that be in Christ Iesu and promiseth indeterminatelye without limitation remission of sinnes to all that beleeue in his name c Actes 10. and likewise in an other place the Scripture speaking absolutely saith Sinne shall not preuayle ouer you addeth the reason why saying Because ye are not vnder the law but vnder grace Rom. 6. Adding this lesson withall as it followeth in the same place not that sinners shoulde sinne more therefore because they are vnder grace but onely that weake infirmities myght be releeued broken consciences comforted and repenting sinners holpen from desperation to the prayse of Gods glory For as God forgiueth
not synners because they should sinne so neither doth infirmitie of falling diminish the grace of Christ but rather doth illustrate the same as it is written My strength is made perfect in infirmitie 2. Cor. 12. and againe Where sinne aboundeth there superaboundeth also grace In remission of synnes therefore these foure thinges must concurre together the cause that worketh which is the sacrifice of Christes body 2. the promise that offereth 3. fayth that apprehendeth 4. the repenting sinner that receaueth And although sinnes daily do grow which daily prouoke vs to craue remission yet as touching the cause that worketh remission of our daily sinnes the meanes which apprehendeth and applieth the sayd cause vnto vs they remayne alwaies one perpetuall besides which no other cause nor meanes is to be sought of man So that to them that be repenting sinners be in Christ Iesu there is no law to condemne them though they haue deserued condemnation but they are vnder a perpetual kingdome and a heauen full of grace and remission to couer their sins and not to impute their iniquities through the promise of God in Christ Iesu our Lord. And therefore wicked and impious is the doctrine of them fyrst which seeke any other cause of remission then onely the bloud of our Sauiour Secondly which assigne any other meanes to apply the bloudsheding of Christ vnto vs besides onely faith Thirdly and especially which so limite and restraine the eternall priuiledge of Christs passion as though it serued but only for sinnes done without and before faith and that the rest after Baptisme committed must be done away by confession pardons and satisfactory deedes And al this riseth because the true nature of the law of the Gospell is not knowen nor the difference rightly considered betwene the times of the one and of the other Neither againe doe they make any distinction betweene the malediction of the law and vse of the law And therfore whensoeuer they heare vs speake of the law meanyng the malediction of the law to be abolished therevpon they maliciously slaunder vs as though we speak against the good exercises of the lawe and giue liberty of fleshe to carnall men to liue as they list Whereof more shal be sayd by the Lordes grace as place and time shall hereafter require Of free will COncerning free will as it may peraduenture in some case be admitted that men without the grace may doe some outward functions of the law and keepe some outward obseruaunces or traditions so as touching thinges spirituall apperteining to saluation the strength of man being not regenerate by grace is so infirme and impotent that he can performe nothing neither in dooing well nor willing well Who after he be regenerated by grace may worke and doe wel but yet in such sort that still remaineth notwithstanding a great imperfection of flesh a perpetuall repugnaunce betwene the flesh and spirit And thus was the originall Church of the auncient Romanes first instructed From whome see now howe farre this latter Church of Rome hath degenerated which holdeth and affirmeth that men without grace may performe the obedience of the law prepare themselues to receaue grace by working so that those works may be meritorious and of congruitie obteine grace Which grace once obteined then men may say they perfectly performe the full obedience of the law and accomplish those spirituall actions and workes which God requireth and so those workes of cōdignitie deserue euerlasting life As for the infirmity which still remaineth in nature that they nothing regarde nor once speake of Of Inuocation and Adoration OUer and besides these vncatholike and almost vnchristian absurdities and defections from the Apostolicall faith aboue specified let vs consider the maner of theyr Inuocation not to God alone as they should but to dead men saying that saintes are to be called vpon tanquam mediatores intercessionis as Mediatours of intercession Christum vero tanquam mediatorem Salutis and Christ as the Mediator of Saluation And affirme moreouer that Christ was a Medyatour onely in time of his Passion Which is repugnaunt to the wordes of S. Paule writing to the old Romanes chap. 8. where he speaking of the intercession of Christ Which is saith he on the right hand of God who also maketh intercession for vs c. And if Christ be a Mediatour of saluation what needeth then any other intercession of the Saintes for other sutes for saluation being once had what can we require more or what lacketh he more to be obtained of the Saintes which is sure to be saued only by Christ And yet in their Catholicke deuotions why doe they teach vs thus to pray to the blessed virgine Salua omnes qui te glorificant i. Saue all them that glorifie thee c. if saluation onely belong to Christ vnles they study of purpose to seeme contrary to themselues Hetherto also perteineth the worshipping of reliques and the false adoration of Sacramentes that is the outward signes of the things signified cōtrary to the 7. principle before page 24. Adde to this also the prophanation of the Lordes Supper contrary to the vse for which it was ordeined in reseruing it after the Communion ministred in setting it to sale for money and falsely perswading both them selues and other that the Priest doth merite both to him selfe that saith and to him that heareth Ex opere operato sine bono motu vtentis c. That is Onely by the meere doing of the worke though the partie that vseth the same hath no good motion in him c. * Of Sacramentes Baptisme and the Lordes Supper AS touching Sacramentes their doctrine likewise is corrupt and erroneus 1. First they erre falsely in the number For where the institution of Christ ordeineth but two they contrary to the fourth principle aboue prefixed haue added to the prescription of the Lords worde fine other Sacraments 2. Secondly in the cause finall they erre For where the word hath ordeined those Sacraments to excite our faith and to giue vs admonitions of spiritual things they contrariwise doe teach that the Sacramentes doe not onely stirre vp faith but also that they auayle and are effectuall without faith Ex opere operato sine bono motu vtentis c. as is to be founde in Thom. Aquine Scotus Catharinus and other moe 3. Thirdly in the operation effect of the Sacramentes they faile where the contrary to the minde of the Scriptures doe say that they giue grace not onely do signifie but also conteine and exhibite that which they signifie to wytte grace and saluation 4. Fourthly they erre also in Application applying their Sacramentes both to the quicke and the dead to thē also that be absent to remission of sinnes and releasing of payne c. In the Sacrament of Baptisme they are to be reprooued not onely for adding to the simple wordes of Christs
to haue suffered but only all this persecution to rest onely in the exilement of bishops or guides of the flock Of other suffrings or executions we do not read for the terrible pestilence following immediatly kept the barbarous heatheÌ„ otherwise occupied Unto this tyme of Gallus rather then to the tyme of Decius I referre the banishment of Cyprian who was then bishop of Carthage Of the which banishment he himselfe testifieth in diuers of his epistles declaryng the cause therof to rise vpon a commotion or sedition among the people out of the which he withdrew himselfe lest the sedition should grow greater Notwâ—thstaÌ„ding the sayd Cyprian though beyng absent yet had no lesse care of his flocke and of the whole church then if he had bene present with them And therfore neuer ceased in his Epistles continually to exhort and call vpon them to be constant in their profession and pacient in theyr afflictions Amongst diuers other whom he doth comfort in his banishmeÌ„t although he was in that case to be comforted himselfe writing to certayne that were condemned to minyng for metals whose names were Nemesianus Felix Lucius with other bishops Priests and Deacons declareth vnto them how it is no shame but a glory not to be feared but to be reioyced at to suffer banishment or other paynes for Christ. And confirming them in the same or rather commending them signifieth how worthily they do shew themselues to be as valiant captaines of vertue prouoking both by the confessions of their mouth and by the suffring of their body the hartes of the brethren to Christian Martyrdome whose example was and is a great confirmation to many both maydes and children to follow the like As for punishment and sufferyng it is sayth he a thing not execrable to a Christian. For a Christian mans brest whose hope doth wholy consist in the tree dreadeth neyther batte nor club woundes and skarres of the body be ornaments to a Christian man such as bring no shame nor dishonestie to the partie but rather preferreth and freeth him with the Lord. And although in the mines where the mettals be digged there be no beds for Christian mens bodies to take their rest yet they haue their rest in Christ. And though their wearie bones lye vpon the cold ground yet it is no payne to lye with Christ. Their feete haue bene fettered with bandes and chaynes but happily he is bound of man whome the Lord Christ doth loose happily doth he lye tyed in the stockes whose feete therby are made swifter to runne to heauen Neither can any man tye a Christian so fast but he runneth so much the faster for his garland of life They haue no garmentes to saue them from colde but he that putteth on Christ is sufficiently coated Doth bread lacke to their hungry bodies But man liueth not onely by bread but by euery worde proceedyng from the mouth of God Your deformitie sayth he shall be turned to honour your mourning to ioy your payne to pleasure and felicitie infinite And if this doe grieue you that ye cannot now employ your sacrifices and oblations after your wonted maner yet your sacrifice daily ceaseth not which is a contrite and humble hart as when you offer vp daily your bodies a liuely and a glorious sacrifice vnto the Lorde which is the sacrifice that pleaseth God And though your trauaile be great yet is the rewarde greâ—ter which is most certaine to follow For God beholding and looking downe vpon them that confesse his name in their willyng mynd approoueth them in their striuyng helpeth them in their victory crowneth them rewarding that in vs which he hath performed and crowning that which he hath in vs perfected With these and such like comfortable wordes he doth animate his brethren admonishing them that they are now in a ioyfull iourney hasting apace to the mansions of the Martyrs there to enioy after this darknes a stable light and brightnes greater then all their passions according to the Apostles saying These sufferings of this present tyme be nothing like comparable to the brightnesse of the glory that shall be reuealed in vs c. And after the like wordes of sweete comfort and consolation writing to Seagrius and Rogatianus which were in prison and bondes for the testimony of truth doth encourage them to continue stedfast and patient in the way wherein they haue begun to runne for that they haue the Lord with them their helper and defender who promiseth to bee with vs to the worldes ende and therfore willeth them to set before their eyes in their death immortalitie in their payne euerlasting glory of the which it is written Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saintes Item although before men they suffred torments yet their hope is full of immortalitie and beyng vexed in small things they shall be well requited in great matters For the Lord hath tried them as gold in the fire And writeth moreouer admonishing them that it is so appoynted from the beginnyng of the world that righteousnes here should suffer in secular conflicts for so iust Abell was slayne in the beginnyng of the world and after him all iust and good men the Prophets also and the Apostles sent of the Lord himselfe vnto whome all the Lorde first gaue an example in himselfe teachyng that there is no comming to his kingdome but by that way which he entred himselfe saying by these wordes he that loueth his lyfe in this worlde shall loose it c. And agayne feare ye not them that slay the body but haue no power to slay the soule And S. Paule likewise admonishing all them whosoeuer couete to be pertakers of the promises of the Lord to follow the Lord sayth if we suffer together with him we shall raigne togeâ—her c. Furthermore as the same Cyprian doth encourage here the holy Martyrs which were in captiuitie to persist so likewyse writing to the Priestes and Deacons which were free exhorteth them to be seruiceable and obsequious with al care and loue to cherish and embrase theÌ„ that were in bondes Cypria Lib. 3. Ep. 6. wherby may appeare the feruent zeale care of this good-Byshop toward the Church of Christ although beyng now in exile in the time of this Emperour Gallus In the same time and vnder the said Gallus reignyng with his sonne Volusianus was also Lucius bishop of Rome sent to banyshment who next succeeded after Cornelius in that byshopricke about the yeare of our Lorde 256. Albeit in this banishment he did not long continue but returned againe home to his Church as by the Epistle of S. Cyprian Lib 3. Epist. 1. maye appeare As to all other Bishops of Rome in those primitiue daies certaine decretall Epystles with seuerall ordinaunces be ascribed bearing theyr names and titles as hath bene afore declared so also hath Lucius one Epistle fathered vpon him in the which Epistle he writing
in effect were these Quid autem acciderit vt Theodorus sanctiss Archiepiscopus me superstite in sede quam licet indignus dispensabam absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate mea humilitate non acquiescente ordinauit tres Episcopos omittere magis quam vrgere pro eiusdem viri reuerentia * coÌ„decet Quem quide pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est accusare non audeo c. In English Howe it chaunceth that Theodorus the most holy reuerend Archbishop my selfe being aliue in the sea which I though vnworthy did rule and dispose hath of his own authority without the coÌ„sent of any bishop neither hauing my simple voice agreing to the same ordained iij. Bishops I had rather passe ouer in silence then to stir any farther therin because of the reuerence of that man and no lesse thought I it my duetie so to doe The which man for that he hath beene dyrected by the authoritie of this sea Apostolicall I wyll not nor dare not here accuse c. Thus the cause of the sayd Wilfride albeit it was sufficiently knowne in the Court of Rome to be well allowed for iust and innocent yet it was not then redressed In such estimation was this Theodorus then among the Romaines Upon this controuersie of these two Bishops I may wel here inter the words of W. Malmelbury not vnworthy in my minde to be noted whiche be these in his Latine story Vbi videri doleri potest humana miseria quod videlicet quantum libet quis sanctitate polleat non ad plenum peruicaces mores exuat c. That is In the whiche Theodore saith hee the weake and miserable infirmitie of man may be sene and also lamented considering that although a maÌ„ be neuer so holy yet in the same man is some thing whereby it may be perceaued that hee hath not vtterly put of all his stubburne conditions c. In the time of this Theodorus and by the meanes of hym a prouincial Synode was holden at Thetford mentioned in the storye of Bede the principall contents wherof were these First that Easter day shoulde bee vniformely kept and obserued through the whole Realme vpon one certayne daye videlicet prima 14. Luna mensis primi Secondly that no Byshop should entermedle within the Dioces of an other Thirdly that monasteries consecrated vnto GOD should be exempt and free from the iurisdiction of the byshops Fourthly that the Monkes should not stray from one place that is from one Monastery to another without the license of his Abbot also to kepe the same obedience which they promised at their first entryng Fiftly that no Clergyman shoulde forsake his owne Byshop and to be receaued in any other place wyth out letters commendatory of his owne Byshop Sixtly that forraine Byshops Clergimen coÌ„ming into the Realme should be content onely with the benefite of such hospitality as should be offered theÌ„ neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop without his speciall permission Seuenthly that Synodes prouinciall should be kept within the Realme at least once a yeare Eightly that no Bishop shoulde preferre himselfe before an other but must obserue the time and order of hys consecration Ninthly that the number of Byshops should be augmented as the number of the people encreaseth Tenthly that no mariage should be admitted but that which was lawfull No incest to be suffered neyther any man to put away his wyse for any cause except onelye for fornication after the rule of the Gospell And these bee the principall chapters of that Synode c. In the next yere following was the sixt general councell kept at Constaunce whereat this Theodore was also present vnder Pope Agatho where Mariage was permitted to Greeke priests and forbidden to the Latin In this Councell the Latine Masse was first openly saide by Iohn Portuensis the Popes Legate before the Patriarche and Princes at Constantinople in the temple of S. Sophy After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande from whom he was digressed succeeded his sonne Osredus raigning xj yeares After whome raigned Kenredus 2. yeares And next Osricus after him .xj. yeares In the time and raigne of these 4. kings of Northumberland king Iua reigned in westsaxe who succeding after Cadwalder the last king of the Britaines began his reigne about the yeare of the Lorde 689. and raigned with great valiauntnes ouer the westsaxons the tearme of xxxvij yeares Concerning whose actes and wars mayntayned against the Kentish saxons and other kinges because I haue not to entermedie withal I referre the reader to other Chroniclers About the sixt yeare of the raigne of this Iua or Iue Polychronicon other make mentioÌ„n of one Cuthlacus whoÌ„ they call S. Cuthlake a confessour who about the 24. of hys age renouncing the pompe of the world professed himself a Monke in the abby of Repindon and the third yeare after went to Crowlande where he led the life of an Anker In the which Ile and place of his buriyng was builded a faire Abbey called afterward for the great resort and gentle entertainment of straungers Crowlande the courteous but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his doinges I see no great cause as neither doe I thinke the fabulous miracles reported of him to be true as where the vulgare people are made to beleeue that he enclosed the deuill in a boyling pot and caused wicked spirits to erecte vp houses with such other fables and lying miracles c. Among which lying miracles also maye be reckened that which the stories mention in the xi yeare of the raigne of Iua to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus who â—eing dead a long season was restored to lyfe againe told many wonders of straunge things that he had seene causing thereby great almes deedes of charitie to bee done of the people And so the disposing of his goods giuen in iij. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos where he continued the rest of his life Moreouer about the xvj yeare of the saide Iua Etheldred king of Mercia after he had their raigned 30. yeares was made a Monke and after an Abbot of Bacducy And about the xviij yeare of the raigne of Iue died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus first Abbot of Malmesbery afterward bishop of Schirborn of whoÌ„ William Malmesbery writeth plenteously with great commendation and that not vnworthelye as I suppose especially for the notable praise of learning and vertue in him aboue the rest of that time nexte after Bede as the great number of bookes and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth will declare Although concerning the miracles which the sayd author ascribeth to him as first in causing an infant of ix daies old to speak at Rome to cleare pope Sergius which was then suspected the father of the said child Also in hanging his cauiule vpoÌ„ the
the first telleth a tale concerning this matter In tymes past saith he when the seruice which Ambrose made was more frequented and vsed in Churches then was the seruice which Gregory had appointed the bishop of Rome then called Adrian gathered a Councell together in the which it was ordained that Gregories seruice should be obserued and kept vniuersally which determination of the Councell Charles the Emperor did diligeÌ„tly put in executioÌ„ while he ran about by diuers Prouinces inforced all the Clergy partly with threatnings and partly with punishments to receiue that order And as touching the bookes of Ambrose seruice he burnt them to ashes in all places and threw into prison many priests that would not consent and agree to the matter Blessed Eugenius the Bishop comming vnto the Councell found that it was dissolued iij. dayes before his comming Notwithstanding through his wisedome he so perswaded the Lord Pope that he called agayne all the Prelates that had bene present at the Councell and were now departed by the space of three dayes Therfore when the Councell was gathered agayne together in this all the fathers did consent and agree that both the Masse bookes of Ambrose and Gregory should be layd vpon the aulter of blessed Peter the Apostle and the church dores diligently shut and most warily sealed vp with the signets of many and diuers bishops Againe that they should all the whole night geue themselues to prayer that the Lord might reueale open shew vnto them by some euident signe or token which of these two seruices he would haue vsed in the Temples Thus they doing in all pointes as they had determined in the morning opened the church dores and founde both the Myssals or Masse bookes open vpon the aulter or rather as some say they found Gregories Masse booke vtterly plucked asunder one piece from an other and scattered ouer all the church As touching Ambrose booke they only found it open vpoÌ„ the aulter in the very same place where they before laid it This miracle Pope Adrian like a wyse expounder of dreames saith that as the leaues were torne and blown abroad all the church ouer so should Gregories booke be vsed throughout the world whereupoÌ„ they thought themselues sufficiently instructed and taught of God that the seruice which Gregory had made ought to be set abroad vsed throughout the world and that Ambrose his seruice should onely be obserued and kept in his owne church of Mediolanum where he sometyme was bishop Thus hast thou heard brother Reader the full and whole narration of this misticall miracle with the Popes exposition vpon the same which semeth to be as true as that which Daniell speaketh of how the Idoll Bell did eate vp all the meate that was set before him all the night Daniel 14. Concerning the which miracle I need not admonish thee to smell out the blind practises of these night-crowes to blind the world with forged inuentioÌ„s in stead of true stories Albeit to graunt the miracle to be most true vnfallible yet as touching the exposition therof another man beside the Pope percase might interprete this great miracle otherwise as thus That God was angry with Gregories booke and therfore rent it in pieces and scatered it abroad and the other as good lay sound vntouched and at the least so to be preferred Notwithstanding whatsoeuer is to bee thought of this miracle with the exposition therof thus the matter fell out that Gregories seruice had only the place and yet hath to this day in the greatest part of Europe the seruice of Ambrose beyng excluded And thus much touching the great act of Pope Adrian for the setting vp of the Masse By the relation wherof yet this knowledge may come to the Reader at least to vnderstand how that commonly in christen nations abroad as yet no vniforme order of any Missall or Masse booke was receiued as hath bene hetherto discoursed Now from the Popes to returne againe to the emperours from whence we digressed like as Pipinus the father of Charles as hath bene before sufficiently told had geuen to the sea Papall all the princedome of Rauenna with other donations and reuenewes landes in Italy so this Carolus following his fathers deuotion did confirme the same adding moreouer therunto the Citie and dominion of Venice Histria the Dukedome Foroiuliense the dukedom Spoletanum and Beneuentanum and other possessions moe to the patrimonie of S. Peter making him the Prince of Rome and of Italy The Pope agayne to recompence his so gentle kindnes made him to be intituled most Christen king and made him Patricium Romanum Moreouer ordeined him onely to bee taken for Emperour of Rome For these and other causes moe Carolus bare no little affection to the sayd Adrian aboue all other Popes as may well appeare by this letter of Carolus Magnus sent to king Offa what tyme the said Offa as is aboue prefixed sent to hym Alcuinus for entreatie of peace whereunto the foresayd Carolus aunswereth agayne to the message of Offa in a letter the contents whereof be these The tenour of a Letter sent by Carolus Magnus to king Offa answering to his request concerning the intreatie of peace betwene them CArolus Rex Francorum Longobardorum Patricius Romanorum viro venerando fratri charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum Salut Primò gratias agimus omnipotenti Deo de Catholicae fidei sinceritate quam in vestris laudabilibus paginis reperimus exaratam De peregrinis verò qui pro amore Dei salute animarum suarum beatorum Apostolorum limina desiderant adire cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant Sed si aliqui religioni non seruientes sed lucra sectantes inueniantur inter eos locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia Negociatores quoque volumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinum habeant in regno nostrolegitime Et si in aliquo loco iniusta affligantur oppressione reclament se ad nos vel nostros iudices plenam â—â—stitiam iubemus fieri Cognoscat quoque dilectio vestta quod aliquam benignitatem de Delmaticis nostris vel pallijs ad singulas sedes Episcopales regni vestri vel Ethelredi direximus in eleemosinam Domini Apostolici Adriani deprecantes vt pro eo intercedi iubeatis nullam habentes dubitationem beatam illius animam in requie esse sed vt fidem dilectionem ostendamus in amicum nobis charissimum Sed de thesauro humanarum rerum quum Dominus Iesus gratuita pietate concessit aliquid per Metropolitanas ciuitates Direximus vestrae quoque dilectioni vnum baltheum vnum gladium duo pallia serica c. The cause why this Carolus writeth so fauorablye of AdriaÌ„ partly is touched before partly also was for the Carolomane his elder brother being dead his wife called Bertha with her two Children came to Adrian to haue them confirmed in their fathers kingdome whereunto
Whereat the King with his nobles being much delighted laughed merely At the request of thys Charles surnamed Bawld the Frenche king this Scotus translated the booke of Dionysius intituled De Hierarchia from Greeke into Latin worde for worde quo fit as my author sayth vt vix intelligatur Latina litera quum nobilitate magis Graeca quam positione construitur Latina He wrote also a Booke De corpore sanguine Domini whych was afterward condemned by the Pope In Concilio Vercellensi The same Iohannes Scotus moreouer compiled a booke of his own geuing it a greeke title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is De naturae diuisione In which booke as sayeth my foresayd author is contained the resolution of many profitable questions but so that he is thought to followe the Greeke Churche rather then the Latine and for the same was counted of some to be an hereticke because in that booke some thinges there be which in all poyntes accorde not with the Romish Religion Wherfore the Pope wryting to the saide king Charles of thys Scotus complayneth as in his owne wordes here followeth RelatuÌ„ est Apstolatui nostro quòd opus Dionysij Areopagitae quod de diuinis nominibus de caelestibus ordinibus Graeco descripsit eloquio quidam vir Ioannes genere Scotus nuper transtulit in Latinum Quod iuxta morem Ecclesiae nobis mitti nostro iudicio debuit approbariâ— praesertim quum idem Ioannes licèt multae scientiae esse praedicitur olim non sane sapere in quibusdam frequenti rumore dicatur c. That is Relation hath bene made vnto our Apostleship that a certaine man called Iohannes a Scottish man hath translated the booke of Dionysius the Areopagite of the names of God and of the heauenly orders from Greeke into Latin Which Booke according to the custome of the Church ought first to haue bene approued by our iudgement namely seeing the sayde Iohn albeit he be sayde to be a man of great learning and science in time past hath bene noted by common rumour to haue bene a man not of vpright or sounde doctrine in certaine pointes c. For this cause the sayde Scotus being constrained to remoue from FrauÌ„ce came into England allured as some testifie by the letters of Alured or Alfrede of whom he was with great fauour entertained and conuersant a great space about the king til at length whether before or after the death of the king it is vncertaine he weÌ„t to Malmesbery where he taught certaine scholers a fewe yeares by the which Schollers at laste most impiously he was murthered and slaine with their penkniues and so died as stories say a Martyr buried at the sayd monastery of Malmesbury with this Epitaph Clauditur in tumulo sanctus sophista Ioannes Qui ditatus eratiam viuens dogmate miro Martyrio tandem Christi condescendere regnum Qui meruit regnans secli per secula cuncta King Alfrede hauing these helpes of learned men about him no lesse learned also himself past ouer his time not onely to great vtilitie and profite of his subiectes but also to a rare profitable example of other Christen kings and Princes for them to follow This foresaid Alfrede had by his wife called Ethelwitha two sonnes Edwarde and Ethelward and three daughters Elflena Ethelgora and Ethelguida Quas omnes liberalibus fecit artibus erudiri That is Whome he set all to their bookes and study of liberall arts as my storie testifieth First Edward his eldest sonne succeeded him in the kingdome The second sonne Ethelward died before his father Ethelgora hys middle Daughter was made a Nunne The other two were married the one in Marceland the other to the earle of Flanders Thus king Alfrede the valiaunt vertuous and learned Prince after he had thus Christianly gouerned the realme the terme of 29. yeares 6. monethes departed this life v. Kal. Nou. and lyeth buried at Winchester An Dom. 901. Of whome thys I finde moreouer greatly noted and commended in historie and not here to be forgotten for the rare example therof touching this Alfrede that wheresoeuer he was or whethersoeuer he went he bare alwaies about him in his bosome or pocket a litle booke coÌ„taining the Psalmes of Dauid and certaine other Orasons of his owne collecting Wherupon he was continually reading or praying when soeuer he was otherwise vacant hauing leisure therunto Finally what were the vertues of this famous king thys litle table here vnder written which is left in ancient writing in the remembraunce of his worthy and memorable life doth sufficiently in fewe lines containe In Regem Alfredum virtutum illius claram memoriam FAmosus Bellicosus Victoriosus Viduarum pupillorum orphanorum pauperumque prouisor studiosus Poetarum Saxonicorum peritissimus Suae genti Chatissimus Affabilis omnibus Liberalissimus Prudentia fortitudine temperantia Iustitia praeditus in infirmitate qua continuè laborabat pacientissimus In exequendis iudicijs indagator discretissimus In seruicio Dei vigilantissimus deuotissimus Anglosaxonum Rex Alfredus piâ—ssimi Ethelulfi filius 29. annis sexque mensibus regni sui peractis mortem obijt Indict 4. Quinto Kalend. Nouemb. feria quarta Wintoniae in nouo monasterio sepultus immortalitatis stolam resurrectionis gloriam cum iustis expectat c. Moreouer in the Historie of Henricus Huntingtonensis these verses I finde wrytten in the commendation of the same Alfrede made as I suppose and as by his words appeareth by the sayd author whereof I thought not to defraude the reader the wordes whereof here follow Epitaphium Regis Alfredi Nobilitas innata tibi probitatis honorem Armipotens Alfrede dedit probitasque laborem Perpetuumque labor nomen cui mixta dolori Gaudia semper erant Spes semper mixta timori Si modò victor eras ad crastina bella pauebas Si modò victus eras ad crastina bella parabas Cui vestes sudore iugi cui sica cruore Tincta iugi quantum sit onus regnare probarunt Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi Cui tot in aduersis nil respirare liceret Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum Aut gladio potuit vitae finisse dolores Iam post transactos vitae regnique labores Christus ei sit vera quies sceptrumque perenne In the storie of this Alfred a little aboue mention was made of Pleimundus Scholemaster to the sayde Alfrede and also Byshop of Caunterbury succeeding Etheredus there Byshoppe before him Which Pleimundus gouerned that Sea the number of xxxiiij yeares After Pleimundus succeeded Athelmus and sate xij yeares After him came Ulfeâ—mus xiij yeares Then followed Odo a Dane borne in the sayd Sea of Caunterb and gouerned the same xx yeares being in great fauoure with King Athelstane king Edmund and Edwine as in processe hereafter Christ willing as place order doth require shall more at large
Emperour Henricus vnderstanding the false feare of the Pope of his retire to Canusium incontinent commyng out of Spires with his wife and his young sonne in the deepe sharp of Winter resorteth to Canossus All his pieres and nobles had left him for feare of the Popes curse neyther did any accompany him Wherfore the Emperour beyng not a little troubled laying apart hys regall ornamentes came barefooted with hys wyfe and childe to the gate of Canossus where he from morning to night all the day fasting most humbly desireth absolution crauing to be let in to the speech of the Bishop But no ingresse might be geuen him once within the gates Thus he continuing 3. dayes together in hys petition and sute at length answer came that the Popes maiesty had yet no leysure to talke with him The Emperour nothing moued therwith that he was not let into the Citty patient and with an humble minde abideth without the walles with no litle greuance and paynefull labour for it was a sharpe winter and all frosen with cold Notwithstanding yet through his importunate sute at length it was graunted through the intreating of Matilda the Popes paramour and of Arelaus Erle of Sebaudia and the Abbot of Cluniake that hee should be admitted to the Popes speach On the 4. day beyng let in for a token of his true repentance he yeldeth to the Popes handes his crowne with all other ornaments Imperiall and confessed himselfe vnworthy of the Empire if euer he doe against the Pope hereafter as he hath done tofore desiring for that tyme to be absolued and forgeuen Henricus the Emperour with his wife and chyld barefoote and barelegd waiting on Pope Hildebrand three dayes and three nightes at the gates of Canusium before he could be suffred to come in The Pope answereth he will neither forgeue hym nor release the bande of his excommunication but vpon conditions First to promise that he shall be content to stand to his arbitrement in the councell and to take such penance as he shall enioyne him also that he shall be prest and redy to appeare in what place or tyme the Pope shall appoint him Moreouer that he beyng content to take the Pope iudge of his cause shall aunswer in the sayd councel to all obiections and accusations layd against him that he shall neuer seeke any reuengement herein Item that he though he be quit and cleared therin shall stand to the Popes mynd and pleasure whether to haue his kingdom restored or to loose it Finally that before the triall of hys cause he shall neither vse his kingly ornaments scepters or crowne nor to vsurpe the authoritie to gouerne nor to exact any othe of allegeaunce vpon his subiects c. These things beyng promised to the bishop by an oth and put in writing the Emperour is onely released of excommunication The tenour of the writing is this The forme and tenour of the othe which Heniicus made to the Pope I Henricus King after peace and agreement made to the mynde and sentence of our Lord Gregorius the 7. promise to keepe all couenants and bandes betwixt vs and to prouide that the Pope go safely wheresoeuer he will without any daunger eyther to him or to his retinue Especially in all such places as be subiect to our Impery Nor that I shall at any tyme stay or hinder him but that he may doe that belongeth to his function where whensoeuer his pleasure shal be And these things I bynd my selfe with an othe to keepe Actum Canos 5. Calend. Februarij indic 15. Thus the matter beyng decided betwixt them after the Popes owne prescribement the Emperour taketh hys iourney to Papia The Pope with his Cardinals dyd vaunce and triumph with no little pryde that they had so quailed the Emperor brought him on his knees to aske them forgeuenes Yet notwithstanding mistrusting themselues misdoubting tyme what might befall them hereafter if fortune should turne God geue the Emperour to enioy a more quiete kingdome therfore to preuent such dangers betime they study and consult priuily with them selues how to displace Henry clean frō his kingdom And how that deuise might safely be conueyed they conclude and determine to deriue the Empire vnto Rodolphus a man of great nobilitie amongst the chiefest states of Germany and also to incite and stirre vp all other princes and subiects beyng yet free and discharged from their othes against Henry so by force of armes to expulse the emperour out of his kingdom To bring this purpose the better to passe legates were sent downe from the Pope Sigehardus Patriarch of Aquilia and Altimanus Byshop of Padway which should perswade through all Fraunce that Henry the Emperor was rightfully excommunicate and that they should geue to the bishop of Rome their consents in chusing Rodolphus to be Emperor This beyng done there was sēt to the said Rodolphus duke of Swenia a crowne from the Pope with this verse Petra dedit Petro Petrus diadema Rodolpho The rocke gaue the crowne to Peter Peter geueth it to Rodolph Here by the way of digression to make a litle glose vpon this barbarous verse two notable lyes are to be noted One where he lyeth vpon Christ the other where he lyeth vpon S. Peter First that Christ gaue any temporal diademe to Peter it is a most manifest lye and against the scriptures when as he would not take it beyng geuen to himselfe and sayth his kingdome is not of this world Agayne where he saith that Peter geueth it to Rodulph Here he playeth the Poet for neither had Peter any suche thing to geue and if he had yet he would not haue geuen it to Rodulph from the right heyre neither is it true that Peter did geue it because Hildebrand gaue it For it is no good argument Hildebrand did geue it Ergo Peter dyd geue it except ye will say Hildebrand stirred vp great warres bloudshed in Germany Ergo Peter stirred vp great warres in Germany So Peter neyther could nor would nor did geue it to Rodolphus but only Hildebrād the Pope who after he had so done he gaue in commaundement to the Archbishop of Mentz and of Collen to elect this Rodulphus for Emperour and to annoynt hym kyng and also to defend him with all force strength they might While this conspiracy was in hand Henricus the emperor was absent and the Popes ambassadors with hym also In the meane space Rodulphus was elected Emperor vnknowing to Henry Upō this commeth the bishop of Strausborough vnto the emperor certifiyng him what was done He suspecting seing the stomack and doyngs of the Saxōs so bent against hym mustreth his men with expedition marcheth forward to defend his right But first sendeth to Rome trusting vpon the league betwixt hym and the Pope and requireth the bishop to proceede with his sentence agaynst Rodulphus for the rebellious inuasiō of his
as I am heartily glad so my request is to you that the friendship and amitie which hath bene tofore betweene my father and your predecessours in times past may now also betwene vs in like manner continue vndeminished And that loue and gentlenes may first beginne of my part heere I sende vnto you that gift that S. Peter had in foretime of my predecessors And likewise the same honors obedience which your predecessours haue had in the realme of England before in the time of my father I will you to haue the same in my time also after this forme I meane and tenour that the vsage and maner of dignitie and such customes which my father hath had in this realme of England in the time of your auncetors I in like ample maner also nowe in your time may fully enioy the same in this the saide realme of England Thus therefore be it knowen to your holines that during this life of mine God almighty abling me to the same these aboue named dignities vsages customes of this realme of England shall in no part be lessoned Yea and if that I as God forbid I should would so much deiect my selfe into such cowardnes yet my Nobles yea the whole people of England in no case would suffer it Wherfore deare father vsing with your selfe a better deliberation in the matter let your gentlenesse so moderate it selfe toward vs least ye compell me which I shall doe against my will to receade and depart vtterly from your obedience At the same terme also be sent an other letter or Epistle to the sayde Pope crauing of him the passe for Girardus Archb. of Yorke the forme wherof here also followeth Reuerendo diligendo patri vniuersali Papae Paschali Henricus dei gratia Rex Anglorum salutem Amor quem plurimum erga vos habeo benignitas quae multum vestros actus exornat c. In English To the reuerend and welbeloued father vniuersall Pope Paschalis Henry by the grace of God king of England greeting The great loue which I beare to you and the no lesse gētlenes in you which not a little beautifieth your doings ministreth to me boldnesse to write And where as I thought to haue reteined still this Gerardus with me and to haue craued your palle for him by letters yet notwithstanding when his desire coulde not otherwise be satisfied but woulde needes present himselfe before your presence by his owne hart to craue of you the same I haue sent him vp vnto you Desiring your benigne fatherhoode in this behalfe that he obtaining the palle at your hands may be sent home again to me And thus requiring the assistance of your prayers I praye the Lord long to conserue your Apostleship This second letter of the king in sending for the Palle was well taken of all the court of Rome which as mine author sayth procured such fauor to Girardus archbishop of Yorke and bringer thereof that no complaint of his aduersaries afterward could hurt him with the Pope Notwithstāding he was accused grieuously for diuers things and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselitic Archbishop of Cant. Polidorus in his 11. booke of his English history affirmeth that Anselmus also went vp to Rome with Birardus about the same cause But both the premisses and sequele of the story argueth that to be vntrue For what needed the 2. Monks to be sent vp on Anselmus side if he had gone vp himselfe Againe howe coulde the Pope wryte downe by the saide messengers to Anselme if he had there bene himself present For so procedeth the story by the narration of Malmesbury and others After the Ambassadours thus on both sides sent vp to Rome had laboured theyr cause with instante sute one against the other the pope glad to gratifie the king yet loth to graunt his request being against his owne profite and therefore more inclining to Anselmus side sendeth downe his letters to the sayde Anselme signifying that he woulde not repeale the statutes of his holy fathers for one mans pleasure charging him moreouer not only not to yeide in the cause of inuesting but constantly to adheare to the foresaid decreemēt of Pope Urban his predecessor c. Besides this letter to Anselme he directed also an other to the king himselfe which letter mine author saith the king suppressed and did not shewe onely declaring by word of mouth what the ambassadors had saide vnto him from the Pope Which was that he permitted vnto him the licence of Inuesting vpon condition that in other things he would execute the office of a good Prince c. To this also the testunony of the 2. bishops aboue minded did accord which made the matter more probable But the 2. monkes on the other side replied againe bringeth foorth the letter of Anselme to the contrary c. To thē was answered againe that more credite was to be geuen to the degree and testimonie of the Bishops then to theirs And as for monkes they had no suffrage nor testimonie saide they in secular matters and therefore they might hold their peace But this is no secular matter sayd Baldwine abbot of Ramesey Whereunto the nobles again of the kings part answered saying that he was a good man and of such demeanor as they had nothing to say against him neither so woulde if they might but yet both humane and diuine reason taught them so to yelde more credite and confidence to the testimonie of 3. bishops then of 2. monkes Whereby may well appeare that Anselme at that time wēt not with them Then Anselmus seeing the king and his peres how they were set and hearing also the testimonie of the 3. bishops against which he saw he could not preuatle And also hauing the popes seale which he sawe to be so euident on the contrary side made his answer again that he would send to Rome for a more certaintie of truthe Adding moreouer that he neyther would nor durst geue ouer his cause though it should cost him his life to do or proceede against the determination of the Churche of Rome vnlesse he had a perfect warrant of absolution from thence for his discharge Then was it agreed by the king and his nobles that he should not send but go himselfe to Rome And much intreatie was made that he wold take that iorney himself in his owne person to present himselfe to the Pope for the peace of the Church and of his country And so at the length by persuation was content went to Rome and spake with the pope In short time after followeth also the kings Ambassador William Warlwast new elect bishop of Exetor who ther pleading on the kings side for the ancient customes of the realme for the kings right of Inuesting c. First declared howe England of a long continuance had euer bene a prouince peculiar to the Church of Rome and howe it paied dewly
life commeth therof Also of the vnconsiderate promotion of euill Prelates and of their great negligence in correcting and reformyng the euill demeanour of the people Item of the great wantonnes lasciuiousnes in their seruauts and families concerning their excessiue wearing of apparell Item complaineth also of the outragious and excessiue gaynes that Prelates and other vnder them take for their seale especially of officials scribes such like which geue out the seale they care not how nor wherfore so they may gayne money He complaineth in like maner that prelates be so slack and negligent in looking to the resideÌ„ts in their benefices Farther lamenteth for the rash geuing of benefices to parlons vicars and curates not for any godlines or learning in them but for fauour or friendship or intercession either els for hope of some gayne whereof springeth this great ignorance in the Church After this he noteth in prelates how they wast and expend the goods of the church in supersluities or vpon theyr kinsfolke or other worse wayes which should rather be spent vpon the poore Nextly in the x. chapter he coÌ„plaineth for that through the negligence of men of the church especially of the church of Rome the bookes and monuments of the old Councels also of the new are not to be found which should be reserued and kept in all cathedrall Churches Item that many prelates be so cold in doing their duties Also reprocheth the vnchast and voluptuous demeanor of Ecclesiasticall persons by the example of Storkes whose nature is saith he that if any of their company leauyng his owne mate ioyneth with any other all the rest flieth vpon him whether it be he or she beateth hym and plucketh his fethers off what then sayth he ought good prelates to do to such a person of their company whose filthinesse and corrupt life both defileth so many and stinketh in the whole Church Againe forasmuch as we read in the booke of Esdras lib 2. cap 9 that he purging Israel of strange womeÌ„ began first with the priestes So now likewise in the purging correcting of all sortes of men first the purgation ought to begin with these according as it is written by the prophet Ezechiel Begin first with my sanctuary c. Moreouer how that in the tyme of Phillip kyng of Fraunce the whole Realme was interdited for that the kyng had but one woman in stead of his wife which was not his wife by law And againe â—eyng in these our dayes the king of Portingale hath bene sequestred from his dominion by the authoritie of the church being thought not sufficient to gouerne what then ought to bee sayd to that Prelate which abuseth other mens wiues virgines and Nunnes which also is found vnable insufficient to take vpon him the charge of soules About the yeare of our Lord 1128. the orders of the knights of the Rhodes called Joannites also the order of Templars rose vp After Honorius next in the same vsurpation succeded Pope Innocentius 2. an 1130. But as it was with hys predecessours before hym that at euery mutation of newe Popes came new perturbations and commonly neuer a Pope was elected but some other was set vp against him sometymes 2. sometymes 3. Popes togethey so likewise it happened with this Innocentius for after he was chosen the Romains elected another pope named Anacletus Betwixt these two Popes was much ado and great conflicts through the partaking of Rogerius Duke of Sicile takyng Anacletus part agaynst Innocentius vntil Locharius the Emperour came who rescuing Innocentius droue Rogerius out of Italy Our stories recorde that king Henry was one of the great helpes in setting vp and maintayning this Pope Innocentius against Anacletus Gisburnens Amongst many other things this Pope decreed that whosoeuer did strike a Priest or Clerke beyng shauen he should be excommunicate and not to be absolued but only of the Pope himselfe About the tyme of doyng of these thynges beyng the yeare of our Lord 1135. king Henry being in Normandy as some say by taking there a fall froÌ„ his horse as other say by taking a surfet in eating Lampries fell sicke died after he had raigned ouer the realme of England 35. yeres and odde monethes leauyng for his heyres Matilde the Empresse his daughter with her young sonne Henry to succeed after hym to whom all the Prelates and Nobilitie of the Realme were sworne But contrary to their oth made to Molde in the presence of her father before William the Archbishop of Cant. and the nobles of the realme crowned Stephen Erle of Boloyne and sisters sonne to king Henry vpon S. Stephens day in Christmas weeke Which Archbishop the next yeare after dyed beyng as it was thought iustly punished for his periury And many other lordes which did accordingly went not quite without punishment In like iustice of punishmeÌ„t is numbred also Roger bishop of Salisbury who contrary to his othe beyng a great doer in the coronation of Stephen was apprehended of the same kyng and miserably but iustly extermined A certaine written English story I haue which addeth more and faith that king Stephen hauing many foes in diuers quarters kepyng there holdes and castels agaynst him went then to Oxford tooke the Bishop of Salisbury and put a rope about his necke so led him to the castle of Uice that was his and commanded them to render vp the castle or he would slay and hang their Bishop Which Castle beyng geuen vp the kyng tooke the spoyle thereof The like also he did to the Bishop of Lyncolne named Alexander whom in lyke maner he led in a rope to a Castle of the Bishops that was vpon Trent and bad them deliuer vp the Castle or els he would hang their Lord before the gate Long it was before the castle was geuen vp yet at length the king obtaining it there entred and tooke all the treasure of the Bishop c. Roger Houeden Fabian alleagyng a certayne olde Authors whom I cannot finde referreth a great cause of this periury to one Hugh Bigot Steward sometyme with king Henry Who immediatly after the death of the sayd Henry came into England and before the sayd Archbishop and other Lordes of the land tooke wilfully an othe and sware that he was present a little before the kings death when king Henry admitted for his heyre to be king after him Stephen his nephew for so much as Molde his daughter had discontented him Wherunto the Archbishop with the other Lordes gaue to hasty credence But this Hugh sayth he escaped not vnpunished for he dyed miserably in a short tyme after Ex Fabia Albeit all this may be supposed rather to be wroght not without the practise of Henry bishop of Winchester other Prelates by his settyng on which Henry was brother to King Stephen c. King Stephen THus when king Stephen contrary to his oth
was so sodenly discharged of the Chancellorship which he had borne fiue yeares In the 44. yeare of hys age on the Saterday in the Whitson-weeke he was made priest and the next day consecrated Byshop As touching the priesthoode of this man I finde the histories to vary in theÌ„selues for if he were beneficed and chaplaine to Theobald afterward archdeacon as some say it is no other like but that he was priest before not as our most English storyes say made priest in one day and archbishop the next But howsoeuer this matter passeth here is in the meane tyme to be seene what great benefites the K. had done for him and what great loue had bene betweene them both Now after that Becket was thus promoted what variaunce and discord happened betweene them remayneth to be shewed The causes of which variaunce were diuers and sondry As first when according to the custome the Kinges officers gathered of euery one hyde mony through the Realme for the defence of their owne country the Kyng would haue taken it to hys cofers But the Byshop sayd that which euery man gaue willingly he should not coâ—â—t as his proper rent An other cause was that where a Priest was accused of murther and the kinges officers and the friendes of the dead accused the priest earnestly afore the bishop of Salisbury his Diocesan to whoÌ„ he was sent desiring iustice to be done on him the priest was put to his purgation But when he was not able to defend himselfe the Byshop sent to the archbishop to aske what he should do The Archb. commaunded he should be depriued of all ecclesiastical benefices shut vp in an abbey to doe perpetuall penance After the same sort were diuers other handled for like causes but none put to death nor lost ioynt nor burned in the hand or the like payne The third cause was that where a Chanon of Bruis did reuile the kinges iustices the king was offended with the whole clergy For these and such lyke the Archbishop to pacifie the kinges anger commaunded the Chanon to be whipped depriued of his benefices for certain yeares But the king was not content with this gentic punishement because it rather increased their boldnes and therfore he called the Archbishop bishops and all the clergy to assemble at Westminster WheÌ„ they were assembled together the king earnestly commaunded that suche wicked Clerkes should haue no priuilege of their Clergy but he deliuered to the Iaylers because they passed so little of the spiriturll correction and this he sayd also their own Canons and lawes had decreed The Archbishop counsailing w e his bishops and learned men answered probably and in the end he desired hartely the kinges gentlenes so the quietnes of himselfe and his realme that vnder Christ our new king and vnder the new law of Christ he would bring in no new kind of punishment into his Realm vpon the new chosen people of the Lord agaynst the old decrecs of the holy fathers And oft he sayd that he neyther ought nor could suffer it The king moued therwith and not without cause alledgeth agayne and exacteth the olde lawes and customes of his grandfather obserued and agreed vpoÌ„ by archbishops bishops prelates other priuileged persons inquiring likewise of hym whether hee would agree to the same or els now in his raigne would condeÌ„ne that which in the raigne of his grauÌ„dfather was well allowed To which lawes customes the said Thomas did partly graunt and partly not graunt The copy of the which foresayd lawes are contayned in the number of xxviii or xxix whereof I thought here to recite certain not vnworthy to be knowne The copy of the old lawes and customes wherunto Thomas Becket did graunt 1. That no order should be geuen to husbande mennes children and bondmens ChildreÌ„ without the assent or testimoniall of them which be the Lordes of the country where they were borne and brought vp if their sonnes become Clerkes they shall not receaue the order of priesthoode without licence of their Lordes 2. And if a man of holy Churche hold any lay fee in hys hand he shall do therefore the king the seruice that belonlongeth therto as vpon iuries assise of landes and iudgementes sauing onely at execution doing of death 3. If any man were the kinges traytour and had taken the Church that it should be lawfull to the king and hys officers to take him out 4. Also if any felons goods were brought to holy church that there should none such keepe there for euery fellons goodes bene the kinges 5. That no land should be geuen to the Church or to any house of religion without the kinges license These articles folowing Thomas agreed not vnto 1. IF that betweene a clerke and a lay man were anye striuing for Church goodes they would the ple should he done in the kinges court 2. That there should neyther bishop nor clerke go out of the land without the kinges licence And then hee shoulde sweare vpon a booke he should procure no hurt agaynst the king nor none of his 3. If any man were denounced accursed and were come agayn to amendment the king would not that he should be sworne but onely finde sureties to stand to that the holy Church should award 4. The fourth that no man that held of the king in chiefe or in seruice should be accursed without the kings licence 5. That all the Bishopprickes Abbayes that were vacant should be in the kings handes vntill suche time that he should chuse a prelate thereto and he should be chosen out of the kinges chappels and first before he were confirmed he should doe his homage to the king 6. If any ple were to consistory brought they should appeale from thence to the archdeacon and from thence to the Byshops court and from the Byshops court to the archbyshops and from thence to the king and no further So that in conclusion the complayntes of holy Church must come before the king and not the pope 7. That all debtes that were owing through trouthplyght should not be pleaded in spiritual but in temporal Court 8. That the Peter pence which to the Pope were gathered should be taken to the king 9. If any clerke for felony were taken and so proued he should be first disgraded and then through iudgement to be hanged or if he were a traytour to be drawne Other lawes and constitutions made at Claredoun in Normandy and sent to England wherunto Becket and the Pope would not agree He being then fled out of the Realme 1. IF any person shall be found to bring from the Pope or from the Archbish. of Canterb any writing conteining any indicte or cursse agaynst the realme of England the same man to be apprehended without delay for a traytour and execution to be done vpon the same 2. That no monke nor any Clerke shall be permitted to passe ouer into England without a passport
thereby to anger whose anger yet notwithstaÌ„ding had bene easily swaged if the other woulde haue submitted himselfe and acknowledged his default But he adding stubburnnesse to his trespasse through the quantitie and greatnesse of his excesse was the author of his owne punishment which nowe by the law ciuill he sustaineth and yet shameth to craue pardone for his desert at the kings hande whose anger he feared not to sturre vp in such a troublesome time of the persecution of the Church greatly against the profite of the same augmenting increasing therby the persecution which now the Church lieth vnder Much better it had bene for him to haue tempered himself with the bridle of moderation in the high estate of his dignitie least in exceeding too farre in straining the straite poyntes of things by ouer much presumption peraduenture through his presumption being not in meane and tollerable things might fall from higher And if the detriments of the Church woulde not moue him yet the greâ—t benefits and preforments of riches and honours ought to perswade him not to be so stubburn against the king But here peradueÌ„ture his friend and our aduersary wil obiect that his bearing and submitting to the king in this behalfe were preiudiciall against the authority and sea Apostolical as though he did not or might not vnderstand that although the dignity of the Church should suffer a little detriment in that iudgement yet he might ought to haue dissimuled for the time to obtaine peace into the Church He will obiect againe alleaging the name of father that it soundeth like a poynt of arrogancie for children to procede in iudgement of coÌ„demnation against the father which thing is not conuenient But he must vnderstand againe that it was necessary that the obedience and humilitie of the children shoulde temper the pride of the father least afterwarde the hatred of the father might redounde vpon the children Wherefore of these promises your fatherhoode may vnderstand that the action of this our aduersary ought to fall downe as void and of none effect who only vpon the affection of malice hath proceeded thus against vs hauing no iust cause nor reason to ground vpon And forsomuch as the care and charge of all churches as yeâ— knowe lieth vpon vs it standeth vs vpon to prouide concerning the state of the Churche of Canterbury by our diligence and circumspection so that the sayd Church of Canterbury through the excesse of his pastor be not driuen to ruine or decay By this Epistle it may appeare to the Reader therof that Becket being absent from Englande went about to worke some trouble against certaine of the Clergy and of the laitie belike in excommunicating such as he tooke to be his euill willers Now to vnderstand further what his working was or who they were whom he did excommunicate this letter sent to William Bishop of Norwitch shall better declare the matter A letter of Becket to the B. of Norwitch HE bindeth himselfe to the penalty of the crime whosoeuer receiuing power and authoritie of God vseth and exerciseth not the same with due seueritie in punishing vice but wincking diâ—simuling doth minister boldnesse to wicked doers maintaining them in their sinne For the bloud of the wicked is required at the hand of the Priest which is negligent or dissembleth And as the Scripture sayth thornes and brambles grow in the handes of the idle dronkard Wherfore least through our too much sufferance and dissembling the transgressions of manifest euil doers should also be laid to our charge and redound to the destruction of the Church through our giltie silence We therfore following the authoritie of the Popes commaundement haue laid our sentence of curse excommunication vpon the Earle Hugo commaunding you throughout all your Diocesse publickely to denounce the sayde Earle as accursed so that according to the discipline of the Church he be sequestred from the fellowship of all faithfull people Also it is not vnknowen to your brotherhoode how long we haue borne with the transgressions of the Bishop of London Who amongest other his factes I would to God were not a great doer and fautor of this schisme and subuerter of the right and liberties of holy Church Wherefore we being supported with the authoritie of the Apostolicke sea haue also excommunicated him besides also the Bishop of Salesbury because of his disobedience and contempt and others likewise vpon diuers and sundrie causes whose names here followe subscribed Hugo Bernardes sonne Radolph of Brocke Robert of Brocke a clearke Hugode of S Cleare and Letardus a clearke of Northfolke Nigellus of Scacauil and Richard Chapleine William of Hasting and the Frier which possesseth my Church of Monchote We therfore charge and commaunde you by the authoritie Apostolicall and ours and in the vertue of obedience and in the perill of saluation and of your order that yee cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate throughout all your Diocesse and to command all the faithful to auoide their companie Fare ye wel in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled nor feare for we stande sure thorough the assistance of the Apostolike sea God being oure borowe against the pretensed shiftes of the malignant sorte and against all their appellations Furthermore all such as haue bene solemnely cited of vs shall sustaine the like sentence of excommunication if God will in the Ascension day vnlesse they shall otherwise agree with me That is to witte Geffray Archdeacon of Canterburie and Robert his vicare Rice of Wilcester Richard of Lucie William Gifferd Adam of Cheringes with suche other moe which eyther at the commaundement of the king or vppon their own proper temeritie haue inuaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to vs or to our clearkes about vs. With these also we doe excommunicate all suche as be knowen eyther with aide or counsel to haue incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the Churche and exiling of the innocents And such also as be knowen to Impeche or let by any maner of way the messengers sent either from the Pope or from vs for the necessities of the Churche Fare you well againe and euer Hetherto hast thou seene gentle reader diuers sundry letters of Thomas Becket whereby thou maist collect a sufficient historie of his doings demeanor though nothing els were said further of him concerning his lusty and hauty stomack aboue that beseemed either his degree or cause which he tooke in hand And here peraduenture I may seme in the story of this one man to tary tâ—o long hauing to write of so many others better then it yet for the weaker sort which haue couÌ„ted him and yet do count him for a Saint hauing in themselues little vnderstanding to iudge or discerne in the causes of men I thought to adde this letter more wherein he complaineth of his king to a forreine power doing what in him did lie to stirre for
Upon Herefordshyre Gloucestershyre Wyrcestershyre Salopsshyre 5. Upon Wiltshyre Dorcetshyre Somercetshyre Deuonshyre Cornwall 6. Euerwickshire Richmondshire Lancaster Copland Weshnarland Northumberland Cumberland In the which yeare also Richard Archb. of Caunterbury made 3. Archdeacons in his dioces where as before there was but one About which tyme also it was graunted by the kyng to the popes legate that a Clerke shoulde not be called before a temporall iudge except for offence in the forest or for hys say see that he holdeth Item that no Archbishop or Bishoprick nor Abbey should remayne in the kings handes ouer one yeare wtout great cause It chaunced the same yeare that this was done there was at Canterbury one elected to be Abbot in the house of S. Austen named Albert who made great labor and sute vnto the Archbishop that he would come to hys Church and there consecrate him Abbot of S. Austens To whome the archb sent word agayne that he was not bound to come to him but rather the other should repayre to the Metropolitane church of Caunterbury there to receiue hys consecration Whereupon controuersie rising betwene them the foresaid new Elect appealed vp to the audience of the Pope and so laboured vp hymselfe to Rome Where he so handled the matter by what meanes I cannot tell vnles with his golden bottle wherewith he queÌ„ched the popes thirsty soule for Abbots neuer trauel lightly without far purses to Rome that with short dispatche he procured letters from Alexander the pope to Roger bishop of Worcester Signifying to hym that he had geuen in charge and commaundement to the archb of Cant. in the behalfe of hys deare sonne Albert that he should consecrate hym within hys own monastery which monastery properly and soly without mediation belonged to the iurisdiction of Rome and so likewise should do to his successors after him without any exaction of obedience of theÌ„ Which thing further he sayd if the archb woulde refuse to do within the terme appoynted that then he the foresayd B. of Worcester should by the authoritie committed vnto him execute the same al maner of appellatioÌ„ or other decree whatsoeuer should come notwithstaÌ„ding This letter being obtayned the Abbot that would be returneth home supposing with hymselfe all things to be sure The archb vnderstanding the case and seeing hymselfe so straightly charged and yet lothe to yeld and stoupe to the Abbot took to him pollicy where authoritie would not serue and both to saue himselfe and yet to disapoynt the Abbot he watcheth a tyme when the Abbot was about busines of hys house And comming the same tyme to the monastery as he was coÌ„maunded to do with all things appointed that to suche a busines appertayned called for the Abbot pretending no lesse but to geue him his consecration The Abbot beyng called for was not at home The archb fayning hymselfe not a little agreued at his labour good wil so lost departed as one in whome no redy diligence was lacking if in case that the Abbot had bene at home Wherupon the Abbot being thus disapoynted was fayne to fill his siluer stagon a fresh make a new course to Rome to hys father the pope of whome he receiued his consecration and so came home agayne with as much witte as he went forth but not with so much mony peradâ—enture as he went withall We haue declared a little aboue pag. 175. touching the actes and doynges of this Pope Alexander the 3. howe he had brought the Emperours head vnder hys foote in S. Markes Church at Uenice at which time and place peace was concluded and a composition made betweene the P. and the sayd Fredericke the Emperor Which pacificatioÌ„ Rog. Houedenus and Gualterus Gisburgensis referre to this tyme beyng the yeare of our Lord. 1177. bringing in two seuerall letters sent from the sayd Pope to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury and to Roger Archbishop of York and Hugh byshop of Duresme Out of the whiche letters so much as serueth to our purpose I haue taken and here inserted The letter of Pope Alexander sent to Roger Archbyshop of Yorke and to the Byshop of Duresme ALexander seruaunt of the seruaunts of God to his reuerend brethren Roger Archbishop of Yorke and Hugh Byshop of Duresme greeting and Apostolicall blessing The obsequy and seruice of your kinde deuotion which hitherto you are knowne to haue geuen bothe deuoutly and laudably to vs and to the Church requireth that we should describe to you as to our speciall frendes the prosperous successe of the Churche and to let you know as spirituall children of the Churche what hath happened to the same For meete it is conuenient and also honest that you whome we haue had so firme and sure in our deuotion should now be cherished and made ioyous in the prosperitie of vs and of the Churche And about the end of the Epistle it followeth thus The next day following which was the feast of S. Iames the sayd Emperour so requesting we came to the foresayd Churche of S. Marke there to celebrate our solemne Masse where as we were comming in the way the sayd Emperor met vs without the Church and placing vs agayne on his right hand he brought vs so into the sayd Church After the masse was done placing vs agayn on his right hand he brought vs to the Church dore And moreouer when we should take our palfrey he held our stirrup exhibiting to vs such honor and reuerence as hys progenitours were wont to exhibite to our predecessors Wherefore these shal be to incite your diligence and study towardes vs that you reioyce with vs and the Church in these our prosperous successes and also that you shall open the same effect of peace to other deuout childreÌ„ of the church that such as be touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord may congratulate reioyce also in the Lord for the great working of peace which he hath geuen GeueÌ„ at Venice in the deepe riuer the xxvi of Iuly This yeare the contention reuiued agayne spoken of little before pag. 173. betwene the 2. archbishops of York and Canterb. The occasion whereof was this The maner and practise of the pope is when he beginneth to lacke money he sendeth some limitting Cardinall abroad to fetch his harnest in So there came this yeare into EnglaÌ„d as lightly few yeares were without them a certayn Cardinall from Rome called Hugo or as Houedenus nameth him Hugezun who would needes keepe a Councell at Westin To this Councel resorted a great coÌ„fluence about middle of Lent of Bishops Abbots Priors Doctors such other of the Clergye As euery one was there placed in his order and after his degree first commeth the archb of Yorke named Roger who thinking to present the other Archbishop came something sooner straighway placed hymselfe on the right hand of the Cardinall Richard the Archbishop of Cant. following shortly after and seing the first place
maūdy thursday wherefore the Iewes were burned he coūted a Saint an 1177. Ireland subdued to the crowne of England by thys king an 1177. Ex varijs Chron. Under the raigne of the sayd king Henry about the 25 yeare of his raigne Ludouicus the frenchking by the vision of Thomas Becket appearing to him in his dreame promising to him the recouery of his sonne if he would resort to him at Canterbury made his iourney into England to visite S. Thomas at Caunterbury with Phillip Earle of Flaunders where he offered a rich cup of golde with other pretious iewels a 100. vessels of wine yearely to be geuen to the Couent of the church of Caūterbury notwithstanding the sayd Phillip in his return from England taking his iourney to Paris to visite S. Deuis in the same his pilgrimage was strickē with such colde that he fell into a palsey and was benumbed of the right side of his body an 1178. Iornalensis alij Stephanus Episcopus Redomonsis was wont to make many rimes and gaudish prose to delite the eares of the multitude to whom a litle before his death this verse was founded in his care Desine ludere temerè nitere properè surgere de puluere an 1178. Nic. Triuet Albingenses denyed transustantiation in the Sacrament of Christes body and bloud about the city of Tholouse also that matrimony was not a Sacrament c. an 1178 ibidem King Henry separated himselfe from his wife Alionor and held her many yeares in prison as some think for the loue of Rosamūde Which semeth to me to be the cause why God afterward stirred all his sonnes vp to warre agaynst him and to worke him much sorrow an 1179. Nic. Triuet Notwithstanding the sayd Alionor was shortly after reconciled to him S. Frideswide was translated vnto Oxford an 1179. An. 1180. There came to the councell of Pope Alexander one Pisanus Burgundio a man very cunning both in Brecke and Latin which brought and presented to the counsell the Homelyes of Chrisostome vpon the Gospell of S. Iohn translated out of Greeke into Latin and sayd that he translated likewise a great part of his exposition vpon Genesis saying moreouer that the sayd Chrisostome had made expositions in Greeke vpon the whole olde testament and also the new an 1180. The Monkes of Charterhouse first entred into this land an 1180. An. 1181. Richard Pech Byshopp of Couentry before his death renounced his bishoprick and became a Chanō in the Church of S. Thomas by Stafford Ex Chronico peruetusto cui initium In diebus sanctis Regis c. About the latter time of this king Henry one Hugo whō men were wont to call S. Hugh of Lincolne borne in Burgundy and Prior of the Monks of Charterhouse was preferred by the king to the Bishopricke of Lincoln who after his death is said to do great miracles and therfore was counted a Saynt an 1186. Flores Hist. Baldwinns Archbyshop of Caunterbury began the building of his new house and Church of Lambeth but by the letters of pope Clement 3. he was forbid to proceed in the building thereof an 1187. Triuet I do finde likewise in the foresaid written Chronicle remaining in the hands of one Williā Cary Citizen of Lōdō that this forenamed king Henry the 2. gaue to the court and church of Rome for the death of Becket 40. thousand markes of siluer And 5. thousand marks of gold an 1187. Mention was made a little aboue of Amalrike king of Ierusalē which destroyed Babylon so that it was neuer after to this day restored but lyeth wast and desolate wherein was fulfilled that which in the Prophets in so many places was threatened to Babylō before This Amalrike had a sonne named Baldwin a daughter called Sibilla Baldwine from the beginning of his raigne was a Leoper and had the falling sickenesse being not able for feeblenesse of body although valiaunt in hart and stomacke to satisfy that function Sibilla his sister was first maried to one Willermus Marques of Moūt Ferrat by whom she had a sonne called also Balwinus After him she was maried to another husband named Guido de Liziniaco Earle of Ioppe and of Ascalon Upon this befell that the foresaid Baldwine the Leoper sonne of Amalricus being thus feeble infirme as is sayd called his nobles together with his mother the Patriarche declaring to thē his inability and by the consentes of them committed the vnder gouernement of the City to Guido the husband of Sibilla his sister But he being found insufficiēt or els not lucky in the gouerning thereof the office was translated to another named Raimundus Earle of Tripolis In the meane time the Soldan with his Sarasins mightely preuayled agaynst the Christiās ouerran the countrey of Palestina In which meane time Baldwine the king departed Whereby the kingdome fell next to Baldwinus the sonne of Sibilla by her first husband Willermus The which Baldwinus being but fiue yeares olde was put to custody of Raimundus aforesayd Who also in his minority before he came to his crowne dyed whereby the next succession by dissent fell to Sibilla the wife of Guido aboue mentioned To whom the pieres and nobles ioyning together in coūsell offred to the sayde Sibilla as to the lawfull heyre to the crowne to be theyr Queene with this condition that she should sequester from her by solemne deuorsement the foresayd Guido her husband But she refused the kingdōe offered to her on that condition till at last the Magistrats with the nobles ingenerall graunted vnto her by theyr othes confirmed the same that whomesoeuer she woulde choose to be her husband all they would take and obey as theyr king Also Guido her husband with like petition among the rest humbly requested her that the kingdom not for his sake or for his priuate losse might be destitute of gouernement At length she with teares consenting to theyr entreaty was contented and solemnely was crowned theyr Queene who after the maner agayne receiued theyr fidelity by theyr othe Whereupon Guido without all hope both of wife and kingdome departed home quietly to his owne This done the Queene assembling her states and prelates together entred talke with thē about the choosing of the king according to that which they had promised and sworne vnto her and to obey him as theyr king whom she would name to be her husbande Thus while they were all in great expectation wayting euery man whome she would nominate The Queene with a loud voyce sayd to Guido that stood amongst them Guido my Lord I choose thee for my husbād and yelding my selfe and my kingdome vnto you openly I protest you to be the king At these words al the assembly being amased wondred that one simple woman so wisely had beguiled so many wise men And worthy no doubt was she to be commended and extolled for her singuler vertue
them And thus much concerning Fulco Not long after this it befell that a certaine noble personage Lord of Lemonice in litle Britaine Widomarus by name found a great substance of treasure both of golde and siluer hid in the ground wherof a great part he sent to king Richard as chiefe Lorde and Prince ouer the whole countrey Which the king refused saying he would either haue all or none for that he was the principall chiefetaine ouer the land But the finder woulde not condescende to that Wherefore the king laide siege to a Castell of hys called Galuz thinking the treasure to lie there But the keepers and warders of the Castel seeing themselues not sufficient to withstand the king offered to him the castell desiring to depart with life and armour To this the king woulde in no wise graunt but bid them to reenter the castell againe and to defende it in all the forceable wise they coulde It so befell that as the King with the Duke of Brabant went about the castel vewing the places therof a souldiour wythin named Bertandus Cordoun stroke the king with an arrow in the arme whereupon the yron remaining and festering in the wound the king within 9. daies after died who because he was not content with the halfe of the treasure that another man founde lost all his own treasure that he had The king being thus wounded caused the man that stroke him to be brought vnto him and asked the cause of him why he so wounded him Who answered againe as the storie sayeth that he thought to kill rather then to be killed And what punishment soeuer he should susteine he was cōtent so that he might kil him which had before killed his father and brethren The king hearing his words frely forgaue him and caused an hundreth shillings to be geuē him Albeit as the story addeth after the death of the king the duke of Brabāce after great torments caused hym to be hāged Ex historia Regis Richardi 2. cui initium De patre istius Bruti c. The storie of Gisburne sayeth that the killer of king Richarde comming to the French king thinking to haue a great rewarde was commanded to be drawen a sonder with horse and his quarters to be hanged vp An other story affirmeth and Gisburn partly doth testifie the same that a litle before the death of K. Richarde 3. Abbotes of the order Cistercian came to him to whome he was confessed And when he sawe them somewhat stay at his absolution had these wordes that he did willingly commit his body to the earth to be eaten of wormes and his soule to the fire of Purgatory there to be tormented til the iudgement in the hope of God his mercy Ex Iornalens Gisburn alijs About the raigne of this king the sayd Iornalensis maketh mention of Roger archbish of Yorke which put out of his Churche the Monkes and placed for them seculare Priests saying that he woulde rather with Ecclesiasticall benefices to be geuen to wanton Priests then to abhominable Monkes that Thurstinus did sinne neuer worse in al his life then in building that house for monks c. Another story I haue which sayth that this was the Byshop not of Yorke but of Couentrie The king not long after departed without issue and Iohn his brother reigned after him in whome although some vices may worthely be reprehēded especially for his incontinent and too much licentious life yet was he farre from that deseruing for the which he hath bene so il reported of diuers wryters who being led more with affection of Poperie then with true iudgement and due consideration depraued his doings more then the sincere trueth of the historie will beare them Concerning which historie after so many wryters we thought also to bestowe a little labour although in this matter we can not be so long as I would and as the matter requireth Kyng Iohn AFter the death of king Richarde called Coeur de Lyon reigned his brother Iohn Earle of Morton Afterward the Archbyshop put the crowne on his head and sware him to defend the churche and to maintaine the same in her good lawes and to destroy the euil And except he thought not in his minde to do this the Archb. charged him not to presume to take on him this dignitie And on Saint Iohn Baptists day next following king Iohn failed into Normandy came to Roan where he was royally receiued and truce concluded betweene him the French king for a time And thether came to him the Earle of Flaunders and all other Lords of Fraunce that were of K. Richards band and frendship and were sworne vnto him Not long after this Philip the French king made Arthur Knight and tooke his homage for Normandie Britaine and al other his possessions beyond the sea and promised him helpe against K. Iohn After this King Iohn and the French king talked together wyth theyr Lordes about one houres space And the Frenche King asked so much land for himself and knight Arthur that king Iohn would graunt him none and so departed in wrath The same yeare a legate came into Fraunce and commaunded the King in paine of interdiction to deliuer one Peter out of prison that was elect to a Bishoppricke and thereupon he was deliuered And after that the Legate came into England commaunded K. Iohn vnder paine of interdiction to deliuer the Archb. which he had kept as prisoner 2. yeares which the King denied to do till he had payd him 6000. markes Because he tooke him in harnes in a field against him and sware him vpon his deliuerance that he should neuer weare harnesse against any Christen man This time diuorce was made betweene K. Iohn and his wife daughter of the Earle of Glocester because they were in the iii. degree of kinred And after by the counsell of the French king King Iohn wedded Isabel daughter of the Earle of Anguilla and then Arthur of Britaine did homage to king Iohn for Britaine and other At this time fell strife betwene K. Iohn and Geoffrey the Archbishop of Yorke for diuers causes first because he would not suffer and permit the Sheriffe of Yorke in such affaires as he had to do for the King within his Diocesse Secondly because hee did also excommunicate the sayde sheriffe Thirdly because he would not saile with him into Normandie to make the mariage betwene Lewes the French kings sonne and his niece c. After this in the yeare of our Lorde 1202. Phillip the French king in a communication betwene K. Iohn and him required that the saide K. Iohn should depart with all his landes in Normandy and Pictauia which he had beyond the sea vnto Arthur his nephew and that incontinent or els he would warre against him and so did For when king Iohn denied that request the next day folowing the French king with the sayde Arthur
Norwich Thus was Stephen Langton in the high Church of Uiterby by the popes hand made archbishop of Canterbury From thenceforth therefore sayth Mathew Paris the pope could do no lesse but mightily defend him from al vexation and daunger considering that he was his owne deare deareling and a childe of his owne creation Upon this occasion king Iohn conceiued an exceding displeasure against the Clergie and Monkes of Canterb. as he had good cause they doing so many euils against his Princely prerogatiue Without his licence they elected their Archb. and put by the Bishop of Norwich whome he had apointed They wasted a great part of his treasure for the warres and to bring all to the deuil they made Stephen Langton their high Metropolitane whom he tooke for a greuous enemy vnto the whole realm being alwais so familiar with the French king Wherefore in his anger hee banished them out of the laÌ„d to the number of 64. for this their contumacie and contempt of his regall power â— The monkes of Canterburie thus being expulsed the king forthwith sendeth messengers to the Pope wyth his letters wherin he doth sharply and expressely expostulate with the Pope First for that so vncourteously he repulsed the election of the bishop of Norwich and set vp one Stephen Langton a man vnknowne to him and brought vp amongest hys ennemies a long time in the kingdome of Fraunce consecrating him Archb. of Cant. and letting the other goe Also which is more it redoundeth to the subuersion and derogatioÌ„ of the liberties appertaining to his crowne for notwithstaÌ„ding his consent past being before of the monks not made priuy which should so haue done yet he rashly presumed to promote and preferre another Wherfore he can not maruaile he sayth enough that neither the sayd Pope nor the Court of Rome doth consider and reuolue with themselues how necessary his loue and fauour hath bene alwayes hetherto to the sea of Rome that they consider not what great profite and reuenewes hath proceeded hetherto to them out of the realme of EnlaÌ„d the like wherof hath not ben receiued out of any other countrey besides on this side the Alpes He addeth moreouer and sayth that for his liberties he wil stande if neede be vnto death neither can he be so remooued and shaken of from the election of the B. of Norwich which hee seeth to be so commodious to him and profitable Finally hee thus concludeth saying that in no case in this his request he be not heard hee will so prouide by the seas that there shal be no such gadding coursing any more ouer to rome suffring the riches of the lande no more to be transported ouer whereby he shoulde be himselfe the lesse able to resist his enemies And seing he hath of his own at home archbishops bishops other prelates of the Churche both of English men of other sufficiently prouided instructed in all kinde of knowledge therfore he shal not nede greatly to seeke for iudgement and iustice farther abroad When these came to the Popes intelligeÌ„ce he directeth letters to tâ—â— king againe in this forme INnocentius P. seruant of the seruants of God to our welbeloued sonne in Christ the king of England health Apostolicall blessing Where as we haue written to you heretofore exhorting and entreating you after an humble diligent and geÌ„tle sort concerning the Church of Cant. you haue written to vs againe after a threatning sort and vpbraiding manner both spitefully and also frowardly And where as we more and aboue that oure right and duety required haue borne and gâ—uen to you you againe for your part haue geuen to vs not so much as by right duety you are bound to do And though your deuotion as you say hath ben to vs very necessary yet consider againe that ours also is not a litle opportune expedient for you And where as we in such like cases haue not shewed at any time the like honor to any prince as we haue vnto you you againe haue so much derogated our honor as no prince els hath presumed to do besides you alone pretending certaine friuolous causes occasions I caÌ„not tel what why you would not condescend to the election of Steuen Langton Cardinall of S. Chrysogono chosen by the Monkes of Cant for that the said StepheÌ„ as you say hath ben coÌ„uersant brought vp amongst your enemies and his person to you vnknowne But you knowe what is the prouerbe of Salomon the net is cast but in vaine in the sight of the flying birdes c. With much other matter in the same Epistle wherein he falleth into the commendation of Steuen Langton his Cardinall declaring howe learned he was in the liberall artes and in diuinitie in so muche he was pâ—ebendated at Paris also come of an honest stocke and an Englishman borne and not vnknowen to the king seeing the king had written his letters thrise to him before Declaring moreouer in the said letter how the messengers of the King had specified to him an other cause which was for the the moÌ„ks of Cant. which had to doe in the election came not to hym before for his coÌ„sent declaring moreouer in the said letter how the said messengers of the king intreated in the kings behalfe that for so much as the popes letters wherein the king was commaunded to send his proctors to Rome for the same matter came not to the kings hande neither did the Monkes direct any such letters or message to the king to haue his consent therefore the Pope considering the same woulde graunt so much for the regarde of the kings honor that the monkes of Cant. should not procede without the kings assent therein And for as much as that hath not bene done as yet therefore they desired some delay therein to be geuen sufficient for the doing therof whereunto he said that he had graunted fulfilled their request in sending hys letters and messengers once or twise to the king for the same purpose although he sayd it was not the maner of the sea Apostolique who had the fulnesse of power ouer the Church of Cant. to waite for Princes consents in such elections who then could not be suffered to do that which they came for wherefore in knitting vp his letter he thus concludeth in these wordes And therfore seeing the matter so standeth we see no cause why we should require or tary for the kings fauour or consent any more therein but intend so to procede in this matter neither enclining on the right hand nor on the left according as the canonicall ordinances of the holy fathers shall direct vs that is that al impediments delaies set aside so to prouide that the church of Canterburie be no longer destitute of her pastour Wherefore be it knowne to your discretion or kingly prudence that for so much as this election of Stephen Langhton hath orderly concordely thus proceeded without fraud or disceit
to Northhampton where he held his Parliament saluting him sayd they came from the Pope of Rome to reforme that peace of holy church And first sayd they we monish you in the popes behalfe that ye make full restitution of the goods of the land that ye haue rauished holy church of and that ye receiue Stephen the Archb◠of Cant. into his dignity and Prior of Cant. and his monkes And that ye yelde agayne vnto the Archb. all his landes and rentes without any withholding And sir yet moreouer that ye shall make such restitution to them as the Church shall thinkk sufficient Then aunswered the K. as touching the Prior and his Monkes of Cant. all that ye haue said I would gladly do and all thing els that ye would ordaine but as touching the Archb. I shall tell you as it lieth in my hart Let the Archbishop leaue his bishopricke and if the pope then shal entreat for him peraduenture I may like to geue him some other bishopricke in England And vpon this condition I will receiue and admit him Then sayd Pandulph vnto the K. holy Church was wont neuer to disgrade Archb. without cause reasonable but euer she was wont to correct princes that were disobedient to her What how now quoth the K. threaten ye me Nay sayd Pandolph but ye haue now opēly told vs as it standeth in your hart and now we will tell you what is the popes will and thus it standeth He hath wholy interdicted cursed you for the wrongs ye haue done to the holye church and to the Clergy And forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice and will come to no amendement ye shall vnderstand that from this time forward the sentences vpon you geuen haue force and strength And all those that with you haue commoned before this time whether that they be Earles Barons or Knightes or any other whatsoeuer they be we assoyle them safely from their sins vnto this day And from this time forward of what condition soeuer they be we accurse them openly and specially by this our sentence that do with you common And we assoyle moreouer Earles Barons knightes and all other maner of men of theyr homages seruice and sealties that they should do vnto you And this thing to confirme we geue playne power to the B. of Winchester and to the B. of Norwich And the same power we geue agaynst Scotland to the B. of Rochester of Salisbury And in Wales we geue the same power to the Bishops of S. Dauid and of Landaffe and of S. Asse Also Sir K. quoth Pandolph all the kinges princes and the great Dukes christened haue labored to the pope to haue licence to crosse themselues and to warre agaynst thee as vpon Gods enemy and winne thy lande and to make K. whom it pleaseth the pope And we here now assoile all those of their sinnes that will arise agaynst thee here in thine owne land Then the K. hearing this answered What shame may ye do more to me then this Pandolph agayne we say to you in verbo Dei that neither you nor any heir that you haue after this day shall be crowned So the king sayd by him that is almighty God if I had known of this thing before ye came into this lād and that he had brought me such newes I should haue made you tary out these xii monthes Then aunswered Pandolph Full well we thought at our first comming that ye would haue bene obedient to God and to holy church haue fulfilled the popes commaundement which we haue shewed and pronounced to you as we were charged therewith And now ye say that if ye had wi lt the cause of our comming ye would haue made vs tary out a whole yere which might as well say that ye would haue taken a whole yeares respite without the popes leaue But for to suffer what death that ye can ordeine we shall not spare to tell you all the popes message and will that he gaue vs in charge In an other chronicle I finde the wordes betwene the King and Pandolph something otherwise described as though the king should first threaten him with hanging if he had foreknown of his comming in To whom pādolph againe should answer that he loked for nothing els at his hand but to suffer for the Churches right Wherupon the K. being mightely incēsed departed The k. the same tune being at Northhampton willed the shirifs and bailifes to bring foorth all the prisoners there that such as had deserued shoulde be put to death to the entent as some thinke to make Pandolfus afraide Among whome was a certaine Clerke who for counterfaiting the kings coyne was also condemned to be hanged drawn quartered And moreouer by the king was commanded therby to anger Pandolfus the more as may be thought to be hanged vp hiest aboue the rest Pādolphus hearing therof notwtstanding he somwhat began to feare least he should be hanged himselfe yet with such courage as he had he went to the church to set out booke bel and candle charging that no man vnder pain of accursing should lay hands vpon the cleark Vppon this the K. and the Cardinall departed in no litle anger And Pandolfe went to Rome reported to the pope and the Cardinals what had bene done Then the pope summoned al the bishops abbots and clarkes of England to come and repaire to Rome to consult what was to be done therein This councel began the first day of October In the which councel it was decreed by the pope and his assembly that Iohn king of England should be accursed with all such as helde with him euery day so long as that Councel endured Albeit this was not yet graunted that the people shoulde be crossed to fight against him because as yet he had shed no bloud But afterward the sayd Pope Innocent seeing that K. Iohn by no meanes would stoupe vnder his subiection nor vnder the rule of his popish see he sent vnto the French king vpon remission of all his sinnes and of all that went with hym that he should take with him all the power he might and so to inuade the realme of England to destroy K. Iohn This occasion geuen Pope Innocent yet once againe commanded in paine of his great curse that no man shuld obey King Iohn neither yet keepe company with him he forbad all persons to eate and drinke with him to talke with him to commune or coūsell with him yea his owne familiar houshold to do him any kinde of seruice either at bed or at boord in church hall or stable And what folowed therof The greater parte of them which after such sort fled from him by the ordinance of God of diuers and sundry diseases the same yeare died And betweene both nations English and French sell that yeare great amitie but secret subtil and false to the bitter betraying of England Neither was the pope
of priuate tythes He ordayned the receauing once a yeare at Easter Vnto the papal decretals he added the decree Omnis vtriusque sexus c. Also the reseruation of the sacrament and the goyng with the bell and light before the Sacrament was by hym appoynted In the sayd Counsell of Laterane he also ordayned that the Canon of the Masse should be receaued with equall authoritie as thoughe it had proceeded from the Apostles theÌ„selues He brought in transubstantiation looke in the decretals Titulo 1. De summa Trinit fide Catholica cap. firmiter credimus Item the sayd Innocentius the 3. ordayned that none should mary in the third degree but only in the fourth degree and so vnder The sayd Pope styrred vp Otho agaynst Phillip the Emperor because the sayd Phillip was elected Emperor agaynst his will Vpon that occasion wherof followed much warre and slaughter in Germany And afterward against the sayd Otho whome he had made Emperour he set vp Fredericke K. of Cicile and caused the archb of Mayence to pronounce hym excommunicate in all hys titles and to be deposed of hys Empire For the which cause the Princes of Germany did inuade hys byshopricke spoyling and burning hys possessioÌ„s The cause why the pope so did accurse and depose hym was for that the sayd Otho did take and occupy cittyes townes castles which the pope said appertayned to hym Item the sayd pope ordayned that if any prince offended one an other the correction should appertayne vnto the Pope In thys Councell of Laterane were Archbishops and Primates 61. Byshops 400. Abbots 12. Priors and Conuentuals 800. besides other Embassadors Legates Doctors and Lawyers an innumerable sort c. In the history of Hermanus mutius we read how in the yeare of our Lord. 1212. in thys popes tyme diuers noble men and other in the countrey of Alsatia contrary to the tradition of the Romish Popes dyd holde that euery day was free for eating of flesh so it be done soberly Also that they did wickedly which restrayned Priests and ministers from their lawfull wyues for the which cause as is in the foresayd author by this poore Innocentius the 3. and hys byshops an hundreth of them in one day were burned and Martyred Some other historyes as Nauclerus recordeth also that at the same tyme many were in the Cittye of Millaine of the sayd doctrine which vsed to send collects vnto the foresayd sainctes of Alsatia Ex Nauclero In the cronicle of Gualter Hemingford otherwise called Gisburnensis it is recorded that in the dayes of this K. Iohn and pope Innocent began the two sectes orders of Friers one called the preachers order or black Fryers of S. Dominike The other called the Minorites of S. Frances The preachers or blacke Fryers order began of one Dominike a Spaniard about the parts of Tholous who after he had laboured 10. yeares in preaching agaynst the Albingenses and such other as did hold agaynst the churche of Rome afterward comming vp to the Councell of Lateran with Fulco B. of Tholouse desired of the foresayd Innocent the 3. to haue his order of preaching Fryers coÌ„firmed which the pope a great while refused to graunt at length he had a dreame that the Church of Laterane was ready to fall Which when he beheld fearing much forrowing thereat commeth in this Dominicke who with his shouldiours vnderpropped the church and so preserued the building therof froÌ„ falling c. And right well this dreame may seeme verified for that Fryers haue bene alwayes the chief pillers vpholders of the popes church Vpon this the pope waking out of hys dreame called Dominike to him and graunted his petition And so came vp this Woluish order of the Dominickes I call it Woluish for that hys mother when she was great with this Dominicke dreamed that she had in her wombe a wolfe which had a burning torch in his mouth The which dreame the preachers of that order do greatly aduaunce and expounded to their orders glory as well as they can Neuerthelesse howsoethey expound it they can make a wolfe but to be a wolâ—e and this a Woluish order The rule which they follow semeth to be taken out of S. Augustine as who should say that Christes rule were not inough to make a Christian man Their profession standeth vpon 3. principall pointes as thus described Charitatem habentes humilitatem seruantes paupertatem voluntariam possidentes That is hauing charitie holding humilitie and possessing wilfull pouerty Their habite and clothing is blacke The order of the Minors or Minorite Friers descended from one Francis an Italian of the city AsisiuÌ„ This Assisian Asse whoÌ„ I suppose was some simple and rude Idiot hearing vpon a tyme how Christ sent forth his disciples to preach thought to imitate the same in himself and his disciples and so left of shoes had but one coate that of a course clothe In steade of a latchet to hys shoe and of a girdle he tooke about him a hempen corde and so apparelled his disciples teaching them to fulfil for so he speaketh the perfection of the gospell to apprehend pouerty to walke in the way of holy simplicitie He left in writing to hys disciples and followers hys rule whiche he called Regulam Euangelicam 1. the rule of the Gospell as though the Gospell of Christ were not a sufficient rule to all Christen men but it must take hys perfection of Frantick FraÌ„cis And yet for all that great presumtion of this Francis and notwithstanding this hys rule sounding to the derogation of Christes Gospell he was coÌ„firmed by this pope Innocent Yea and such fooles this Frauncis sound abroad that not onely he had followers of hys doltish religion both of the nobles and vnnobles of Rome but also some there were which builded mansions for hym hys Fryers This Frauncis as he was superstitious in casting all things from hym as hys girdle girding a corde abouthim so in outwarde chastising of himselfe so straight he was to hys fleshe leauing the ordinary remedye appoynted by God that in wynter season he couered hys body with Ise and Snow He called pouerty hys Lady he kept nothing ouer night So desirous he was of Martyrdome that he went to Syria to the Souldane whiche receaued him honourably wherby it may be thought that surely he told him not the truth as S. Iohn Baptist dyd in Herods house For truth is seldome welcome in courts aud in the world But it is hard to make a martyr of hym which is no true confessor I will here passe ouer the fable howe Christ and hys sayntes dyd marke hym with fiue woundes These Franciscane or beggyng Fryers although they were all vnder one rule and clothing of S. Frauncis yet they be deuided in many sectes and orders some go on treen shoes or Pattins some barefooted some regulare Franciscanes or obseruauntes some Minors or Minorites other be called
the valuation of Churches was knowne better vnto their archdeacōs then to themselues therfore they desired a generall calling and talke to be had in the matter In the Octaues of S. Iohn the Baptist the day and place was assigned where they should talke At which day and place the Prelates of England conuenting together durst not geue any direct denay of that contribution but after a modest sort did insinuate certayne acceptions agaynst the same 1. First they say that forsomuch as the contribution is demaunded to warre agaynst hym who was ioyned to matrimony with their prince they were not bound so to doe 2. Secondly for that the sayd contribution tended to the shedding of Christen bloud for so the forme of the bill pretended to fight agaynst the Emperour 3. Thirdly beeause it was agaynst the libertie of the Churche for so it is in the bill that they that woulde not should be excommunicate 4. Fourthly because that when a late they gaue the tenth part of their goods it was with this protestatiō that they should contribute to the pope no more hereafter 5. Item because they had cōtributed before if they should now contribute againe it were to be feared least an action twise done should grow into a custome as is in the lawe Lege nemo c. 6. Item forasmuch as they shall haue causes continually to seeke to Rome through the Emperours land it were to be feared least the sayd Emperour by the way woulde worke theyr annoyance 7. Item because the king hath many enemies abroad for his warres hath need of much mony at home it is not conuenient that the goods of the realme should be alienated out of the Realme 8. Item because that coulde not be done without preiudice to the patrones of their churches not knowing whether their patrons did or would agree vnto the same 9. Lastly because they heare say that the generall state of the Church is in daunger for the whiche they vnderstand there shall be shortly a generall Councell wherein suche matters shall be determined and therefore if they shoulde contribute nowe it should be to the hinderance and dammage of the Church The Legate and hys fellow hearing these allegations seing their owne confusion were the lesse importunate Not long after this followed a general Councel at Lions called by Pope Innocentius 4. in the which Councell the Englishe nation did exhibite certayne articles of their greuāces not vnworthy to be knowne Grauatur regnum Angliae eo quòd D. Papa non est contentus subsidio illo quòd vocatur denarius be Petri. c. In English thus 1. The kingdome of England is greued that the pope being not contented with his Peter pence requireth and extorteth from the Clergy great exactions and more is like without the consent both of the king and agaynst the customes of the realme 2. Item the church and kingdome of England is greued that the patrons of the same cannot present as they were wont into their Churches for the popes letters But the churches are geuen to Romaines which knowe neyther the realme nor the toung therof both to the great perill of soules and robbing away the mony out of the realme 3. Item it is greued for that the Pope promising by the tenor of his letters that in requiring of pensions and prouisions in the realme of England he woulde require but onely twelue benefices now contrary to the tenour therof many more benefices and prouisions are bestowed away by him 4. Item the realme is greeued and complayneth that in the benefices in Englād one Italian succeedeth an other the English men being not onely excluded but also cōpelled for y◠determining of their matters to seke to Rome contrary both to the customes of the Realme and also to the priueledges graunted by the popes predecessors to the king and kingdome of England 5. The fift greuance is for the oft recourse of that infamous Legate by whom both fayth and fidelitie the auncient customes of the realme the authoritie of olde grauntes statutes lawes and priuiledges are imbeseled and abrogate whereby an infinite number in Englande be greeuously afflicted and oppressed 6. The sayd realme is also greued in generall tallages collections and assises made without the kings consent the appellation and contradiction of the kinges Proctors to the contrary notwithstanding 7. Seuenthly the foresayd realme complayneth and is greeued that in the benefices geuen to Italians neither y◠old ordinaunces nor reliefe of the poore nor hospitalitie nor any preaching of Gods word nor care of mens soules nor seruice in the Church nor yet the walles of the Churches be kept vp and mayntayned as the maner custome of the same realme requireth Ouer and aboue these foresayd greuances there came moreouer from the pope other fresh letters charging and commaunding the prelates of England to finde of their proper costes and charges for one whole yeare some ten armed souldiours some 5. some 15. to be ready at the popes commaundement there where he should appoynt After these and other greuances enormities of Rome the states of England consulting together direct their letters to the pope for reformation therof first the Abbots Priors then the byshops and Suffraganes after the Nobles and Barons last of all the king himselfe But as the prouerbe is venter non habet aures so the popes purse had no eares to heare And as our common saying goeth as good neuer a whit as neuer the better so went it with the pope Who not long after the same sent ye for new tallage and exactions to be collected which thing when it came to the kings eare he being moued and disturbed vehemently withall writeth in this wise to the bishops seuerally to euery one in hys diocesse HEnricus tertius dei gratia c. Venerabili in Christo N Episcopo Salutem Licet aliàs vobis c. In Englishe thus Henry the third by the grace of GOD to the reuerend in Christ byshop of N. Whereas we haue heretofore written vnto you once twice thrice as well by our priuy seales as also by our letters patentes that you shoulde not exact or collecte for the popes behalfe any tallage or other helpe of our subiectes eyther of the Clergy or of the Laity for that no suche tallage nor help either can or is vsed to be exacted in our realm without the great preiudice of our princely dignitie which we neither wil nor can suffer or sustayne yet you contemnyng and and vilepending our commaundement and contrary to the prouision made in our last Councell at London graunted and agreed vpon by our prelates Earles and Barons haue that notwithstanding proceeded in collecting the sayd your taxes and tallages Whereupō we do greatly maruell and are moued especially seeyng you are not ashamed to doe contrary vnto your own decrees whereas you and other prelates in the sayd Councell in this did all agree and graunt that
recourred Poytiers kept Gascoine vnder the kinges obedieÌ„ce Ex Mat. Parisiens Triuet Flor hist. In the same yeare or as Fabian geueth the next following which was 1224. by the vertue of a certayn Parliament was graunted of the Lordes and Baronie of the laÌ„d the king and his heyres to haue the ward and maryage of theyr heyres which theÌ„ was called after so proued to be Initium malorum the beginning of harmes In the same yeare by the count of Gisburne and other writers the said king hoâ—ding an other ParliameÌ„t at Oxford by the aduise of his counsaile of his clergy did grauÌ„t and confirme vnder his great seale two chartes of the old liberties and customes of this realme for euer to be kept obserued the one called Magna Charta the other Charta de foresta The contentes whereof fully in the forenamed author be expressed For the which cause was grauÌ„ted agayn by the whole Parliament a Quindecim or a fifteene of all his subiectes as well of lay men as also of the Clergy ¶ Where is to be noted that these liberties were afterwarde broken and confirmed agayne by the sayd king an 1236. An. 1226. dyed pope Honorius a great aduersary against Fredericke the Emperor after whom succeeded Gregory the ix more greeuous then hys predecessor In the whiche yeare also dyed Ludouick the periured French king at the siege of Auinion Whom the pope now the second or thyrd tyme had set vp to fight agaynst Reimund the good Erle of Tholouse and the heretickes Albingensis of that country For so the pope calleth all them which hâ—ld not in all pointes with his glorious pride vsurped power vngodly proceedings The origine whereof was this as in Mat. Parisiens appeareth In the daes of Phillip the FreÌ„ch king this Reimundus Earle of Tholouse was disdayned of the Pope for holding with the Albingenses therefore by the instigation of the pope the landes of the Earle were taken from him geuen to Simon Montfort and instrumentes made vpoÌ„ the same But when the sayd Erle Reimundus would not be remoued froÌ„ the right of his possessions by vnrighteous dealing then the pope setteth Phillip the FreÌ„ch king to make open war against him WherupoÌ„ Lewes the FreÌ„ch kings sonne was sent with a great power as is aboue declared to besiege the City of Tholouse But beyng repulsed from thence by the merueilous band of God fighting for hys people could not preuayle so returned home after he had lost the most part of hys army by pestilence and other calamitie as hath bene before described And thus continued the good Earle still in quyet possession till this present time an 1226. In the whiche yeare the pope not forgetting his olde malice agaynst the Earle and no lesse enflamed with insatiable auarice directeth downe his Legate master Romanus to the partes of Fraunce for 2. seueral purposes One to extirye the Erle the other to enlarge his reuenewes Thus the Legate being entred into Fraunce beginneth to summone a Councell willing the French king with the Archbishops Byshops Clergy of Fraunce to appeare before him at Bitures To whom estsoones repayred vi Arcbishops with the bishops Suffragans of ix prouinces to the nuÌ„ber of 100. besides the Abbates Priours Proctors of al the couentes of Fraunce to heare the popes wil commaundement but because there was a discorde feared to ryse sayth Mathaeus about preheminence of sitting for that the Archbishop of Lyons challenged the superiour place aboue the Archbishop of Sene. Also the archbishop of Roane aboue the archbishop of Britures and aboue the Archbishop of Harbone c. Therfore the session was holdeÌ„ there not in maner and forme of a Councell but of a certayne parlie or consultation Thus the meke and holy Councel being set the popes maiesties letters read declared appeareth before them Reimund Earle of Tholouse of the one part And Simon Mountfort on the other part Which Symon required to be restored vnto him the lands and possessions of the sayd Reimund which the pope Phillip the French king had geuen to him to hys father before hauing good euidences to shew for the same confirmed by the donation of the pope and of the kyng Adding moreouer that the Earle Reimund was depriued and disherited in the generall Councel at Rome for heresie which is called the heresie of Albingenses At least if he might not haue the whole yelded vnto him yet the most part of hys Lordships he required to be graunted him To this the Earle Reimund aunswered agayne offering himselfe ready to all duetyes office both toward the French king and to the church of Rome whatsoeuer duely to him did appertein And moreouer touching the heresie wherwith he was there charged he did not onely there offer himselfe in that Councell before the Legate but most humbly did craue of him that he would take the paynes to come into euery Citty within hys precinct to enquire of euery person there the articles of his beliefe and if he fouÌ„d any person or persoÌ„s holding that which was not Catholike he would see the same to be corrected and ameÌ„ded according to the censure of holy Church to that vttermost Or if he should finde any citty rebelling agaynst hym he to the vttermost of his might with the inhabitance therof would compell them to doe satisfaction therfore And as touching himselfe if he had committed or erred in any thing which he remembreth not to haue done he offered their full satisfaction to God Church as becommed any faithfull christen man to doe requiring moreouer therefore the Legate to be examined of his fayth c. But all this sayth Mathaeus the legate despised neither could the catholike Erle saith he there find any grace vnlesse he would depart from hys heritage both from himselfe and from his heires for euer In fine when it was required by the coÌ„trary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii peeres of France to that Reimundus answered that if the French king would receaue his homage which he was redy at al times to exhibite he was coÌ„tented therewith For els they would not sayd he take him as one of their society fellowe subiect After much altercatioÌ„ on both sides about the matter the Legate willeth euery archbishop to call aside his Suffraganes to deliberate with them vpon the cause and to geue vp in writing what was concluded Whiche being done accordingly the Legate denounceth excommunication to all such as did reueale any peece of that whiche was there concluded before the pope and the king had intelligence there of These things thus in hudder mutter among theÌ„selues concluded the Legate gaue leaue to al proctors of couents and chapters to returne home onely reteining with him that Archbishops bishops and Abbots certayne simple prelates such as he might be more hold withall to opeÌ„
filling the Popes coffers But as touching this visitation to make short sayth the story it tended not to any reformation so much as to the deformatiō of the vniuersal order Dum omnes qui in diuersis or bis partibus vnicam Benedicti secuti fuerant regulam per nouas constitutiones ita inueniantur vbique discordes quòd ex omnibus coenobijs vel alijs religiosorum Ecclesijs vix duo habeantur in norma viuendi cōcordes i. While all they which before through all partes of the world followed onely the rule of Benedict now through new deuised constitutions are found in all places so deuided diuers that of all monasteryes and other churches of religion scarse may two be foūd which do agree in one rule and institution of life All this while that Hubert aboue mentioned was secluded from the king Peter B. of Winchester bare all the rule and aboue al other alone was accepted This bishop being in such principall fauor with the king as by whose councell all thinges were administred remoued the naturall seruitours that were Englishmen out of their offices and placed other straungers namely of Pictauia and of other countryes in theyr roome Amōg whom was thrust out William the Undermarshall which supplyed the roome of Richard Lord great Marshall of England for the which cause the sayd Lord Richard was mightely offended Also Walter Treasurer of the kinges house was not onely expelled but also mersed at an hundreth pound put frō all his holdes and munitions which he had by the kinges patent graunted to him Moreouer by the counsell of the sayd Bishop of Winchester all the olde councellers as well Bishops as other Earles and Barons and all the nobles were reiected frō the king in such sort that he would heare folow no mās councell but onely the sayd Peter Bishop of Winchester and his cosin Peter de Riuallis Whereby it came to passe that all the greatest holdes and munitions in the Realme were taken from the old kepers and committed to the custodye of the sayd Peter Then the Bishop of Winchester to plant and pitch himselfe more strongly in the kings fauor adioyned to his felowship Stephen Segraue succeeding in the place of Hubert the iustice also Robert Passelew who had the keeping of the treasure vnder the foresayd Peter Riuall So by these three all the affayres of the realme were ordred Moreouer to make theyr party more sure by them was prouided that souldiours and seruitors from beyond the Sea as Pictauians and Britans were sent for to the number of two thousand which were placed partly about the king partly were set in Castles holdes within the Realme and had the ouersight and gouernment of Shyres and Baronies who then oppressed the nobles of the land accusing them to the king for traytours whom the simple king did lightly beleue committing to them the custodye of his Treasures the sitting in iudgements and the doing in all thinges And when the nobles thus oppressed came to complayn of their iniuries to the king by the meanes of the Byshop of Winchester theyr cause was nothing regarded In so muche that the sayd Winchester moreouer accused certayne Bishops also to the king so that he did flee and shunne them as open traytors and rebels These things standing thus out of order Richard the noble Marshal of England with other of the nobles ioyning with him seing these oppressions and iniuries dayly growing contrary to the lawes and wealth of the realm came to the king and blamed him for retayning such peruerse counsell about him of the Pictanians and other foreners to the great preiudice of his naturall subiects and of the liberties of the Realme humbly desiring and beseeching him that he with as much speed as might be would reforme redresse such excesses whereby the whole realme seemed to lie in daunger of subuersion Otherwise if he refused to see correction thereof he with other peeres and nobles would withdraw themselues from his counsell so long as he maintayned the societie of those foreners and strangers about him To this Peter Winchester aunswering agayne sayde that the king right wel might cal vnto him what foreners and straungers him listed for the defence both of his kingdome and of his crowne and what number of them he would as by whom he might be able to bridle his proude and rebellious subiectes and so to keepe them in awe and good order Whē the Earle and the nobles could get no other aunswere of him in great perturbatiō they departed promising among themselues in this cause which so touched the state of the whole Realme the would constantly ioyne together to the parting of their life After this the foresayd Petrus Bishoppe of Winchester with his cōplices ceased not by all meanes to inflame the kinges hart to hatred and contempt of his naturall people whom they so vehemently peruerted that he coūting them no other then his enemies sought by all diligence the vtter destruction of thē sending dayly for moe garisons of the Pictauians that in short space they replenished weineare the whole land whose defence the king onely trusted vnto neither was any thing disposed in the Realme but through the guiding of this Peter and of the Pictauians The king thus garded and strengthened with these foreine aliens and straungers proclaimed aparliamēt to be holden at Oxford where the nobles were warned to be present They considering the indignation of the king cōceiued would not appeare Agayn they were required the first second and third tune to present themselues The assembly proceeded but they came not for whom the king looked In this assembly or Parliament it was playnely told the king by a Dominick Fryer preaching before him that unlesse he remoued from him the Bishop of Winchester and Peter Riuall his kinsma he should neither could long enioy peace in his kingdome This although it was bluntly spoken of the Frier against the Bishop yet this remedy he had the frier had nothing to lose Yet was ther another Chaplein of the Court who preceiuing the king somewhat instigated by the former preaching and after a courtlike dexterity handling his matter being a pleasaunt conceited man thus merely came to the king asking a question what was the thing most pernitious daungerous of all other thinges to them that trauaile by the seas That sayd the king is best knowne to suche as trauayle in that kinde of trafficke Nay sayth he this is easy to be folde The king demaunding what it was forsooth quoth he stones and rockes alluding merely but yet truely to the Bishop of Winchester whose name and surname was Petrus de Rupibus For so Petrae in Latine signifieth stones Rupes rockes Notwithstanding the king either not perceiuing the meaning or not amending the fault again signifieth to his nobles to speake with him at Westminster But they fearing some trayne to be layd for them refused to appeare
sending playne word to the king by solemne message that his grace without all delay should seclude frō him Peter B. of Winchester and other aliens of Pictauia or if he would not they with the common assent of the realme would displace him with his wicked councellours from his kingdome and haue within themselues tractation for choosing a new king The king at the hearing of this message being mightely moued partly to feare partly to indignation especally hauing the late example of king Iohn his father before his eyes was cast in great perplexity doubting what was best to be done But Winchester with his wicked councell so wrought with the king that he proceeded with all seuerity agaynst them In so much that in short time the sparkles of poisoued coūcell kindling more and more grew to a sharpe battayle betweene the king and Richard Earle Marshall with other nobles to the great disquietnesse of the whole Realme The which warre before was presignified by terrible thundering and lightning heard al england ouer in the moneth of march with such aboundaūee of raine and flouds growing vpon the same as cast down milnes ouercouered the fields threw downe houses and did much harine through the whole Realme To prosecute here at large the whole discourse of thys warre betwene the king and Earl Marshall which continued neare the space of two yeares to declare all the parts and circumstances thereof what trouble it brought what damage it wrought to the whole realm what traines were layd what slanghter of men what waste of whole countryes ensued from Wales vnto Shrewsbery how the marshall ioyned himselfe with Leoline Prince of Walles how the Pictauians were almost all slayne destroyd how the king was distressed what forgery wily wint wrought by the kings letters to entrap the Marshall to betray him to the Irishmen among whom he was at length slayne all this I referr to other authors Who at large do entreat of the same as Math. Parisiens Florilegus such other This is to be noted and obserued whithe rather perteineth to our Ecclesiasticall history to see what sedition and continuall disquietnes was in those dayes among all Christen people almost being vnder the popes Catholick obediēce But especially to marke the corrupt doctrine then reigning it is to be maruelled or rather lamented to see the king and the people then so blinded in the principall point and article of their saluation as we finde in storyes which making mention of a house or Monastery of Conuertes builded the same yeare by the king at London do expres in playne wordes that he then did it Pro redemptione animae suae Regis Ioannis patris sui omnium antecessorum suorum i. For the redemptiō of his soule of the soule of king Iohn his father for the soules of all his auncieers c. Whereby may be vnderstand in what palpable darknes of blind ignoraunce the sely soules redeined by Christ were then inwrapped which did not know nor yet wee taught the right doctrine and first principles of their redemption Ex Math. Parisien sipag 86. Mention was made a litle before pag. 275. of dissoluing the election of Iohn Prior of Cāterbury which was chosen by the Monkes to be Archbishop of the sayd churche of Canterbury but by the pope was defeited After whom one Iohn Blūd was elected who trauelling vp to Rome this yeare an 1233. to be confirmed of the Pope was also repealed and vnetected agayne for that it was thought in England so complayned of to the Pope that he had receiued of Peter Bishop of Winchester a thousand markes and had another thousand promised him of the sayd Winchester who by his mony thought to make him of his side and also wrote to the Emperor to helpe forward his promotion in the court of Rome Notwithstanding both he with his geuing and the other with his taking of bribes were both detected and disapoynted of theyr purpose For the Pope hating then the Emperour for the same cause admitted not the election pretending the cause for that he was proued to holde to benefices without his dispensation After whom by the commaundement of the Pope one Edmund Chanon of Salisbury was ordeyned Archbyshop and had his Palle sent to him from the Pope which Edmunde after for his vertues was Canonised of the Popishe Monkes there for a Saynte and called S. Edmund About which time also Robert Brosted was made B. of Lincolne This Edmund accompanied with other Byshoppes during this trouble betwene the king and his nobles being in councell at Westminster in the yeare next ensuing which was 1234. came vetering their minde boldely in the name of the Lords declaring vnto the king as became his saythfull seruantes that his councell which then he folowed was not found nor safe but cruell and daungerous both to him and to the state of the Realme meaning the councell of Peter Winchester and of Peter Riuall with other adherentes 1. FIrst and in primis for that they hate and contemne the English nation calling them traitours and rebels and turning the kings heart from the loue of hys naturall subiectes and the hartes of them from hym as appeareth by the Earle Marschal and other sowing discorde among them 2. Item by the sayd Counsaile to wit by the foresaid bishop and his fellowes king Iohn the kings father lost first the heartes of his Barons after that lost Normandy and afterward other landes also and in the end wasted all hys treasure so that since that tyme the regiment of England had neuer no quiet after 3. By the sayd Counsayle also in their time and memorye the kingdome of England had bene troubled and suspended and in conclusion became tributary she that was before the Prince of Prouincies and so warre insuing vpon the same the sayd Kyng Iohn his father incurred great daunger of death and at last was extinguished lacking both peace of hys kingdome and of his own heart 4. Item by the sayd counsayle the Castle of Bedford was kept long tyme agaynst the king to the great losse both of men treasure beside the losse of Rupella to the shame of the Realme of England 5. Moreouer through their wicked counsayle at this present great perturbation seemed to hang ouer the whole realme for els if it had not bene for their counsayle and that true iustice and iudgement might haue bene ministred vnto the kinges subiects these tumultes had neuer bene stirred and the king might haue had his land vnwasted and his treasure vnconsumed 6. Item in that sayth and alleageance wherwith they were obliged vnto him they protested vnto him that the sayd his councell was not a councell of peace but of deuision and disquietnesse to the end that they which otherwise by peace could not aspire by disturbing and disheriting other might be exalted 7. Item for that all the castles fortes munitions also all the offices of the
king made great lamētation and mourning to the great admiratiō of all them that were by saying complayning that he left not his like in all the realine agayne After this the king proceeding in his iourney came to Glocester Where the Archbish with the other Bishops comming to the king declared to him the forme and conditiō of peace which they had cōcluded with Leoline which was this If the king would be reconciled before with the other nobles with whom he was confederate such as the king had banished out of his realm to the end that the cōcord might be the more firme betweene them Thus sayd they was Leoline contented although with much a do great difficulty to receiue y◠league of peace saying protesting thus vnto them that he feared more the kings almose then all the puisaunce both of him and of all his clergy within England This done the king there remaining to the Bishops directed his letters to all the exiles and banished Lords to all his nobles that they should repayre to him about y◠beginning of Iune at Glocester promising to thē his full fauour reconcilement to them and to their heyres that they should suspect no fraud therin they should haue their safeconduct by the Archbishop and Bishops Whereupon through the mediation of the sayd Archbishop and the Bishops first commeth to the king Hubert Earle of Kent offering himself to the kings good will and fauor Whom the king with chearefull countenance receiued and embraced restoring him not onely to his fauour but also to his household councell with his liuings and possessions frō which he had bene deseised before Thē Hubert lifting vp his eies to heauen gaue prayse and glory to God by whose gracious prouidēce he so merucilously being preserued frō so great distresses tribulatiōs was agayne so happely reconciled to the king and his faythfull frends After him in like sort came in Gilbert Basset a noble mā Richard Suard also Gilbert the brother of Rich. Marshall that was slain which Gilbert recouered again his whole inheritance as wel in England as in Ireland doing his homage to the king and his seruice due for the same To whom also was graunted the office of the high Marshall court belonging before to his brother Richard In the same councell or communication continuing then at Glocester the sayd Edmund Archbishop of caunterbury bringing the forged letters wherein was betraied the life of Richard Earle Marshall sealed with the kings seale and sent to the great mē of Ireland read the same openly in the presence of the king and all the nobles At the hearing wherof the king greatly sorrowing and weeping confessed there in truth that being forced by the Bishop of Winchester and Peter De Riuallis he cōmanded his seale to be set to certayne letters presented vnto him but the tenor thereof he said sware he neuer heard whereunto the Archbishop aunswering agayn desired the king to search well his conscience said that all they which were procurers of knowledge of those letters were gilty of the death of the Earle Marshall no lesse then if they had murdered him with theyr owne handes Then the king calling a councell sent his letters for the bishop of Winchester for Peter Riuall Stephen Segraue and Robert Passeiew to appere and yeld accoūt for his treasures to them committed and for his seale by them abused But the Byshop and Riuall keeping themselues in the sanctuary of the minster Church of Winchester neither durst nor would appeare Stephē Segraue who succeded after Hubert the Iustice and was of the Clergy before after became a layman and now hiding himself in S. Maryes Church in the Abbey of Lecester was turned to a Clerke agayne Robert Passelew couertly hid himself in a certain celler of the new tēple so secretly that none could tell where he was but thought he was gone to Rome At length through the foresaid Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury meanes was made y◠a dilatory day was graunted by the king for them to aunswere At which day first appeared Peter De Riuallis then Stephen Segrane after him Robert Passelew ech of them seuerally one after another shewed themselues but not able to aunswere for themselues like traitors were reproued and like villanes were sent away Ex Mat. Parisiens fol. 91. Variance betwene Pope Gregory the 9. and the Romanes WHile peace thus betweene the king and the nobles was reconciled in England dissension and variance the same time and yere began in Rome betwene the pope and the Citizens of Rome The cause was for that the citizens claymed by old custome and law that the Byshop of Rome might not excommunicate any Citizen of the citie nor suspend the said City with any interdiction for any mauer excesse To this the Pope answered agayne Quòd minor Deo est sed quolibet homine maior to vse the very words of mine author Ergo Maior quolibet ciue nae etiam rege vel Imperatore c. that is that he is lesse then God but greater then any man Ergo greater then any Citizen yea also greater then king or Emperor And for so much as he is theyr spirituall father he both ought and lawfully may chastise his children when they offēd as being subiected to him in the sayth of Christ and reduce them into the way agayn whē they stray out of course Moreouer the citizens alledge againe for themselues that the Potestates of the City and Senators do receiue of the Church of Rome yearely tribute which the bishops of Rome were bound to pay vnto them both by new and also auncient law Of the which yerely tribute they haue bene euer in possessiō before this present time of this pope Gregory 9. Hereunto the pope answered and sayd that although the Church of Rome in time of persecution for their defence and cause of peace was wont to respect the head rulers of the Citty with gentle rewardes yet that ought not now to be taken for a custom For that custom only ought to stand which consisteth not vpon examples but vpon right and reason Further and besides the Citizens sayd that they at y◠commandemēt of the Senatour would appropriate their countrey with new and larger limits and infranches the same being enlarged with fines and borders To this the pope agayne made answere that certayne Lordshyps and cities and castles be conteined within the compasse of the sayd limites as the City Uitterbium and Moutcastee which they presume to appropriate within their precinct but to ascribe to them and vsurp that which perteineth to other is agaynst right and iustice For these and such other controuersies rising betwene the Pope and the Romaines such dissention kindled that the Pope with his Cardinals leauing the City of Rome remoued to Perusit◠as partly before is recited thinking there to remayne and to plant thēselues but the Romans
goe backeward with them and how the infidell Saracens daily did preuaile began to murmure against God and some also which were wel setled before to stacker in their Religion casting out these wordes of infidelitie howe is this sayde they that the Lorde hath left vs in whose cause we fight how often wythin the time of remembrance haue we bene confoūded by these Saracens and infidels who with sheding of our bloud haue enioyed great spoyles victories first this Citie of Damiata which we Christians had gotten dearely with effusion of somuch Christian bloud afterward we were cōstrained for nought to resigne vp againe After that the armie of the templaries fighting for the holy Temple against the Saracens neare to Antioche was vanquished and the standard bearer slaine in the fielde Againe within these fewe yeres our Frenchmen fighting in lyke maner against the Saracens at the Citie of Bazara were put to the worse and many afterwarde out of captiuity ransomed by Richard duke of Exceter brother to the K. of England Henry 3. Then came in the Chosmorins sent by the Soldan of Babylon which by a wile inuaded the christians in the Citie of Ierusalem where almost all the christian army being in the holy land were destroyed And now here our most christian king together with the whole nobility is like to be in danger vtterly to be ouerthrown And how is it that the Lord thus standeth against vs and fighteth with them hath he more regarde of them then of vs c. Mat. Parisiens fol. 231. Such murmuring wordes of an vnstable faith many there began to cast out as taking displeasure for their sufferings but not considering on the other side what Idolaters they were what pride and discorde was amongst them what crueltie and murther they had shewed at home in persecuting the poore Albingenses what superstition they first brought out wyth them with what idolatry they proceded putting their trust inmasses in the popes indulgences in worshipping of images and praying to saintes And what helpe then coulde they looke for at Gods hand which had Images in their temples to fight against them which had none Or what maruell if the Lord of hostes went not with their armie committing such idolatrie euery day in their pauilions to their Sacramentall bread and wine as they did and fighting with the strength of their owne merits and not only by the power of their faith in Christ which is only the victory that ouercommeth the worlde Iohn 1. and finally hauing in their campe the Legate of him whom the Lord taketh to be his enemie As by example of Fredericke the Emperour may be wel perceiued who after he was accursed by pope Bregorie a little before comming the same time in war against the Saracens in Palestina Boddes blessing wrought so mightely with him that without any bloudshed he recouered Ierusalem and set all the countrey about it in great quietnes till at last the popish Templaries which at the popes setting on went about to betray him to that Soldan of Babylon so lost al againe by their owne malicious mischief that the Emperour before had gotten tEx Mat. Paris But let vs procede further in this holy progresse The French king with his army seeing himselfe distressed and no good there to be done against the Soldan of Egypt after he had sufficiently fortified the Citie of Dannata wyth an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundie hee remooued his tents from thence to go Eastward In whose armie also folowed William Longspath of whom mention was touched before accompanied which a piked number of English warriers reteining vnto him But suche was the disdaine of the French men agains this William Longspath and the Englishmen that they could not abide them but flouted them after opprobrious maner wyth English tailes in somuch that the good king himselfe had much ado to keepe peace betwene them The originall cause of this grudge betweene them began thus There was not far from Alexandria in Egypt a strong fort or Castle replenished with great Ladies and rich treasure of the Saracens The which hold it chaunced the said William Longspath with his company of english soldiours to get more by good lucke and politicke dexteritie then by opē force of armes wherby he with his retinue were grearly enriched when the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof they being not made priuie thereto began to conceiue an hartburning against the English soldiours could not speake well of them after that It hapned againe not long after that the sayde William had intelligence of a cōpany of rich Marchants among the Saracens going to a certaine faire about the partes of Alexandria hauing theyr Camels Asses and Mules richly loden with silks precious iewels spices gold and siluer with cart lodes of other wares besides vitaile and other furniture wherof the soldiours then stoode in great nede He hauing secret knowledge heereof gathered all the power of Englishmen vnto him that he coulde and so by night falling vpon the Marchants some he flew with their guides and conductours some he tooke some he put to flight The Cartes wyth the driuers and with the Dren and the Camels Asses and Mules with the whole cariage and vitailes he tooke and brought with him losing in al the skirmish but one souldiour and 8. of his seruitures Of whome notwithstanding some he brought home wounded to be cured This being knowen in the campe foorth came the French men which al this while loytred in their pauilions meting their cariage by the way tooke all the foresaide pray whole to themselues rating the sayd w. and the Englishmen for so aduenturing and issuing out of the camp wtout leaue or knowledge of their generall contrary to the discipline of warre William said againe he had done nothing but he would answer to it whose purpose was to haue the spoile deuided to the behoofe of the whole army when this would not serue he being sore greued in his mind so cowardly to be spoyled of that for which hee so aducnturously had trauailed for went to the king to complaine But whē no reason nor cōplaint would serue by reason of the proud Earle of Artoys the kings brother which vpon despite disdaine stoode against hym he bidding the king farewell said he wold serue him no lōger And so William de Longspath with the rest of his company breaking frō the Frenche host went to Achon Upon whose departure then said the Earle of Artoys tNowe is the armie of Frenche men well ridde of these tailed people Which words spoken in great despite were euil taken of many good men that heard him Ex Mat. Parisiens fol. 233.234 Before the ariuing of the French armie in the lande of Egypt the Soldan of Babylon hauing before intelligence of their comming committed the custodie of Damiata to certaine prince of his whom he specially trusted committing also to his brother the
so returned they frustrate of their intent The purpose of the Soldan was if he might haue gotten Damiata to send the French king hyer vp in the East countries to Calipha the chiefe Pope of Damascus to encrease the tytles of Mahomet and to be a spectacle or gasing stocke to all those quarters of the worlde The maner of which Calipha was neuer left to any Christen prisoner come out whosoeuer came once in his handes But for somuch as the Soldan missed hys purpose he thought by aduise of counsell to vse the kinges lyfe for hys owne aduauntage in recouering the city of Damiata as in the end it came to passe For although the king at the first was greatly vnwilling and had rather die then surrender Damiata againe to the Saracens yet the conclusion so fel out that the king was put to hys raunsome and the Citty of Damiata was also resigned which citty being twise won and twise lost by the Christians the Soldan or Saladine afterward caused vtterly to be rased downe to the ground The raunsome of the king vppon condition that the Soldan should see himselfe conducted to Achon which I take to be Cesaria came to 60000. markes The number of Frenchmen and others which miscaryed in that warre by water and by land came to 80000 persons tHaec Mat. Parisi fol. 237.238 And thus haue ye the briefe narration of this lamentable peregrination of Lewes the French kyng In whiche when the French men beyng once or twise well offered by the Soldan to haue all the kingdome of Ierusalem and much more in free possession they not contented with that which was reasonable and sufficient for greedines to haue all lost all hauing at length no more then ther naked bodies could couer lying dead vpoÌ„ the ground al through the originall cause of the Pope and Ddo hys Legate By whole sinister meanes and pestilent pride not only the liues of so many Christians were then lost but also to the sayd Pope is to be imputed all the losse of other citties Christian regions bordering in the same quarters for aâ—muche as by the occasion hereof the hartes of the Saracens on yâ— one side were so encouraged the courage of the christias on the other side so much discomfited that in short space after both the dominion of Antioch and of Achon with all other possessions belonging to the Christians were lost to the great diminishing of Christes Church During the tyme of this good king lying at Achonâ—or Celaria almighty God sent such discorde betwene that Soldan of Halapia and the SoldaÌ„ of Babilon for letting the king so escape that the sayd Soldan or Salidin of Babilon to winne the king vnto hys syde entred league with him whome both hys brethren and all his nobles almost at home had forsaken and remitted hys raunsome and also restored vnto hym such prisoners as were in the sayde battayle fouÌ„d to be aliue Thus the Lord worketh where man commonly forsaketh Math Paris fol. 261. An other cause moreouer why the ruine of this French army may worthely be impured to the Pope is this for that wheÌ„ Lewes the French king perceauing what a necessary frend and helper Fredericke the Emperour might be to hym in these his affayres agaynst the Saracens and therfore was an earnest suter for him to the Pope to haue hym released yet neyther he nor the king of Englande by any meanes could obtayne it And although the Emperor himselfe offred to pope Innocent with all humble submission to make satisfaction in the Councell of Lyons promising also to expugne all the dominions of the Saracens and neuer to returne into Europe agayn and there to recouer whatsoeuer the Christians had lost so that the pope would onely grauÌ„t his sonne Henry to be Emperoure after him yet the proud pope woulde not be mollified but would needes proceede agaynst hym with both swordes that is first with the spirituall sword to accurse hym and then with the temporall sword to depose him froÌ„ his Emperial throne Through the occasion wherof not onely the French kinges power went to wracke but also such a fire of mischiefe was kindled agaynst all Christendome as yet to this day cannot be quenched For after this ouerthrowe of the French king and his army the Christians of Antioch and of other Christen regions theraboutes being vtterly discouraged gaue ouer there holdes and Citties Whereby the Saracens and after them the Turkes got such an hand ouer ChristeÌ„dome as to this day we al haue great cause to rue and lament Besides this where diuers Christians were crossed to go ouer and helpe the Frenche king the pope for mony dispensed with them to tary still at home But as I sayd the greatest cause was that the Emperour whiche coulde haue done most was deposed by the Popes tyranny whereby all those Churches in Asia were left desolate As touching the whiche Emperour Fredericke because we haue diuers and sundry tymes made meÌ„tion of him before and for that his story is straunge hys actes wonderous and his conflictes tragicall whiche he sustayned agaynst iiii or v. Popes one after an other I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same for the reader to consider what is to be iudged of this Cathedrall Sea of Rome which had wrought such abhominable mischiefe in the world as in the sequele of the story following faythfully translated out of Latiue into English is to be seene The whole tragicall history of Fredericke 2. Emperor translated out of the Latine booke of Nich. Cisnerus FRedericke the second came out of the auncient house of the Beblines or Gibillines which Gibillines came of the most famous stocke of the Frenche king and Emperours He had Fredericke Barbarossa to hys Graundfather whose sonne Henricus the 6. was Emperoure after hym who of ConstaÌ„tia the daughter or as some write the neece of Roger the first king of Sicile begate this Fredericke the second This Constantia was 50. yeares of age before she was conceaued with him whom the Emperour Henry 6. to auoyde all doubt and surmise that of her conception childing might be thought and to the peril of the Empeir ensue caused hys regall tent to be pitched abroade in place where euery man might resort And when the tyme of his Queenes trauaile approched Constantia in presence of diuers Ladyes and Matrons and other Gentle women of the Empire a great number was brought a bed and deliuered of this Fredericke the vii day before the Calendes of January in the yeare of Christes incarnation 1193. who by inheritaunce was king of Naples Apuha Calabria and Sicilia Henricus his father shortly after he was borne obtayned of the princes electors that by their oth to hun geuen they would chuse his sonne Fredericke for their Emperor after his discease and so did and immediately called hym Cesar being yet but in his cradle This Henry when he
thing if he refused to do that then the same were in great danger to be subiect to the Tartarians to the no litle peril of the whole Empire And said further that the cause wherfore he wyth more instance required the same was That so many christian men and countreis made such pitiful lamentation in this their great calamitie miserie that there was none able to helpe them which sayeth he is as great shame as may be to the whole Christian common state and Empire And also sayde that if the malice of this barbarous people were not suppressed that then he thought they wold make inuasion vpon the Empire and prouinces of the same The Emperor although he thought it very requisite that with all conuenient speede this mifchiefe should be remedied and preuēted yet notwithstanding his great enemie the Pope with hys confederates was the only let and hinderance therof For when he saw and perceiued that he himselfe could doe no good and onely laboured in vaine in seeking peace with the Pope he gaue commaundement to Boiemus and Boius to intreat and persuade wyth him And considering the imminent perill like to ensue by reason of such ciuile dissention to the whole state of Christendom that he would take vp and conclude a peace and mitigate some what his fierce and wrathful moode Wherfore when he saw furder that nether by that means of intreaty nor any other the Pope would desist from his stubburne and malicious froward purpose He writeth againe to the king of Hungarie the he was right sory and greatly lamented their miserable state that hee much desired to relieue the neede and necessity he and all the rest stood in But why that he coulde not redresse the same nor stande him then in any stead he blamed greatly the bishop of Rome who refusing all intreatie of peace could not wythout great perill to himselfe depart out of Italie least that when he shoulde come to the aide of hym by the Popes mischieuous imaginations he shuld be in perill of losing all at home Notwtstanding hee sent Conradus Celar king of Bohemia other princes more of Germany to resist and withstād the enemie as much as in them lay to do The great army and nomber of such soldiours as ware the crosse by the Popes assignement deferred their iourney against the Tartarians and had commaundement giuen them by that Albertus the Popes procurator to tary and abide at home till they should be called for in battaile to fight against the Emperour This was the louing zeale and affection of the Pope and hys adherentes to conclude in this time of calamitie towards the Christian state and common wealth That he had rather bend his force and reuenge his malice vpon the christian good Emperour then either he himself to withstande or suffer and permit by conclusion of any profitable peace that this most bloudy and cruell Tartarian should be let and restrained from so great hauock spoil slaughter of the Christen men And yet forsooth these mē wil seme to haue the greatest regard of al other to the Christian preseruation and thinke to haue the supremacie geuen therin what thing els is this then manifest mockerie and deceiuing of the people But notwithstanding euē in the midst of this spoile and hauocke of Polonia Bohemia and Hūgaria was it determined that at Libussa the princes confederate shuld be assembled about the deposing of the Emperour and creation of another But nowe notwtstanding the prouident foresight and wise pollicie of the Emperour as you heard before in restraining the passages both by the sea land who had speciall regard thereunto and gaue most straight charge that none should passe without priuie searche and examination as one hauing sufficient triall as well in hys owne person as by the example of his predecessours what great mischiefe dissention by their Legates euery way sent out they had procured both to the Imperial state and dignity and to the whole coūtrey of Germanie yet found they such meanes and wrought such pollicies that they had not only secrete passage and repassage with their letters and spials into all places of Christendome where they listed but also so laboured the matter and handled the same that the long continued league of amitie betwene the French king and the Emperour whose predecessors as also they themselues had many yeares reuerently obserued in Christian concord vnitie was by this seditious prelate arrogant vicar of sathan now either vtterly infringed or els in variable suspence as by their letters eche to other and heere vnder ensuing are to be red and seene which for the more probability of this history of Fredericke not being long or greatly tedious I thought mete here to intext and place The Epistle of the French King to Fredericke the Emperour touching the imprisoning of certaine Cardinals of Fraunce HEtherto noble Emperour hath the good opinion and great confidence many yeeres in mutuall loue established betwixt vs lasted and continued wel hoping that no such cause shuld rise betwixt vs to hatch either hatred or other occasion offensiue betwene your highnes empire our kingdō Especially seeing that al our predecessors Kings of France late of most worthy memory til these our daies haue ben so zelously affected to the most high and regall state of your Empire As that also we after whom God hath placed successiuely to raigne as king haue ben none otherwise minded nor affected towardes the same None otherwise also on their behalfe haue the auncient and renoumed Emperours of Rome our neighbours and your predecessours shewed themselues towards vs eche other esteming the Empire and kingdom of Fraunce as one and faithfully conseruing together the vnitie of peace and concord In somuch that there hath not chaunced betwene them these many yeares so much as one sparke of discorde and dissention But this notwithstanding we for our parte cannot but greatly maruell not without good cause are troubled and vexed That without desert or any offence you haue taken the Prelates of our realme vpon the sea making their repaire to the see Apostolicall to the which as well by their faith as their obedience they stande bounde and are obedient neither coulde they withstand the Pope his commandement these haue you imprisoned and so still deteine the same Whereat we do your maiestie to were we are not wel pleased neither yet take it in so good part as you peraduenture thinke we do For by their owne letters we vnderstande they had excogitate nothing preiudicial to your imperiall estate and celsitude although the Pope had prosecuted therein more then became him to doe Wherefore seeing that there is no cause why ye should detaine them it is meete and becommeth no lesse your magnificence but that you restore vnto vs and set at libertie the saide Prelates of our Realme wherein also you shall appease our grudge and kepe vs your friend which accompt
and determination of the matter was committed to the iudgement of king Edward of England who after sufficient proofe made to the Scottes and firme euidence brought out of all the ancient historyes both of England and Scotland testifying from tyme to tyme that he was chief head and soueraigne of the Realme of Scotland first by necessitie of the law and by al theyr consentes tooke full possession of the same And that bone adiudged the right of the Crown to John Bailol who descended of the daughter of Dauid Earle of Huntington brother to Dauid King of Scotland in the dayes of Kyng Henry the second This Erle Dauid had three daughters Isabell maried to Robert Brusse Margaret to Allen Earle of Galeway had Ellen to Henry Lord Hastinges AlleÌ„ Earle of Galeway had ElleÌ„ maried to Roger Quincy Erle of Winchester Constable of Scotland Doruagile maried to John Bailol father to Edward king of Scots When these thinges were thus finished in Scotlande and Syr Iohn Bailol as most rightfull inheritour had receaued the crowne of Scotland at the handes of kyng Edward thankefully for the same in the presence of the Barony of England and of Scotland did vnto the sayd king Edward his homage and sware to him fealty the Scottes with theyr new king returned into Scotland and Kyng Edward remoued agayne to England But not long after the falsenes of this Scotishe Kyng soone appeared Who repenting him of his homage done vntruely for sook his former othe promise and made war against king Edward through the counsaile of the Abbot of Menros Wherfore the king with a great host sped hym into Scotland in processe laid siege to the towne of Berwicke which the Scots did egerly defend not onely to the discomfiture but also to the decision of the kinges and hys English host But in conclusion the English men preuayled and wan the towne where were slayne of the Scottes the number of 25. thousand And while the king was there busied in winning other holds about the same he sent part of his host to Dunbarre where the EnglishmeÌ„ agayn had the victory and slue of the Scottes xx thousand Gis burne sayth but x. thousand so that very few were lost of the English company The king with a great nuÌ„ber of prisoners returning into his realm shortly after sped him ouer vnto FlauÌ„ders where he sustayned great trouble by the French kyng till truce for certayne space was betweene them concluded But in the meane while that K. Edward was thus occupyed beyond the Seas the French king resorting to his practised maner set the Scottes secretly agaynst the Englishmen to keep the king at home Which Scots makyng themselues a Captaine named WilliaÌ„ Waleis warred vpon the borders of NorthumberlaÌ„d where they dyd much burt At length the king returning from Burdeaux into England shortly vpon the same tooke hys iourny into Scotland Where meeting at Yorke with hys host marched into the Realme of Scotlande winning as he went townes and Castles till at length comming to the towne of Frankyrch on Mary Magdalens day he met with the power of Scotland and had with them a fore sight but through Gods prouidence the victory fel to the right cause of Englishmen so that of the Scottes were slayne in the field as it is of diuers writers affirmed ouer the number of xxxii thousand and of Englishmen but barely xxviii persons Whereupon the king agayn taking possession and feairy of the whole land returned home And yet the false vntroth of the Scots would not thus be ruled but rose vp in a new broyle so that the kyng was enforced to make his power agayn the yeare folowing into Scotland where he to suppressed the rebellion of that Lords and of the commons that they swearing to the kings allegiaunce presented themselues by great companyes put them wholy in the kings grace and mercy so that the king thinking himselfe to be in peaceable possession in a great surety of the land caused to be sworne vnto hym the rulers of the boroughes citties and townes with other officers of the land and so returned vnto Barwicke and so into England and lastly to Westminster These martiall affayres betwene England and Scotland although they appertayne not greatly to the purpose of our story Ecclesiastical yet so much by the way I thought briefly to touch whereby the better it might be vnderstanded by these premisses that whiche followeth in the sequele hereof As the Scottes were thus warring and ragyng agaynst the king and saw they could not make theyr party good they sent priuily to Pope Boniface for hysayde and counsaile who immediatly sendeth downe his precept to the K. to this effect that he should hereafter succease to disquiet or molest the Scottes for that they were a people exempt and properly pertaining to hys Chappell And therfore it could not otherwise be but that the Citty of Ierusalem must needs defend hys own Citizens as the mount Syon mayntayn such as trust in the Lord. c. Whereunto the king briefly maketh aunswere agayne swearing with anothe that he would to his vttermost keepe defend that which was hys right euideÌ„tly known to all the world c. Thus the Scots bearing themselues bold vpon the popes message also confederating themselues with the French meÌ„ passed ouer that yeare The next yeare after that whiche was 29. of the kinges raigne the sayd Pope Boniface directeth hys letters agayn to the kyng wherein he doth veÌ„dicate the kingdome of Scotland to be proper to the Church of Rome not subiect to the king of England And therfore it was agaynst God against iustice and also preindiciall to the Churche of Rome for hym to haue or hold dominion vpon the same which he proued by these reasons First that when king Henry the father of this Kyng receiued ayd of Alexander king of Scots in his warres agaynst Simon Mountfort he recognised acknowledged in his letters patents that he receaued the same of king Alexander not of any duety but of speciall fauour Item when the sayd king Alexander comming to England did homage to the sayd kyng Henry he did it not as king of Scotland but onely for certayne landes of Lyndal and Penreth lying in England Item where the sayd king Alexander left behynd hym Margaret his heyre being â—ece to the king of England and yet vnder age yet the tuition of the sayd Margaret was committed not to the K. of England but to certain Lords of Scotland deputed to the same Moreouer when any legacie was directed down from Rome to the Realme of England for collecting oftenthes or other causes the sayd legacie tooke no place in the realm of Scotland and might well he resisted as it was in kyng Alexander hys dayes except an other speciall commission touching the realme of Scotland were ioined wall Wherby it appeareth these to be two seueral dominions and not
of our auncestors which doubted not to shedde their owne bloud for the encrease and defence of the Churches liberty and the faith and coueting to prouide for the puritie of faith and the state of the Church as also to auoid the hurt of the generall slaunder being not able to passe ouer any longer the premisses with wincking and dissembling and my conscience driuing to the same seeing this estimate opinion of him in these matters is not rashly of vs conceiued but vehemently and plainly increased by many and continuall cryings of credible men and great authoritie oft and oftentimes beaten vnto vs fearing moreouer the destruction of the faith both of vs and of al other subiects and specially of kings and princes of the world which ought to reproue negligence which acknowledge that we haue receiued power geuen vs from the Lord to the promoting and increasement of it we agree to your requestes in this behalfe and to the calling and assembling a councell for the glory of God sauing the honour and reuerence that is due to the holy Romish church in all thinges whereby the trueth may appeare in the premisses and all errour auoided that the state of the vniuersall Church and all Christianitie and the matters of faith and the holy land may be prouided for the slauÌ„ders ieoperdies haÌ„ging ouer vs may be withstanded we be ready offer our selues gladly as much as in vs is to bestowe our labour and diligent paine therabouts Earnestly requiring and beseeching in the mercifull bowels of Iesu Christ you Archbishops and other Prelates here present as children of the Church and pillers of faith called of the Lorde to the promoting encrease and preseruing thereof to care for the same that with all diligence ye wold geue heede as becommeth you and effectually you would labor by al wayes and fit meanes to the calling and assembling of this councel in which we intend to be personally present And left the said Boniface which hath boldly and wrongfully many times threatned to proceede against vs stopping and hindring our purposes and intent â—â—ast any of his workes of darkenesse if there be any should come to light directly or indirectly hindering the calling and gathering of this councel or least any state being in the same realme that wil in dede procede against vs or our state churches Prelates Barons other faithfull vassals our subiects our lands or our realme and the state of the realme by abusing any spirituall sworde in excommunicating suspending or otherwais by any meanes for vs and our welwillers and them that will followe vs we prouoke appeale in wryting to the foresayd general councell which we instantly desire to be called and to one lawâ—ull chiefe Bishop that shall be or to any other to whome we shoulde appeale and yet not going from the appellation made by M. William of Nagareta to whom we sticked then and also yet sticke requiring earnestly a witnes of our appellation of you Prelates Notaries expressedly to renue such prouocation and appellation when and afore whome it shal be thought meete to you Then the Archbishops within wrytten byshops Abbots and Priors aunswered the premisses as it is founde in the actes prouoked and appealed agreed to and protested and made prouocation and appellation agreement and protestation as is contained more fully in a certaine paper there openly and plainely red whose tenor followeth with these wordes We Archbishoppes of Nicosen Remen Senoren Narbonen Turonen and bishops of Landuiren Belnacen Catolacen Antisiodorem Meldimen Nurmen Carnotem Aurelianen Ambiauen Morinen Silanen Andeganen Abricen Constant Ebroicen Lexonicen Sagien Caloromont Lemonicen Auicen Masticoren And we Abbots of Cluniac promostraten of the greater monasterie of the court of S. Dionise in Fraunce Camped S. Victors S. Genoueue S. Marten Landmoen Figiacem Bellicem in Lemociuio and Frier Hugh visiter of the houses of the order of knights of S. Iohn in Ierusalem in Fraunce and the father Priour of S. Martine in the fieldes hearing these things which were sayd propounded and obiected yesterday to day by you the Lords Earles and William aforesaide against the Lorde Boniface the 8. and Pope being mooued with suche sayings purposes assertations and your othes your request and other lawfull causes and were compelled by need considering that the matter of our faith which is Christes is handled in the premisses Wee that be called to part of this care to the defence and maintenaunce of the faith of soules of the realme although vnworthy yet coueting to with stande the ieoperdies that hang ouer vs by reason of the premisses and other causes thinking the calling gathering of the sayd Councell profitable necessary that the innocencie of the Lord Boniface himself may clearely be discussed as we desire our coÌ„sciences bearing witnesse that it may be determined on him by the Councell touching such things as are laide against him and that may be done which they decree according to the Canons We aunswere you our Lord king and you our Lordes Earles and William that the honor reuerence of the holy Romish church salued in all poyntes wee agree to your due requestes in this behalfe for the calling of the Councell and are ready to geue helpe and diligent labour to the calling and gathering of the said CouÌ„cell according to the decrees of the holy fathers and to the lawfull orders of the Canons not intending by any meanes to make parties of this matter nor to sticke to any that maketh parties Yet least the sayde Boniface being mooued or prouoked by these things as wee feare by likely coniectures and threatnings made against vs for the foresayde things that he will proceede against our parish Churches and our subiectes by some meanes or cause to proceede against vs by some authoritie of his owne or others by excommunication suspension interditing deposing depriuing or by some other meanes and colour sought to some impeachment or trouble of the sayd Councell and that we may sitte in the same Councell to iudge and do al other things that belong to the office of Prelates that our frends that sticke to vs would sticke to vs in all thinges may remaine safe for our selues our parish Churches our subiectes and them that sticke to vs or would sticke to vs in this behalfe we prouoke and appeale in wryting to the foresayde Councell that is to be gathered and to him that shall be the true and lawfull highest Bishop and to him or them to whome of right we shoulde appeale too and earnestly require our appellations committing vs our parish churches our subiectes friendes and them that sticke to vs our state and theirs our right goodes to the godly defence of the foresaide councell and of him that shall be the true and lawfull highest bishop and we protest to renewe this appellation where when and afore whome it shal be thought meete This was done at Paris at Lupara in the chamber of the sayd Lord
seÌ„ding out their monition of excommunication against theÌ„ that stand bound concerning the same contractes 6. Item the Byshoppes and Prelates decree prouinciall couÌ„cels and Sinodall Statuts enacting ordering therin many thinges to the high great preiudice of the temporall iurisdiction wherin they ought to haue no cognitioÌ„ at all neither to intermeddle themselues therwith 7. Item the foresayd Officials take vpon theÌ„ before Notaries to sweare persons for performance of contractes bargaynes made by them in places vnder the iurisdiction temporal concerning the sale of inheritance or otherwise incroching thereby vpon their iurisdiction when verelye they haue nothing to do with any contracts and obligations but with such as are made and agreed vpon within the compasse of their owne seat and iurisdiction 8. Item the sayd Officials of ther meere office call before them the laity to aunswere to such matters of correctioÌ„ as shal be layd to theyr charge the cognition where of as they say doth appertayn vnto them And when the sayd persoÌ„s do appeare before them deny the crime obiected against them the Officials deteyne them and put them in prison although in such cases they are to be released and that imprisonment appertaineth onely to the temporall power not to them 9. Item in the cases aforesayd although by making of their purgations and other the proces therein they be fouÌ„d cleare of that which is layd to theyr charge and are acquitted these yet the said officials will in no wise discharge and dismisse theÌ„ before they haue to the vttermost payd for the writings and proces in that behalfe a good piece of mony when by law it ought to be done gratis and for nothing 10. Item it must not be forgotten to talke of the senteÌ„ce of excoÌ„munication which is decreed by vertue of one only citation so often times as a man sayleth in his appearance 11. Item mentioÌ„ is to be made of those kinde of obligatioÌ„s De nisi whereby a man is excommunicated by and by if he make not payment at the day prefixed although he be not able so to do 12. Item whosoeuer by vertue of excommunicatioÌ„ in the Bishops court is excommunicate and he â—â— excoÌ„municate do not satisfy the summe due about the excommunication by by the summ is doubled And the secular power charged by the bishops or their officials that they vnder paine of excoÌ„mmunication compell the excoÌ„municate by attaching their goods to pay the sayd summe and not to misse a iote which monitioÌ„ if the layry refuseth to put in executioÌ„ they themselues are then excommunicate in no wise to be absolued before they disburse that mony the which the principall excommunicate person should haue payd 13. Item if the Balifes Hedborowes or other the kings officers and iudges of the temporaltye receiuing the foresayd monitions do put the same in execution finde those that be excoÌ„municate to be beggerlye and nothing worth the sayd officers are bound at their owne proper costs and charges to resort to the Bishops sea or consistory where soeuer it is there to take a corporall oath that the partyes excoÌ„municate are nothing worth This if they fayle those officers are sure to be excommunicate and therby inforced to disburse the due of the first excommunicate persons 14. IteÌ„ if two lay men be in sute together before a temporall iudge about an action either reall or personall one of theÌ„ after contestation of law and great proces therin do appeale vnto an ecclesiasticall iudge he will presume then to deteine before him the plea of such cases actions both reall personal causing by vertue of his monitions authority the temporall iudge to cease leaue of from medling therein which if the secular iudge obeyeth not he is pronounced excommunicate compelled to make satisfaction by occasions wherof the teÌ„poral iurisdiction is much annoyed and cleane loseth the prerogatiue thereof because by law no man may appeale from a spirituall iudge to the temporall law 15. Item if a lay man inhabiter of any the kings townes procureth his debter being also a lay man to be arested by vertue of secular iustice in that place he which is so arrested appealeth causeth also his creditor to be arrested the officials will take vpoÌ„ them to heare this matter And if any thing be atteÌ„pted concerning the appeale they misse not to demauÌ„d cost and satisfaction both of the iustice and also of him to whom the arrest was made And if any of the Princes retinne compelleth them to resist this iniury they are straight wayes pronounced excommunicate 16. Item if the sayd Bishops haue a number of Officials vnder them whom they terme Deanes of the clergy which vsually causeth all sorts of people through the kinges dominions onely by word of mouth to come afore theÌ„ that sometime without commissioÌ„ when that in euery Dioces there ought onely to be but one seat or Consistory wherâ—â— matters should be heard and decided And hereby it hapneth diuers times that many are wrongfully without cause cited to the end that they may pay mony enough to rid themselues thereof which is to the no small preiudice of the Kinges Maiestyes subiectes and the temporall iurisdiction 17. Item the sayd rulers of the clerks sealeth vp the houses of their clergy which are situate in the kinges townes and other of his noble mens villagyes to the preindice of the kinges maiestyes iurisdiction other of his nobility for that in such kinde of places the Bishops haue no suche kinde of iurisdiction 18. Item the sayd Prelates or their officials doe presume to seale vp the moueable goods of maryed Clerkes and of marchaunts where in such cases the order thereof apperteineth to the temporall law 19. Item they compel the laity to put in surety to answere clerkes before them in the spirituall court yea and chiefly the kinges owne seruitures 20. Item they presume to heare and haue the cognition of actions which are reall or at leastwise mixt that is both reall and personall 21. Item the sayd prelates go about to haue cognition of such temporall mens matters as dwel in hospitals almes houses the kings peculiars and in villagies of his subiectes although the plea thereof apperteineth to the King himselfe and his subiects forbidding vnder payne of excoÌ„munication great forfeits no man so hardy to commeÌ„ce any sute agaynst any of them but before theÌ„selues in pain of a great summe of mony 22. Item to the end the Clergye and Ecclesiasticall rule should be multiplied they conferre a number of Tonsures to children vnder age some of them being sonnes of bondmen other some bastardes borne yea and to many more maried folkes insufficient vnable and vnlearned 23. Item they do cause by the gouernors of their clerkes widow women to be inforced defiled and will haue the discussing therof as in like maner they will determine the matters
of Pupilles applying their goods wheÌ„ they died as they do the goodes of them which dye intestate to theyr owne vse the cognition wherof belongeth to the king him selfe because those kinde of persons with their goods are ward to the kind and vnder his tuition 24. Item they procure through the sayd Deanes of the clergy of malice temporall men of the kings dominioÌ„s or other where without all order of law to be apprehended obiecting agaynst them that they haue strayed from some article of christian fayth therewith shut them vp when that theyr imprisonment appertaineth to the king while they be conuicted therof 25. Item they exercise their iurisdiction in all places hauing no regard neither to the kings peculiar townes nor yet to his subiects but runneth in euery hole wheÌ„ by law they ought to haue no iurisdiction without their owne limits and precinct 26. Item when these Prelates or their officials by vertue of their monitions do charge the kinges officers his iustices to execute any thing if they doe not performe that which is prescribed vnto them the forfet which the monition conteyneth is taken yea and excommunication denounced And this is a new inuention sprong vp of late amongst them much to the preiudice of the King and his subiectes 27. Item when the Bishops or their oâ—â—rals do prosecute a matter of office before themselues against any temporall man and haue no proofe therof They compell many of the laity to be deposed therin what they know hauing no respect whether they be the kinges burgesses or no or what they be and yet will they not allow any charges expeÌ„ses for their paynes taken in that behalfe But if they appeare not at theyr day they are sure to be excommunicate 28. Item if malefactours be apprehended by any of the kinges iustices and indicted of thest and he whose goods they were which were stollen commeth before the kyngs Sheriffes and proueth theÌ„ to be his and therfore the matter to be ordered by theÌ„ if afterward the Bishops or theyr officiall affirme the sayd selon or malefactor to be a Clerke they will by vertue of their decrees or monitions compell the Kinges Sheriffes to restore and bring in the stollen goodes and if they doe it not they are pronounced excommunicated 29. Item if it happeÌ„ the kings Shiriffe or Baylife to take an offender for his defence and he affirmeth himselfe to be a clerke although he neuer tooke any kinde of tonsures or orders wearing no habite apertaining thereunto Yet the Bishops or their Officials will cause the detayners of theÌ„ by their censures to deliuer vnto them the sayd malefactor as their clerke 30. Item if it happen the kinges Shiriffe or other his iustices to take a theefe or murderer which beareth a clerkes mark and tonsure and therfore deliuereth him to the clergy to be ordered It shall not be long before he be acquited by them although he afterward recognise his fact yea notwithstanding his felowes and parteners of that offeÌ„ce being mere temporall receiued iustice for the same and appeacheth him therof And so the like malefactors to be incouraged therby to commit after the like 31. Item if any complayneth and sayth that he is spoyled by and by the Officials will decree a monitioÌ„ agaynst the spoyler by vertue whereof some one of the Deanes of the clergy shall monish him to restore the thinges comprised in the monition also minister to him an oath whether he hath not spoyled the plaintife of such thinges as he sayth he was spoyled of But if he refuse to take an oath before him then the Deane will straightwayes seale vp the monition excommunicate him and by no meanes shal be absolued before he restore and satisfy the contents in the monition wherof the playntif sayd first he was spoyled of 32. Item if any for his offence be cast into prison by the secular power although at the time of his taking he were teÌ„porall habite and was in no orders but all the dayes of his life liued like a temporall man yet if he shall auouch vow himselfe to be a clerke to the intent to haue more expedition at the clergyes hands and to escape vnpunished The clergy wil incontinent geue to the laity in commauÌ„dement to restore vnto them the malefactor or els suspeÌ„sion to be denouÌ„ced throughout the whole township where the said malefactor shal be so imprisoned And for auoiding the ieopardy which might arise of the sayd seasement the secular iudge of necessity is compelled to deliuer them the offeÌ„der to the great preiudice of the kings temporall iurisdiction to whom the cognition thereof might appertaine in case of resort and prerogatiue 33. Item when any offender is deliuered by the temporal Magistrates to the clergy as their clerke his frendes wil make sute to the Bishops Officials for him and compouÌ„d with them by reason wherof they demisse them vnpunished and so doe worse and worse although theyr fact was neuer so notorious 34. IteÌ„ so soone as any maryed clerke being a marchant or of whatsoeuer other science he be of for any his offence by him committed is called before he secular iudge The sayd clerk obtayneth of the Officials a monition bringing with them some priest who doth inhibit the secular iudge vnder payne of 100. or 200. Markes yea and of excommunication to not to proceede farther nor to meddle in such causes and not to molest such parties neither in body nor in goods But if the iudges obey not they shall be suspended froÌ„ hearing of Masse in that place although the matter concerneth the fact of marchaundise 35. Item the sayd Officials graunt citations without nuÌ„ber agaynst the laity in cases of warranties personally to ascite before theÌ„ persons vnknown But if they be known it is contained in the citation that in no wise and that vnder a great payn he cause his aduersary to be called before a secular iudge during the returne of the citation 36. Item when one is excommunicated in any place the Officials graunt out personall citations agaynst them which do perticipate and are conuersant with the excommunicate causing a whole country by the space of 8. miles about to be cited together And further the frendes and acquaintaunce of the party so excommunicate sometime by 40. somtime 60. yea and sometime by 100. at once are compelled to make theyr purgation before them that they doe not participate nor keepe company with their frendes the excommunicates Wherby ensueth that many honest olde and auncient men for auoyding of troubles and expenses do pay some 12. d. some 2. s. By occasion wherof many vines are vnlooked to much ground vntilled yea and many good men constrayned to lay the key vnder the doore and runne away 37. Item the sayd Officials doe burden many persons of good name and fame to be vsurers whereby they are constrained to agree with them for auoiding the infamy that thereby might ensue
38. Item the foresayd Officials call by Citation afore thē the honest wedded aswell man as woman charging thē that they haue committed adultery to the perpetuall infamy of theyr husbands and wiues And for nothing els but by extortion to wring mony from them 39. Item mention must be made of the multitude number of Proctors which eate and deuoure vp all the world with their citations catching vp clientes and keeping abroad in the countryes courts and Assises who for mony returne not the citations which by extortion they receiue of them which are cited 40. Item there be many other griefes and enormityes which the Chapiters Abbotes Priors Prouostes and other ecclesiasticall persons in the Realme of Fraunce practise agaynst the people As whē they cause to be cited before them many of the kinges burgesies other in diuers places being priuiledged that is to say Baiocēses Manmectans in Britaine Lugdons Masticous with other more But specially the Prouos of hospitals vse more cōmonly this trick then any other do wherby the people is much endamaged and wil be euery day more and more if remedy be not had therein 41. Item ecclesiasticall magistrates labor to haue cognition of causes of iniury in whatsoeuer cause it be whether the iniury be committed by word or fact Likewise they take vpon them to heare the causes of maried clerkes and of their wiues although they both vse marchaundise And if at any time such couples be taken by the secular Magistrates the Officiall causeth a suspension to be denounced in that Parish by force of the councell Siluanecten 42. Item they chalenge to haue cognition concerning widowes goods both moueable and vnmoueable And if it happeneth at any time that a Marchaunt widow in any the kings peculiars by way of rest procureth any temporall man to be conuented before the secular iudge and the matter so farre trauised that he should haue bene condemned by the sentence of the secular iudge then come to the eare of the ecclesiasticall magistrates how before whom the widow did conuēt him The sayd temporal iudge shal be constrayned to withdraw the same And by their monitions and censures to correct the same and this oftē times happeneth 43. Item many of the tenaunts inhabitours of the Bishops landes calleth one an other to the court of the Officials by a kinde of appellation By vertue wherof the Officials take vpon them to proceede in the same and to haue cognition thereof to the preiudice of the temporall iurisdiction of our soueraigne Lord the king 44. Item if any man be apprehended by secular iustice in shedding of bloud by thē if he be Lay he is to be ordered If he be a Clerke he is to be restored to the Ecclesiasticall iudge But whether he be a temporall man or clerke that is so takē and appealeth to the Officials court They will be so bold to haue cognition therof requiring herewith amends of the secular court which enterprised the foresayd apprehension If this be suffered the malefactor shal neuer be punished For by and by they will appeale and immediatly after the appellation flye and auoyde away 45. Item when they cause many of Office to be cited before them they will admit them to haue no Proctors To whom when they come at the day of appearance they obiect the crime of vsury And except they answer as the promotors wil thēselues they are trodē vnder feet although they be mere lay and shall not be dismissed before they fine euen as the Officials list themselues although they be no vsurers But if any be vsurers they take of them satisfaction and bribes and so be permitted to vse their vsury no lesse then before So that they may haue their olde fees and bribes 46. Item they procure theyr officers to apprehend clerks in whatsoeuer soile they be foūd albeit by iustice they may appeal therefro But if by any they be let of their will here in they do forthwith by sentence of excommunicatiō cause them to desist therfore 47. Item as often times as any temporall Magistrate doth apprehēd any person which afterward being required of the clergy is quietly deliuered vnto them yet for all that the Officials causeth those Magistrats to be denoūced excommunicate by law 48. Item the Prelates geue order of Tonsures aswell to men of 30. yeares as vpward as also to maried men whē they come vnto them for feare of imprisonment punishment due vnto them for their criminal offences before cōmitted And this is often times put in practise 49. Item if it happen any of the kings seruants or any other to be excommunicate would fayne be absolued being glad to pay reasonably for the same The Clergy will not receiue but such satisfaction as shall please thē wherby many of them remayne still excommunicate 50. Item when two persons haue bene at strife and law together for the possessiō of land and the matter contentious be put into the handes of the king by some seruant or officer of the king for the taking vp of the matter then do the Prelates admonish the one part not to trouble the other which is in possession Otherwise if he do they do excommunicate him 51. Item the foresayd Prelates Deanes Chaplens and other the rout of the Clergy putteth the kinges officers to so much trauaile and expenses in trying out the kinges vsurped iurisdictiō as they terme it that often times many of them spend and consume in the trauaell of the right and title thereof all that they haue and more to 52. Item if any secular iusticer in a true and iust cause at the request of the party putteth in his helping hand cōcerning the inheritaunce of Clerkes the Ecclesiasticall Iudges and their Ministers sendeth out monitiōs in writing agaynst the sayd Iusticer yea vnder payne of excōmunication forfeiture to take away his hand and leaue of Enioyning him further to suffer the other party quietly to enioy the sayd things Otherwise they denounce him excommunicate shall not be absolued before he haue well paid for it euen as pleaseth maister Officiall to the high preiudice of the authority of our soueraigne Lord the king 53. Item the Ecclesiasticall magistrates so soone as they heare any rich or fat Cob to dye or thinke that he will not liue long send out forthwith letters vnder seale to theyr chaplain commaūding him in any wise not to presume to bury him although he made his Testament and receiued the rites of the Church And when afterward the frendes and kinsfolkes of the dead resort vnto them to know the cause of their inhibition they declare vnto thē that he was an vsurer and that he kept not the commaundementes of holy Church And so long keep they the corpes of the dead vnburyed while the frendes of him buy it out with good store of mony heaping hording by these meanes aboūdance of riches 54. Item if there be any
The yeare of our Lorde 1307. and the last yeare of the king the foresayde king Edwarde in his iourney marching towarde Scotland in the North fel sicke of the flixe which increased so ferueÌ„tly vpon hym that he dispaired of life Wherfore calling before him his Earles and Barons caused them to be sworne that they should crowne his sonne Edward in such conuenient time after his death as they might kepe the land to his vse til he were crowned That done he called before him his sonne Edwarde informing and lessoning him wyth wholesome preceptes charged him also with diuers poynts vpon his blessing first that he should be couâ—teous gentle vpright in iudgement faire spoken to all men constant in deede and word familiar with the good and especially to the miserable to be merciful After this he gaue him also in charge not to be to hastie in taking his crowne before he had reuenged his fathers iniuries stoutly against the Scots but that he shuld remaine in those parties to take with him hys fathers bones being well boiled from the flesh and so inclosed in some fit vessel shoulde carie them with him til he conquered all the Scots saying that so long as he had his fathers bones with him none should ouercome him Moreouer he willed and required him to loue his brother Thomas and Edmund also to cherish tender his mother Margaret the Quene Ouer besides he straitly charged him vpon his blessing as he would auoide his curse that he should in no case cal to him againe or sende for Peter Gaueston whych Peter Gaueston the king before had banished the realme for his naughty and wicked familiarity with hys sonne Edward and for his seducing of him with sinister counsaile For the which cause he banished both Peter Gaueston vtterly out of the realme and also put the sayd Edwarde hys sonne in prison And therefore so straitly charged hys sonne in no wise to sende for this Gaueston or to haue him in any case about him And finally because he had coÌ„ceined in himselfe a vow to haue returned hys owne person to the holy land which for his manifold warres wyth the Scots he could not performe therefore he had prepared 32000. poundes of siluer for the sending of certaine souldiours with hys hart vnto the holy laÌ„d Which thing he required of hys sonne to see accomplished So that the foresayde money vnder hys curse malediction be not employed to other vses But these iniunctions and preceptes the disobedient sonne did nothing obserue or keepe after the decease of his father Who forsaking and leauing of the warre with the Scots wyth all speede hasted him to his coronation Also contrary to the minde of his nobles against the precept of hys father he sent for the foresayde Peter Gaueston prodigally bestowed vpon him al that treasure which his father had bequested to the holy land He was moreouer a proud despiser of his peeres nobles And therefore raigned infortunately as by the sequele of the story heere folowing by the grace of Christ shal be declared Thus king Edwarde first of that name leauing behinde him 3. sonnes Thomas and Edmund by his third wife and Edward by his first wife whome he had sufficiently thus with precepts instructed departed this mortall life An. 1307. after hee had raigned neare 39. yeres Of whom this Epitaph was wrytten Dum viguit rex valuit tua magna potestas Fraus latuit pax magna fuit regnauit honestas In the time and raigne of thys king many other things happened which here I omit to speake of as the long discorde and strife betweene the Prior of Cant. and the Prior of Douer which continued aboue 4. yeres together with much wrangling vnquietnes betweene them Likewyse an other lyke coÌ„tention growing betwene Iohn Romain Archb. of York and the Archb. of Cant. vpon the occasion that when Iohn Archb. of York after his consecration returned from the Pope and comming to Douer contrary to the inhibition of Cant. passed through the middle of Kent with his crosse borne vp although the story reporteth that he had the kings consent therunto An. 1286. Item betwene Thomas Bishop of Hereford Iohn Pecham Archb. of Cant. fell an other wrangling matter in the time of thys king Which Byshop of Hereforde appealing from the Archb. to the Pope went vp to Rome and in his iourney died Who with lesse cost might haue taryed at home 1282. King Edward the second EDwarde the second of that name and sonne of Edward the first borne as is aforesaid at Carnaruan in Wales after the departure of his father entred the gouernment of the lande An. 1307. But was crowned not before the yeare next folowing An. 1308. by reason of the absence of Rob. Winchelsey who was banished by king Edward the first Wherupon the king thys present yere wryteth to the pope for the restitution of the sayd Archb. for that by an auncient law of the realme the coronation of the king coulde not otherwise proceede without the Archb. of Cant. Which Edward as he was personable in body and outwarde shape so in conditions and euill disposition much deformed As vnstedfast of woorde and light to disclose secretes of great counsaile Also refusing the companie of hys Lords men of honoure hee much haunted among villaines and vile personnages Geuen moreouer to ouermuche drinking and such vices as thereuppon be woont to ensue And as of his owne nature he was to the sayd vices disposed so was hee much worse by the counsaile and familiarity of certaine euill disposed persones as first of Peter or Pierse Gaueston before touched Then after hym of the two Spensers and other whose wanton counsaile hee followyng gaue hymselfe to the appetite and pleasure of his body nothing ordering hys common weale by sadnesse discretion and iustice which thyng caused first great variance betweene hym and his nobles so that shortly hee became to them odible and in ende was depriued of his kingdome In the first yeare hee tooke to wife Isabel daughter of Phillippe king of Fraunce wyth whome the yeare after hee was crowned at Westminster by the bishop of Winchester for that Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury was yet in exile not returned home Notwithstanding the Barons and Lords made first their request to the king to put Peter Gaueston from hym or els they would not consent to his coronation Whereupon he was enforced to graunt them at the next parliament to haue their requests accomplished and so was crowned In the meane season the foresayd Peter or Pierse bearing himselfe of the kings fauour bolde continued triumphing and setting at light all other states and nobles of the Realme so that hee ruled both the King and the Realme and all things went as he woulde Neither had the king any delight els or kept company with any but with him with him onely he brake all his minde
when he would haue vomitted out and could not took hys horse went to hunâ— the beare whereby through the chasing heat of his body to expell the venim And there the good gentle Emperour wickedly persecuted murdered of the P. fel downe dead whom I may wel recount among the innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ. For if the cause being righteous doth make a Martyr what Papist can iustly disprooue hys cause or fayth if persecution ioyned thereunto causeth martyrdome what martyre coulde be more persecuted theÌ„ he Who hauing 3. popes like 3. baddogs vpoÌ„ him at length was denoured by the same The princes then hearing of his death assembled theÌ„selues to a new election who refusing Charles aforesayd elected an other for Emperor named Gunterus de Monte Nigro Who shortly after falling sicke at Franckford through his phisitions seruaunt was likewise poysoned whome the foresayd Charles had hyred with money to worke that feate Gunterus tasting of the poysoÌ„ although he did partly cast it vp agayn yet so much remained within him as made him vnable afterward to serue that place Wherfore for coÌ„cordes sake being counsailed thereto by the Germaynes gaue ouer his Empire to Charles For els great bloudshed was like to ensue This Charles thus ambiciously aspiring to the Emperiall seat contrary to the mindes of the states and pieres of the Empire as he did wickedly vnlawfully come by it so was he by hys ambitious guiding the first and principall meane of the vtter ruine of that monarchie For that he to haue his sonne set vp Emperour after him conuented and graunted to the Princes electours of Germany all the publicke taxes tributes of the Empire Which couenaunt being once made betwene the Emperour them they afterward held so fast that they caused the Emperour to sweare neuer to reuoke or cal back again the same By reason whereof the tribute of the countryes of Germany which then belonged onely to the Emperor for the sustentation of hys warres euer since to this day is dispersed diuersly into the handes of the Princes and free citties within the sayd monarchie So that both the Empyre beyng disfornished and left desolate the Emperors weakened therby hauing neyther bene able sufficieÌ„tly since to defend themselues nor yet to resist the Turke or other forren enemies Whereof a great part as ye haue heard may be imputed vnto the popes c. Hieronimus Marius This Pope Clement first reduced the yeare of Iubeley to euery 50. yeare which before was kept but on the hundreth yeare And so he being absent at Auinion whiche he then purchased withhys money to the sea of Rome caused it to be celebrated at Rome an 1350. In the whiche yeare were numbred of peregrines goyng in and comming out euery day at Rome to the estimation of fiue thousaÌ„d Praemonstrat The bull of pope Clement geuen out for this present yeare of Iubiley proceedeth in these wordes as followeth What person or persons soeuer for deuotioÌ„ sake shal take their perigrination vnto the holy Citty the same day when he setteth forth out of hys house he may chuse vnto him what coÌ„fessor or coÌ„fessors eyther in the way or where els he listeth vnto the which coÌ„fessors we graunt by our authority plenary power to absolue all cases papal as fully as if we were in our proper person there present Item we graunt that whosoeuer being truely confessed shall chaunce by the way to die hee shall be quite and absolued of all his sinnes Moreouer we commaund the Angels of Paradise to take his soule out of his body being absolued and to cary it into the glory of Paradise c. And in an other Bull wee will sayeth he that no paine of hell shal touche him graunting moreouer to all and singular person persons signed with the holy crosse power and aucthoritie to deliuer and release iij. or iiij soules whome they list themselues out of the paines of purgatorie c. This Clement as mine author affirmeth tooke vpon him so prodigally in his Popedome that hee gaue to hys Cardinals of Rome Byshoprickes and benefices whych then were vacant in England and begaÌ„ to geue them new titles for the same liuinges hee gaue them in Englande Wherewith the king as good cause he had was offended and vndid all the prouisions of the pope within his realme Commanding vnder pain of prisonment and life no man to be so hardy as to induce bring in any such prouisions of the pope any more within his laÌ„d And vnder the same punishment charged the two Cardinals to void that realme An. 1343. In the same yeare all the tenthes as well of the templaries as of other spirituall men were geuen paide to the king through the whole realme An. 1343. And thus much coÌ„cerning good Ludouicke Emperour and martyr Pope Clement yâ— 6. his enemy Wherin because we haue a little exceeded the course of yeares wherat we left let vs returne some what back agayn and take such things in order as belong to the church of the England and Scotland setting forth the reigne of king Edward the 3. and the doinges of the Church which in hys time haue happened as the grace of Christ our Lord will assiste and able vs therunto This foresayd king Edward the second in his time builded 2. houses in Oxford for good letters to wit Oriall colledge and S. Mary Halle Here I omit also by the way the furious outrage and conflict which happened in the time of this king a litle before his death an 1326. betweene the townesmen and the Abbey of Bury wherein the townesmen gathering themselues together in a great multitude for what cause or old grudge betweene them the Register doth not declare inuaded and sackt the monastery And after they had imprisoned the monkes they risted the goodes and treasure of the whole house spoyling and carying away theyr plate mony copes vestimentes senâ—ers crosses chalises basens iewels cups masers bookes with other ornaments and implementes of the house to the value vnestimable In the which conflict certayn also on both sides were slayn Such was the madnes then of that people that when they had gathered vnto them a great concourse of seruaunts light persons of that country to the number of 20. thousand to whom they promised liberty freedome by vertue of such writs whiche they had out of that house first they got into their hands all theyr euidences copies instruments that they could finde then they tooke of the lead that done setting fire to the Abbey gates they brent vp neare the whole house After that they proceeded further to the farmes and granges belonging to the sayd Abbey wherof they wasted spoiled and brent to the nuÌ„ber of 22. manour places in one weeke transporting away the corne horses cartell and other moueables belonging to the same the price wherof is registred to come
the Englishmen calling them cowards dastards with many such approbrious words tending to that effect The king not knowing whereunto the words of the foole did appertayne asked the foole why he called the Englishmen such weakelings and cowards c. why sayth the foole Because the fearefull and cowardly Englishmen had not the hartes to leape into the sea so lustely as our Normands Gentlemen of Fraunce had Whereby the French kyng began to vnderstand the victory of his part to be lost and the Englishmē to be victorers This victory atchieued the fame therof spreading abroad in England first was not beleued till letters thereof came from the king to Prince Edward his sonne being then at Waltham directed to the bishops prelates of the realme the effect of which letters here followeth vnder written THe bountifull benignitie of Gods great clemency powred vpon vs of late for your true certification and reioycing we thought good to intimate vnto you It is not vnknowne we suppose to you and to other our faythfull subiectes which also haue bene partakers with vs of the same with what stormes of boysterous warres of late we haue bene tossed and shaken as in the great Ocean But although the rising surgies of the sea be merueilous yet more merueilous is the Lord aboue who turning the tempest into calme in so great daungers so mercifully hath respected vs. For where as we of late did ordaine our passage vpon vrgent causes into Flaunders the Lord Phillip de Valoys our bitter enemye vnderstanding thereof layd agaynst vs a mighty nauy of ships entending thereby eyther to take vs or at least to stop our voyage Which voyage if it had bene stayd it had bene the cutting of of all the great enterprises by vs intended and taken in hande moreouer we our selues brought to a great confusion But the God of mercies seing vs so distressed in such perils and dangers hath gratiously aud beyond mans expectation sent to vs great succour strength of fighting souldiours and a prosperous wynde after our owne desires By the meanes and helpe whereof we set out of the hauen into the seas where we estsoones perceaued our enemies well appointed and prepared with a mayne multitude to set vpon vs vpon midsommer day last past Agaynst whome notwithstansting Christ our Lord and Sauiour hath rendered to vs the victory through a strong and vehement conflict In the which conflict a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed and well neare all theyr whole Nauy was taken with some losse also of our part but nothing like in comparison to theirs By reason whereof we doubt not but our passage by the seas hereafter shal be more quiet and safe for our subiectes and also many other commodities shall ensue therof as we haue good cause to hope well of the same For which cause we deuoutly considering the heauenly grace so mercifully wrought vpon vs do render most humble thankes praise to Christ our Lord and sauior Beseeching him thar as he hath ben and alwayes is ready to preuent our necessities in time of oportunitie so he will continue hys helping hand euer towardes vs so to direct vs here temporally that we may raigne and ioy with him in heauen eternally And in like sort we require your charitie that you also with vs rising vp to the prayse of God alone who hath begon so fauourably to worke with vs to our goodnesse in your prayers and deuine seruice do instantly recommend vs vnto the Lord traueiling here in these foreigne countries and studying to recouer not onely our right here in Fraunce but also to aduaunce the whole Catholicke Churche of Christ and to rule our people in iustice And that also ye call vpon the Clergy and people euery one through his diocesse to do the same inuocating the name of our Sauiour that of hys mercy he will geue to vs his hūble seruaunt a docible hart so to iudge and rule hereupon rightly doing that which he hath commaunded that at length we may attaine to that which he hath promised c. Which letter was written to the Byshops and prelates an 1340. After this foresayd victory vpon the sea newes therof with due thanks to our Sauiour sent into England the Kyng striking into Flaunders came to Gaunt in Brabaute where hee had left the Queene who ioyfully receaued him being a little before purified or churched as we terme it of her fourth sonne whose name was Iohn and commonly called Iohn of Gaunt and was Erle of Richmonde and Duke of Lancaster At Uillenorth the king assembled his councell whereat the noble men of Fraunce Brabant and Hennalt conioyning together in most firme league the one to helpe and defend the other with the king of England agaynst the French king purposing and determining from thence to march toward Turncy it to besiege But the French king vnderstanding theyr counsell fortified and victualed the same before theyr comming thither Furthermore the sayd Frenche king the same tyme to stop the sige of king Edward sent with king Dauid of Scotland a great power to that intent to make inuasiō in England thereby the sooner to cause the king to remoue hys siege In the meane time while king Edwarde wrote his letters to Philip de Ualous making vnto him certain requestes as in the same his letters here folowing is to be seen who for the he wrote not vnto him as K. of France but by the name of Philip de Ualous refused to answer him touching the same as by their letters here placed may be seene * The letter of the king of England to Phillip de Valous the French king goyng to the siege of Turney PHillip de Valous of long time we haue gently requested you by our Embassadours by all the reasonable meanes we might to that intent you should haue rendered vnto vs our lawful right and inheritaunce to the crowne of Fraunce which from vs a long time you haue by great wrong and force deteined And for that we well perceaue you meane to perseuere in the same your purpose and iniurous detinue without making any reasonable aunswere to our demaund We let you vnderstand that we are entred into the country of Flaunders as the soueraigne Lord of the same and so passe through the country and further signifie vnto you how that by the helpe of our Sauiour Iesus Christ and our righteous cause therein and with the power of the sayd country our people and allyes we purpose to recouer the right which we haue to that inheritaunce you deteine from vs by your iniurious force and therefore approche we towardes you to make a shorte end of this our rightfull challenge if you also will doe the like And for that so great an host assēbled which we bring with vs on our part supposing you also on the other part to doe the like cannot lōg remayne together without great destruction both to our people and country
also slue and killed aboue 130. Knightes being all men of great possessions and prowesse and tooke other small cities and townes to the number of 300. Yet for all thys Phillip de Ualois the french king durst neither rescue his towns nor relieue his owne men but of hys great armie hee lost which is to be marueiled at being in the midst of his own countrey by famine other inconueniences for want of water more then 20000. men without any battaile by hym geuen Whereupon at the treatie of the sayde Phillip by hys embassadours to the king sent and by the mediation of the Lady Iane sister to the sayd Philip mother to the Earle of Henault whose daughter king Edwarde as you heard had married A truce containing the number of 15. articles for one yeare was concluded the king of Englande being very vnwilling and loth therunto Yet notwythstanding partly by the instance of the foresayd Lady but specially for that the king was greatly disappoynted through the negligence of his officers in England which sent hym not ouer such mony as he neded for the continuance of hys warres and paiment of his soldiors wages the articles being somewhat reasonable he agreeth to the truce therof the coÌ„ditions of which truce there concluded heere followe vnder wrytten 1. First that during the sayde truce no tales or mistrust of either part shall be a detriment or cause of breache of the same 2. Item that during the sayd respite or truce eyther of the Princes their helpers coadiutors and allies whatsoeuer shall remaine and be in the quiete possession of all such possessions holdes territories and landes as at thys preâ—ent day they kepe and enioy within the realme and dominion of Fraunce in what maner so euer they haue atchieued the same during the sayd truce 3. Item that the sayd princes their aiders coadiutors and allies whatsoeuer shall passe safely from one country to an other and all marchants with theyr marchandise as well by sea as by land as accustomably they haue ben wont except such banished men as haue ben banished out of that sayd realmes or any of them for other causes then the warres betwene the sayd princes 4. Item that the said two princes shal not procure either by themselues or any other any practice or other molestation to be made the one to the other by the byshop of Rome or any other belonging to the holy church whatsoeuer eyther for the warres begon or any other cause nor for the seruice of any of their allies coadiutors and aiders or any of them And that our holy father the Pope nor any other shal disturbe or molest either of the sayd two kings during the sayd time 5. Item that immediatly after the truce be proclaimed in both the hostes that they may stand bound of either side to kepe and obserue al and euery such article as shal be therein contained 6. Item that wythin 20 dayes next and immediately ensuing eache of the Princes shall cause to be proclaimed in Gascoyne and Guyen and other their lands these articles of truce to the intent they may be the better obserued kept and knowne 7. Item if by any the sayd princes their allies people or coadiutours any siege be layd in Gascoyne or the Dutchy of Guyen or any other Isles of the sea Gierncley or Gersey or any other that the same sieges be raised so soone as they shall heare of thys truce 8. Item that suche as are theeues and fugitiues out of the Countrey of Flaunders shall not returne during the truce and if they do that then such as appreheÌ„d them shal see iustice done vpon them and forfaite all the goodes they haue in Flaunders 9. Item it is accorded that the debtes due to Arras Tresponois or other titles of Fraunce shal neither be demaunded nor executed during the sayd truce 10. Item that all suche prysoners as haue bene taken during these warres shal be released out of prison sent home vpon theyr faith and othe to returne if they be not raunsomed during the sayd truce And if any shal refuse so to doe that then the Lord vnder whom he is shall constraine him to returne againe to prison 11. Item that all the bandes whatsoeuer they be whyche be made before thys sayde truce in the time of warre whether they be of goods spirituall or temporall be released wtout restitucion during the sayd truce 12. Also that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect betwene the Englishmen Scots their Lords aiders and allies and the same to endure vntill the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist. And that certain persons be appointed by a certaine day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to confirme the same truce vnder such coÌ„ditions as haue bene accustomed in those partes And if the said Scottes refuse so to doe that then they to haue no aide out of Fraunce during the sayd truce 13. Item that this sayd truce be proclaimed in England and in ScotlaÌ„d wythin the 26. dayes after the date therof 14. Item it is accorded that within this truce be contayned Espamels Chatellon Geneuos the Byshop and the towne of Cambrey and castels of the same c. In witnes wherof we Iohn by the grace of God king of Bohemia and Earle of Luxemburgh Adulphe Byshop of Liege Raoule Duke of Loreine Ayemes Earle of Sauoy Iohn Earle of Darminacke on the one party And B. Duke of Brabante C. Duke of Gelre D. Marques of Iuliers sir Iohn of Henault and sir Beawmount on the other party betwixt the high puissant princes of France and England Have scaled thys instrument of truce and peace and deliuered the same accordingly in the church of Espleteline on monday the 25. day of September the yere of grace 1340. This truce thus finished king Edwarde brake vp hys campe remoouing his siege from Tourney came againe to Gaunt FroÌ„ whence very early in the morning he with a small company tooke shipping and by long seas came to the tower of LoÌ„don very few or none hauing vnderstanding thereof And being greatly displeased with diuers of his counsel and high officers for that through their default he was constrained against his will not hauing money to maintaine hys warres to condescende vnto the foresayde truce he commanded to be apprehended and brought vnto him to the tower the Lorde Iohn Stonhore chiefe iustice of England and syr Iohn Poulteney with diuers others and the next morning he sent for the Lorde K. Byshop of Chichester and the Lord Wake the Lorde Treasurer diuers other such that were in authority and office and commanded them al to be kept as prisoners in the said tower onely the sayd byshop excepted whom for feare of the constitution of Pope Clement whych commaunded that no Byshop should be by the king imprisoned he set at libertie suffered him to goe his way in his place substituted sir Roger Bourcher knight
Phillip of Fraunce a truce is taken For seeing that you without our consent tooke truce with hym wee by the aduice of our Princes which know the bonds dedes and couenants betwixt vs who also thought no lesse but that sauing your honour we might do the same haue also made a league with the said Phillip king of Fraunce and for certaine causes doe reuoke and call backe the Liefetenantship which we assigned vnto you by our letters Neuerthelesse geuing you for a certaine to vnderstande that in our saide treaties and peace concluded wee haue so brotherly considered you that if you wil agree condescend vnto our counsel your cause by our meane and help shal be brought to good passe and effect About which things farther to conferre with your brotherhode herein we haue sent a deuout religious man Eliarhardus reader and brother of the Heremites of S. Augustine and Chaplaine of our Courte whome about the premisses we desire with speedy expedition to be sent to vs again Dated at Franckforde the 14 day of Iune in the 24. yeare of oure raigne and 14. of our Empire The answere of the King of England to the Emperour TO the high and mighty Prince Lorde Ludouicke by the grace of God Emperor of the Romanes alwaies Augustus Edward by the same grace king of Fraunce and England and Lord of Ireland salutation and prosperous successe We haue reuerently receined your highnes letters amongst other thinges containing that the noble Phillip de Valois to the intent a peace and concorde betweene vs and him might be concluded hath geuen vnto you by his letters ful power and authoritie thereunto at your highnesse request And that if the same might content vs to doe in like sort your highnesse woulde trauaile to bring the concorde to passe And that it would not moue vs any whit at all that your highnesse and the sayde Phillip are in league together For in so much as wee without your astent and consent you say tooke truce with the sayd Phillip you haue also done the like with him which thing you might well do sauing your honoure by the counsaile of all your Nobles and Princes and for certaine causes reuoke againe the Lieftenauntship which you committed vnto vs. Doubtlesse the zeale and good will you haue to make this concorde and agreement we much commend letting you to vnderstand that we alwayes haue bene desirous still are to haue a reasonable peace with the sayde Phillip which peace as much as to vs our honour saued appertained we haue in iustice and by law prosecuted and in very deede it should be to vs acceptable and as wee woulde wish if by such a Mediatour as your Celsitude is it might be brought to passe But forasmuch as we vnderstande the same our right and title to the kingdome of France to be manifest and cleare inough we purpose not to commit the same by any of our letters to doutfull arbitrement But while wee well consider and reuolue with our selues howe your highnesse vpon circumspect consideration manifestly beholding our iust and rightful doing and the straight dealing and obstinate purpose and iniurie of the sayd Philip with vs and in our behalfe against the said Philip your graces highnes made a special league adopting vs of your great and bountifull loue towardes our person to be one of your sonnes Wherefore thus againe to alter and breake the same wee cannot sufficiently maruell Seeing your inuincible highnes being instituted of God to the laude and commendation of good men and reuenge of euill and wicked doers hath made a league against vs with the saide Philip de Valoys our notorious and iniurious enemy And as touching that which you say without your assignement and consent wee tooke a truce or dayes of respite with the said Phillip which we ought not to haue done If your grace well consider the circumstance of the matter we haue done but as we might therein For when we laide oure siege to Tourney it was requisite we followed their aduise whose aide and societie therein we had Besides the soden and imminent necessity which we there stood in the distance of the place betwixt your highnesse and vs furthermore was suche as by that no meanes wee might attaine the same nor vse your assent therein Yea further if your grace wel remember your self your graunt vnto vs was such that whensoeuer oportunitie thereunto should serue we might entreate of any peace and graunt what time wee thought mete thereunto without your consent therin So that to conclude any finall peace with the saide Philip de Valois without either your consent or otherwise making your highnesse priuie thereunto it might not be lawfull for vs Which thing wythout your said counsaile consent and aduise we neuer minded or purposed to do But haue in all our doings done that which vs beseemed so farre as by any meanes our power would stretch hoping likewise that your brotherly beneuolence for a time would haue more louingly supported vs. It is thought also by some that the reuoking backe againe or restraint of your foresayd Liefetenantship was prematurate or done all out of time when as according to your promise made to vs herein by your letters imperiall you ought not so to haue done before the Realme and kingdome of Fraunce or at the least the greatest part thereof were of vs obtained and quietly in peaceable wise enioyed These premised therefore we desire you according to our nobilitie duely to consider and heereafter to doe that which shall be thought both meete and conuenient because that God willing we meaâ—e to recoÌ„pence and gratifie both you yours according to the measure of your beneuolence bestowed vpon vs. The almighty graunt vnto your Celfitude so much felicitie as your hart desireth Dated at London the 18. day of Iuly in the 2. yeare of the raign of our kingdom of Fraunce and of England 15. In this meane time died Pope Benedict the 12. mentioned a little before after whome succeeded in that roume Pope Clement the 6. Of whome it is reported in storyes that he was very liberall and bountiful to hys Cardinals of Rome in riching and heaping them with goods possessions not of his owne but with the Ecclesiasticall dignities and preferments of the Churches of England For so recordeth the author that he bestowed vpon his Cardinals the liuyngs and promotions suche as were or should be vacant in churches of England and weÌ„t about to set vp new titles for his Cardinals here within this realm But the kyng beyng offeÌ„ded therwith made voyd and frustrate all those foresayd prouisions of the pope chargyng moreouer and commaunding no person whatsoeuer to busy himself with any such prouisions vnder paine of prisonment lâ—syng his lyfe Which law was made the next yere folowing which was an 1344. It followed then that the said Pope Clement agayne began to make new pronisioÌ„s for two of his Cardinals of benefices and
is now lately dead and the maister here of the Dominike Friers is not now present Wherfore we dare not determine in such a weighty cause touching the priuileges of our order without the presence of them And ther fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to holde vs therin excused and not to be so lightly stirred against vs for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity c. The next day being the 8. day of the same moneth whithe is also dedicate to the conception of our Ladye vpon which day it was determined likewise that one of the dominicke Friers should preach in the Church of the Franciscane or gray Friers and so he did tending to the same end as the other frier in the other church had done before Whereby it may seeme the prouerb well aunswered vnto whereof we read in the Gospell Facti sunt amici Herodes Pilatus in ipsa die It was not long after that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle folowed in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uniuersity againe were warned the third day after to congregate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time Which being done and the assembly meeting together an other Sermō was made by a Diuine of the Uniuersity whose theame was Prope est Dominus omnibus inuocantibus eum in veritate c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued agaynst them that woulde not be obedient vnto theyr Prelats c. The sermon being ended then rose vp againe the Bishop Ambianensis who prosecuting the rest of the Theame and comming to the word in veritate deuided it in three parts according to the common glose of the decretals Est verum vitae doctrinae iusticiaeque Primum semper habe duo propter scandala linque Shewing and declaring by many authorities both of canonicall scriptures and out of the law and by euidēt demonstratiō of experience that the Friers first had no verity of life because they were full of hypocrisy neither had they verity of doctrine because in their hart they bare gall and in theyr toung hony neither verity of iustice because they vsurped other mens offices And thus concluding with the same caused agayn to be read the sayd priuileges with the constitution aboue specified And so expoūding place by place did argue and proue that the sayd constitution in no part was euacuat or infringed by that priuilegies aforesayd Which thing being declared he added moreouer that where as the Friers say sayd he that I should be present in the obteining of the priuileges I graunt it to be true when word came to me thrise thereof I went to the Pope reclayming requiring the sayd priuileges to be renoked But the next day after it so pleased the Pope to send me out abroad vpon weighty affayres so that then the matter had no end After that we sent also other messengers with our letters for the same cause vnto the Court of Rome whom the Friers say not to haue preuailed but they lye therein For the sayd messengers agayne brought vs letters from the chief of the court of Rome sealed with their seales which letters we haue diuers times presented to our king wil shortly shew them vnto you all In the which letters the Lord Pope hath promised the sayd priuiledges either to be vtterly abrogate or els to be mitigated with some more playnely interpretation of the which we trust shortly to haue the publicke Bulle or writ from the Pope At last the sayd Bishop required desired of all there of what Dioces or countrey so euer they were that they would copy out the foresayd priuiledges and send them abroad into their coūtries that all men might see what they were and how far they did extēd In fine the matter comming into open disputation it was cōcluded by M. Giles one of the Austine Friers who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers in this wise that after his sentence the Prelates were in the truer part c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis ¶ Concerning this wrangling contention betwene the Uniuersity and Friers of Fraunce heretofore mentioned whereof partly the original cause there may be vnderstand by that which hath bene sayd to rise vpon certaine priuilegies graūted by popes to the Friers to intermedle in matters of Parish churches As to heare confessiōs to preach and teach with power there to annexed to gather for theyr labor to bury within their houses and to receiue impropriations c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances therof also because the sayd contention dyd endure a long time not onely in fraūce but also came ouer to englād The whole discourse therof more ample Christ willing shal be declared in the beginning of the next booke folowing when we come to the story of Armachanus About what time yere this brawle was in the Uniniuersity of Paris betwene the Friers and Prelats there as hath bene declared the like contētion happened also in the vniuersity of Oxford in the yeare aboue prefixed 1354. saue onely that the strife amōg the maisters of Paris as it rose vpon Frierly ceremonies so it went no farther then brawling wordes and matter of excōmunication but this tumult rising of a dronken cause proceeded further vnto bloudy stripes The first originall wherof began in a tauerne betwene a scholer the good man of the house Who falling together in altercatiō grew to such heat of words that the student contra ius hospitij poured the wine vpon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot Upon this occasion geuen estsoones parts began to be taken betwene townes men the scholers In somuch that a grieuous sedition conflict folowed vpō the same wherin many of the townes men were wounded to the number of 20. slayn Diuers also of the scolers grieuously hurt The space of 2. dayes this hurly burly continued Vpon the second day certain religious and deuout persōs ordeined a solemne processiō general to pray for peace Yet notwithstanding all that procession as holy as it was it would not bring peace In the which procession the skirmish stil waxing hoat one of the studentes being hardly pursued by the townesmen for succour in his flight came running to the Priest or Frier which caried about as the maner was the pixe thinking to finde refuge at the presēce of the transubstātiated God of the aultar there caried inboxed Notwithstanding the God there not presēt or els not seing him or els peraduēture being a sleepe the scholer foūd there small helpe For the townesmen in the heate of the chase forgetting belike the vertue of the popes transubstātiation folowed him so hard that in the presēce of the pixe they brake his head woūded him greuously This done at length some peace or truce for that day was taken The
Aluredus whiche in the order of Archbishops I left out in the end of the 3. booke pag. 170. This Lanffancus was an Italian and a stout Champion of the Pope After his stubberne dissention with Thomas Archbishop of Yorke he wrot against Berengarius intitulyng hys Booke Opus Scintillarum pag. 172. Also the same Lancfranke builded the newe Churche at Canterbury and pluckt downe the olde By him was builded the Church of S. Gregorye At length he was expulsed by king Wil. Rufus 35. Anselmus 20. Of this Anselmus and the strife betwene him and the king looke in the pag. 184. 36. Radulphus 8. Under Rad. the order of Cisternians began 37. Guilielmus Curboil 13. By this W. the newe worke of the Church of S. Martines at Douer was builded 38. Theobaldus 24. By this Theobald Monkes were first brought into that church of Douer He was expulsed by king Stephen In his time the church of S. Gregory was burned at Cant. 39. Tho. Becket 9. Of the life and death of thys Becket see the pag. 205. 39. Tho. Becket 9. Ex Crikeladensi Magnates in Anglia interdixerunt ne quis martyrem Thomam nominaret ne quis eius miracula praedicaret interminantes minas mortis seu maximarum poenarum omnibus consitentibus eum fuisse martyrem miracula eius praedicantibus c. 40. Richardus 10. This Richard was a Monk in his time Christes Church at Canterbury was burned 41. Baldwinus 7. Betweene this Baldwine the Monkes was great discord He suspended the Prior from his Priorship and 22. Monkes from all seruice He caused the Subprior with all his adherēts to be excommunicate through al Kent 42. Hubertus 14. In the time of thys Hubert the Chappell of Lamheth was pluckt downe Also the Church of Douer was burned 43. Stephanus Langhton 22. This Stephen with the Monkes of Caunterbury were expulsed by king Iohn This Stephen intending to geue orders in the Chappell of Lamheth was stopped by the Monkes of Cant. through their appeale and prohibition Wherfore he required Eustace Bishop of London to minister the same orders in the Church of Saynct Paule In his time fell great variaunce betweene the Monkes of Rochester and the Monkes of Canterb. for the election of their B. which election the Monkes of Cant. would not admitte before the Rochester Monkes had presented the Byshops staffe in the Church of Cant. so that both the Churches sent their messengers to the court of Rome 44. Richardus Magnus 4. At the consecration of this Richarde contention rose betwene the Bishop of Rochester and bishop of Bath who should consecrate him Item betwene the sayd Richard and the Monkes of Canterbury fell a greuons discord about certayne libertyes belonging to the Archb. The sayd Archbishop for certayne quarels agaynst the king went vp to Rome who dyed in Tuscia After this Richard the election of 3. Archbish. was castate at Rome of Rodulphus de noua villa of Iohn Prior of Cant. Iohn Blund 45. Edmund of Abenden 7. This Edmund was called S. Edmund At whose election the Prior of Douer thinking to be present as at the mariage of his Mother was not permitted by the Monkes of Canterbury For the which iniurye he appealed and went to Rome to complayne not against the elect but agaynst the election where he obteined of the Pope for all the Priors and successors of Douer to haue full interest in the election of the Archbi besides other priuiledgies which he obteined percase not without some good store of mony Afterward y◠Monkes of Cant. accused him to the Archbishoppe as though he stood agaynst the person of the elect so obtayned of the Archbi being angrye with him to haue brought him vnder the chapter of Canter there to be punished Whereupon the Prior seing him so destitute of all helpe of Lawyers was constrayned in the foresayd chapter to crye peccaui Then being suspended from his Priorship was at lēgth sēt home to Douer being compelled first to set his hand to a certayn composition betwene him the foresayd Monkes The sayd Edmūd Archb. also hauyng some quarell agaynst the king went vp to Rome and dyed before his comming home 46. Bonifacius 25. In the time of this Boniface Pope Gregory wickedly graūted to king Henry 3. for the getting of the kingdome of Sicile whiche belonged not to him to geue nor to the other to take tenthes of goodes temporall and spirituall for fiue yeares Item all the first yeares fruites of churches that should be vacant for 5. yeares Item halfe of all the goodes of beneficed men not resident at their benefices Item all Legaces not distinctly geuen And yet the kingdome of Sicile neuer came to his hands whiche belonged to Manfredus sonne of Fredericke Emperour Strife betweene thys Boniface and the prior of Cant. Item betwene him and bishop of Ross. Item betweene him the Chapter of Lincolne all which was after agreed Chro. Douerens fol. 20. pag. 2. Strife in Winchester about chusing the bishop after y◠death of Ayonarus that kings Brother Strife in the Conuocation whiche Boniface did holde at Lambheth In the which councell were recited the statutes of Octobonus and other new statutes made Agaynst whiche I. Hemelingforde the Kynges Chaplaine with other moe and prince Edward on the Kynges behalfe did appeale Chro. Douer fol. 21. Under this Boniface Archb. Tunbridge Hadlo first came vnder the custody of the Archb. of Cant. Maister Iohn of Exeter bought the Bishoprick of Winchester for 6000. marks which being known he was fayne to pay the same summe agayne to the Pope and so was sent home Boniface the Archb. being in the partes of Sebaudia an 1262 fell an other alteration betwene the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury on the one part and the Prior and Chapter of Douer on the other part Which two houses almost were neuer in quiet and all about certayne liberties and Priuilegies as for making the subprior for receiuing in of monkes and for visitations of the Church of Douer An. 1268. Boniface Archb. interdicted the Cittye of London because in the same Cittye the Archb. of Yorke did holde vp his Crosse the Archbishoppe of Cant. being there present the king holding then hys Parliament at Westminster This Archb. died in the partes of Sebaudia  Iohn Prior of Canterbury was elected by the Monkes agaynst the kinges minde but by the Pope refused  Adam Chilinden was elect but he resigned his electiō to the Pope 47. Robert Kilwarby Frier 6. In the time of this Robert Kilwarby appeale was taken agaynst the Chapter of Canterbury by the Bishop of Winchester of Worcester and Exceter for the which cause the sayd Byshops wēt vp to Rome to prosecute the appeale The matter was because they did not theyr obedience to the Monkes of Caunterbury the see beyng empty Walter Gissard Archb. of Yorke going toward the generall counsell bare vp his crosse through the middle of Kent in the time of this
began greatly to multiply and spread vnto whome this Bakenthorpe was euer a great enemye Whose steppes the scholler also following began to do the like Such was the capacitie and dexteritie of this Fizraf that he being commended to king Edward the 3. was promoted to him first to be Archdeacon of Lichfield then to be the commissary of the vniuersitie of Oxford At length to be Archbishop of Armach in Ireland He being Archbishop vppon a time had cause to come vp to London At what time here in the said citty of London was contention betweene the Friers and the clergie about preaching and hearing confessions c. Whereupon this Armachanus being requested to preach made 7. or 8. sermons Wherein he propounded 9. conclusions agaynst the Friers for the which he was cited vp by the Friers before this pope Innocent the 6. to appeare And so he did who before the face of the pope valiantly defended both in preaching in writing the same conclusions therein stood constantly vnto the death as the wordes of Iohn Wickliffe in his Trialogo do well testifie in this wise Ab Anglorum Episcopis conductus Armachanus nouem in Auinione conclusiones coram Innocentio 6. suorum Cerdinalium coetu contra fratrum mendicitatem audacter publicauit verbóque ac scriptis ad mortem vsque defendit The like also testifieth of him Waldenus in fasciso zizianniorum Also Volateranus reporteth the same Gulielmus Botonerus testifying of him in like maner saith that Armachanus first reproued begging Friers for hearing the confessions of professed nonnes without licence of their superiours and also of maryed women without knowledge of their husbandes What daungers and troubles he susteyned by his persecutors and howe miraculously the Lord deliuered him from their handes In so muche that they meeting him in the open streetes and in cleare day light yet had no power to see him nor to apprehend hym In what perill of theeues and searchers he was in and yet the Lord deliuered him yea and caused his mony being take from him to be restored againe to him by portions in time of his necessitie and famine Also from what dangers of the kinges officers which comming with the kings letters layd all the hauens for him yet howe the Lord Iesus deliuered him shewing him by what wayes how to escape them Moreouer what appeales were layd agaynst hym to the number of 16. and yet how the Lord gaue him to triumph ouer al his enemies How the Lord also taught him brought him out of the profound vanities of Aristotles subtlety to the study of the Scriptures of God All this with muche more he himselfe expresseth in a certaine prayer or confession made to Christ Iesus our Lord in which he describeth almost the whole history of his owne life Whiche prayer I haue to shewe in old written hand and hereafter Christ willing intēd as time serueth to publish the same The beginning of the prayer in latin is this Tibi laus tibi gloria tibi gratiarum actio Iesu pijssime Iesu potentissime Iesu dulcissime qui dixisti Ego sum via veritas vita Via sine deuio veritas sine nubilo vita sine termino Quod tute viam mihi oftendisti Tute veritatem me docuiste Et tute vitā mihi promisisti Via eras mihi in exilio Veritas eras in consilio Et vita eris mihi in premio With the rest that followeth in the foresayd prayer Thus what were the troubles of this good man and how he was cited vp by the Friers to the P. you haue partly heard Nowe what were his reasons and argumentes wherwith he defendeth his cause in the popes presence followeth to be declared For the tractation whereof firste I must put the reader in remēbrauce of the controuersie mētioned before in the story of Guliel de sancto de Amore. Pag. 322. Also in the story of the vniuersitie of Paris contending against the Friers pag. 392. For so long did this controuersie continue in the Churche from the yeare 1240. whē the Oxford men began fies◠to stand against the Fryers to the time of this Armachanus that is to the yeare 1360. and after this time yet more encreased So it pleased the secret prouidence of God for what cause he best knoweth to suffer his Churche to be entangled and exercised sometimes with matters and controuersies of no great importance Eyther to keepe the vanitie of mens wits thus occupyed frō idlenes or els to prepare their mindes by these smaller matters to the consideration and searching out of other thinges more graue and weighty Like as nowe in these our Queenes dayes we see what tragidies be raysed vp in Englād about formes fashions of ministers wearinges what troubles grow what placing and displacing there is about the same Euen so at this time happened the like stirre about the liberties and priuilegies of the Friers which not a little troubled and occupied al the churches Diuines almost through Christendome The whiche controuersie to the intent it may better be vnderstanded all the circumstances therof being explayned we will first begyn from the originall and foundation of the matter to declare by order and course of yeres vpon what occasion this variance first rising in continuance of time increased multiplide in gathering more matter and brast out at length to this tumultuous contention among learned men Concerning therfore this present matter first it is to be vnderstand that in the yeare of our Lord. 1215. vnder pope Innocent the 3. was called a generall coūcell at Laterane mentioned before Pag. 253. in the dayes of king Iohn Iu the which councell among many other thinges was constituted a certaine law or Canon beginning Omnis vtriusque sexus c. the tenour of which canon in English is thus Be it decreed that euery faythfull Christian both man and woman comming to the yeares of discretion shall confesse hymselfe alone of all his sinnes to the priest of hys own proper parish once in the yeare at least and that he shall endeuour by hys owne self to fulfil the penance whēsoeuer he receiueth the sacrament of Eucharistie at least at the time of Easter Vnlesse by the assent of his Minister vpon some reasonable cause to abstayne for the time Otherwise dooing let him both lacke the communion of the Churche being aliue and Christian buriall when he is dead Wherefore be it decreed that this wholesome constitution shal be published accustomably in Churches to the end that no man of ignorance or of blindnes make to himselfe a cloke of excuse And if any shall confesse himselfe to any other priest then of his owne parishe vpon any iust cause let him aske and obtayne first licence of his owne priest Other els the Priest to haue no power to hinde him or to loose him c. In the time of this Innocentius and of this Laterane councell
places of the Canon law 25. q. 1. Quae ad per. petuam Those thinges which be generally ordeyned for publique vtilitye ought not to be altered by any chaunge c. Item the decrees of the sacrat Canons none ought to keepe more then the Bishop Apostolicall c. Ibidem Item to alter or to ordeine any thing agaynst the decrees of the fathers is not in the authoritye or power uo not of the Apostolicall sea Ibidem The fourth opinion was that the Friers by the licēce of the Pope and of the Bishops might lawfully heare cōfessions and the people might be of them confessed and absolued But yet notwithstanding it was reason cōueniēt honest and profitable that once in the yeare they should be confessed to theyr curats although being cōfessed before to the friers because for the administration of Sacraments especially at Easter Of which opinion was Gulielinus de monte Landuno Henricus de Gandauo also held not onely to be conuenient but also that they were bound so to doe The fift opinion was that albeit the Friers might at all times and at Easter also heare confessions as the Curates did yet it was better and more safe at the time of Easter to confesse to the curates thē to the Friers And of this opiniō was this our Armachanus of whom we presently now entreat ¶ And thus haue ye as in a briefe summe opened vnto you what was the matter of contention betweene the friers and the Church men What Popes made with the friers and what Popes made against thē Moreouer what learned mē disputed against them in Paris and other places and what were theyr opinions The matter of contention about the Friers stoode in foure pointes First preaching without licence of Curats Second in hearing cōfessions Thyrd in burying Fourth in begging and taking of the people ¶ Popes that mainteined the Friers were Honorius 3 were Gregorius 9 were Alexande 4 were Clemens 4 were Boniface 8 were Clemens 5 ¶ Popes that mainteiued Curates were Innocentius 9 were Innocentius 4 were Martinus 4 were Benedictus 11 ¶ The learned men that disputed agaynst the Friers were Guilielmus de S. Amore. All these were cōdemned by the Popes or els caused to recant were Barnardus super capitulum Omnis vtriusque sexus All these were cōdemned by the Popes or els caused to recant were Godfridus de Fontibus All these were cōdemned by the Popes or els caused to recant were Henricus de Gandauo All these were cōdemned by the Popes or els caused to recant were Guilielmus de Landuno All these were cōdemned by the Popes or els caused to recant were Ioannes Monachus Cardini All these were cōdemned by the Popes or els caused to recant were Ioannes de Poliaco All these were cōdemned by the Popes or els caused to recant were Armachanus All these were cōdemned by the Popes or els caused to recant These considerations and circūstaunces hetherto premised for the more opening of this present cause of Armachanus susteined agaynst the idle beggerly sects of friers in whom the reader may well perceiue Antechrist plainly reigning and fighting against the Church Now remayneth that as I haue before declared the trauelles troubles of diuers godly learned mē in the Church striuing agaynst the sayd friers continually from the time of Guliel de Amore hetherto So now it remaineth that for so much as this our Armachanus labouring and in the same cause susteined the like conflict with the same Antechrist we likewise collect and open his reasons and arguments vttered in the consistorye and in the audience of the Pope himselfe wherwith he maynteyneth the true doctrine and cause of the Church agaynst the pestiferous canker creeping in by these friers after subtle wayes of hypocrisy to corrupt the sincere simplicity of Christes holy fayth perfect Testament The which reasons and argumentes of his with the whole processe of his doinges I thought good and expedient for the vtility of the Church more amply and largely to discourse and prosecute for that I note in the sects institutions and doctrine of these friers such subtle poyson to lurke more pernitious hurtfull to the religion of Christ and soules of Christians then all men peraduenture do consider Thus Armachanus ioyning with the clergy of England disputed and contended with the friers here of England an 1358. about a double matter Wherof the one was concerning confessiō and other exchetes which the friers encroched in parish Churches agaynst the Curates and publicke pastors of Churches The other was concerning wilfull beggery and pouerty which the Friers then tooke vpon them not vpon any necessity being otherwise strōg inough to worke for their liuing but onely vpon a wilfull and affected profession For the which cause the Friers appealed him vp to the court of Rome The occasion wherof thus did rise ¶ It befell that Armachanus vpon certayne busines comming vp to London found there certayne Doctours disputing and contending about the begging of Christ our Sauior Wherupon he being greatly vrged and requested oft times therūto at request made seuen or eight sermōs vnto the people at London wherein he vttered 9. conclusions Wherof the first and principal conclusion was touching the matter of the friers priuiledges in hearing confessions His conclusion was this First that if a doubt or question be moued for hearing cōfessiōs which of 2. places is rather to be chosē The parish church is to be preferred before the church of the friers Secondly being demaunded whether is to be taken to heare the confession of the parishioners the Parson or the Curate or the frier It is to be sayde rather the Parson or the Curate Thirdly that our Lord Iesus Christ in his humayne conuersatiō was alwayes poore but not that he loued pouerty or did couet to be poore Fourthly that our Lord Iesus Christ did neuer beg wilfully professing to be poore Fiftly that our Lord Iesus Christ did neuer teach wilfully to beg or to professe wilfull beggery The sixt conclusion was that Christ our Lord did cōtrary that men ought not wilfully or purposely wythout meere necessity to beg Seuēthly that there is neither wisedome nor holines for any man to take vpon him wilfull beggery perpetually to be obserued The eight that it is not agreing to the rule of the Obseruants or Friers Minorites to obserue wilful pouerty The last conclusion was touching the Bull of Pope Alexander the 4. whiche condemned the libell of the maisters of Paris that the same Bull touched none of these 7. last conclusions Upon these 9. conclusions premised Armachanus being appealed cited and brought vp to the presence of the Pope began to proue the same his foresaid conclusions or assertions vnder protestation made that his intētion was not to affirme any thing contrary to the christian fayth or to the Catholicke doctrine or that should be preiudicial or destructiue to the orders of the begging friers such as were
the grape when it waxeth great and full is neare to the making of wine and the floure when it shooteth abroad it hasteth to the fruit So the saluation of the world in the swelling and growing of the virgins wombe began to draw nigh to mankinde For then appeared the grace and bengnity of our Sauior when his mother was foūd to haue in her wombe by the holy Ghost as is declared in that as followeth by the Angell saying for that which is borne of her is of the holy Ghost Touching the 2. part of that which is sayd vt veniat this may be applyed to the contemplation of the mistery of Christes comming in the flesh Wherof speaketh Aggeus the Prophet 2. He shal come who is desired and looked for of all nations c. Albeit the same also may be applied to the second Aduent spoken of the 3. of Esay The Lord shall come to iudgemēt c. In memoriall wherof the 4. sonday was dedicate in the olde time of the fathers And of this day of iudgement is writtē in the Prophet Sophon cap. 1. The day of the Lord is neare great mighty it is approching at hande wondrous shoort c. And albeit not in it selfe yet it may be expoūded in tribulatiōs that go before as preambles vnto the same as Greg. saith The last tribulation is preuēted with many sundry tribulations going before although the end of al be not yet Wherfore now cōming to the 3. part of my sermō or the am let vs see of those tribulations that go before the last comming of Christ if there be any such tribulation approching nigh at hand wherof this last part of my theame may be verified where is said vt reueletur that my righteousnes shal be reuealed to wit the righteousnes primitiue that righteousnesse may be brought and the Prophesy of Daniel fulfilled Dan. 9. Concerning which matter 4. thinges here come in order to be declared First concerning the reuealing of tribulation according to that part of my theame Vt reueletur c. Secondly concerning the nearenes of the tribulatiō cōming according to the part of my theame Quia iuxta est c. Thirdly of the false opinions of some vpon this part of my theame Vt veniat c. Fourthly what meanes and consultation we ought to take Vt iuxta est salus As for the first it is so notorious and so commō in the scriptures that the church should suffer and abide tribulation that I need not here to stand in alleadging any thing touching either the causes to be weid or the terme to be coniectured thereof As concerning the which causes I will geue 2. rules to be noted before for the better opening of that to follow The first rule is that by the 2. kingdomes of the nation of Hebrues which were in the olde time to wit by the kingdome of Israel whose head was Samaria is signified in the prophets the erronious sinagoge And by the second kingdome of Iuda of whose stock came Christ whose head metropolitane was Ierusalem is signified the true Church And this rule is not mine but is an authentike glose of S. Ierome and also is the rule of Origene in the last Homely vpon the olde testament and is approued by the church The second rule is that by the brodell house and fornication mentioned in the Prophets is signified simony and abused dispēsations and promotions of persons vnworthy for lukers sake or els for any other partiall fauour whiche by vnlawfull wayes by al lawes of the world to come to office and honor Merx dicitur namque a merendo that is for gaine or price is deriued of gaining For the which gayne or price that is solde which by nature ought not to be solde Therefore to geue any thing for respect of gayne or hier which ought to bee geuen freely for vertues sake is a kinde of spirituall corruption as a man would say an whorish thing wherof the prophet Esay complayneth speaking of Ierusalem and saying The Citty which once was faythfull and full of iudgement how is it now become an whorish city And in like maner Osee also the prophet chap. 9. Ierusalem thou hast fornicated and gone an whoring frō thy God Thou hast loued like an harlot to get gayne in euery barne of corne And in many other places of Scripture where fornication can not be otherwise expounded These two rules thus premised now let vs marke the Scriptures and according to the same iudge of the whole state of the Church both that is past and that is to come first intreating of the causes of tribulation to come secōdly of the vicinity of time of the sayd tribulation to come And first concerning the state of the Church of causes of tribulation Thus sayth the Lord in the prophet Ezechiel 16. cap. speaking to the Church vnder the name of Ierusalem In the day of thy byrth I came by thee and saw thee troden downe in thine owne bloud c. Here he speaketh of the time of the martyrdome of the Church Then it followeth After this thou wast clensed frō thy bloud that wast growne vp waxen great thē washed I thee with water I purged thy bloud from thee speaking of ceasing of persecution I annoynted thee with oyle I gaue thee chaunge of rayments I girded thee with white silke I decked thee with costly apparel I put ringes vpon thy fingers a chayn about thy neck Spangs vpon thy forehead and Earinges vpon thine eares Thus wast thou deckt with siluer gold a beautifull crowne set vpon thine head Meruelous goodly wast thou beautifull euen a very queen wast thou For thou wast excellēt in my beuty which I put vpon thee sayth the Lord God c. This prophecy or rather history speaketh of and declareth the prosperity of the church And now heare the corruptiō and transgression of the churche for so it followeth But thou hast put confidence in thine own beauty and playd the harlot when thou haddest gotten thee a name Thou hast committed whoredome with all that went by thee and hast fulfilled their desires Yea thou hast taken thy garments of diuers coulors and decked thine altars therwith whervpon thou mightest fulfill thy whoredome of such a fashion as neuer was done nor shall be Which whoredome can in no wise be expounded for carnall but spirituall whoredome And therfore see how liuely he hath paynted out the corruption and falling of the Church And therefore followeth now the correction and punishmēt of the Church It followeth Beholde I stretch out my hand ouer thee and will diminish thy store of foode and deliuer thee ouer into the willes of the Philistines and of such as hate thee And they shall breake downe thy stues and destroy thy brodell houses that is the place wherein thou didst exercise this wickednesse they shall strippe
honour and their liues who otherwise if he intended that way were in great daunger But the bishop youthfull and hauty taking occasion by their humblenes to swell the more in himselfe answered that he woulde not be taught by their counsaile but that he wold haue it done though all the commons whome he named Ribals sayd nay Also rebuked the Mayor and his brethrē for mecockes and dastardes for so fearing the vulgar sort of people The citizens perceauing the wilfull stoutnes of the bishop meekly answering againe sayde they minded not to resist him but to let him doe therin what he thought good onely desired him that he would licēce them to depart and hold them excused for not wayting vppon him conducting hym out of the town with that reuerence which he required For if they should be seene in his company all the suspicion thereof would be vpon them and so should they be all in daunger so much as theyr liues were worth The Byshop not regarding their aduise and counsaile commaunded one of hys men to take the rod borne before the Mayor to cary the same before him Which being done perceaued of the commons the Byshop after that maner went not farre but the rude people rūning to shut the gates came out with their bowes some with clubbes and staues soome with other instrumentes some with stones let driue at the Bishop and his men as fast as they might in suche sort that both the bishop his horse vnder him with most part of his men were hurt wounded And thus the glorious pride of this iolly prelate ruffling in hys new scepter was receaued and welcomed there That is was so pelted with battes and stones so woūded with arrowes and other instrumentes fit for such a skirmishe that the most part of his men with hys mace bearer all running away frō him the poore wounded bishop was there left alone not able to keepe hys old power which went about to vsurpe a new power more thē to hym belonged Thus at is cōmōly true in al so is it wel exemplified here which is commōly sayd and as it is commonly seene that pride will haue a fall and power vsurped will neuer stand In like maner if the Citizens of Rome following the example of these Lēnam men as they haue the like cause and greater to doe by the vsurped power of theyr Byshop would after the same sauce handle the pope and vnscepter him of hys mace and regalitie which nothing pertaineth to him They in so doing both should recouer theyr owne liberties with more honour at home and also win muche more commendation abroad Ex chron mon. D. Albani This tragedy with all the partes thereof beyng thus ended at Lennam whiche was little after Easter as is said about the month of April an 1377. the same yeare vpon the 12. day of the moneth of Iune next after dyed the worthy and victorious Prince king Edward the 3. after he had raygned yeares 51. A prince no more aged in yeares thē renoumed for many snguler heroicall vertues but principally noted and lauded for his singuler meekenes clemency toward his subiects and inferiors ruling them by gentlenes and mercy without all rigour or austere seueritie Among other noble and royall ornamentes of his nature worthely copiously set forth of many thus he is described of some which may briefly suffice for the comprehēsion of all the rest Orphanis erat quasi pater afflictis compatiens miseris condolens oppressos releuans cunctis indigentibus impendens auxilia opportuna That is To the Orphans he was as a father compacient to the afflicted mourning with the miserable relieuing the oppressed and to all them that wanted an helper in time of neede c. But chiefly aboue all other thinges in this Prince to be commemorate in my mynde is thys that he aboue all other Kinges of this Realme vnto the time of king Henry the eight was the greatest brideler of the popes vsurped power and outragious oppressions during all the time of whiche king neyther the Pope could greatly preuayle in thys Realme and also Iohn Wickliffe was maintained with fauour and ayde sufficient But before we close vpp the story of this king there commeth to hand that which I thought not good to omit a noble purpose of the king in requiring a viewe to be taken in all his dominions of all benefices and dignities ecclesiasticall remayning in the handes of Italians and Alious with the true valuation of the same directed down by commission in the time of king Richard the second wherof the like also is to be found the tenour of which commission of king Edward I thought here vnder to set down for worthy memory The king directed writtes vnto all the Byshop's of England in this forme EEdward by the grace of God king c. To the reuerend father in Christ. N. By the same grace Bishop of L. greeting Beyng willing vpon certayn causes to be certified what and how many benefices aswell Archdeaconries other dignities as vicaradges personages Prebendes and Chappels within your dioces be at this present in thandes of Italions and other strangers what they be of what valour and how euery of the sayd benefices be called by name And how much euery of the same is worth by the yere not as by way of Taxe or extent but according to the true valor of the same likewise of the names of al singuler such strangers being now incombentes or occupying the same and euery of thē moreouer the names of all them whether Englishmen or Straungers of what state or condition soeuer they be whiche haue the occupacion or disposicion of any such benefices with the fruites and profites of the same in the behalfe or by the authoritie of any the foresayd Straungers by way of ferme or title or procuration or by any other wayes or meanes whatsoeuer and how long they haue occupyed or disposed the same and withall if anye the sayd straungers bee nowe residents vppon any benefices commaunde you as wee heretofore commaunded you that you sende vs a true certificat of all and singuler the premisses into our high Court of chauncerie vnder your seale distinctly and openly on this side the feast of thascention of our Lord next comming without farther delay returning vnto vs this our writte withall Witnesse our selfe at Westminster 16 day of April in the 48. yeare of our Reigne of England and ouer Fraunce the 35. yeare BY vertue hereof certificat was sent vp to the king into his chauncerie out of euery dioces of England of al such spiritual liuings as were then in the occupation eyther of Priors Aliens or of other straungers whereof the number was so great as being all set downe would fill almost halfe a quyer of paper Whereby may appeare that it was highe time for the king to seeke remedie herein either by treatie with the Pope
the church of mertock annexed therunto worth by yeare lx.li. Item the Lord Cardinall of Agrifolio is archdeacon of Tawnton in the church of wels and is worth by yeare with the procurations and the Prebend of Mylinerton to the same annexed Lxxx li Like maiter is also found in the time of king Richard the 2. vpon what occasion it is vncertayne But as it seemeth by Recorde of that time A new Pope being come in place he would take no knowledge of anye matter done by his predecessors that might anye way abridge his commoditie And therefore this king was forced to beginne a new as may appeare by this following L. Cardinall of Agrifol is prebendary of the Prebend of Soringhame together with a portion of S. Marye of Stowe to the same annexed the fruits whereof by commoÌ„ estimat be worth by yeare Clxv li Maist. Iohn Uicar of Coringhame and mayster Robert person of Ketelthorpe and W. Thurly be Fermoures L. Cardinall Albanum is Prebendary of the Prebend of Sutton the fruites whereof be commonly esteemed worth by yeare CCCC markes Roger Skyret of Buckinhame and William Bedeford of Sutton do farme the same PrebeÌ„d The L. Cardinal Blandacen is Prebendary of the prebend of Nassington worth by estimacion CCC markes Robert of Nassington and Iohn sonne of Robert of Abbethorpe do occupy the same Prebend L. Cardinal NonmaceÌ„ is parson of Adderbury worth by estimacion C.li. Adam Robelyn clerke is his proctor and occupyeth the same L. Cardinall of S. Prebendary of Thame worth yearely by common estimacion CC. markes Iohn Heyward and Thomas a lay man doe occupye the same Prebend L. Peter de Yeuerino Cardinall is Prebendary of Aylesbury worth yearely by common estimacion lxxx marks Holy Duse of Alesbury doth occupy the same Prebend The Cardinall of S. Angeli hath the Archdeaconry of Suff. and is worth by yeare by common estimation a huÌ„dreth markes L Cardinall Neminacem Treasorer of the Church of Sar. hath the Archdeaconry of Sar. the Church of Figheldon to his dignity annexed which is let to farme to Grace late wife of Edmunde Sawyne deceased paying yearely 1. markes he hath also in the same Archdeaconry and couÌ„tye the sayde Churche of Alwardburye with the Chappels of Putton and Farle to the same annexed which is let to ferme to the L. Pryor of the house of Ederose for the yerly rent of xxiii li he hath also the Prebend of Calne in the said Archdeaconry and County worth by yeare C.ll. and fermour therof is Raymunde Pelegrini L. Cardinall of Agrifolio hath the Archdeaconrye of Berck worth by yeare 120. markes and remayneth in hys owne handes Item he hath the Prebende of worth worth by yeare a hundreth pound Raymund Peregrine is fermour there L. Cardinall Gebanen hath the Prebendes of Wodford and Willeford Countye of Wiltshyre lett to ferme to Iohn Bennet of Sar. worth by yeare xl markes Lord Andomar de Rupy is Archdeaconry of Caunterbury to the which Archdeacon belong the Church of Lymin within the same Dioces worth by yeare after the Taxation of the tenth xx.li. The Churche of Tenham worth by yeare after the sayd taxation Cxxx li.vi.s.viii.d â—he Churche of Hakington neere Caunterbury worth by yeare xx markes The Churche of S. Clement in Sandwitche worth by yeare after the taxation aforesayd viij markes The church of Saint Mary in Sandwich worth by yeare viiij pound of the whiche the sayd Archdeacon receaueth onely vi markes The profites of all which premisses S. William Latimer knight hath receaued together with the profites arising out of the Iurisdiction of the Archdeaconry worth by yeare xx.li. Anglicus of the Church of Rome priest and Cardinall hath the deanry of the Cathedrall Churche of Yorke worth by yeare CCClxxiij li.vi.s.viii.d And the Prebende of Southcane valued yearely at C.lx. markes L. Cardinall Gebauen doth hold the churche of Wermouth and Archdeaconry of Durhame worth by yeare CC. marks And Iohn of Chambre and Thomas of Harington of Newcastell bee the fermors and proctours of the sayd Cardinall Ex Bundello Breuium Regis de An. 2. Rich. 2. parte 1. King Richard the second AFfter king Edward the third succeeded hys sonnes sonne Richard the second beyng yet but yong of the age of eleuen yeares who in the same yeare of his fathers decease in great pompe and solemnitie was crowned at Westminster an 1377. who following his fathers steppes was no great disfauorer of the way doctrine of wickliffe albeit at the first beginning partly through the iniquitie of tyme partly through the popes letters he could not doe that he would NothwithstaÌ„ding something he did in that behalf more perhaps then in the end he had thanke for of the Papistes as more by the grace of Christ shall appeare But as times do chaunge so changeth commonly the cause and state of man The bishop nowe seeing the aged king to be taken away during the time of whose olde age all the gouernment of the realme depended vpon the Duke of Lancaster And now the sayd Byshops agayne seeing the said Duke with the Lord Percy the Lord marshall to geue ouer their offices and to remayne in their priuate houses without intermedling thought now the time to serue them to haue some vauntage against Iohn wickliffe who hetherto vnder the protectioÌ„ of the foresayd Duke and Lord Marshall had some rest and quiet Concerning the story of whiche Wickliffe I trust gentle reader it is not out of thy memory what went before pag. 427. how he being brought before the Byshops by the meanes of the Duke and Lord Henry Percy the councell was interrupted and brake before ix of the clocke By reason whereof Wickliffe at that tyme escaped without anye further trouble Who not withstanding being by the bishops forbid to deale in that doctrine any more continued yet with his fellowes going barefoot and in long frise gownes preaching dilligentlye vnto the people Out of whose sermons these articles most chiefelye at that time were collected That the holy Eucharist after the consecration is not the very body of Christ but figurally That the churche of Rome is not the head of all churches more then any other churche is Nor that Peter hath anye more power geuen of Christ then anye other Apostle hath Item that the Pope of Rome hath no more in the keyes of the Church then hath any other within the order of Priesthoode Item if God be the Lordes temporall may lawfullye and meretoriously take away theyr temporalties from the churchmen offending habitualiter Item if any temporall Lord doe know the Churche so offending he is bound vnder payne of damnation to take the temporalties from the same Item that the Gospell is a rule sufficient of it selfe to rule the life of euery christian man here without any other rule Item that all other rules vnder whose obseruances diuers religious persoÌ„s be gouerned do ad no more perfection to the gospell then
doth the white colour to the wall Item that neyther the Pope nor any other Prelate of the church ought to haue prisons wherin to punish transgressours Beside these articles diuers other conclusions afterward were gathered out of hys writings and preachings by the byshops of England which they sent diligently to Pope Gregory at Rome where the sayde articles being red and perused were condemned for hereticall and erroneous by 23. Cardinals In the meane time the Archb. of Cant. sending foorth hys citations as is aforesayd called before hym the sayde Iohn wickliffe in the presence of the Duke of Lancaster and Lord Percy who vpon the declaration of the Popes letters made bound him to silence forbidding him not to entreat any more of those matters But then through the disturbaunce of the Bishop of London and the Duke and lord Percy that matter was soone dispatched as hath bene aboue recorded pag. 427. And all thys was done in the daies last yere of king Edward the 3. and pope Gregory the eleuenth The next yeare folowing which was the yeare of our Lord 1378. being the first yere of king Richard the second The sayd Pope Gregory taking hys time after the death of king Edward sendeth his bull by the hands meanes peraduenture of one master Edmund Stafford directed vnto the vniuersity of Oxford rebuking theÌ„ sharply imperiously and like a Pope for suffring so long the doctrine of Iohn Wickliffe to take roote and not pluckyng it vppe wyth the crooked cicle of their Catholike doctrine Whych Bull when it came to be exhibite vnto their handes by the Popes messenger aforesayd the proctors and maysters of the Uniuersitie ioyning together in consultation stood loÌ„g in doubt deliberating with themselues whether to receiue the Popes Bull with honour or to refuse and reiect it wyth shame I cannot here but laugh in my minde to behold the authours of this story whom I follow what exclamations what wondrings and maruels they make at these Oxford men for so doubting at a matter so playne so manifest of it selfe as they say whether the popes Bull sent to them froÌ„ Rome was to be receaued or coÌ„trary Which thing to our monkish writers seemed then suche a prodigious wonder that they with blushing cheekes are feyne to cut of the matter in the middest with silence The copy of this wilde Bull sent to them from the Pope was this Gregory the Bishop the seruant of Gods seruaunts to his welbeloued sonnes the Chauncellour and Vniuersitie of Oxford in the diocesse of Lincolne greeting and Apostolical benediction WE are compelled not onely to meruell but also to lament that you considering the Apostolicall seate hath geuen vnto your vniuersitie of Oxford so great fauour and priueledge and also for that you flow as in a large sea in the knowledge of the holy Scriptures and ought to be champions and defenders of the ancient and Catholicke fayth without the which there is no saluation by your great negligence and slouthe will suffer wylde cockle not onely to grow vp among the pure wheate of the florishing field of your Vniuersitie but also to wake more strong and choke the corne Neither haue ye anye care as we are enformed to extirpe and plucke the same vp by the rootes to the great bleblemishing of your renowmed name the perill of your soules the contempt of the Church of Rome and to the great decay of the auncient fayth And further which greueth vs the encrease of that filthy weed was more sharpely rebuked iudged of in Rome then in England where it sprang Wherefore let there be meanes sought by the help of the faithful to roote out the same Greuously it is come to our eares that one Iohn Wickliffe parson of Lutterworth in Lincolne dioces a professour of diuinitie would god he were not rather a maister of errours is runne into a kinde of detestable wickednes not onely and openly publishing but also vomiting out of the filthy dungeon of his brest diuers professions false and erroneous conclusions and most wicked and damnable heresies Whereby he might defile the faythfull sorte and bring them from the the right path headlong into the way of perdition ouerthrow the state of the Churche and vtterly subuert the secular policy Of which his mischieuous heresies some seem to agree onely certayne names and termes chaunged with the peruersâ—â—â— opinions and vnlearned doctrine of Marcelius of Padua Iohn of Gandune of vnworthy memory whose bookes were vtterly abolished in the realme of England by our predecessour of happy memory Iohn 22. Which kingdome doth notonely florishe in power and aboundance of faculties but is much more glorious and shyning in purenes of fayth Accustomed alwayes to bring forth men excellentlye learned in the true knowledge of the holye scriptures ripe in grauitie of manners men notable in deuotion and defenders of the Catholicke fayth Wherefore wee will and commaunde you by our writing Apostolicall in the name of your obedience and vpon payne of priuation of our fauour indulgences and priueledges graunted vnto you and your vniuersitie from the sayd see Apostolicall that hereafter ye suffer not those pestilent heresies that those subtile and false conclusions and propositions misconstruing the right senses of fayth and good workes how soeuer they terme it or what curious implication of wordes soeuer they vse any longer to be disputed of or brought in question Least if it be not withstoood at the first and plucked vp by the rootes it might perhaps be to late hereafter to prepare medicins when a greater number is infected with the coÌ„tagion And further that ye apprehend immediately or cause to be apprehended the sayd Iohn Wickliffe and deliuer him to be deteyned in the safe custodie of our well beloued brethren the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the byshop of London or eyther of them And if you shall finde any gaynesayers corrupted wyth the sayde doctrine whiche God forbid in your sayd vniuersitie wythin your iurisdiction that shall obstinately stand in the sayd errours that then in lyke manner ye apprehend them and committe them to safe custodie and otherwise to doe in this case as it shall appertayne vnto you So as by your carefull proceedynges herein your negligence past concernying the premisses may now fully be supplyed and recompensed with present diligence Whereby you shall not onely purchase vnto you the fauour and beneuolence of the seate Apostolicall but also great reward and merite of almightie God Yeuen at Rome at S. Maries the greater xi Kalend. of Iune and in the seuenth yeare of our consecration ¶ Beside this Bull sent to the Uniuersitie of Oxford the sayd Pope Gregory directed moreouer his letters the same tyme to the Archbyshoppe of Canterbury Symon Sudbury to the Byshoppe of London named William Courtney with the conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe therein inclosed commauÌ„dyng them by vertue of those his letters Apostolicall and straitly enioyning them to cause
vulgare tounge as in the Latine tounge manifestly and plainly without any curious implication the same hereticall and erronious conclusions so repugnant to the determination of holy Church as is aforesayd to haue bene be condemned and which conclusions also we declare by these our letters to be vtterly condemned And that farthermore you forbid and canonically admonish and cause to be admonished as we by the tenour of these presents doe forbid and admonish you once twise and thrise and that peremptorily that none hereafter hold teach preach or defende the heresies and errours aboue sayde or any of them eyther in schoole or out of schoole by any sophistical cauillation or otherwise or that any admit to preache heare or hearken vnto Iohn Wyckliffe Nicholas Hereford Philip Reppindon Chanon reguler or Iohn Ayshton or Laurence Readman which be vehemently and notoriously suspected of heresie or els any other whatsoeuer so suspected or defamed or that either priuely or publiquely they either aide or fauoure them or any of them but that incontinently they shunne and auoide the same as a Serpent which putteth foorth moste pestiferous poyson And farthermore we suspend the sayd suspected persons from al scholasticall acte till such time as they shall purge themselues before vs in that behalfe and that you denounce the same publiquely by vs to haue bene and be suspended and that yee diligently and faithfully inquire of all their fautours and fauourers and cause to be inquired throughout all the haules of the sayde vniuersitie And that when you shall haue intelligence of their names persons that yee compell all and euery of them to abiure their outragies by Ecclesiasticall Censures and other paines Canonicall whatsoeuer vnder paine of the greater curse the whych against al and singular the rebellious in thys behalfe and disobeying our monitions wee pronounce so that their fault deceit and offence in thys behalfe deserue the same the sayde monition of ours being first sent which in this behalfe we exteeme and allowe Canonicall that then and agayne accordyng to the effect of these our letters c. The Absolution of all and singular such whych shall incurre the sentence of thys instrument by vs sent foorth whych God forbidde Wee specially reserue vnto oure selues exhortyng you the Chauncellour by the aspersion of the bloud of IESVS CHRIST that to the vttermost of your power hereafter you doe your indeuoure that the Clergie and people being subiecte vnto you if there be whych haue strayed from the Catholique faith by such errours may be brought home againe to the laud and honour of his name that was crucified and preseruation of the true faith And further our will is that whatsoeuer you shal do in the premisses in maner forme of our processe in this behalfe to be had and done that you for your parte when you shal be required thereunto plainly distinctly do certifie vs by your letters patents hauing the tenour hereof The conclusions and articles here mentioned in thys letter are aboue prefixed Of which some were cōdemned for hereticall some for erroneous After this within fewe daies the foresayd Archbyshop W. Courtney directed down his letters of admonition to Robert Rigge commissary of Oxford for the repressing of thys doctrine Which yet notwithstanding both then and yet to this day God be praised doth remaine The copie of his monition to the Commissary here out of hys owne Register foloweth ¶ The monition of the Archbyshop vnto the foresayd Chauncellour IN Dei nomine Amen Where as we William by the permission of God Archbyshop of Canterbury Lorde Primate of England and Legate of the Apostolicall sea by the consent of our suffraganes haue caused to be assembled together diuers clerkes both secular and regular of the vniuersitie of Oxford wythin our prouince of Canterbury and other Catholicke persons to informe vs of and vpon certaine conclusions heretical and erroneous generally and commonly preached and published in diuers places of the sayd prouince of Canterbury to the subuersion of the whole state of the Church and our sayd prouince And also mature deliberation had vpon the same by the common counsaile of the said our suffraganes their conuocates it was declared that certain of the sayde conclusions to haue bene and be condemned some for heretical and some for erroneous and notoriously repugnāt to the determinatiō of the church which we also our selues haue declared to be damnable And haue vnderstode by credible information and partly by experience that thou Robert Rigge Chancelor of the vniuersity aforesaid hast doest incline partly to the foresaid damnable conclusions whome also we in thys part haue partly suspected doest intend to molest these our Clerkes aboue specified others adhering vnto vs in this behalf as they ought to do through thy subtill and sophisticall imaginations sondry manifold wayes therfore we admonish thee M. Robert Chauncelour aforesaid the first second and third time and peremptorily that thou doest not greue let or molest iudicially or extraiudicially apertly or priuely or cause to be greued let and molested or procure directly or indirectly by thy selfe or any other as much as in thee lieth to be greued the foresayd Clerks secular or regular or such as fauor them in the premisses in their scholastical acts or in any other condition whatsoeuer And that thou suffer none hereafter to teach maintaine preach or defend any such heresies or errours in the sayde Vniuersitie either within or wythout the scholes Neither that thou do admit I. Wickliffe Nicholas Herford Philip Repindon Iohn Ayshton or Laurēce Redman which are vehemently and notoriously suspected of heresie or any other so suspected or defamed vnto that office of preaching But that thou denounce the sayd persons to be suspended whom we haue suspended from all scholastical act whilest they cleare their innocencie in this part before vs vnder the paine of the greater curse which we here in these wrytings denounce against thy person if thou shalt not obey those our admonitions with effecte as thy crime subteltie and offence in this behalfe shal require according to this our admonition premised which we repute in thys parte for canonicall as well then as now and now as wel as then reseruing the absolution of this sentence excommunicatorie if it happen to light vpon thee as God forbid specially vnto our selues Testified with the handes of the Iurers aboue in the page 410. before specified ¶ The examination of Nicholas Herford Philip Repingdon and Iohn Ayshton THe 18. day of the month and yere aforesaid in the chamber of the preaching Friers afore mentioned before the foresayde Archb. in the presence of diuers Doctours and Bachelers of Diuinitie and many Lawyers both Canon and Ciuil whose names are vnder written appeared M. Nich. Herford Philip Repingdon Iohn Ayshton Bachelers of diuinity Who after a corporal oth taken to shew their iudgements vpon the cōclusions aforesayd were examined seuerally eache one by himselfe before the
particularly whether any frier were bounde to get his liuing wyth his manuall labour so that it might not be lawfull for them to liue by begging They would make no aunswere at all After that the foresaid Lord Archb. of Cant. demaunded of all the foresaid Doctors what their iudgement was touching the answeres that were made vpon all singuler such conclusions All which doctors and euery of them seuerally sayd the there all the answeres geuen vnto the first second third and sixt coÌ„clusions as is before recited were insufficient hereticall and subtill and that all the answeres made specially to the tenth ninth and last conclusions as is aboue mentioned were insufficieÌ„t erroneous and peruerse Whereupon the Lord sayd Archbishop of Caunterbury considering the sayd aunsweres to be hereticall subtill erroneous and peruerse accordingly as the said Doctors as is aforesayd had wayed and considered admonished the said Nicholas and Phillip sufficiently vnder these forme of wordes The name of Christ being called vpon we William by Gods permission Archbishop of Canterbury Metropopolitane of al England and Legate of the Apostolique see and through all our prouince of Caunterbury Inquisitor of all heretical prauitie do sufficiently and lawfully admonish and cite you Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repingdon professors of Diuinitie hauing this day and place assigned you by your own consent and our prefictioÌ„ peremptorily to answere and to say fully and playnely your opinions touching these conclusions wherunto we do referre you all subtill sophisticall and Logicall wordes set apart being therunto sworne cited commanded Which thyng to do without cause reasonable or any licence geuen thereunto you neither haue bene willing nor are willing nay rather ye contemptuously refused to aunswere to some of those conclusions before vs iudicially according to the effect of our monition citation and commaundement before sayd But for that ye haue aunswered vnto some of them heretically and to other some erroneously although not fully we admonish and cite you once twice and thrice and that peremtorily that plainely and fully all subtile sophisticall and logicall wordes set apart you and euery of you answer vnto the same conclusions and vnto that sense and meaning by vs limitted vnder the payne that otherwise such conclusions deserue by you confessed and that for the same conclusions you ought to haue Which admonition being made and done for that the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip woulde make none other answere The said Lord archbish of Caunterbury concluded that busines prefixing and assigning vnto the foresayd Nichalas and Phillip 8. dayes space that is to say vntill the 27. day of the same month And that then they shoulde appeare before the sayd Lord Archbishop of Canterbury whersoeuer within the same his prouince of Caunterbury hee shoulde fortune to be to heare his decree that shoulde be made in that behalfe This done the foresayd Archbish. of Caunterbury monished and cited lawfully and sufficiently Iohn Aishton vnder the the tenour of these wordes following In the name of God we William by Gods permissioÌ„ Archb. of Cant. Primate of all England Legate of the see Apostolicall and through all our prouince of Cant. of all heretical prauitie chiefe Inquisitour do monish cite thee Iohn Asheton maister of arte and student in diuinitie appearing before vs iudicially to say and speake the playne veritie touching these conclusions to the which we doe referre thee and to the which we haue caused thee to sweare laying thy hand vpon a booke as being also otherwise by vs admonished and commaunded to keepe this daye and place by vs appointed for the third time peremptorily to propone such reasonable cause if thou hast any wherefore thou oughtest not to be pronounced an hereticke And sufficiently and lawfully we monish and cite thee the first second and third time and that peremptorily that thou fully and playnely all subtill sophisticall and logicall wordes for apart doe aunswere vnto the same conclusions vnder the payne that vnto such conclusions belong on thy part confessed and that thou for suche conclusions oughtest to suffer whiche monition being thus premised The sayde Archbishop read the first conclusion and of the sayd Iohn inquired what was his opinion and meaning therein and hereupon he said his minde conceâ—ning the foresayd monition Then the foresaid Iohn Asheton being often required by the archbishop that he woulde aunswere in the â—aâ—me tongue to 〈◊〉 questions whiâ—h were demaunded of him because 〈◊〉 lay people that stood about him he crying out into the Englishe tongue vttered friuolous and approbrious 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 and excite the people against the saâ—â— Archbishop as it should seem Neyther did he vnto the fiâ—st conâ—lusion nor vnto any of these other conclusions effectually and pertinently seeme to them to aunswere but rather by the subtilties shiftes saying oftentimes and as expresly as Luke said it was sufficieÌ„t for him to beleue as the holy Church beleued Then the said Archbishop examined him vpon the first conclusion touching the Sacrament of the anâ—â—r whether that after the wordes of consecration there remayneth materiall bread particular bread or vniuersall bread He sayde the matter passed his vnderstanding and therefore said the woulde in that forme and maner aunswere and otherwise not But amongest other things he spake in deriding wise vnto the said Archb. against this worde Materiall saying you may put that in your purse if you haue any Whereupon the said Archbishop calling that an vnwise and foolishe aunswere as the rest of the doctors did of whome mention was made before rather for that he was a graduat in the schooles farther proceeded against the said Iohn Asheton in this wise And thou Iohn Asheton monished and commaunded by vs as is aforesayd after thine oth taken without anye reasonable cause or any other other licence neither wouldest thou nor yet will but refused and yet doest contemptuously to aunswere vnto such conclusions before vs iudicially according to our monition commandement aforesad doe hold all such conclusions by thee confessed thee the foresaid Iohn with all thy said conclusions conuicted And therfore we do pronounce and declare by sentence geuing that thou Iohn Ashton coÌ„cerning those coÌ„clusions which by vs with good deliberation of diuers prelates our suffraganes and also diuers and sondry professours of diuinitie and other wise men and learned in the lawe according to the Canonicall sanctions being condemned and declared for an hereticke and hereticall to haue bene and still is an hereticke and thy conclusions heretical And as touching thy other conclusions by vs hertofore counted erroneous and for erroneous condemned we doe pronounce and declare sententially by these our writinges that both thou hast erred and doest erre Upon the same 20. day of Iune in the yeare and place aboue recited the foresaid Lord of Caunterbury being desirous as he pretended to be informed by Thomas HilmaÌ„ bacheler of diuinitie there being present and somewhat fauouring the said M.
Iohn Asheton what his iudgement opinion was touching the foresaid conclusions prefixed and assigned vnto the said Thomas for that time demaunding the same deliberation and day 8. dayes after that is to say the 28. of the said month that he appeare before the Bishop of Cant. wheresoeuer within his said prouince of Canterbury he should then happen to be to declare playnely and fully what his iudgement and opinion was touching the foresaid conclusions Ex Regist W. Courtney The names of Friers and Doctors assistent at the examination aforesaid Friers Obseruantes Botlesham B. of Nauaton frier Iohn Langley William Suard Friers of Dominickes order Iohn Kyngham Iohn Louey Peter Stokes Walter Dish Friers Carmelites Thomas Ashburn Baukine Robert Walbey Doctors and Fryers Augustines M. Iohn Barnet M. Thomas Backton M. Iohn Blanchard M. Iohn Shillingford M. Lydford M. Thomas Southam The Friday next following that is to say the 28. day of Iune the foresaid M. Nicholas Phillip and Thom. Hilman appeared before the said Archb. and lord Inquisitour of Canterbury in the chappell of his manor of Otfurd in the Dioces of Canterbury there sitting in his Tribunall seat To whom the sayd bishop of Canterbury saying that for because at that time he had not the presence assistence of the doctors in diuinitie and of the Canon and ciuil law He continued the sayd busines touching the sayd Nicholas Phillip and Thomas in the same state wherin theÌ„ it was till Tewesday next immediately ensuing that is to say the first day of Iuly the yeare of the Lord abouesayd and prefixed vnto the said Nicholas Phillip and Thomas Hilman the same day to appeare before him wheresoeuer within his prouince of Caunterb he should then chaunce to be to do that whiche vppon the sayd 28. day they were purposed to doe together or a part Which Tuesday being come the foresaid Archb. in the chiefe house of his Churche at Canterbury before the houre of 9. with the doctours whose names are vnder conteined and other Clerkes a great multitude Expected the foresaid Nicholas Phillip and Thomas longâ—ime by the bedle calling them and looking after them who neuerthelesse appeared not before two of the clocke after dinner the same day continuing the foresayd busines in the pristine state til the same houre At which houre the foresaid Archbishop of Cant. hauing assistentes the doctors clerkes vnder recited examined the foresayd maister Thomas Hilman theÌ„ and there iudicially appearing what his opinioÌ„ was touching the foresayd conclusions who at them and the meaning of them somewhat stammering at last to all and singuler the same conclusions then to him red and expounded thus aunswered I suppose and iudge all singuler those conclusions lately condemned by my Lord of Canterbury that now is together with the couÌ„saile and consent of hys clerkes to be hereticall and erroneous eueÌ„ as the same my Lord of Caunterbury and other doctours of Diuinitie of the Canon and ciuill law by common consent counsaile haue supposed and thought And that the same being for hereesies and errours as before is sayd condemned doe as much as in me is condemne protesting that I will holde and affirme the contrary of those coÌ„clusions in the same sayth liue and dye Then sayd the archbishop of Caunterbury then there sitting as Tribunall or iudge pronouncing the said maisters Nicholas and Phillip long in court called before and taried for and yet not appearing guilty of contumacy and disobedience excommunicated them for the penaltie of this their coÌ„tumacie in tenor of these words following We William by the grace of God archbishop of Caunterbury Primate of Englande Legate of the Apostolicall see and thorough all our prouince of Canterbury of al hereticall prauitie chiefe Inquisitour Do pronounce maister Nicholas Herford and maister Phillip Repingdon professours of diuinitie hauing this day and place by our prefiction appoynted to heart decree in this busines of hereticall prauitie being in Court by our Bedle long called taried for and yet not appearing to be stubburne and disobedient persons and for the penalty of this their contumacie we do excommunicate them and either of them by these presentes * The denouncing of the excommunication agaynst Nicholas Herford and Phillip Reppington WIlliam by Gods permission Archb. of Caunterb c. To our beloued sonne in Christ whosoeuer he be that this instaunt sonday shall preach at Paules crosse in London SalutatioÌ„ grace and blessing For asmuch as we prefixed a certaine competent day and place to maister Nicholes Herford and maister Phillip ReppingtoÌ„ Canon Regular of the Monastery of our Lady of Leicester beyng Doctours of Diuinitie and of heretical prauitie vehemeÌ„tly suspected After certayne aunsweres not fully made but impertinently and nothing to the purpose as also hereticall and erroneous In diuers places of our said prouince commonly generally and publikely taught and preached and therfore that they should iudicially appeare before vs to doe to receaue peremtorily in that behalfe what thing soeuer the quallitie of that busines shoulde moue vnto vs and that we haue for their contumacie in not appearing before vs at that day and place iudicially appoynted as right therein required We by these presentes commaund commit vnto you firmely enioyning you that when all the multitude of people shal be gathered together to heare your sermoÌ„ that in the day and place appoynted you publikely and solemnly denouÌ„ce the foresaid Nicholas Phillip holding vp a crosse and lighting vp a candle and then throwing downe the same vpon the ground to haue bene so and in such maner excommunicated and still be Fare ye well In our Manour house at Lambeth the 13. day of Iuly the yeare of our Lord. 1382. and first yeare of our translation * The Citation agaynst the sayd Nicholas and Phillip WIlliam by the grace of God c. To our welbeloued sonne M. Robbert Rigge chauncellour of the Vniuersitie of Oxford salutation c. For as muche as we haue prefixed a competent day and place to M Nicholas Heerford and M. Phillip Reppington c. as before We straightly charge and commaund you that you publiquely and solemnly denounce in the church of our Lady and in the scholes of the Vniuersity the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip to haue bene by vs excommunicated and still is And that you further cite or cause to be cited peremptorily the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip that they and euery of them appeare before vs within 15. dayes after the date of this citation wheresoeuer it shall fortune vs within our sayd prouince of Caunterbury then to be To heare and see how we meane to proceed against them and euery of them concerning the foresayd hereticall and erroneous conclusions according to the forme of retroactions and quallitie of the busines in this behalfe had and vsed And that both of the day of the receipt of this present citation of the maner and forme thereof or
if that you shall apprehend by personall citation the sayd Nicholas and Phillip or either of them or whither they shall be absent and hide themselues as of euery thing els which in this behalfe you shall thinke meete to be done that betweene this and the feast of S Laurence you clerely certifie vs by your letters patentes contayning the effect of these thinges Fare ye well At our Manour of Lambeth the 13. day of Iuly the yeare of our Lord. 1382. and first yeare of our translation * The names of the Doctours and Fryers assistentes at this sitting Seculars M. William Blankpayne M. Wil. Barton Friers Carmelits Robert Euery prior Iohn Reningham prior and Iohn Lunne Friors Minors William Barnwel Iohn Ryddin and William Brunscombe Friers Augustines Iohn Court Patrington Tomson and Reepes Against this blind excommunication of the said archb the parties excommunicate commēced and exhibited their appeale vnto the bishop of Rome Which appeale of theirs as insufficient or rather to him vnpleasaunt the said archbishop vtterly reiected as might oftētimes ouercommeth right proceeding in his preconceaued excommunication against thē and writing moreouer his letters to hym that should preach next at Paules crosse as is aforesaid to denounce and to publishe openly the said Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington to be excommunicate for that not appearing and theyr terme assigned Which was in the 13. day of the month of Iuly Which archbishop moreouer the said yeare month and day aforesaid sent also an other letter to M. Rigge Commissary of Oxford straightly enioyning and charging him not onely to denounce the sayd sentence of excommunication and to geue out publique citation against them but also to make dilligent search and inquisition through all Oxford for them to haue them apprehended and sent vp to him personally before him to appeare at a certain day prescribed for the same Wherby may appeare howe busie this Bish. was in disquieting persecuting these poremē whō rather he should haue nourished and cherished vs his brethren But as his labour is past so his reward will follow at what day the great Archbishop of our soules shall iudicially appeare in his tribunall seat to iudge both the quick and the dead The archb yet not contented with this doth moreouer by all meanes possible sollicite the king to ioyne withall the power of his temporall sword for that he well perceaued that hitherto as yet the popishe Clergy had no authoritie sufficient by any publique law or Statute of thys land to proceede vnto death against anye person whatsoeuer in case of Religion but onely by the vsurped tyranny and example of the court of Rome Where note gentle reader for thy better vnderstanding the practise of the romish prelates in seeking the kinges help to further their bloudy purpose against the good saintes of God Which king being but young and vnder yeares of ripe iudgement partly enduced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresayd Archbishop partly also eyther for feare of the Bishoppes for kings cannot alwayes doe in their realmes what they will or els perhaps entised by some hope of subsidie to be gathered by the Clergy was contented to adioyne his priuate assent such as it was to the setting downe of an ordinaunce which was in deede the very first lawe that is to be found made against Religion and the professors thereof bearing the name of an Acre made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Anno. 5. Rich. 2. where among sundry other Statutes then published and yet remayning in the printed bookes of Statutes this supposed Statute is to be found Cap. 5. vltimo as followeth Item forasmuch as it is openly knowne that there be diuerse euill persons within the realme going from county to countie and from Towne to Towne in certayne habites vnder dissimulation of great holinesse and without the licence of the ordinaries of the places or other sufficient authoritie preaching dayly not onely in Churches churchyardes but also in markets fayres and other open places where a great congregation of people is diuers sermons contayning heresies and notorious errours to the great emblemishing of Christen fayth and destruction of the lawes and of the estate of holy Churche to the great perill of the soules of the people and of all the realme of England as more plainly is found and sufficiently proued before the reuerend father in God the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the bishops and other prelates maisters of Diuinitie and doctors of Canon of ciuil law and a great part of the clergy of the said Realme specially assembled for this great cause which persons do also preach diuers matters of slander to engender discorde and discention betwixt diuers estates of the said realme as well spirituall as temporall in exciting of the people to the great perill of all the Realme which preachers cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places thereto aunswere of that whereof they be impeached they will not obey to their sommons commandementes nor care not for their monitions nor censures of the holy Church but expressely despise them And moreouer by their subtile and ingenious wordes doe drawe the people to heare theire Sermons and doe mayntayne them in their errours by strong hand and by great rowtes It is ordayned assented in this present parliament that the kinges commissions be made and directed to the Sheriffes and other ministers of our soueraigne Lord the king or other sufficiēt persons learned and according to the certifications of the prelates therof to be made in the Chauncery from time to time to arest all such preachers and also their fautours mayntaynours and abbertours and doe hold them in arrest and strong prison till they wil iustify to them according to the law and reason of holy Church And the king will and commaund that the Chauncellour make such commissions at all times that he by the Prelates or any of them shal bee certified and thereof required as is aforesaid An examination of the foresayd supposed Statute and of the inualiditie therof WHich supposed statute for as muche as it was the principall ground whereuppon proceeded all the persecution of that time it is therefore not impertinent to examine the same more perticularly wherby shall appeare that as the same was fraudulently and vnduly deuised by the Prelates onely so was it in like maner most iniuriously and vnorderly executed by them For immediately vpon the publishing of this lawe without further warrant eyther from the king or his councell commissions vnder the great seale of England were made in this forme Richard by the grace of God c. vt patet act pag. 541. Witnesse my self at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the sixt yeare of our raigne Without more wordes of warrant vnder written such as in like cases are both vsuall and requisite Viz. per ipsum Regem per Regem Concilium or per breue de priuato
sayd Henry was voyde and of none effecte and commaundement geuen that the sayd Henry shoulde be restored and admitted agayne to his former lectures and scholasticall actes and to his pristine state as you knowe To the intent therefore that this decree aforesaid shoulde be more duely executed of your part we heare by these presentes straightly charge and commaund you That you speedily reuoking agayne all your processe against the sayd Henry in the vniuersitie aforesayd with all other that followed thereof doe admitte and cause to be restored agayne the sayd Henry to his scholasticall actes his accustomed lectures and pristine estate without all delay according to the forme of the decree and determination aforesayd Enioyning you moreouer and your commissaries or deputies and your successoures and all other maisters regent and not regent and other presidentes officers ministers and scholers of the vniuersitie aforesayd vpon your faith and legeance you owe vnto vs that you doe not impeache molest or greeue or cause to be greued any maner of way priuy or apertly the sayd Frier Henry for the causes premised or Frier Peter Stokes Carmelite for the occasion of his absence from the vniuersitie or Fryer Stephen PackingtoÌ„ Carmelite or any other religious or secular person fauouring them vpon the occasion of any eyther word or deed whatsoeuer concerning the doctrine of maister Iohn Wickliffe Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repindon or the reprose and condemnation of their herefies and erroures or the correction of their fauourers But that you doe procure the peace vnitie and quiet within the sayd vniuersitie and chiefly betweene the religious and secular persons and that you with all diligence nourishe encrease and preserue the same to the vttermost of your strength And that you in no case omitte to doe it accordingly vppon the forfaytures of all and singular the liberties and priuiledgies of the vniuersitie aforesayd Witnesse my selfe at Westminster the 14. day of Iuly Mention was made as you heard a little before how M. Rigges Vicechancellor of Oxford comming vp wyth M. Bryghtwell to the archb of Cant. was there straightly examined of the conclusions of Wickliffe Where he notwithstanding through the helpe of the B. of Wint. obtayned pardon and was sent away agayn with commaundementes and charges to seeke out all the fauorers of Iohn Wickliffe This commaundement being receaued Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington being priuily warned by the sayd Vicechauncellor in the meane season coÌ„ueied them out of sight and fled to the Duke of LaÌ„caster for succour help but the Duke whether for feare or what cause els I cannot say in the end forsooke his poore and miserable clientes In the meane time while they were fled thus to the Duke great search and inquisition was made for them to cite and to apprehend them where so euer they might be found Wherupon the archb of W. Courtney directed out his letters first to the Vicechauncellor of Oxford then to the Bishop of London named Rob. Braybrokeâ— charging them not onely to excommunicate the sayd Nicholas and Phillip within their iurisdiction and the sayd excommunication to be denounced likewise throughout all the dioces of his suffraganes but also moreouer that dilligent search and watch should be layd for them both in Oxâ—orde and in LondoÌ„ that they might be apprehended requiring moreouer by them to be certified agayne what they had done in the premisses And thys was written the 14. day of Iuly an 1382. Ex Regist. Vnto these letters receaued from the archbishop dilligent certificat was geuen accordingly as well of the Byshop of London his part as also of the Vicechauncelloâ— the tenour whereof was this * The letter certificatorie of the Vicechauncellor to the Archbishop TO the reuerend father in Christ Lord William Archbishop o Caunterbury Primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolique see Rob. Rigges professour of diuinitie and Vicechancellor of the vniuersitie of Oxforde greeting with due honour Your letters bearing the date of the 14. of Iuly I haue receaued By the authoritie wherof I haue denounced and caused to be denounced effectually the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip to haue bene and to be excommunicate publikely and solemnly in the Church of S. Mary and in the schooles and to be cited also personally if by any meanes they might be apprehended according as you commaunded But after dilligent search layd for them of my part to haue them personally cited and apprehended I coulde not finde neyther the sayd M. Nicholas not M. Phillip who haue hyd or conuayed themselues vnknowing to me as here is well knowne Whereof I thought here to geue signification to your Fatherhoode Sealed and testified with the seale of mine office From Oxford the 25. of Iuly In yâ— meane time Nicholas Herford and Repington being repulsed of the Duke and destitute as was sayde of his supportation whether they were sent or of theyr owne accorde went to the archbish it is vncertayne This I finde in a letter of the foresayd archbishop contayned in his register that Repington the the 23. day of October the same yeare 1382. was reconciled agayne to the Archbishop and also by his generall letter was released and admitted to his scholasticall actes in the vniuersitie And so was also Iohn Ashton of whom Christ willing more shall follow hereafter Of Nicholas Herford all this while I finde no speciall relation In the meane time about the 23. of the month of September the sayd yeare the king sent his mandate to the Archbishop for collecting of a subsidie and to haue a conuocation of the clergie sommoned against the next parliament which should begin the 18. day of Nouember The Archb. likewise on the 15. day of October directed his letters monitorie as the maner is to Robert Braybroke bishop of London to geue the same admonition to al his suffraganes and other of the Clergie within his prouince for the assembling of the conuocatioÌ„ aforesayd All which done and executed the parliameÌ„t begon being holden at Oxford the 18. day of Nouember where the conuocation was kept in the Monastery of Frideswide in Oxforde In the which conuocation the Archbishop with the other bishops there sitting in their Pontificalibus declared two causes of that their present assembly whereby sayth he to represse heresies which began newly in the realme to spring and for correcting other excesses in the Churche The other cause sayd he was to ayde and support the king with some necessary subsidie of mony to be gathered whiche thus declared the conuocation was continued till the day following which was the 19. of Nouember At the sayd day and place the Archbishop with the other Prelates assembling themselues as before The archbishop after the vsed solemnitie willed the procuratoures of the clergy appoynted for euery dioces to consult within themselues in some conuenient seuerall place what they thought for theyr partes touching the redresse of thinges to be notified and
the Church with such ample possessions 39. It is not necessary to saluation to beleue the church of Rome to be supreme head ouer all Churches 40. It is but folly to beleue the Popes pardons 41. All othes which be made for any coÌ„tract or ciuill bargayne betwixt man and man be vnlawfull 43. Benedict Fraunces Dominicke Bern with all such as haue bene patrons of priuate religion except they haue repented with such also as haue entred into the same be in a damnable state and so from the Pope to the lowest Noues they be all together heretickes Besides these Articles to the number of 45. condemned as is sayd by the Counsell of Constance Other articles also I finde diuersly collected or rather wrasted out of the bookes and writinges of Wickliffe some by William Wodford some by Walden by Frier Tyssington other whom they in theyr bookes haue impugned rather theÌ„ coÌ„futed In the number of whom William Wodford especially findeth out these Articles and writeth agaynst the same to the number of 18. as here vnder follow 1. The bread remayneth in his owne substaunce after the consecration therof vpon the aultar and ceaseth not to be bread still 2. As Iohn was figuratiuely Helias and not personally so the bread figuratiuely is the body of Christ and not naturally And that without all doubt this is a figuratiue speach to say this is my body as to say This Iohn is â—elias 3. In the Decree Ergo Berengarius the Courte of Rome hath determined that the Sacrament of the holy Eucharist is naturaly true bread 4. They which do affirme that the infantes of the faythful departing without the Sacrament of baptisme are not to be saued be presumptuous and fooles in so affirming 5. The administration of the Sacrament of confirmatioÌ„ is not onely reserued to the Bishops 6. In the time of S. Paule onely two orders of Clerkes did suffice in the Church Priests and Deacons Neither was there in the time of the Apostles any destinction of Popes Patriarches and Archbishops and Bishops but these the Emperors pride did finde it out 7. Such as in times past either for couetousnes of temporall lucre or of hope of mutuall succour by kindred or for cause to excuse their lust although they dispayred of issue were maryed were coupled together not by true Matrimony 8. The causes of diuorcement either for spirituall consanguinity or for affinity be not fouÌ„ded in Scripture but are onely ordinaunces of men 9 These words I will take thee to wife are rather to be taken in conâ—ract of matrimony then these wordes I doe take thee to wife And the contract with any party by the words of the future tence ought not to be frustrate for the contract with any party afterward made by the words of the present time 10. There be 12. disciples of Antechrist Popes Cardinals Patriarches Archbishops Bishops Archdeacons Officials Deanes Monkes Chanons Friers and Pardoners 11. In the booke of Numbers the 18. chapter in Ezechiell 44. chapter it is commaunded simply that neither the Priestes of Aaron nor the Leuites should haue any part of inheritance with other tribes but should liue meerly of tithes and oblations 12. There is no greater hereticke or Antechrist then that Clerke which teacheth that it is lawfull for Priestes and Leuites of the law of grace to be indued with temporall possessions And if there be any heretickes Apostates or blasphemers these Clerkes be such 13. It is not onely lawfull for the Lords temporal to take away goods of fortune from the Churchmen sinning vsually but also are bounde so to doe vnder payne of eternall damnation 14. He that is the more humble and more seruiceable to the Church and more enamoured with the loue of Christ he is in the church militant the greater and the more nearest Vicar of Christ. 15. If corporall vnction or aneling were a Sacrament as now it is fayned to be Christ and his Apostles would not haue left the ordinaunce thereof vntouched 16. Vnto the true dominion secular is required vertuous life of him that ruleth 17. All thinges that happen doe come absolutely of necessity 18. Whatsoeuer the Pope or his Cardinalles can deduce clearely out of the Scripture that only is to be beleued or to be done at their monitioÌ„ whatsoeuer otherwise they do commaund is to be condemned as hereticall Besides this W. Woodford afore mentioued diuers other there were which wrote agaynst these articles of Wicliffe aforesay maynteyning the Popes part as seemeth for flatterye rather then following any iust cause so to doe or shewing forth any reason or learning in disprouing the same Notwithstanding on the contrary part some there were againe both learned and godly which taking the part of Wickliffe without all flattery defended the most of the sayd articles openly in scholes and other places as appereth by the works of Iohn Hus who in his publicke determinations in the vniuersity of Prage stoode in defence of the same agaynst all his aduersaryes As partly is here to be seene in these tractations vnder folowing ¶ THE PVBLICK DEFENCE of certayne Articles of Iohn Wickliffe in the first Act before the whole Vniuersity of Prage in Charles Colledge ¶ The determination of I. Hus vpon the xiiij Article of Wickliffe as touching the preaching and hearing of the word of God made in the yeare of our Lord. 1412. FOr so much as to condemne the trueth wittingly or without reasonable examination doth tende to greate daunger of saluation as the Lord sayth Luke the sixt doe ye not condemne and ye shall not be condemned Therefore to auoyd this great dauÌ„ger the Vniuersity of Prage and the whole communalty there of the Rector Masters Doctors Bachelers and Studentes in theyr generall assembly not agreeing to the condemnation pronounced by the Doctors in theyr councell house requireth of the sayde Doctors a reasonable proofe of theyr condemnation and that they should by scripture authority or infallible reasoÌ„ proue the falsehead of euery those fiue and forty Articles The which being once done the sayd Vniuersity will agree to the sayd condemnation as iust For the Vniuersity doth well know that as Augustine sayth in the end of his second booke of Christian doctrine That what so euer a man doth learne besides the holy scriptures if it be hurtfull there it is condemned If it be profitable there it is founde And when a man hath founde all thinges therein which he hath profitably learned els where he shall much more aboundantly finde those thinges which are found in no place els but are learned in the maruelous deapth and maruellous profoundnesse of those most sacred Scriptures onely Thus writeth Augustine And Gregory in his three twenty booke of Moralles sayth thus God in the holye scripture hath comprehended whatsoeuer thing may happen vnto any man and in the same hath by the examples of those which are gone afore taught them which are to come how to
suspected of the byshops were the more maliced no doubt therefore of the sayd byshops whiche were the more ready to finde take all occasions to worke agaynst them as by theyr doyng herein may wel appeare For the bishop of Salisbury and archb of Yorke hauing no greater matter agaynst them then was declared with a grieuous complaynt went to the king complayning of the Mayor and Sheriffes of LoÌ„don What trespasse the Mayor and Sheriffes had done as ye haue heard before so may you iudge Now what followed after let vs heare The king incensed not a little w e the complaynt of the Bishops conceined estsoones against the Mayor and Sheriffes and agaynst the whole Cittie of London a great stomache In so muche that the Mayor both the Sheriffes were sent for and remoued from theyr office Syr Edward Darlyngton then was made warden Gouernor of the citie who also for hys gentlenes shewed to the Cittizens was also deposed and an other named syr Baldwyn Radington placed in that roome Moreouer so much grew the kinges displeasure agaynst the City that he also remoued from London the courtes termes to be kept at Yorke that is to say the Chauncery the Eschequer the kinges benche the hamper and the common place where the same conâ—â—â—ued from Midsommer tyll Christenmas to the great decay of the Cittye of London which was an 1393. Thivdly an other great cause whiche purchased the K. much euill will among hys subiectes was the secret murthering of his owne Uncle named T. Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester of whom mention was made before where was declared how the said Duke with the Earle of Arundell the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Darby with other were vp in armour agaynst certaine wicked Counsaylours about the king Whereupon the king watching afterward hys time came into Chelsford so to the place neare by where the Duke lay wherwith hys own hands he arested the sayd Duke his Uncle and sent him downe by water immediatly to Calice And there through the kinges commaundement by secret meanes was put to death being strangled vnder a fetherbed the Earle Marshall being then the keeper of Calis Wherby great indignation roâ—e in many mens hartes agaynst the king With the same Duke of Gloucester also about the same time was arested and imprisoned the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundel who being condemned by parliament were then executed whereby great grudge and great indignation rose in the heartes of many agaynst the king an 1397. Fourthly to omit here the blanke chartes sent ouer all the land by the king and how the king was sayd to let out his realme to ferme Ouer and beside all these aboue premised fell an other matter whiche was the principall occasion of this mischiefe The banishment I meane of HeÌ„ry Erle of Darby and made Duke of Herford a little before being sonne of Iohn of Gaunt the Duke of LaÌ„caster who dyed shortly after the banishment of hys sonne and lieth buryed in the Church of S. Paule in London and the Duke of Northfolke who was before Erle of Notingham and after by this king made Duke of Northfolke the yeare before At which time the king made 5. Dukes a Marques and foure Earles to wit Duke of Herforde whiche was before Earle of Darby Duke of Awmerle which was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Exester whiche was before Erle of Huntington and this Duke of North folke being before Earle of Notinghame as is aforesayd c. The occasion of banishing these foresayd Dukes was this About this present time the Duke of Herforde did appeach the Duke of Northfolke vppon certayne wordes to be spoken against the king Wherupon casting theyr gloues one agaynst the other they appoynted to fight out yâ— quarrell a day being for the same appoynted at Couentry But the king tooke vp the matter in hys owne handes banishing the Duke of Northfolke for euer whiche after dyed at Uenice and the other Duke which was the Duke of Herford for 10. yeares Beside these also was exiled in France Thomas Arunder archbishop of Caunterbury by Acte of Parliament in the same yere for poynts of treason as ye haue heard before expressed page 512. col 2. All which turned to the great inconuenieÌ„ce of this king as in the euent following may appeare These causes and preparatiues thus premised it followed the yeare after which was an 1399. and last yeare of this king that the king vpon certaine affayres to be done tooke hys viage into Ireland In which meane time HeÌ„ry of Bollingbroke Earle of Darby and Duke of Herford and with him the foresayd archbishop Thomas Arundel which before were both exiled returning out of Fraunce to Calice came into England challenging the Dukedome of Lancaster after the death of hys father With â—hem also came the sonne and heyre of the Earle of Arundell beyng yet but yong These together setting out of Calice arriued at Rauenspur in the North. At the knowledge whereof much people gathered vnto them In this meane time as the Duke was houering on the sea to enter the land L. Edmund Duke of York the kings Uncle to whome the king committed the custodye of thys realm hauing intelligence thereof called to him the Byshop of Chichester named Edmund Stafford Chauncellor of the Realme and W. Scroupe Earle of Wiltshyre Lorde Treasurer also I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene and Iohn Ruschell with diuers other consulting with them what was best in that case to be done Who then gaue their aduise whether wilful or vnskilfull it is not knowne but very vnfruitfull that he shold leaue london and go to S. Albons there to wayt for more strength able to encounter with the Duke But as the people out of diuers quarters resorted thether many of them protested that they woulde do nothing to the harme and preiudice of the Duke of LaÌ„caster who they sayd was uniustly expulsed The rest then of the counsayle I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene W. Stroupe Treasurer hearing and vnderstanding how the commons were minded to ioyne with the Duke of Hereford left the Duke of York and the lord Chauncellor and fled to the Castell of Bristow Where is to be vnderstand that these foure were they to whome the common fame ran that the king had let out hys realme to farme and were so hated of the people that it is to be thought that for the hatred of them more then for the king this commotion was among the people As this broyle was in England the noyse therof sounding to the kinges eares being then in Ireland for hastye speed of returning into England left in Ireland both his busines and most of hys ordinance also behinde hym And so passing the seas landed at Milforde hauen not daryng as it seemed to come to London On the contrary side vnto Henry Duke of Herforde being landed
sayd Archb. commaunded a copy of such articles or conclusions to be deliuered then and thereunto the sayd syr William assigning the Thursday then next ensiting to him to deliberate and make aunswere in When Thursday the sayd day of apparance was come Maister Nicholas Rishton auditour of the causes and busines belonging to the sayd archbishop then beyng in the Parliament house at Westminster otherwise let cōtinued the sayd conuocation with all matters rising depending and appartinent thereunto by commaundement of the sayd Byshop vntill the next morrow at eight of the clocke When the morow came being Friday The foresaid sir William Sautre in the chapter house before the sayd bishop and hys counsayle prouinciall then and there assembled making his personall appearaunce exhibited a certayne scrole contayning the aunsweres vnto certayne articles or conclusions geuen vnto him as is aforesaid by the said Bishop and sayd that vnto the foresayd Archbyshop he deliuered the same as his answere in that behalfe vnder the tenour of such wordes as follow I William Sautre priest vnworthy say and aunswere that I will not nor intend not to worship the crosse wheron Christ was crucified but onely Christ that suffered vpon the crosse so vnderstanding me that I will not worship the materiall crosse for the grosse corporall matter yet notwithstanding I will worship the same as a signe token and memoriall of the passion of Christ Adoratione vicaria And that I will rather worship a temporall Kyng then the foresayd wooden crosse as the materiall substance of the same And that I will rather worship the bodyes of Saintes then the very crosse of Christ whereon he hong with this addition that if the very same Crosse were afore me as touching the materiall substaunce And also that I will rather worship a man truely confessed and penitent then the crosse on which Christ hong as touching the materiall substaunce And that also I am bound and will rather worship him whom I know to be predestinate truly confessed and contrite then an angell of God for that the one is a man of the same nature with the humanitie of Christ and so is not a blessed aungell Notwithstanding I will worship both of them according as the will of God is I should Also that if any man hath made a vow to visite the shrines of the Apostles Peter and Paule or to goe on pilgrimage vnto S. Thomas tombe or anye whither els to obtayne any temporall benefite or commoditie he is not bound simply to keepe his vow vpon the necessitye of saluation But that he may geue the expences of his vowe in almes amongst the poore by the prudent counsayle of his superiour as I suppose And also I say that euery Deacon and Priest is more bound to preach the word of God then to say the canonicall houres according to the primitiue order of the church Also touching the interrogation of the sacrament of the aulter I say that after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes of the body of Christ there reaseth to be very bread simply but remaineth bread holy true and the bread of life ynd I beleue the sayd sacrament to be the very body of Christ after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes When all these aunsweres were throughly by Maister Robert Hall directly and publikely there read the foresaid Archb. of Cant. inquired of the sayd sir William whither he had abiured the foresayd herefies and errors obiected agaynst him as before is sayd before the Byshop of Norwich or not or els had reuoked and renounced the sayd or such like conclusions or articles or not To which he aunswered and affirmed that he had not And then consequētly all other articles conclusions and aunsweres aboue writen immediately omitted the sayd Archbishop examined the same sir W. Sautre especially vpon the sacrament of the aulter First whether in the sacrament of the aulter after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes remayneth very materiall bread or not Unto which interrogation the same sir W. somewhat waueringly sayd and answered that he knew not that Notwithstanding he sayd that there was very bread because it was the bread of life whiche came downe from heauen After that the sayd Archbishop demaunded of hym whither in the sacrament after the sacramentall woordes rightly pronounced of the Priest the same bread remayneth which did before the wordes pronounced or not And to this question the foresayde William aunswered in like maner as before saying that there was bread holy true and the bread of life c. After that the foresayd Archb. asked him whether the same naturall bread before consecration by the sacramentall woordes of the priest rightly pronounced be transubstantiated from the nature of bread into the very bodye of Christ or not Whereunto sir William sayd that he knewe not what that matter ment And then the sayde Archbish. assigned vnto the said sir William tyme to deliberate and more fully to make hys aunswere till the next day and continued this conuocation then and there till the morow Which morrow to wit the 19. day of February being come the foresayd Archbish. of Cant. in the sayd chapter house of S. Paule in London before hys counsayle prouincial then and there assembled specially asked and examined the same sir William Sautre there personally present vpon the sacramēt of the aulter as before And the same Sir William agayne in like maner as before aunswered After this amongst other thinges the sayd Byshop demaunded of the same William if the same materiall bread beyng vpon the aulter after the sacramentall words being of the priest rightly pronounced is transubstantiated into the very body of Christ or not And the sayd sir William sayd he vnderstoode not what he ment Then the sayd archbishop demaunded whether that materiall bread being round and white prepared and disposed for the sacrament of the body of Christ vpon the aulter wanting nothing that is meete and requisite thereunto by the vertue of the sacramentall wordes being of the priest rightly pronounced be altered and chaunged into the very body of Christ and ceaseth any more to be materiall and very bread or not Then the sayd syr William deredingly aunswering sayd he could not tell Then consequently the sayd Archbishop demaunded whether he would stand to the determination of the holye Church or not which affirmeth that in the Sacrament of the aulter after the wordes of consecration being rightly pronounced of the Priest the same bread whiche before in nature was bread ceaseth any more to be bread To this interrogation the sayd sir William sayd that he woulde stand to the determination of the church where such determination was not contrary to the will of God This done he demaunded of him agayne what hys iudgement was concerning the Sacrament of the aulter who sayd and affirmed that after the wordes of consecration by the priest duely pronounced remayned very bread and the same bread which was before the
called vnto him the Archbishop of Yorke Richard London Henry Winchester Robert Chichester Alexander Norwich the noble prince Edmond the Duke of Yorke Rafe Earle of Westmerland Thomas Beaufort Knight Lord Chancellour of England and the Lord Beamond with other noble men as well spirituall as temporall that stood and sate by whome to name it would be long Before whome the said Iohn Badby was called personallie to answere vnto the Articles premised in the foresaid instrument Who when he came personallie before them the articles were read by the Officiall of the court of Cant. and by the Archb. in the vulgare tong expounded publikely and expresly and the same Articles as he before had spoken and deposed he still held and defended and said that whilest he liued he would neuer retract the same And furthermore he said specially to to be noted that the Lord duke of Yorke personallie there present as is aforesaid and euery man els for the time beeing is of more estimation and reputation then the Sacrament of the aulter by the priest in due forme consecrated And whilest they were thus in his examination the Archbishop considering and waying that he would in no wise be altered and seing moreouer his countenance stout and hart confirmed so that he began to persuade other as it appeared in the same These things considered the Archprelate whē he saw that by his allurements it was not in his power neither by exhortations reasons nor arguments to bring the said Iohn Badbye from his constant truth to his Catholique faith executing and doing the office of his great maister proceeded to confirme and ratifie the former sentence giuen before by the Bishop of Worcester against the said Iohn Badby pronouncing him for an open and publique hereticke And thus shifting their hands of him they deliuered him to the secular power and desired the sayd temporall Lords then and there present verie instantlie that they would not put the same Iohn Badby to death for that his offence nor deliuer him to be punished or put to death in y◠presence of all the Lordsabone recited These things thus done and concluded by the Bishops in the forenoone on the afternoone the Kings writte was not far behind By the force wherof I. Badby still perseuering in his constancie vnto the death was brought into Smithfield and there being put in an emptie barrell was bound with iron chaines fastened to a stake hauing drie wood put about him And as he was thus standing in the pipe or tonne for as yet Cherillus Bull was not in vre among the bishops it happened that the Prince the kings eldest sonne was there present Who shewing some part of the good Samaritane began to endeuour and assay how to saue the life of him whome the hypocriticall Leuites and Phariseis sought to put to death He admonished and counsailed him that hauing respect vnto himselfe he should spedelie withdraw himselfe out of these dangerous Laberinths of opinions adding oftentimes threatnings the which might haue daunted anie mans stomacke Also Courtney at that time Chancellor of Oxford preached vnto him and enformed him of the faith of holie Church In this meane season the Prior of S. Bartlemewes in Smithfield brought with all solemnitie the Sacrament of Gods body with twelue torches borne before and so shewed the Sacrament to the poore man being at the stake And then they demanded of him how he beleeued in it he answering that he knew well it was halowed bread and not gods body And then was the tunne put ouer him and fire put vnto him And when he felt fire he cried mercie calling belike vpon the Lord and so the Prince immediatelie commanded to take awaie the tunne and quench the fire The Prince his commandement being done asked him if he would forsake heresie to take him to the faith of holie Church which thing if he would doo he should haue goods inough promising also vnto him a yearelie stipend out of the kings treasurie so much as should suffice his contentation ¶ The description of the horrible burning of Iohn Badby and how he was vsed at hys death This godly Martyr Iohn Badby hauing thus consummate his testimony and martyrdome in fire the persecuting Bishops yet not herewith contented and thinking themselues as yet eyther not strong inough or els not sharpe enough agaynst tht poore innocent flock of Christ to make all thinges sure and substantiall on theyr side in such sorte as this doctrine of the Gospell nowe springing should be suppressed for euer layd theyr conspiring heads together hauing now a king for theyr own purpose ready to serue theyr turn in all poynts during the time of the same Parliamēt aboue recited yet cōtinuing the foresayd bishops and clergy of the realme exhibited a Bul vnto the kings maiestie subtily declaring what quietnes hath ben mayntayned within this realme by his most noble progenitours who alwayes defended the auncient rites and customes of the Church and enriched the same with large gifts to the honor of God and the realme and contrariwise what trouble and disquietnes was now risen by diuers as they termed them wicked and peruerse men teachinge and preachinge openlye and priuilye acertayne new wicked and hereticall kinde of doctrine contrary to the Catholicke fayth and determination of holye Church whervpon the king alwayes oppressed with blynd ignoraunce by the crafty meanes and subtile pretences of the clergie graunted in the sayd Parliament by consent of the nobilitie assembled a statute to be obserued called Ex officio as followeth The Statute Ex officio That is to say that no man within this Realme or other the kinges maiesties dominions presume or take vpon him to preach priuily or apertly without speciall licence first obteyned of the ordinary of the same place Curates in theyr owne parishe Churches and persons heretofore priuiledged and others admitted by the Canon law onely excepted Nor that any hereafter do preach mayntayne teach informe openly or in secret or make or write any booke contrary to the catholique fayth and determination of the holy Church Nor that any hereafter make anye conuenticles or assemblies or keepe and exercise anye maner of schooles touching this sect wicked doctrin and opinion And further that no man hereafter shall by any meanes fauour anye such preacher any such maker of vnlawfull assemblies or any such booke maker or writer and finally any such teacher informer or stirrer vp of the people And that all and singuler persons hauing anye the sayd bookes writinges or schedules contayning the sayd wicked doctrines and opinions shall within forty dayes after this present proclamation and statute really and effectually deliuer or cause to be deliuered all and singuler the sayd bookes and writinges vnto the ordinary of the same place And if it shall happen anye person or persons of what kinde state or condition soeuer he or they be to doe or attempt anye manner of thing contrarye to this
present proclamation statute or not to deliuer the same books in forme aforesayd That then the ordinary of the same place in his owne diocesse by authoritie of the sayd proclamation and statute shall cause to be arested and deteined vnder safe custody the sayd person or persōs in this case diffamed and euidently suspected or any of them vntill he or they so offending haue by order of lawe purged him or themselues as touching the articles layd to hys or theyr charge in this behalfe or vntill he or they haue denyed and recanted according to the lawes ecclesiasticall the sayd wicked sect preachinges teachinges and hereticall and erroneous opinions And that the sayd ordinary by himselfe or his Commissaries proceede openly and iudicially to all the effect of law agaynst the sayd persons so arested and remayning vnder safe custody that he end and determine the matter within three monethes after the sayd arest all delayes and excuses set apart according to the order and custom of the Canon law And if any person in any cause aboue mentioned shal be lawfully conuicted before the ordinary of the diocesse or hys Comissaries that then the sayd Ordinary may lawfully cause the sayd person so conuicted according to the maner and quallitie of hys fact to be layd in any of his owne prisons and there to be kept so long as to hys discretion shall be thought expedient And further the sayd Ordinary except in cases by the which according to the Canon law the party offending ought to be deliuered to the seculer power shall charge the sayd person wyth such a fine of mony to be payd vnto the kinges maiestye as he shall thinke competent for the maner and quallitie of his offence And the sayd diocesan shal be bound to geue notice of the sayd fine into the kinges maiesties Eschequer by hys letters patent vnder his seale to the intent that the sayd fine may be leuied to the kinges maiesties vse of the goodes of the person so conuict And further if any person within this realme and other the the kinges maiesties dominion shal be conuicted before the Ordinary of the place or hys Comissaryes of the sayd wicked preachinges doctrines opinions schooles and hereticall and erroneous informations or any of them and will refuse to abiure and recant the sayd wicked sect preachings teachings opinions schols and informations Or if after hys abiuration once made the relapse be pronounced agaynst hym by the diocesan of the place or hys Commissaryes for so by the Canon law he ought to be lefte to the secular power vpon credite geuen to the ordinary or hys Commissaries That then the Sheriffe of the same Countie the Mayor Sheriffes or Sheriffe or the Mayor or Baliffes of the same Cittie village or Borough of the same County and neerest inhabiting to the sayd Ordinary or hys sayd Commissaryes shall personally be present as oft as they shal be required to conferre with the sayd Ordinary or his commissaries in geuing sentence against the sayd persons offending or any of them And after the sayd sentence so pronounced shall take vnto them the sayd persons so offending and any of them and cause them openly to be burned in the sight of all the people To the intent that this kinde of punishment may be a terror vnto others that the like wicked doctrines and heretical opinions or the authours and fauourers thereof be no more mayntayned within this Realme and dominions to the great hurt which God forbid of Christian religion and decrees of holy Church In which all and singuler the premisses concerning the statute aforesayd Let the Sheriffes Mayors and Bayliffes of the sayd Counties Cities Villages and Boroughes be attendant ayding and fauoring the sayd Ordinaryes and theyr Commissaries By this bloudy statute so seuerely and sharply enacted agaynst these simple men here hast thou gentle Reader a little to stay with thy selfe and to consider the nature and condition of this present world howe it hath bene set and bent euer from the beginning by all might counsayle and wayes possible to striue agaynst the wayes of God and to ouerthrow that which he will haue set vp And althogh the world may see by infinite storyes and examples that it is but in vaine to striue against him yet such is the nature of this world all set in malignitie that it will not cease still to be like it selfe The like law and statute in the time of Dioclesian and Maximinus was attempted as before appeareth pag. 83. for the more strength were writtē also in tables of brasse to the entent that the name of Christ should vtterly be extincted for euer And yet the name of Christ remayneth where that brasen lawe remayned not three yeres The which law writtē thē in brasse although it differ in maner form from this our statute Ex officio yet to the same ende cruelty to spill the bloud of saintes there is no difference betweene the one and the other Neither is there anye diuersitie touching the first originall doer and worker of thē both For the same Sathan which then wrought his vttermost agaynst Christ before he was bound vp the same also now after his loosing out doth what he can though not after the same way yet to the same intent For then 〈◊〉 outward violence as an open enemy he did what he could Now by a more couert way vnder the title of the Church he unpugneth the Church of Christ vsing a more subtile way to deceaue vnder gay pretēsed titles but no lesse pernicious in the end wherto be shouteth as well appeareth by this bloudy statute Ex officio the sequell wherof cost afterward many a Christen mans life As in processe of story remayneth more hereafter Christ willing to be declared Furthermore for the more fortification of this statute of the king aforesayd concurreth also an other constitution made much about the same tyme by the Archb. of Canterb. Thomas Arundell So that no industrye nor pollicy of man here did lack to set the matter forward but specially on the bishops partes who left no meanes vnattempted how to subuert the right wayes of the Lord. First in most dilligent and exquisite execution of the kinges statute set foorth the execution whereof they did so exactly apply that maruell it is to consider all other laws of kinges commonly be they neuer so good to be so coldly kept and this onely among all the rest so neerely followed But herein is to be scene the dilligence of the romishe Prelates which neuer let any thing to fal that maketh for the dignity of their estate Secondly beside theyr vigilant care in seeing y◠kinges statute to be executed No lesse industrious also were they in adding thereunto mo◠constitutions of theyr owne as from time to time appeareth as wel by other Archbishops hereafter and by Pope Martine as also by this constitution here present made by Thomas Arundell the Archb. But before we enter
whome I shall hereafter know suspected of heresye or errors I shall effectually present or cause to be presented vnto my sayde reuerend father Lord Archbishop or to them which haue his authority so soone as I can conneniently do it and see that they be corrected to my vttermost power This abiuration neuer came to the hands of the Lord Cobham neither was it compiled of them for that purpose but onely therewith to bleare the eyes of the vnlearned multitude for a time After the whiche like fetch and subtle practise was also deuised the recantatioÌ„ of the Archbishop Thomas Cranmer to stop for a time the peoples mouthes Which subtlely in like manner was also practised with the false recantatioÌ„ of Bishop â—oper and diuers other as in their places hereafter Christ graunting shal be shewed And thus much hitherto concerning the first trouble of sir Iohn Oldcastle Lorde Cobham with all the circumstances of the true time place occasion causes and order belonging to the same Wherin I trust I haue sufficiently satisfied all the parties requisite to a faythfull history with out corruption For the confirmation wherof to the intent the mind also of the wrangling cauiller may be satisfied to stop the mouth of the aduersary which I see in all places to be ready to barke I haue therfore of purpose anexed with all my ground foundation taken out of the Archines and Registers of the Archb. of Cant Ex epist. Thom. Arund ad Rich. Lond. Wherby may appeare the manifest error both of Polydorus and of Edward Hall who being deceiued in the right distinction of the times assigne this citation and examination of the Lord Cobham to be after the councell of CoÌ„stance when as Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterbury at the councell of Constance was not aliue The copy and testimony of his owne letter shall declare the same written and sent to the bishop of London in forme as foloweth * The copy of the Epistle of the Archbishop of Caunterbury written to the Bishop of London whereupon dependeth the grounde and certaynety of this foresayd history of the Lord Cobham aboue premised TO the reuerend father in Christ and Lord the Lord Robert by the grace of God Bishop of Hereford Richard by the permission of God bishop of London health and continuall increase of sincere loue We haue of late receiued the letters of the reuerend father in Christ and Lord the Lorde Thomas by the grace of God Archb. of Cant. primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke see vnto our reuerend brother the Lord Richard Bishop of London health and brotherly loue in the Lord. It was lately concluded before vs in the conuocation of Prelates and Clergye of our prouince of Caunterb last celebrate in our church of S. Paul intreating amongest other thinges with the sayd prelates clergy vpon the vnion and reformation of the Church of England by vs and the sayd prelates and Clergy that it was almost impossible to amende the hole of our Lordes coate whiche was without seame but that first of all certayne nobles of the realme which are authors fauourers protectors defenders and receiuers of these heretickes called Lollardes were sharpely rebuked and if neede were by the censures of the Churche and the helpe of the secular power they be reuoked from their errours And afterward hauing made diligent inquisition in the conuocation amongest the proctors of the Clergy and others which were there in great number out of euery dioces of our prouince It was found out amongest others that sir Iohn Oldcastle knight was and is the principall receiuer fauourer protector and defender of them and that specially in the Diocesse of London Rochester and Hereforde he hath sent the sayd Lollardes to preach not being licenced by the ordinaryes and Bishoppes of the Dioces or places contrary to the prouinciall constitutions in that behalfe made and hath bene present at theyr wicked SermoÌ„s greuously punishing with threatnings terrors and the power of the secular sword suche as did withstand him alledging and affirming amongest others that we and our felow brethren Suffragans of out prouinces had not neither haue any power to make any such constitutions Also he hath holden and doth holde opinion and teach as touching the sacramentest of the aultar of penaunce of pilgrimage of the worshiping of Sayntes and of the keyes contrary to that which the vniuersall church of Rome doth teach ond affirme Wherefore on the behalfe of the sayd prelates and clergy we were then required that we would vouchsafe to proceed agaynst the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastle vpon the premisses Notwithstanding for the rouerance of our Lord the king in whose fauour the sayde sir Iohn at that preseÌ„t was no lesse also for honor of his knighthood we with our fellow brethren and Suffraganes then present with a great part of the Clergy of our prouince comming personally before the presence of our Lord the king being then at hys Manor of Kenington put vp against the said sir Iohn a complaint and partly reciting the defaultes of the sayd sir Iohn But at the request of our Lord the king we desiring to reduce the sayd sir Iohn to the vnity of the church without any reproche we deferred all the execution of the premisses for a great time But at the last for so much as our sayd Lord the king after his great trauelles taken about the conuersion of him did nothing at all profite as our said Lord the king vouchsafed to certify vs both by word writing We immediatly decreed to call forth the sayd sir Iohn personally to aunswere before vs at a certayne time already passed in and vpon the premisses and sent our messengers with these our letters of citation to the sayde sir Iohn then being at his castle of Cowling vnto the which messenger we gaue commaundement that he should in no case go into the Castle except he were licensed But by the meane of one Iohn Butler porter of the kings chaÌ„ber he should require the sayd sir Iohn that he would either liceÌ„se the sayd messenger to come into the Castle or that he would cite him or on the least that he would suffer himselfe to be cited without his Castle The whiche sir Iohn openly aunswered vnto the sayd Iohn Butler declaring the premisses vnto him on the behalfe of our Lord the king that he woulde by no meanes be cited neither in any case suffer his citation Then we being certified of the premisses lawfully proceeded further First hauing faythfull report made unto vs that he could not be apprehended by personall citation we decreed to cite him by an edict to be openly set vppe in the porches of the Cathedrall Church of Rochester next vnto him litle more then three English miles distant from the sayd castle of Cowling As we had thus caused him to be cited and our edict aforesayde to be publickely openly set vpon the porches of the said
the crosse he sayd and affirmed that that only body of Christ which did hange vpon the crosse is to be worshipped For so much as that body alone was is y◠crosse which is to be worshipped And being demaunded what honor he would do vnto the Image of the crosse He aunswered by expresse wordes that he would only do it that honor that he would make it clean and lay it vp safe As touching the power and authority of the keyes the Archbishops Bishop and other prelates he sayde that the Pope is very Antichrist that is the head the Archbishops Bishops and other prelates to be his members and the Friers to be his tayle The whiche Pope Archbishops and bishops a man ought not to obey but so far forth as they be followers of Christ of Peter in their life maners conuersation and that he is the successor of Peter whiche is best and purest in life maners Furthermore the said sir Iohn spreading his handes wyth a loude voyce sayd thus to those whiche stoode about hym These men which iudge and would condemne me wil seduce you all themselues and wil lead you vnto hell therfore take heed of them When he had spoken those wordes we agayne as oftentimes before with lamentable countenaunce spake vnto the said sir Iohn exhorting him wyth as gentle wordes as we might that he would returne to that vnity of the church to beleue hold that which the church of Rome doth beleue hold Who expresly aunswered that he would not beleue or holde otherwise then he had before declared Wherefore we perceiuing as it appeared by hym that we coulde not preuayle at the last wyth bitternesse of hart we proceeded to the pronouncing of a definitiue sentence in this maner ¶ In the name of God Amen We Thom. by the permission of God Archb. and humble minister of the holy Church of Cant. primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke see in a certayne cause or matter of heresy vpon certeine articles wherupon sir Iohn Oldcastle knight Lord Cobham before vs in the last cōuocation of our Clergy of our prouince of Caunterbury holden in the Church of S. Paul in London after diligēt inquisition thervpon made was detected accused by our said prouince notoriously and openly defamed At the request of the whole Clergy aforesayd therupon made vnto vs in the said conuocatiō with all fauour possible that we might God we take to witnes lawfully proceding agaynst him following the footsteps and example of Christ which woulde not the death of a sinner but rather that he should be conuerted and liue we haue endeuoured by all wayes and meanes we might or could to reforme him and rather reduce him to the vnity of the church declaring vnto him what the holy vniuersall Church of Rome doth teach hold and determine in this behalfe And albeit that we founde him wandring astraye from the Catholicke fayth and so stubberne and stiffenecked that he would not confesse his error or cleare himselfe thereof to detest the same Notwithstanding we fauouring him with a fatherly affection and hartily wishing and desiring his preferuation prefixed him a certayne competent time to deliberate with himself and if he would to repent and reforme himselfe And last of all for so much as we perceiued him to be vnreasonable obseruing chiefly those thinges whiche by the lawe are required in this behalfe with great sorow and bitternes of hart we proceeded to the pronouncing of the definitiue sentence in this maner The name of Christ being called vpon setting him onely before our eyes For so much as by actes enacted signes exhibited euidences and diuers tokens besides sundry kinde of proofes we find the said Sir Iohn to be haue ben an heretick and a folower of heretickes in the fayth and obseruation of the sacred vniuersall Church of Rome and specially as touching the sacraments of the Eucharist and of penaunce And that as the sonne of iniquitye and darckenesse he hath so hardened his hart that he will not vnderstand the voyce of his shepheard neither will be allured with his monitions or conuerted with any fayre speech Hauing first of al searched and sought out and diligently considering the merites of the cause aforesayd and of the sayd Sir Iohn his desertes and faultes aggrauated through his damnable obstinacy Not willing that he that is wicked should become more wicked infect other with his contagion by the counsell and consent of the reuerent men of profound wisedome and discretion our brethren the Lordes Richard bishop of London Henry Byshop of Winchester and Benedict Bishop of Bangor and also of many other doctours of Deuinity the decretals and ciuill law and of many other religious and learned persons our assistantes we haue iudged declared sententiallye and definitiuely condemned the sayde Syr Iohn Oldecastle knight Lord Cobham being conuict in and vpon that most detestable guilt not willing penitently to returne vnto the vnity of the Church and in those things which the sacred vniuersall Church of Rome doth holde teach determine shew forth And specially as one erring in the articles aboue written leauing him from henceforth as an heretick vnto the secular iudgement Moreouer we haue excommunicated and by these writinges do pronounce and excommunicate him as an hereticke and all other which from henceforth in fauour of his errour shall receiue defend or geue him counsell or fauour or helpe him in this behalfe as fauourers defenders and receiuers of heretickes And to the intent that these premises may be knowne vnto all faythfull Christians we charge and commaund you that by your sentence definitiue you do cause the Curates which are vnder you with a loud and audible voyce in their Churches when as moste people is present in theyr mother tongue through all your Cittyes and dioces to publish and declare the sayd Sir Iohn Oldcastle as is before sayd to be by vs condemned as an hereticke schimaticke one erring in the articles aboue sayde and all other which from henceforth in fauour of his errours shall receiue or defend hym geuing him any counsell comfort or fauour in this behalfe to be excommunicate as receiuers fauorers and defenders of heretiks As is more effectually cōteined in the proces That by such meanes the erroneous opinions of the people which peraduenture hath otherwise conceiued the matter by those declarations of the trueth how the matter is may be cut of The which thing also we will and commaund to be written and signified by you word for word vnto all our fellow brethren that they all may manifest publish and declare throughout all theyr cittyes and dioces the maner and forme of this our proces and also the sentence by vs geuen and all other singular the contentes in the same And likewise cause it to be published by their Curates whiche are vnder them as touching the day of the receipt of these
vniuersitye yea colledge and schoole that I was of knowing that the first edition of these Acts and monuments was begon in the farre parts of Germany where few frendes no conference small information coulde be had And the same edition afterwarde translated out of Latin into English by others while I in the meane time was occupied about other Registers And now the sayde Cope hearing moreouer and knowing that I was about a new edition of the same Actes and Monuments at this present time to be set foorth for the ameÌ„ding of diuers things therein to be reformed if he had knowen any fault nedefull to be corrected he might gentlely by letters admonished me therof Gentlenes so would haue required it Time would well haue suffred it Neither was he so far off but might sooner haue wrytten a letter to me then a boke against me Neither was I so ingratefull and inhumane but wold haue thanked him for hys monition neither yet so obstinate but being admonished wold haue corrected willingly where any fault had bene committed But herein your nature M. Cope doth right wel appeare First in the sayde booke of Actes and Monuments where many other good things be conteyned not vnfrutefull nor vnprofitable peradueÌ„ture for the instruction of your coÌ„science and wherin my labors perhaps might haue deserued your thanks all that you dissemble and passe ouer only excerping those matters whych make for cauillation Thus the blacke spider out of pleasant flowres sucketh his poison And what booke is so pleasant or frutefull though it were the popes owne Portous yea hys own decretals yea hys owne very Masse booke to the reading whereof if I brought the like minde so disposed to cauil as you bring to the reading of my hystorie but I coulde finde out twise as many mendacia maculas impudentias dolos malos fabulas fucos as you haue done in these Actes and Monumentes And yet you haue done pretely well Besides al this yet better to marke the goodnes of your gentle nature Be it so I had bene in some piece of my story deceiued as I do not iustify my selfe in all poynts therin yet you vnderstanding that I was about the correction of my booke againe might eyther haue taken the best and left the worst or els gently take the paines to haue aduertised me of suche notes as you had wythout further exclamation or at least might haue deferred your dialogues for a time till the comming out of my booke to see first what would in the latter edition be altered But be like your gal was full your hast could not tary your venim must â—edes brust out Et si non alâ—qua nocuisses mortuus esses Seeing therfore the order of your doings to be such and disposition of your nature so farre from al humanity dealing with me so extremely if I thus prouoked wyth your extremity againe should now after thys your currish nature shape you a name accordingly and in steade of Cope godfather you to be a perpetual sycophaÌ„t could you much blame me and doth not your sycophanticall booke wel deserue it or thinke you I could not repay you againe wyth like extremitie as you bryng and dresse your drousie or rather â—ousie Dialogues in their right colours if I were so disposed But my purpose is wyth pacience to spare you and rather to pray for you God make you a good manne Peraduenture he may hereafter call you And rather had I to win you then to sting you Leauing therefore the consideratian of your ingrateful doings I will nowe consider onely the poyntes wherein you charge me in your booke answering briefly vnto the same Briefly I say because the greatnesse of thys volume and aboundance of other more frutefull matter geueth me little laisure at thys present to stand about brawling wordes First he seemeth highly to be greued with mee for my Calendare prefixed before the boke of monuments Wherin hee hath no cause eyther to be offended with me or to chafe with himself As touching which Calendare I haue sufficiently and expressely declared before so muche as myghte quickly satisfy this scruple of M. Cope if he eyther woulde haue taken the paines or els had had the laisure to reade the wordes contained in the Latine preface before the Booke prefixed whych are thus Quanquam a me quidem non aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est nisi vt pro Indice duntaxat suum cuiusque Martyris mensem annum designante ad priuatum lectoris seruiret vsum c. In whych woordes preuenting before the cauilling obiection of the aduersary I forewarned the Reader afore hand touching the Calendare wherfore it was ordained and prefixed for no other purpose but to serue the vse only of the reader in stead of a table shewing the yere and moneth of euery Martyr what time he suffered c. What hurt I pray you is in this Calendar prefixed before the booke of Monumentes more then in the Table of M. Copes booke set after his Dialogues But mayster Cope had no laisure to peruse thys place it made not for hys humour But this greeueth him in the Calendare and that very sore For that I place in this Calendar sir Iohn Oldcastle sir Roger Acton Browne Beuerley and other for Martyrs and displace for them other holy auncient Martyrs and Saints as Antholius Sother Dorothe Clarus Lucianus Seuerinus c. Answer If M. Cope can not abide the Lord Cobham sir Roger Acton Browne and Beuerley which were hanged as he sayeth for treason to haue the name of martyrs then let them beare the name of witnes bearers or testes of the truth because they were also burned for the testimony of their faith Seing there is no difference in the sayd names all is one to me by which they are called And where hee chargeth me for thrusting shouldring out the olde and auncient holy Saintes aforenamed out of this Calendare and placing other new come Sayntes in their rowmes this is not the first vntruth that M. Cope hath made in his dialogues nor yet the least vnto whome I might therefore fitly answere againe with his owne familiar phrase or rather the phrase of Cicero which he doth so muche affectate Quod nimirum hic ipse Alanus Copus Anglus vnde me mendacij coarguit inde sibi ipsi sempiternam ac ineluibilem turpissimi mendacij ac singularis impudentiae notam inurat For why haue not Ias iust cause to say this to him as he to me For somuch as in the first beginning and preface of the sayde booke of Actes and Monuments I so diligently and expressely do warne all men before first that I make here no Calendare purposely of any Saintes but a Table of good and godly men that suffered for the truth to shew the day and moneth of their suffering My words be extant and euident whych are these Neque vero ideo inter diuos a me
the contents of whych his wrytings do folow Hubertus Dei gratia Cant. Archiepiscop totius Angliae primas dilectis in Christo frat Episco per prouinciam Cant. Sal grat benedictionem D. Papa sicut ex literis ipsius manifestè perpéditur de conuersatione meritis moribus b. Gilberti magistri ordinis de Sempringham miraculis a Deo per eum factis per testes testimonia sufficienter instructus de consilio fratrum Cardin. ipsum mag Catalogo sanctorum decreuit ascribi solemnitatem eius constituit mandauit per Cant. prouinciam solemniter celebrari Insuper corpus eius cum requisiti fuerimus praecepit ad honorem Dei gloriam eleuari Vestra igitur vniuersitas huic mandato cum deuotione congaudeat secundum formam in ipso mandato praescriptam praedicti confessoris Domini depositionem annuam faciatis cum reuerentia solemniter obseruari vt apud Dominum ab illo vestra debeat possit deuotio commēdari necnon ipsius sancti supplex intercessio vobis proficiat ad salutem Valete The summe of the whiche wryting of the Archb. tendeth to thys effecte That forsomuch as the Pope hearyng of the life and myracles of Gilbert Maister of the order of Sempringham by sufficiēt witnes and testimonies hath in his letters commanded him by the aduise of hys Cardinals that the sayde Gilbert should be canonised ascribed in the Cataloge of saintes and that his solemnity shoulde be celebrate solemnely throughout al the prouince of Canterb And also hys body to be taken vp and shrined to the honour and glory of God He therefore at the Popes commaundement wryting vnto them wylleth all the Suffraganes within his prouince of Canterb. yearely to solemnise and cause to be solemnized reuerētly the deposition of the sayd Saint Gilbert Confessor to the entent that theyr deuotion may be commended of the Lord and of him And also that the humble intercession of the sayd Saint may profite them to their saluation Furthermore for the more full canonising canuising I had almost sayd of this new made saint the saide Pope Innocent writing to Hubert aforesayd adioyneth withall a collect of his owne making which is this Plenam in nobis aeterne saluator tuae vertutis operare medelam vt qui praeclara beati Gilberti confessoris tui merita veneramur ipsius adiuti suffragijs a cunctis animarum nostrarum languoribus liberemur Quiviuis regnas c. That is worke in vs O eternal sauior full remedy of thy vertue that we which worship the worthy merites of blessed Gilbert thy confessour being succoured by his suffrages may be deliuered from all languors diseases of our soules who liuest and raignest c. The cōsecration of this one Saint who perhaps was not the worst I thought here to cōmemorate to the intent that the reader measuring by this one the Canonisation of al the rest may iudge the better vpō this cōparison of master Cope whether of vs doth vendicate more impudent authoritie the Pope in his Callender or I in mine or to make the comparison more fit whether is more impudent the pope in his Callendar or els maister Cope in his Dialogues more doltishe But briefly to make an end of this matter with you to canonise or to authorise any saintes for man it is presumptuous to prescribe any thing here to be worshipped beside God alone it is idolatrous to set vp any mediatours but Christ onely it is blasphemous And whatsoeuer the pope doth or hath done in his Calendar my purpose in my Calendare was neither to deface any old saint or to solemnise any new In my booke of Actes and Monuments entreating of matters passed in the churche these latter fiue hundreth yeares I did regulate out a Callendare not for any Canon to constitute Saintes but onely for a table of them which within the same time did suffer for the testimony of the word whom I did and doe take to be good and godly men If any haue other iudgement of them I binde no man to my opinion as the pope doth to his The day will come which shall iudge both them and you In the meane season it shall be best for you M. Cope in my iudgement to keepe a good thing in your head and to quiet your rayling mode A hard thinge it is to iudge before the Lord. Mans iudgement may faile and is vncertayne the iudgement of God is alwayes sure Best is therfore either to be sure by the word and iudgement of God before what you do say or els to say the best Of such slaunderous and intemperate rayling can come no good neither to whome ye rayle vpon nor to your selfe whiche rayleth nor to the church of God that heareth you rayle For them you can not hurt they are gone To your selfe and thoughe your matters be true yet little honesty it will bring to be counted a rayler and if it be vncertayne your state is daungerous and if be false most miserable And as to the Church what great edification can proceede of suche contentions brawling and barkinge one against an other I doe not greatly see And if the zeale of the bishop of Romes church haue so much swallowed you vp that ye cannot but stamp and stare at traytours when ye see them put in Calenders first M. Cope be ye sure first that they be traytours wisdome would whome you call traytours And if ye can so proue thē as ye haue not yet then let your Irenaeus or Critobulus tell me why doth not this flagrant zeale of yours as hote as purgatory burne out and flame as wel against your owne traytors hauing so many in your own Calendare and Church at home And if there be such a Catholicke zeale in you that hath set your gentle brest on such a pelting chase why then is not this your Catholicke zeale equally indifferent Why take ye on so fell on the one side agaynst sir Iohn Oldcastle sir Roger Acton M. Browne c A man wold think you played Hercules furens in Orchestra On the other syde agayne ye are Oleo tranquillior What indiffirencie maister Cope call you this Or what zeale make you this to be Albeit your zeale I iudge not as I know it not Swifte iudgement shall not become me which go about to correct the same in you But this I exhorte you to beware maister Cope that by your owne fruites and doinges euident ye do not bewray this zeale in you to be Non secundum scientiam nor such a zeale as fighteth Pro Domo Dei sed pro demo Pontificis As I sayde I iudge you not You haue your iudge to whome ye stand or fall My counsayle is that ye do not so zeale the Byshop of Rome that for his sake ye lose your owne soule Ye remember the olde vulgar voice it is not good Ludere cum sanctis worse it is Illudere
summoned by the Emperour Sigismund and Pope Iohn 23. about the natiuity of our Lord Iesus an 1414. began the same yeare to be assembled about the latter end of the yere Which first beginning as the maner is with a Masâ—e of the holy Ghost as they were singing according to their custoÌ„e the Himne Veni sancte spiritus there was at the same time a certayne Bill set vp in the Church by some well disposed man as it seemed wherein was conteyned these wordes folowing Alijs rebus occupati nunc adesse vobis noÌ„ possumus That is to say We are otherwise occupyed at this tyme we can not intend to come to you Here is also to be remeÌ„bred the worthye saying of the Emperour Sigismund when talke was ministred as touching the reformation of the spiritualtye and some sayde quod oporteat in cipere a minoritis that is that reformation ought first to beginne at the Minorites The Emperour aunswering againe Non a minoritis sed a maioritis that is not with the Minorites sayth he but with the Maiorites Meaning the reformation ought first to begin with the Pope Cardinals Byshops and other superior states of the church and so to discend after to the inferiors This much by the way now to the purpose and order of the Sessions as we promised The which counsell continued as is aforesayd by the space of iiij yeares and had in it 45. Sessions wherein many things were concluded the which altogether were to long to be recited in this place as the deposition of three seueral Popes whiche were before spoken of the hearing of certaine Legates Yet I minde to make some briefe recapitulation of the most principall matters there done in the sessions orderly ensuing 1. In the first Session chiefly was coÌ„cluded first that this Councell was lawfully congregate 2. Item that the going away of the pope should be no let or stay but the Councell might proceed ¶ Wherein note gentle Reader that the authority of the generall Councell is aboue the Pope contrary to their owne doctrine 3. Item this Councell should not be dissolued before the Church were reformed as well in the superiours as inferiours In the 4. Session amongest other thinges this was first concluded That a Synode congregate in the holy Ghost making a generall councel representing the whole Catholicke Church here militant hath power of Christ immediately to the which power euery person of what state or dignity so euer he be yea being the pope himselfe ought to be obedient in all such things as concerne the generall reformation of the Church aswell in the heades as in the subiectes Item the sayd Pope should not translate the Court of Rome and the officers of the same from the Citty of Constance And that all his censures doinges and workinges after the time of his departure whatsoeuer he shoulde enterprise to do to the preiudice of this Councell should be of no effect In the 5. Session the same Articles were repeated and concluded agayne In the 6. Session procuration and citation was sent out agaynst the Pope Item commissioners were appointed out of the foure nations for the hearing of Iohn Hus which shal be hereafter mentioned in his story folowing Item the memory of Iohn Wickliffe was condemned and the sentence geuen in the Councel holden at Rome vpon the condemnation and burning of Wickliffes bookes was there confirmed Item in the same Session Citation was sent out agaynst Ierome of Prage The tenor whereof foloweth after in the story of the sayd Ierome Item in this Session was decreed agaynst libelles of infamy In the 7. Session nothing was handled but that the tenour of the citation agaynst Pope Iohn was recited In the 8. Session the sentence and condemnation of Iohn Wickliffe and his 45. Articles was recited and sentence geueÌ„ against his memory bones to be burned The tenor wherof is rehearsed in the history of Iohn Wickliâ—fes before passed fol. 449. In the 9. Session The matter cause of Pope Iohn was agayn intreated and commissioners appoynted to enquire vpon his cause and iudges for the same In the 10. Session Suspension was geuen out reade agaynst the sayd Pope In the 11. and 12. Sessions Notaries were assigned definitiue sentence geuen agaynst the said Pope where also was decreed that none of them that contended before for the Papacy should be chosen Pope In the 13. Session was decreed Quod nullus praes biter sub pena excommunicationis comunicet populo sub vtraque specie panis vini This is that no Priest vnder payne of excommunication shall communicate vnto the people vnder both kindes of bread and wine In the 14. Session came in that resignation of pope Gregory the 12. which was one of the 3. before mentioned striuing for the Papacy with certayne other Articles concerning the election of the Bishop of Rome and the ratification of their resigning which gaue ouer the Papacy Then ensueth the 15. Session in the which silence was commanded on all partes vnder pain of excommunicatioÌ„ and the great curse that no persoÌ„ or persons high or low of what estate or degree so euer he were Emperour Kyng Cardinall or other should disturbe the sayd Session wyth any maner of noise either by hand foot or voyce This being done the sentence condemnation against Iohn Hus was read and pulished whiche after in the story of Iohn Hus foloweth to be sene more at large In the 16. Session Ambassadors were assigned by the Councell to go into Arragon to Benedictus the 13. to entreat with him for the resignation of his Papacy as the other two had done before Item power was geuen to iudges to cite vnder pain of depriuation all such as priuily departed away from the Councell in the whiche Session also the sentence agaynst Iohn Hus was confirmed and ratified In the 17. Session the Emperour tooke vpon him a iourney to the king of Arragon to entreat with pope Benedictus An excommunication denounced agaynst al such as should go about to empeche the Emperours iourney about that matter c. Item prayâ—rs and processions were determined to be made by the Councell euery Sonday for the same cause with an hundred dayes of pardon geuen to theÌ„ that would be present thereat and that all Prelats should be present at euery of these sayd Masses and processions in theyr Pontificalibus Graunting besides to euery Priest that sayd one Masse for the same a 100. dayes of pardon And to all other that once a day should say one Pater noster and one Aue for the safety of the Emperour xl dayes of pardon In the 18. Session certayne iudges were assigned for the hearing of matters which the Councell had no leasure to heare It was there also decreed that suche letters and Buls as were written in the name of that councell should be receiued with no lesse credite and authority then the
Bulles proceeding from the Sea Apostolicall and that the falsifyers of the same should incurre no lesse penalty then the falsifyers of the other Legates also and Ambassadours were sent into Italy In the 19. Session which was that same yeare in the moneth of September Ierome of Prage who was cited as is before sayd was accused of heresy cast in prison by the sayd councell constrayned to abiure The which his abiuration hereafter foloweth to be seene in his history Item it was decreed Quod non obstantibus saluis cōductibus Imperatoris Regum c. possit per iudicem competentem de haeretica prauitate inquiri c. That is notwithstanding the safe conduct geuen by the Emperour and kinges c. Inquiry may be made agaynst a man for heresy by a sufficient iudge and processe to be made according to the law The causes of heresies were committed to certain iudges and deputyes Item the Chart called Carolina and diuers other Chartes and constitutions concerning the libertyes of the Church of Rome being brought forth were approued and confirmed In the 20. Session letters instrumentes were made and set vpon Church dores to require and admonish duke Fredericke to restore agayne vnto George Bishop of Austriche such landes rentes and reuenues as he deteyned withheld vnder payne of interditement suspending and excommunication During the time of this Session the Ambassadors returned out of Arragon from the Pope Benedict and were heard with great audience whereas certayne Articles and conditions betwene the Pope the councell were brought forth and agreed vpon to the number of 12. In the yeare of our Lord 1416. was the 21. Session beginning after theyr maner with a Masse of the holy ghost with processions and such other rites in the time of which Masse Iames Bishop of Londy made a Sermon taking for his Theame these wordes Ex probrauit Deus incredulitatem eorum duritiam That is the Lord rebuked theyr misbeliefe and hardnes c. This sermon being ended Ierome of Prage which had abiured as is sayd the yeare before being present thereat stoode vp vpon a certayne bench or fourme Replying agaynst the foresayd Iames and hys Sermon alleadging and preaching diuers and sundrye thinges whereupon the Patriarch of Constantinople one of the commissioners proceeded agaynst him pronouncing the sentence definitiue which he had in writing agaynst the sayd Ierome which sentence being red and approued by the councell the tenor whereof insueth in his historye the sayd Ierome was deliuered vnto the secular power burned The 22. and 23. Sessions contayne no worthy matter but onely the placing of the Ambassadours of Alphansus K. of Arragon graunting them voyces in the Councell In the 24. Session citatiō was geuen out agaynst Benedict keeping with Alphonsus king of Arragon The 25. Session conteineth nothing but a certayne Comendam geuen to the Church of Olemucensis The 26. Sessiō there was nothing els handled but the vniting and incorporating of the Ambassadors of the king of Nauarre into the Councell and also concerning the derogation of the priority of voyces After this folowed the 27. and 28. sessions which were in the yeare 1417. Wherein was intreated the relation and declaratiō concerning the cause betwixt Duke Frederick and the bishop of Trident and processe geuen out agaynst the sayd Duke accusing him of sacriledge and also excommunicating him for not obeying the admonitiō of the coūcell concerning the vsurpation and deteyning of the city of Tridēt and other possessions from Bishop George as is afore specified In the 29. and 30. Sessions Proctors and Notaryes were geuen out in the cause agaynst Pope Benedict and order decreed vpon his obstinacye wherein also the withdrawing of the king of Arragon from the same Pope was recited and approued by the Councell In the 31. Session certayne instrumentes and speciall letters monitory were directed from the Councell to a certaine Earle of Italy named Comes virtutum for laying violent handes vpon Albert Bishop of Asce and for bringing him to prison requiring the sayd Earle vnder paine of interdiction and excommunication to set the sayd Byshop at liberty Also an other decree was set forth for the restoring agayne the liberties of the Church of Baron In the 32. and 33. Sessions the accusation of pope Benedict was renued and his obstinacy accused and witnes brought in at which thing doing the Emperour Sigismund was present In the 34. Session the cause of the foresayd Pope was heard and processe geuen out agaynst him In the 35. Session the Ambassadours of the king of Castle were brought in and vnited to the Councel and instrumentes thereof made and read Also that notwithstanding the othes made to the foresayd Pope mē might lawfully forsake his obedience In the 36. Session a certayne citation was made and read against the Pope conteining his depriuation and the sentence agaynst him instruments made vpon the same And whereas this Pope had thundred out his curses depriuations and excommunicatiōs agaynst them The sayd Sinode did adnihilate all his doinges The 37. Session did renue agayne the accusation of the foresaid pope and the sentence definitiue agaynst him was published In the 38. Sessiō certaine decrees were made touching the adnihilating of the penalties of the Ambassadours of king Henry sonne of Alphonsus king of Arragon Also an other decree was made touching the reuocatiō of the voyces graunted to the Ambassadors of the king of Arragon Thus Pope Benedict being deposed and excommunicated as is aforesayd in the next Sessions following they addressed themselues to the election of a new Pope beginning first in the Session to geue out decrees concerning generall Councels prouision for the auoyding of suche like schismes hereafter Decreeing euery x. yeare to haue a generall Councell after the two Councels that should folow immediatly after this of the which the one should be kept within fiue yeares then next folowing and the second within seauen yeares after that Item in the same Session was drawen out a forme touching such thing as the Pope should professe and bind himselfe to obserue at time of his election of the which forme the order and tenour is this I N. elected for Pope professe with hart and mouth vnto almighty God whose Church I take vpon me to gouerne by his helpe and to blessed S. Peter the Prince of the Apostles so long as I shall endure in this fraile and brittle life firmely to beleeue and hold the holy Catholick faith after the traditions of the Apostles of generall Councels and of other holy fathers and namely of the eight generall Councels Nicene the first the second of Constantinople Ephesine the third Calcedone the fourth the fift and sixe of them in Constantinople the seauenth of Nice the eight of Constantinople And also of the generall Councels of Laterane Lyons and Uienne willing to obserue the same
Lords depart in peace whereunto the standers by answered Amen Thus the councell being dissolued Frier Iohn Bishop of Catthan by the consent and commandement of the Pope and the Councell went vp into the Pulpit to make a Sermon taking for his theame Vos autem tristitiam habetis iterum autem videbo vos gaudebit cor vestruÌ„ You are now in sadnes I will see you againe and then your harts shall reioice The which collation being ended an other Cardinall named Anthony was sent vp by the Pope and the Councell with this proclamation first to dismisse the Synode and to geue euery man leaue to depart home Also to declare the Popes indulgence vnto them who by the authoritie of God almighty had granted to them all and euery one preâ—ent at that Councell full absolution once in their life so that euery one within two moneths after the hearing of this indulgence should procure the same in forme of writing Also another indulgence was graunted in like maner of plenary remission at the hour of death and that was vnderstand as well of the houshold as of the maisters themselues But vnder this condition that from the time of notification of the same they should fast by the space of one whole yeare euery Friday for the absolution in their life time And for the absolution at the houre of death to fast the same Friday another yeare except they had some lawfull impediment to the contrary so that after the second yeare they should fast vnto their liues end or else to do some other good worke The which beeing in this maner proclaimed the Synode brake vp and euery man departed home The number of the foriners resorting to this Counsell both spirituall and temporall was 60500. whereof the number of Archbishops and Bishops was 346. Abbots and Doctours 564. Secular men Princes Dukes Earles Knightes Esquiers 16000. Besides common women belonging to the same Councell 450. Barbers 600. Minstrels Cookes and Iesters 320. So that the whole multitude which were vewed to be in the Towne of Constance betweene Easter and Whitsontide were numbred to be 60500. strangers and forreners at that Councell Here is to be noted that in this Councell of Constance nothing was decreed or enacted worthy of memorie but this only that the Popes authoritie is vnder the Councell and that the Councell ought to iudge the Pope And as touching the Communion in both kindes although the Councell did not denie but that it was vsed by Christ and his Apostles yet notwithstanding by the same Councell it was decreed to the contrary Hetherto wee haue comprehended the order and discourse of this Councell with the actes and Sessions concerning the same which Councell although it was principally thought to be assembled for quieting of the schisme betweene the three Popes yet notwithstanding a great part thereof was for the cause of the Bohemians and especially for Iohn Hus As appeared by their preparation before the Councell For before the Councell began the Emperour Sigismund aforesaid sent certain Gentlemen Bohemians which were of his owne houshold giuing them in charge to bring Iohn Hus Bacheler of Diuinitie vnto the saide Councell and that vnder his safe conduict the meaning and intent thereof was that Iohn Hus should purge and cleare himselfe of the blame which they had laid against him and for the more better assurance the Emperour did not only promise him safe conduict that he might come freely vnto Constance but also to returne againe into Boheme without fraud or interruption he promised also to receiue him vnder his protection and vnder sauegard of the whole Empire For the same onely cause the Emperour sent him afterwards the said safeconduicts double written both in Latine and Almaine the forme whereof doth heereafter ensue ¶ Sigismund by the grace of God King of the Romaines of Hungary and Denmarke Croatia c. To all Princes as well Ecclesiasticall as Seculer Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barrons Captaynes Borovvmaisters Iudges and Gouernours officers of townes burgages and villages and vnto all rulers of the comminalty and generally to all the subiects of our Empire to whome these letters shall come grace and all goodnes Wee charge and commaund you all that you haue respect vnto Iohn Hus the which is departed out of Boheme to come vnto the generall Councell the which shall be celebrate and holden very shortly at the towne of Constance The which Iohn Hus we haue receiued vnder our protection and safegard of the whole Empire desiring you that you will chearefully receyue hym when he shall come towards you and that you intreat and handle hym gently shewing hym fauour and good will and shew hym pleasure in all thyngs as touchyng the forwardnes ease and assurance of hys iourney as well by land as by water Moreouer we will that he and all his company with hys carriage and necessaries shall passe throughout all places passages portes bridges lands gouernances Lordships liberties cities townes bourgages castels and villages and all other your dominions wythout payeng of anye manner of imposition or dane money peage tribute or anye other manner of tolle whatsoeuer it be we will also that you suffer hym to passe rest tarie and to soiourne at libertie without dooing vnto hym anye maner of impeachment or vexation or trouble and that if neede shall so require you do prouide a faythfull company to conduct hym withall for the honour and reuerence which you owe vnto our imperiall maiesty Yeuen at Spire the xviij of October in the yeare of our Lord GOD 1414. ¶ By this it may appeare that this safe conduct was graunted not in the time of the Councell by the Bishops but before the Councell by the Emperour who was or ought to be the principall ordeiner and directer of the Councell vnder God Now whether the Bishops in breaking and adnulling this promise of the Emperour against the Emperours mind because the discussion therof belongeth Ad materiam iuris non facti being a matter rather or lawe then of story I will differ to reason this case with maister Cope to such time as may be more conuenient to the full tractation thereof Notwithstanding briefly to touch and passe let vs consider part of the reasons of the saide Cope how friuolous and false they be and easie to be refelled What saith he if he preached by the way comming vp First that is false vide infra page What saith he if he stood obstinate in his heresie What if he sought to escape away after hys comming vp To this the Lords of Boheme doo aunswere that his safeconduct was broken and he imprisoned not onely before he attempted to escape or before hee was condemned for an hereticke but also before he was heard of the Councell what he was Vide infr page Further where Cope sayth that the generall Councell was aboue the Emperour and hath power in case of heresie to breake publique leagues
to haue had diuers prophetical reuelations shewed to him of God Certaine of which his letters and predictions I thought here vnderneath to insert in such sort as neither in reciting all I will ouercharge the volume too much nor yet in reciting of none I wil be so brief but that the reader may haue some taste and take some profit of the Christian wrytings and doings of this blessed man Firste beginning with the letter of the Lorde Clum concerning the safeconduct of Iohn Hus. A letter of the Lorde Iohn de Clum concerning the safeconduict of Iohn Hus. TO all and singulare that shall see and heare these presentes I Iohn de Clum doe it to vnderstande howe maister Iohn Hus Bacheler of diuinitie vnder the safeconduicte and protection of the renowned prince and Lorde Sigismund of Romaines semper Augustus and king of Hungarie c. My gracious Lorde and vnder the protection defence and safegarde of the holy Empire of Rome hauing the letters patent of the said my Lorde king of Romaines c. came vnto Constance to render a full counte of hys faith in publicke audience to al that would require the same This the saide M. Iohn Hus in this Imperiall Citie of Constance vnder the safeconduict of the said my Lord king of Romaines hath bene and yet is deteined And although the Pope with the Cardinalles haue bene seriously required by solemne Ambassadours of the sayd my Lord king of Romaines c. in the kings name behalfe that the said maister Iohn Hus should be set at libertye and be restored vnto me yet notwythstanding they haue and yet do refuse hitherto to set him at liberty to the great coÌ„tempt derogation of the safeconduct of the king of the safegard and protection of the Empire or Emperial maiestie Wherefore I Iohn aforesaide in the name of the king do here publish and make it known that the apprehending and deteining of the sayde M. Iohn Hus was done wholy against the wil of the fornamed king of Romains my Lord seeing it is done in the contempt of the safeconducte of hys subiects and of the protection of the Empire because that the sayde my Lord was then absent farre from Constance and if he had ben there present woulde neuer haue permitted the same And when hee shall come it is to be doubted of no man but that hee for this great iniury and contempt of this safeconducte done to him to the Empire wil greuously be molested for the same Geuen at CoÌ„stance in the day of the natiuitie of the Lord 1414. ¶ In this instrument aboue prefixed note gentle reader 3. things First the goodnes of this gentle Lord Iohn de Clum being so feruent and zelous in the cause of Iohn Husse or rather in the cause of Christ. Secondly the safeconduct graunted vnto the sayde I. Hus vnder the faith and protection of the Emperor and of the Empire Thirdly here is to be sene the contempt and rebellion of these proud prelates in disobeying the authority of their high Magistrate who contrary to his safeconduct geuen and the mind of the Emperor did arest and imprison this good man before the comming of the sayd Emperor before that Iohn Hus was heard Let vs nowe as we haue promised adioyne some of the epistles of this godly man An Epistle of Iohn Hus vnto the people of Prage in his owne vulgare speeche GRace and peace from our Lorde Iesus Christ that you being deliuered from sinne may walke in his grace and may growe in all modesty and vertue and after this may enioy eternall life Derely beloued I beseeche you which walke after the law of God that you cast not away the care of the saluatioÌ„ of your soules wheÌ„ as you hearing the word of God are premonished wisely to vnderstand that you be not deceiued by fals apostles which do not reprehend the sinnes of men but rather doe extenuate and diminish them which flatter the priests and doe not shewe to the people their offences which magnify themselues boast their own workes and maruelously extol their owne worthines but follow not Christ in his humility in pouerty in the crosse and other manifold afflictions Of whome our merciful sauiour did premonish vs before saying false Christes and fals Prophets shal rise and shall deceiue many And when he had forewarned his welbeloued disciples he said vnto them beware and take hede of false Prophets which come to you in shepes clothing but inwardly are rauening wolues ye shal know them by their fruits And truth it is that the faithful of Christ haue much neede diligently to beware and take hede vnto themselues For as our sauiour himselfe doth say the elect also if it were possible shal be brought into error Wherefore my welbeloued be circumspect and watchful that ye be not circumuented with the crafty trains of the deuil And the more circumspect ye ought to be for that antichrist laboureth the more to trouble you The last iudgement is nere at hande death shal swallow vp many but to the electe children of God the kingdome of God draweth nere because for them he gaue his own body Feare not death loue together one an other perseuere in vnderstanding the good wil of God without ceasing Let the terrible horrible day of iudgement be alwaies before your eies that you sinne not and also the ioy of eternal life wherunto you must endeuor Furthermore let the passion of our sauioure be neuer out of youre minds that you may bear with him for him gladly whatsoeuer shal be laid vpon you For if you shal consider well in your mindes his crosse afflictions nothing shal be greuous vnto you patiently you shal geue place to tribulations cursings rebukes stripes and prisonment and shal not dout to geue your liues moreouer for his holy truth if nede require Knowe ye welbeloued that antichrist being stirred vp against you deuiseth diuers persecutions And many he hath not hurte no not the least heire of their heads as by mine owne example I can testify although hee hathe ben vehemently incensed against me Wherefore I desire you all with your praiers to make intercessioÌ„ for me to the lord to geue me intelligence sufferance patâ—ence and constancie that I neuer swarue from his diuine verity He hath brought me now to Constance In all my iourney openly and manifestly I haue not feared to vtter my name as becommeth the seruant of God In no place I kept my selfe secrete nor vsed any dissimulation But neuer did I finde in any place more pestilent and manifest ennemies then at Constance Which enemies neither should I haue had there had it not ben for certain of our owne Bohemians hypocrites deceiuers who for benefits receiued and stirred vp with couetousnes with boasting and bragging haue perswaded the people that I weÌ„t about to seduce them out of the right way But I am in good hope that through the mercy of our God and
in a maner astonished sayd I do not remember them now at the first but hereafter they shal be obiected agaynst you And by and by the thirde man rising vp sayde when that you were also at Heidelberg you propounded many erroneous matters as touching the Trinitie and there painted out a certayne shield or scutchine comparing the Trinitie of persons in diuinitie vnto water snow and yse and such like Unto whoÌ„ M. Hierome answered Those thinges that I wrote or paynted there the same will I also speake write and paynt here and teach me that they be erroneous and I will most humbly reuoke and recant the same Then certayne cryed out let hym be burned let him be burned Unto whom he answered if my death doe delight or please you in the name of God let it be so Then sayd the archbishop of Salisburg not so mayster Hierome forsomuch as it is written I will not the death of a sinner but rather that he conuert and liue When these and many other tumultes and cryes were passed whereby they did then most disorderly and outragiously witnes agaynst them they deliuered the sayd mayster Hierome being bound vnto the officers of the Citty of Constance to be caryed to prison for that night and so euery one of them returned to their lodginges In the meane tyme one of the friendes of M. I. Hus looking out at a window of the Cloyster sayd vnto hym M. Hierome Then sayd hee you are welcome my deare brother Then sâ—yd Peter vnto hym Be constant feare not to suffer death for the truth sake of the whiche wheÌ„ you were in tymes past at libertie you dyd preache so muche goodnes Vnto whome Hierome aunswered truely brother I do not feare death and forsomuch as we know that we haue spoken much therof in times past let vs now see what may be knowne or done in effect By and by hys keepers comming to the window threatning hym wyth strokes dyd put away the sayd Peter from the window of the Cloyster Then came there one Uitus vnto M. Hierome sayd mayster how doe you Unto whom he aunswered truely brother I do very well Then hys keepers comming about him layd hold of the sayd Uitus saying this is also one of the number and kept hym When it drew towards euening the archb of Rigen sent certayne oâ— hys seruants which lead away M. Hiâ—rome being stroÌ„gly bound with chaynes both by the handes and by the neck and kept him so for certayne houres When night drew on they caryed hym vnto a certayn tower of the Cittie in Sainct Paules Churchyarde where as they tying him fast vnto a great blocke and his fâ—ete in the stockes hys handes also being made fast vppon them they left hym where as the blocke was so high that he could by no meanes sit therupon but that his head must hang downward They caryed also the sayd Uitus vnto the archbishop of Rygen who demaunded of him why he durst be so bold to talk with such a man being a reprobate of all men and an hereticke and when as he could finde no cause of imprisonment in hym and that he sayd he was maister Iohn de Clums friend taking an othe and promise of him that he should not go about to endamage the Councell by reason of that imprisonment and captiuitie so dismissed hym and sent him away Maister Hierom vnknown vnto vs whether he was caryed lay in the sayd tower two dayes two nightes relieued onely with bread and water Then one of hys keepers comming vnto M. Peter declared vnto him howe that M. Hierome lay hard by in bondes and chaines and how he was fed Then M. Peter desired that hee might haue leaue geuen hym to geue him meat because he would procure the same vnto hym The keeper of the prison graunting hys request caryed meate vnto hym Within â—leuen dayes after so hanging by the heeles he vsed so small repast that he fell sore sicke euen vnto the death When as he lying then in that captiuitie and prison desired to haue a Confessor they of the Councell denyed that he shold haue any vntill such time as by great importunitie he obtayned to haue one hys friends being then there present in the same prison and tower wherein he then lay by the space of one yeare lacking but seuen dayes After they had put Iohn Hus to death then about the feast of the natiuitie of Mary the Uirgine they brought forth M. Hierome whom they had kept so long in chains vnto the Churche of S. Paule and threatning hym with death being instant vpon him they forced him to abiure recant and coÌ„sent vnto the death of M. Iohn Hus that he was iustly and truely condemned and put to death by theÌ„ He what for feare of death and hopyng thereby to escape out of their handes according to their will and pleasure according to the tenour whiche was exhibited vnto hym did make abiuration and that in the Cathedrall Churche and open Session the draught whereof penned to hym by the Papistes here ensueth ¶ The abiuration of M Hierome of Prage I Hierome of Prage Mayster of Arte acknowledging the Catholicke Church and the Apostolicke fayth do accurse and renounce all heresies specially that whereof I haue hetherto bene infamed and that which in tymes past Iohn Hus and Iohn Wickleffe haue bolden and taught in theyr workes treatises and sermons made vnto the people and Clergy for the whiche cause the sayde Wickliffe and Hus together with the sayde doctrines errours are condeÌ„ned by this Sinode of Constance as heretickes and all the said doctrine sentencially condemed and especially in certayne articles expressed in the sentences and iudgementes geuen agaynst them by this sacred Councell Also I do accorde and agree vnto the holy Churche of Rome the Apostolick seate in this sacred Councel with my mouth and hart do professe in al thinges and touching all thinges and specially as touching the keyes Sacramentes orders and offices and ecclesiasticall censures of pardons reliques of Saintes Ecclesiasticall libertie also ceremonies and all other thinges pertayning vnto Christian Religion as the Church of Rome the Apostolick sea and this sacred Councel do professe and specially that many of the sayd Articles are notoriously hereticall and lately reproued by the holy fathers some of them blasphemous other some erroneous some offensiue vnto godly cares many of them temerarious and sedicious And suche also were counted the Articles lately condemned by the sacred councell and it was inhibited and forbidden to all and singular Catholicke men hereafter to preach teach or presume to hold or mayntayne any of the sayd Articles vnder payn of being accursed And I the sayd Hierome forsomuch as I haue laboured by Scholasticall Artes to perswade the opinion De Vniuersalibus realibus and that one substance of the common kinde should signifie many thinges subiect vnder the same and euery
place in euery of the foresayd appoynted dayes which tapers the last sonday after theyr penance finished we will that the sayde Iohn Thomas do humbly and deuoutly offer vnto the high aultar of the parish church of Alborough at the tyme of the offertory of the high Masse the The description of the penance of Tho. Pye and Iohn Mendham same day and that either of them going about the market place aforesayd shall make foure seueral pauses or stayes and at euery of those same pauses humbly and deuoutly receiue at your handes three displinges Therefore we straightly charge and commaunde you and either of you ioyntly and seuerally by vertue of your obedience that euery sonday and market day after the recept of our present commaundement you do effectually admonishe and bring foorth the sayde Thomas Pye and Iohn Mendam to begin and accomplishe theyr sayde penance and so successiuely to finish the same in maner and forme afore appoynted But if they wil not obey your monitions or rather our commaundementes in this behalfe and begin and finish their sayd penance effectuallye you or one of you shall cite them peremptoryly that they or eyther of them appeare before vs or our Commissary in the chappell of our palace at Norwich the 12. day after the citatioÌ„ so made if it be a court day or els the next court day folowing to declare if they or any of them haue any cause why they should not be excommunicate for theyr manifest offence in this behalfe committed according to the forme and order of lawe and further to receiue such punishmeÌ„t as iustice shall prouide in that behalfe And what you haue done in the premisses whether the sayde Thomas and Iohn haue obeyed your admonitions and performed the said penance or no we will that you or one of you which haue receiued our sayd commaundement for the execution thereof do distinctly certify vs betwene this the last day of Nouember next comming Dated at our palace of Norwich vnder our Commissaryes seale the 8. day of October an 1428. This gentle Reader was for the most part the order of theyr whole penaunce howbeit some were oftentimes more cruelly handled after theyr penance they were banished out of the dioces and other some more straightly vsed by longer imprisomeÌ„t wherof we will briefly rehearse one or two for example Iohn Beuerley alias Battild IOhn Beuerley alias Battild a labourer was attached by the Vicar of Sowthereke the parish priest of Waterden and a lawyer and so deliuered vnto Mayster Wil. BernaÌ„ the Byshops Commissary who sent him to the Castle of Norwich there to be kept in irons wheras afterward he being brought before the commissary and hauing nothing proued agaynst him he took an othe that euery yeare afterward he should confesse his sinnes once a yere to his curat and receiue the Sacrament at Easter as other Christians did and for his offence was enioyned that the Friday and Saterday next after he should fast bread and water and vpon the Saterday to be whipped from the pallace of Norwich going round about by Tomelands by S. Michaels Church by Cottle rew and about the market hauyng in his hand a waxe candle of two peÌ„ce to offer to the image of the Trinity after he had done his penaunce And for so much as he confessed that he had eateÌ„ flesh vpoÌ„ Easter day and was not shriuen in all lent nor receiued vpon Easter day the iudge enioyned him that he shoulde fast Tuesday Wednesday and Friday in Whitsonweke hauing but one mealt a day of fish and other whitte meates and after hys penaÌ„ce so done he should depart out of the dioces neuer come there any more Iohn Skilley of Flixton Miller IOhn Skilley of Flixton Miller being apprehended and brought before the bishop of Norwich the 14 day of March 1428. for holding mayntayning the Articles aboue written was therupon conuict and forced to abiure and after his abiuration solemnly made which here to anoyd tediousnes we omit he had a most sharpe sentence of penance pronouced agaynst him the effect wherof being briefly collected was this That forsomuch as the said Skilley was conuict by his owne confession for holding and mayntayning the Articles before written and for receiuing certain good and godly meÌ„ into his house as sir Wil. White priest and Iohn Wadden whom they called famous notorious and damnable heretickes and had now abiured the same being first absolued from the sentence of excommunication which he had incurred by meanes of his opinions he was enioyned for penaunce 7. yeares imprisonment in the monastery of Langley in the dioces of Norwiche And forsomuch as in times past he vsed vpon the Fridayes to eate flesh he was enioyned to fast bread water euery Friday by the space of that 7. yeares to come and that by the space of 2. yeares next immediately after the 7. yeares expired euery wednesday in the beginning of LeÌ„t euery Maundy thursday he should appeare before the bishop or his successor or coÌ„missary for the time being in the cathedrall church of Norwich together with the other penitentiaryes to do open penance for his offences Besides these there were diuers other of the same coÌ„pany which the same yeare were forced to like abiuratioÌ„ penaÌ„ce And so to proceed to the next yeare following which was 1429. there ensueth a great nuÌ„ber in the same register which were examined and did penaunce in like sorte to the number of 16. or 17. In the number of whom was Iohn Baker otherwise called Usher Tunstall who for hauing a booke with the Pater noster the â—ue and Creed in English and for certayn other articles of fasting confession and inuocation contrary to the determination of the Romish Church after much vexation for the same was caused to abiure and sustayne such penaunce as the other before him had done The story of Margery Backster ANother was Margery Backster wife of Wil. Backster Wright in MarthaÌ„ the same yere accused against whom one Ioane wife of Cliffelande was brought in by the bishop and coÌ„pelled to depose and was made to bring in in forme following First that the sayde Margerye Backster did informe this deponent that she should in no case sweare saying to her in english dame beware of the Bee for euery Bee will sting and therefore take heede you sweare not neyther by God neither by our Lady neither by none other saynt if ye do contrary the Bee will sting your tongue and venome your soule IteÌ„ this deponeÌ„t being demauÌ„ded by the said Margery what she did euery day at church she answered that the kneled down said 5. Pater nosters in worship of the crucifixe as many Aue Maries in worship of our Lady whoÌ„ Margery rebuked saying you do euill to kneele or pray to such Images in the churches for God dwelleth not in such churches neither shall come downe out of heauen will geue
hys part for here are many byshops proctors whō he doth not recken because they are not of his opinion Neither is the dignities of the fathers to be respected in the Councell as he sayth but onely reason nor anyethyng more to be looked for then the truth neyther will I for my part preferre a lye of any byshop be he neuer so rich before a veritie or truth of a poore priest Neither ought a byshop to disdayne if he be rude or vnlearned that the multitude doth not follow hym or that the voyce of a poore learned and eloquent priest should be preferred before his For wisedome dwelleth oftner vnder a bare and ragged cloke then in rich ornamentes and apparell Wherfore I pray you my Lord byshops do not so much contēne your inferiours for the first which dyed for Christ the which also opened vnto all other the way of Martyrdome was no byshop but onely a Leuite As for that whiche Ludouicus and Panormitane do allege touchyng the voyces of Bishops I know not where they haue it Wherfore I desire them that they would tell me where they haue foūd it But if we repeat the examples of old councels we shall finde that the inferiours were alwayes present with the Bishops And albeit that Ludouicus do forbid vs the examples of the apostles I stay my self most vpon their doings For what is more comely for vs to followe then the doctrine customes of the primitiue Church It is sayd therfore in the 15. chapter of the Acts of the Apostles it seemed good vnto the holy ghost and to vs. The whiche word to vs is referred vnto them which are before named the Apostles and the Elders Neither this word it semed good signifieth in this place consultation but decision and determination whereby it appeareth that other beside that byshops had determining voyces In an other place also of the sayd Actes when as the apostles shoulde intreate vppon anye wayghty matter they durst not determine by themselues but the xii called together the multitude Here Ludouicus sayth that it doeth not appeare y◠the Apostles called other of necessitie but I say vnto hym how knowest thou that they did not call thē of necessitie But for so much as both partes are vncertayne nothing doth prohibite vs to follow the Apostles For seeing that all thinges were written for our learning it appeareth that the Apostles wold geue vs exāple that in wayghty matters we shold admit our inferiours And therfore in all Councels which were celebrate holden afterwards we find that Priestes were also present as in the Councell of Nice whiche of all other was most famous Athanasius being then but onely a priest withstood the Arrians and infringed their argumentes Albeit there were also other priestes And albeit mention be made of 322. byshops yet is not denyed but that the inferiours were there whome I thinke to be omitted for this cause for that they were almost innumerable for as you know well enough the denomination for the most part is taken of the most worthy In the Synode of Calcedon which was counted one of the foure principall Synodes it is sayd that there were present 600. priestes the which name is common both vnto byshops and Priestes In other Councels the name both of Bishops and Priestes is omitted mention made onely of Fathers which hath the same signification the thys worde Elders had in the actes of the Apostles Wee haue also a testimony of the ecclesiasticall history how that ther was a Councell gathered of Rome of lx Byshops and as many Priestes Deacons agaynst the Nouations which called themselues Cathari Also when Paule the Byshop of Antioche in the tyme of Galiene the Emperoure preached that Christ was a man of common nature the Councell assembled agaynst hym in Antioche wherunto there came Byshops out of Cesaria Capadotia out of Pontus Asia and from Ierusalem and many other Byshops Priestes and Deacons and it is said that for that cause the Councel was often holden And at the last in the same place vnder Aurelius the Emperour Paule was condemned of al Christian Churches which were vnder heauē neyther was there any mā which did more confound the sayd Paul then Malchiona Priest of Antioche which taught Rhetorike in Antioche But to make no long digression from the matter we haue most euident testimonies for the defence of the inferiours For the chiefe and principall amongst all the Diuines S. Austen vpō the wordes of Mathew where as Christ saith vnto Peter I wil geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauē sayth that by those words the iudiciall power was geuen not only vnto Peter but also to the other Apostles and to the whole Churche the byshops and Priestes If then Priestes haue a iudiciall power in the churche what shold iet that they haue not also a determining voyce in the coūcels The famous Doctour S. Hierome doth also agree with S. Austen whose wordes are these vpon the Epistle of Paule vnto Titus Before that difference was made in Religion by the instigation of the deuill or that it was spoken amongest the people I holde of Paule I of Apollo I of Cephas the Churches were gouerned by the common consent and Councell of the Priestes for a priest is the very same that a byshop is Wherefore all Byshops ought to vnderstand that they are of greater power then Priestes rather by custome then by the dispensation of the truth of God and that they ought to rule the church together And this we do also gather out of Paule vnto Titus which maketh so much concordaunce betweene bishops and priests that oftentimes he calleth priestes Byshops whereby it doth euidently appeare that priestes are not to be excluded from the conuentions of byshops and determinations of matters And albeit as S. Hierom writeth that byshops onely by custome are preferred before Priestes it may be that a contrary custome may take away that custome For if priestes ought to rule the church together with the byshops it is euident that it also pertayneth vnto them to decide and determine the doubtfull matters of the Church Wherfore the testimony of S. Paule is euident for as he writing vnto the Ephesians sayth If Christe instituted hys Apostles Prophetes Pastours and Teachers to the worke of the ministery for the edifying of hys Church vntill such tyme as we should meete hym for this purpose that there should be no doubt in the diuersitie of doctrine who doubteth then but that the gouernaunce of the Church is committed vnto others together with the Apostles Let these our champions now hold their peace and seeme to be no wiser then they ought to be The memoriall of the coūcell of Constance is yet fresh in memory wheras diuers of vs were present and I my selfe also whiche was neither Cardinall nor byshop but onely a Doctour where I dyd see without any maner of doubt of difficultie the inferiors
Arelatensis published vnto thē the name of the elect bishop After this al the prelats in their robes pōtificalibus and miters and all the clergye of the city cōming vnto the conclaue the electours being likewise adourned they brought thē vnto the great church where as after great thankes geuen vnto God and the electiō agayne declared vnto the people a Hymne being song for ioy the cōgregation was dissolued This Amedeus aforesayd was a man of reuerent age of comely stature of graue and discreet behauiour also before maried Who thus being elect for Pope about Nouember was called Felix the v. and was crowned in the city of Basill in the month of Iuly There were present at his coronation Lewes Duke of Sauoy Philip Earle Gebenēs Lewes Marques of Salutze The Marques of Rotelen Cōrade of Winsperghey Chāberlain of the Empire The Earle of Dierstein The Ambassadours of the Cittyes of Strasbrough Berne Friburge Solatorne with a great multitude of other beside to the vew of 50000. persons At this coronatiou the Popes two sonnes did serue and minister to theyr father Lewes Cardinal of Hostia did set on his head the pontificall Diademe which was estemed at 30. thousand crownes It were long here to recite the whole order and solemnity of the procession or the Popes ryding about the City First proceeded the Pope vnder his Canaby of cloth of gold hauing on his head a triple crown and blessing the people as he went By him wēt the Marques of Rotelen and Conrade of Winsperge leading his horse by the bridle The procession finished they went to dinner which lasted foure full houres being excessiuely sumptuous where the Popes two sonnes were butlers to his cup. The Marques of Salutze was the stuard c. Of this Foelix thus writeth Uolaterane in his 3. booke that he being desired of certayne of the Ambassadours if he had any dogges or houndes to shew them he willed them the next day to repayre to him and he woulde shew vnto them such as he had When the Ambassadours according to the appoyntment were come he sheweth vnto them a great number of poore people and beggers sitting at his tables at meat declaring that those were hys hoūdes which he euery day vsed to feede hunting with them he trusted for the glory of heauen to come And thus you haue heard the state of this Councell hetherto which Councell endured a long season the space of 17. yeares About the 6. yeare of the Coūcell Sigismund the Emperour dyed leauing but one daughter to succeede hym in his kingdomes whom he had maryed to Albert 2. Duke of Austricke which first succeeded in the kingdome of Hūgary and Boheme being a sore aduersary to the Bohemians and afterward was made Emperour an 1438. and raigned Emperour but 2. yeares leauing his wyfe which was Sigismūd his daughter great with childe After which Albert succeeded his brother Frederick the third Duke of Austrich in the Empire c. wherof more Christ willing hereafter In the meane time Eugenius hearing of the death of Sigismund aboue recited began to worke the dissolutiō of the Councel of Basill and to transferre it to Ferraria pretending the comming of the Grecians Notwithstanding the Councel of Basill through the disposition of God and the worthines of Cardinall Arelatensis constantly endured Albeit in the said Councell were many stops and practises to empeach the same beside the sore plague of pestilence which fell in the Citie during the sayd Councell In the which plague time besides the death of many worthy men Aeneas Syluius also himselfe the writer compiler of the whole history of that Councell sitting at the feete of the Bishops of Tournon and of Lubecke lay sicke iij. dayes of the same sore as is aboue touched and neuer thought to escape They that died departed with this exhortation desiring mē to pray to God that he would conuert the harts of them that stooke to Eugenius as Pope against that Councell as partly is afore noted and now repeated againe for the better marking Arelatensis being most instantly exhorted by his frends to flie that danger could by no meanes be intreated to auoide fearing more the daunger of the Church then of his owne life Beside these so great difficulties obstacles to stay and hinder this Councell strange it was to behold the mutation of mens minds Of whom such as first seemed to fauour the Councell after did impugne it and such as before were against it in the end shewed themselues most frends vnto the same The chiefe Cardinals prelates the more they had to loose the sooner they slipt away or els lurked in houses or townes neare and absented thēselues for feare so that the stay of the Councell most rested vpō their Proctours Doctours Archdeacōs Deanes Prouostes Priours and such other of the inferiour sort Wherof Aeneas Syluius in his 183. Epistle maketh this relation where one Caspar Schlicke the Emperours Chauncelour writeth to the Cardinal Iulian in these words Those Cardinals saith he which so long time magnified so highly the authoritie of the Church and of generall Councels seeming as though they were ready to spend their liues for the same now at the sight of one letter from their king wherin yet no death was threatned but onely losse of their promotions slipt away frō Basil. And in the same Epistle deridingly commendeth thē as wise men that had rather lose their faith then their flocke Albeit saith he they departed not farre away but remained about Solotorne waiting for other commandements from their Prince Wherby it may appeare how they did shrinke away not willingly but the Burse quoth he bindeth faster then true honour Quid enim saluis infamia nummis That is to say what matter maketh the name of a man so his money be safe Haec Aeneas Moreouer in one of the Sessions of the said Councell the worthy Cardinall Arelatensis is sayde thus to haue reported that Christ was sold for xxx pence but I saide he was solde much more deare For Gabriell otherwise called Eugenius Pope offered 60. thousand crownes who so would take me present me vnto him And they that tooke the said Cardinall afterward excused their fact by another coulour pretending the cause for that the Cardinals brother what time the Armiakes wasted Alsatia had wrought great dammage to the inhabitants there and therfore they thought said they that they might lawfully lay handes vpon a Frenchman wheresoeuer they might take him At length by the Bishop of Strasbrough Rupert and the said City the matter was taken vp and he rescued Wherein no doubt appeared the hand of God in defending his life from the pestilent danger of the Pope his aduersary Ex Paralip Abbat Vrsper And thus farre hauing proceeded in the matters of this foresayd Councell vntill the election of Amadeus called Pope Foelix v. before we prosecute the rest that remaineth thereof to be
Martin gaue me autority by the aduice of the councel to rote out heresies to pacifie kingdoms to reforme the maners of euery state of christendome yet they wil say that I can not cite them Power is geuen me to iudge to condemne and haue I not also power to cite The law doth say vnto whom any power or iurisdiction is committed all things seme to be committed vnto him without the which he cānot exercise his iurisdiction for howe coulde all the premisses be done if the Prelates or others shuld not come hither Also why is it said in the chapter Ego enim de iure iurando I will come vnto the Sinode if I be called if he can not be called By whome then is it presupposed that he shuld be called but only by the councel or by him which ruleth the councell Also the whole 18. distinction intreateth of no other matter but that the bishops being called vnto the councel if they come not that they may be excommunicate and suspended Let these men read the boke of councels of S. Isidore and they shall finde howe that in many councelles the Prelates haue bene called by the Sinode Nowe it remaineth that we shuld declare whether the dissolutiō be of force or no. Wherin I do againe feare to moue your holines vnto anger But charity forceth me therunto for peraduenture your holines doth thinke the dissolution to be effectual therfore do perseuer in it wherby for somuche as many offences may rise my conscience doeth moue me not to hold my peace First of all the chapter Frequens declareth that it is not of force for if prorogation be forbidden prohibited which is a smal mater much more is dissolutiō which is a greater matter for it is a greater matter to take away then to defer for by proroging a thing is but deferred by dissoluing it is vtterly taken away Also these men say that the said cōstitution in the chapter Frequens may be made void for somuch assone as the councel is begon it may be dissolued without any thing don as it is said that it was done at Senes and nowe they say also that your holines hath ben peruersly informed touching the dissolution They say also that the sayd dissolution doth manifestly tend to the subuersion of faith the ruine of the church and the trouble of the christian people Therfore it can not be done neither obeid They say moreouer that the said dissolutiō could not be made by meanes of a certen decree of the councel of Constance in that behalfe prouided That in such matters as pertaine vnto faith the extirpation of sinne and reformation of the church in the head in the members that all men of what estate or condition so euer they be yea the Pope himself shuld be bound to obey the statutes precepts and ordināces of euery general councell except they did obey to punish them Marke how that these things to haue power to determine vpon any man to commaund him and punish him if he be not obedient are signes of superioritye in those matters which he doth decree command or punish and to be bound to obedience to be subiect and obey the same are signes of inferiority in the said cases Ergo in the foresaid cases seeing that the Pope as they say is vnder the coūcel which also hath ben In that for one of the said 3. cases the councel did depriue Iohn for the other Benedict neither coulde the Pope dissolue the councell in that he is inferior vnto the councel cannot bind or cōpel the superior As in the chapiter Cum inferior otherwise it shoulde containe in it a contradiction that hee is bounde to obey and is not bound to obey because he may dissolue for howe should he be obedient vnto the ordinance and decree of the councell if he may anihilate and take away the same ordinaunce and decree Thys councell is cōgregate for the rooting out of heresies for the making of peace and reformation of maners and in the first Session it did ordeine that their whole intent and respect should be thereunto and that he which should procure to let the coūcell to proroge or alter it should be punished and haue processe against him as against a common disturber of the peace c. If it may be dissolued it is euident that they doe not obey the saide ordinaunce whereby this also must of necessity be graunted that if it may be dissolued the decree of the councell of Constance is of no force This is also proued by an other reason No man doubteth but if any controuersie of heresie shoulde be mooued against any Bishop of Rome that he coulde not dissolue the Councell For if he might dissolue the councell he could not be iudged whych were cōtrary to the cha Si Pa. dist 40. Ergo like as it is inheresy so is it in the two other cases For these three were pacified by the coūcel of Cōstance for thus speaketh the councel As it is in the Chapter Si Papa in illo vno And as I haue before saide the Councell of Constance allowed this decree thorow the which they depriued Peter de Luna for making of a Schisme and Pope Iohn for the deformitie of his life And all be it there be certaine lawes that say the principall seat can not be iudged of any man and againe no man iudgeth the chiefe seate And no man sayth vnto him selfe why doest thou so There are to be vnderstande in these three cases first that there was prouiso made for the faith in the chapter Si Papa and in the other two poynts by the decree of Constance Otherwise it shuld be vnderstande without any exception that the first seate c. and then the chapter Si Papa 40. Distinct. and the sayd decree of Constance shoulde be false If the chapter Si Papa had added causes of heresies no man would haue doubted vpon these two cases touching the sayd sentence so likewise no man ought to doubt of the decree of the councell that it was made by the authoritie of the Pope and representeth the vniuersal church and if any man wold say that in all councels the authoritye of the Pope is excepted I aunswere that it is true when as the persone of the Pope is not specially included But if hee be specially included he can not be excepted because it should sauour of contradiction Most blessed father God is my witnesse that I haue spoken these thinges wyth great anguish and sorowe of minde but I am forced so to speake that your holinesse may cease from the saide dissolution lest there might happen infinite euels in the church of God If your holines did see my pure mind my vpright conscience and entier affection towardes you whereby I am mooued to wryte those thinges euen for very loue you would embrace and kisse me and wythout doubt loue me as your owne sonne I haue often sayde and nowe doe say
religion not by sworde but by argument and disputation that the Bishop of Rome could neuer yet to this day remooue the Thaborites and Citie of Prage from the communion of both the kindes nor coulde euer cause them to keepe the conditions which in the beginning of the Councell was enioyned their priests to obserue as testifieth Cochleus lib. 8. hist. Huss With whom also recordeth Antoninus who in 3 part hist. saith that the doctrine of the Bohemians which he termeth by the name of Zizania did take so deepe roote wyth them and grewe so fast that afterwarde neyther by fire nor sword it could be extinct An. 3. part hist. tit 22. cap. 10 Concerning the which Bohemians briefly in a generall summe to recapitulate their whole actes doings here is to be noted that they in their owne defence in the quarel of Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prage prouoked by their catholike aduersaries to warre fighting vnder Zisca their Captaine had eleuen battailes with the Popes side and euer went away victours Ex paral Abb. Vrsp. in Epitaphio Ioan. Zisc. Moreouer in the history of Peucer it is testified that pope Martin 5. sending for the B. of Wint. then Cardinal had leuied 3. maine armies intending to ouerrunne al the Bohemians one army of the Saxons vnder the prince Elector the seconde of the Francones vnder the Marques of Brandeburge the thirde of Renates Bauarians and Suechers vnder Octo archb of Treuers With these Sigismund also the Emperor and Cardinal Iulian the popes Legate who at last was slain in war and being spoiled of all his attire was left naked in the fielde ioyned al their force Who ioyning together 5. times sayth the story which 5. sondry battailes assailed and inuaded the Bohemians at euery which battail 5. times the sayd aduersaries stroken and daunted with a sodain feare ranne away out of the field leauing their tents w e all their implements and furniture behind them before any stroke was geuen Ex Casp. Peuc lib. 5. Whereby it may appeare the holy aungels of God to fight for them which embraced the syncere doctrine of Christes gospell Thus the Bohemians through the mighty protection of almighty God cōtinued a long time inuincible during all that life of Zisca also of Procopius til at length through discord growing betwene them theyr captains Procopius Mainardus they were subdued vnto their enemies And heere by the way is not to be omitted the wicked and cruel facte of Mainardus who after the death of Procopius thinking to purge the realme of Boheme of those chiefe and principal soldiours which had bene long expert and trained vp in warres found meanes by a proclamation made as though he woulde warre against other countreis of their eunemies bordering about them craftily to traine all them which were disposed to take wages into certaine barnes or houels prepared for the same purpose and so shutting the dores vppon them the wicked dissembler set fire vpon them brent of them diuers thousands and so brought the rest by that meanes vnder subiection to the Emperor during his lyfe time which after that continued not long Ex Aene. Syl. The which soldiours if they had fought so much for the catholike liberties of the Pope and his churche as they had fought against him it is martyrs But they that kill with the sword sayeth Christ shall perish with the sword Notwithstanding the cruell deceit of Mainardus is worthy of all men to be detested During this businesse among the bishops beyonde the sea in the meane time our bishops here also in Englande were not vnoccupied Whether it be the nature of the countrey that so geueth or whether the great liuings and welthy promotions of the clergy do draw w e them a more insensible vnto wardnesse in Gods religion hard it is to say this is manifest to all them which will read and marke our stories from time to time that in Englande is more burning and slaying for Religion and for all other matters more bloudshed among vs then in any other lande or nation in Christendome besides After the burning of Rich. Houeden of Nicho. Canon and of Thom. Bagley priest aboue recorded pag. 666. Whom the bishops condemned to death An. 1431. not long after about the yere of our Lorde 1439. which was the 18. of the raign of king Henr 6. they had another poore man by the backe named Riche Wicke Priest mentioned both in Rob. Fabian and also in another olde english chronicle borowed of one Perminger What his opinions were they do not expresse This they recorde that this Rich wich first was degraded then burned at the tower hil for heresy Some do a arm that he before his death reuolted but that seemeth by his burning not to be Rex vicecomitibus London Midd. salutem Albeit Richard Wyche late clearke who heretofore long sithence heretically did hold teach publikely preache certaine heresies and erroneous opinions in many places within our realme of England And for the same many yeares nowe past being iudicially conuicted did before a iudge in that behalfe sufficient abiure all heresy generally and afterward as a dogge returning to his vomit did presume to maintain teach publikely preach his former errors and heresies so that hee was worthely adiudged a Relapse And againe being impeached for the same before the reuerend father in God Robert B of London his lawfull Ordinarie was called foorth to iudgement and being before him did iudicially confesse hys errors and heresies For the which cause the saide reuerende father vppon mature deliberation by hym the sayde Reuerende father first had with the aduise of the learned in the lawe his assistantes lawfully proceeding against the saide Richard did by his sentēce defintiue pronounce and adiudge him to bee a Relapse and did disgrade him from the order and dignitie of Priesthoode tooke from him all priestly ornaments and depriued him of all priestly function and Priuiledge according to iustice and last of all turned him ouer to the secular power as the manner is And afterwards you by our Princely commandement and warrant did according to the lawe of oure realme for his last punishment consume the body of the sayd Richard to ashes being a Relapse conuict and disgraded as a notorious traitour not only against God but also against vs and our crowne and dignity All which notwithstanding certaine our subiects as we haue ben sundry times enformed being pricked foreward with a Diabolical spirite practising of all likelihode not only sedition but also Idolatry within our Realme are not afraide publikely to affirme that the sayde Richard was altogether innocent of heretical prauity Nay rather they do moste shainefully with their vaine deuises and wickedly conceiued imaginatiōs blase abroad that he was died a good iust and an holy man and that he doeth many myracles whereas in deede no suche myracles be done by him Which
no further but to Fabian and Hall lacketh no good wil in him but only a little matter to make a perfect sycophant And admit the sayde name of Onley could not be founde in those wryters yet it were not vnpossible for a man to haue two names especially if he were a religious man to beare the name of the towne where he was born beside his own proper surname But nowe what if I M. Cope can auouch and bring foorth to you the name of Roger Onley out of sufficient recorde which you seeme not to haue yet read Haue yee not then done well and properly thinke you so bitterly to flee in my face and to barke so egerly all this while at moneshine in the water hauing no more cause almoste against me theÌ„ against the man in the Moone And now least you shoulde thinke me so much vnprouided of iust authority for my defence as I see you vnprouided of modestie and patience wryte you to your prompter or suborner where so euer he lurketh here in England to sende you ouer vnto Louane the booke of Iohn Harding a Chronicler more auncient then either Fabian or Hall printed in the house of Richard Grafton Anno 1543. where turne to the fol. 223. fac b. lin 19. and there shall you finde and reade these wordes Againe the Church and the king cursedly By helpe of one maister Roger Onley c. By the whyche woordes yee must necessarily confesse Roger Onley to be the name of the man either els must ye needes deny the author For otherwise that master Roger Bolingbroke was the onely helper to the Duchesse in that fact by no wise it can stande with the story of these authors which say that 4. other besides hym were coÌ„demned for the same erune c. And moreouer thought the sayd Sir R. Onley was no knight as I haue saide in my former edition yet this yee cannot deny by the testimonie of them that haue sene his workes but that he was a Priest which you wil graunt to be a knights fellow And thus much for the name and condition of M. Roger Onley Fourthly as concerning Margaret Iourdeman whoÌ„ ye call the witch of Eye ye offer me herein great wrong to say that I make her a martyr which was a wytche when as I here professe confesse and ascertaine both you and all English men both present al posterity hereafter to come that this Margaret Iourdeman I neuer spake of neuer thought of neuer dreamed of nor did euer heare of before you named her in your booke your selfe So farre is it of that I eyther with my will or against my will made any martyr of her Furthermore I professe and denounce in like manner the neither haue you any iust or congrue occasion in my boke so to iudge much lesse to raile of me For where in expresse words I do speake of the moÌ„ther of the Lady Yong what occasion haue you therby to slander me and my boke with Margarete Iourdeman which Margarete whether shee was a witche or not I leaue her to the Lorde As for me neither did I knowe of her then nor did I meane of her nowe But because I couple her in the same story you say To this I say because shee was the mother of a Ladie I thought to ioyne her w e an other Lady in the same story as in one pue together although in one cause I will not say And yet notwtstanding I doe so couple the saide mother w e the Duchesse in such distinet difference of yeares that you M. Cope might casily haue vnderstande or beside you no man els would haue thought the contrary but that Margaret Iouedeman was neither heere in my booke nor yet many memento For the wooordes of my storie are playne whereas the condemnation of the Lady Eleanor of the mother of Lady Young being referred to the yeare of our Lord 1441. I doe also in the same story through the occasion of that Ladie inforte mention of the mother of the Ladie Yong declaring in expresse woordes that shee folowed certayne yeares after in the end of that chapter do name also the yeare of her burning to be 1490. whiche was 50. yeares after the death of Onely and Margaret Iourdeman by the computatioÌ„ of which yeares it is playne that no other woman could be noted in that place but only the Lady Younges mother But M Cope continuing still in his wrangling mood obiecteth agayne for that in my Callendar the sayd Ladye Younges mother hath the next day in the Catalogue next after the death of Roger Onley whiche day pertayneth properly to Margaret Iourdeman which was burned the same day in Smithfield not to the Ladyes mother c. What order was taken in placing the names dayes what is that to me If he whiche had the disposing of the Catalogue did place them so in monthes as he sawe them ioyned in chapiters not perusing peraduenture nor abuising the chapters that doth nothing preiudice the truth of my story which sufficiently doth clare it selfe in distincting theÌ„ rightly in names also in yeares as is afore declared Fiftly and lastly hauing thus sufficiently aunswered to your circumstanunces of persons names and times M. Cope I will nowe enter to encounter with you concerning the fact and crime obiected to the Lady Duches and to the rest with this protestation before premised vnto the reader that if the fact be true and so done is reported in the histories of Fabian Halle and harding I desire the reader then so to take me as though I do not here deale withall nor speake of the matter but vtterly to haue pretermitted and dispuncted the same But for somuch as the deed and offence layd and geuen forth agaynst these parties may be a matter made of euil wil compacted rather then true in deede therefore I doe but onely moue a question by way of history not as defending nor commending nor commemorating the thing if it be true but onely mouing the question whether it is to be iudged true or suspected rather to be false and forged and so hauing briefly propounded certayne coniectural suspicious or supposals concerning that matter to passe it ouer neither medling on the one side nor on the other The first coÌ„iecture why it may be possible that this act of treason layd to the charge of the Duches Roger Oneley agaynst the king may be vntrue is this that the sayde Oneley otherwise named Bolingbroke tooke it vppon hys death that they neuer intended any such thing as they were condemned for The second coniecture for that the Lady Eleanor and Onely seemed then to fauour and fauour of that religion set forth by wicklesse and therefore like enough that they were haâ—d of the clergy Furthermore what hatred practise of Papistes can do it is not vnknowne The third coniecture for that the sayd mayster Roger Onely falsly
listed These thinges thus being done and the tumult ceased after three dayes Mahometes the Turke entreth into the Citie and first calling for the heades and auncientes of theÌ„ Citie such as he found to be left aliue he commaunded the to be mangled and â—ut in peeces It is also sayth my author reported that in the feastes of the Turks honest matrones and virgins and such as were of the kinges stocke after other coâ—umeties were he 〈◊〉 and cut in peeces for their disport And this was the end of that princely and famous 〈◊〉 of Constantinople beginning first by Constantinus and ending also with ConstaÌ„tinus which for the princely royalty therof was named and euer honoured from the time of the first Constantine equally with the City of Rome called also by the name thereof new Rome so continued the space of 1120. yeares I pray God that olde Rome may learne of new Rome to take heed and beware by tyme. This terrible destruction of the Citty of Constantinople the Queene of Cittyes I thought here to describe not so much to set forth the barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hels and mercilesse murtherers as specially for this that we being admonished by the dolefull ruine and misery of these our euen christened may call to minde the plagues miseryes deserued whiche seeme to hang no lesse ouer our owne heades and thereby may learne betime to inuocate and call more earnestly vpon the name of our terrible and mercifull God that he for his sonnes sake will keepe vs preserue his church among vs and mitigate those plagues and sorrowes whiche we no lesse haue deserued then these aboue minded before vs. Christ graunt it Amen Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer The history of Reynold Peeocke Byshop of Chichester afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospell of Christ. AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned pag. 657. next succeeded Iohn Stafford an 1445. who continued 8. yeares After hym came Iohn Kempe ann 1453. who sate but three yeares Then succeeded Thomas Burschere In the time of which Archbishop fell the trouble of Reynold Pecocke Bishop of Chichester afflicted by the Popes Prelates for hys fayth and profession of the Gospell Of this Byshoppe Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention declaring that an ouerthwart iudgement as he termeth it was geuen by the Fathers of the spiritualty agaynst him Thys man sayth he beganne to moue questions not priuatly but openly in the Uniuersityes concerning the Annates Peter pence and other iurisdictions and authorities perteyning to the sea of Rome and not onely put forth the questioÌ„s but declared his mind and opinion in the same wherefore he was for thys cause absured at Paules Crosse. Thus muche of hym wryteth Hall Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon but in few wordes This bishop first of S. Assaphe then of Chichester so long as Duke Humfrey lyued by whome he was promoted and much made of was quiet and safe and also bolde to dispute and to write hys mynde and wrote as Leland recordeth diuers bookes and treatises But after that good Duke was thus as ye haue heard made away this good man lacking his backstay was open to his enemies and matter soone found agaynst hym Wherupon he being complayned of and accused by priuy and malignant promoters vnto the Archbishop letters first were directed downe from the Archbishop to cite al men to appeare that could say any thing agaynst hym The forme of which citation here ensueth The copy of the Citation sent by the Archbyshoppe THomas by the permission of God Archb. of Canterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke Sea to all and singuler Parsons Vicares Chaplaynes Curates not Curates Clerkes and learned men whatsoeuer they be constitute ordeined in any place throughout our prouince of Caunterbury health grace and benediction We haue receiued a greeuous complaint of our reuerend felow brother Reynold Pecocke Byshop of Chichester conteyning in it that albeit our sayd reuerend felow brother the Byshop deliuered vnto vs certayne bookes written by him in the English tongue by vs and our authority to be examined corrected reformed and allowed notwithstanding many the examination and reformation of the sayde bookes depending and remayning before vs vndiscussed haue openly preached and taught at Paules crosse in London and in diuers other places of our prouince of Canterbury that our sayd felow brother the Byshop hath propouÌ„ded made and written or caused to be writen in the sayde bookes certayne conclusions repugnaunt to the true fayth and that he doth obstynately hold and defend the same By the pretence of which preaching and teaching the state good name and fame of the sayd Lord Reynolde the Byshoppe are greeuously offended and hurt and he and his opinion maruellously burdened Wherefore we charge you all together and seuerally apart do commaund you firmely enioyning you that openly and generally you doe warne or cause to bee warned all and singular such persons whiche will obiect any thing contrary and agaynst the conclusions of our sayd reuereÌ„d felow brother the Bishop had or conteined in his bookes or writings that the 20. day after such monition or warning had they do freely of theyr own accord appeare before vs and our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted wheresoeuer we shall then be in our Citty Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to speake propound alledge and affirme fully sufficiently in writinge whatsoeuer hereticall or erroneous matter they wil speak propound or obiect agaynst the sayde conclusions conteyned in his sayde bookes and both to satisfye and receiue whatsoeuer shall seeme meete and right in this behalfe by the holy institutions and ordinaunces And for so muche as this matter depending yet vndetermined and vndiscussed nothing ought to be attempted or renewed we charge you that by this our authority you inhibite and forbid all and euery one so to preach and teach hereafter Vnto whom also we by the the tenour of these presents do likewise forbid that during the examination of the conclusions and bookes aforesayde depending before vs and our Commissaryes vndiscussed they do not presume by any meanes without good aduise and iudgemeÌ„t to preach iudge and affirme any thing to the preiudice or offeÌ„ce of the sayd Lord Reynold the Byshop and if so be you do finde any in this behalfe gayne saying or not obeying this our inhibitioÌ„ that you do cite or cause theÌ„ peremptorily to be cited to appeare before vs or our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted the 10 day after theyr citation if it be a courte day or els the next courte day following wheresoeuer we shall then be in our City Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to make further declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobedieÌ„ce to receiue such punishment as iustice and equity shall determine in that behalfe that by your leters you do duely certify vs or our Commissaries what you haue
written in his boke intituled Rapularium where as hee wryteth that in the Councell of Basill An. 1536. the Archbyshop of Lions did declare that in the time of Pope Martine there came out of France to the court of Rome 9. millions of golde which was gathered of the Byshops and Prelates besides those whych could not be counted of the poore clergy which daily without number runne vnto the court of Rome carying with them all their whole substance The archbishop of Turonne sayde also at Basil in the yeare of our Lord 1439. that three millions of gold came vnto Rome in his time within the space of 14. yeres from the prelates prelacies wherof no accompt could be made beside the poore cleargy which daily run to that court Let the man which feareth God iudge what a deuouring gulf this is A million containeth x. C.M. And what made Pope Pius the 2. to labor so earnestly to Lewes the 11. the French Kinge who as is aforesayde was a great enemy to the house of Burgoin that he wold according to his former promise abolishe vtterly extinct the constitution established before at the Counsell of Bitures by king Charles the 7. his predecessour called Pragmatica Sanctio but onely the ambition of that sea which had no measure and their auarice which had no ende the storie is this King Charles 7. the French king willing to obey and folow the councel of Basil did sommon a Parliament at Bitures Where by the full consent of all the states in Fraunce both spiritual and temporal a certain constitution was decreed and published called Pragmatica Sanctio wherein was comprehended briefly the pith and effect of all the Canons and decrees cōcluded in the councel of Basil The which constitution the saide king Charles willed and commaunded through all his realme inuiolably to be obserued and ratified for the honor and increase of Christian religion for euer This was An. 1438. It followed that after the decease of thys foresayde Charles the 7. succeded king Lewys 11. who had promised before being Dolphine to Pope Pius that if he euer came to the crowne the foresayd Sanctio Pragmatica should be abolished Wherupon Pope Pius hearing him to be crowned did send vnto him Iohn Balueus a Cardinall wyth hys great letterg patent willing him to be mindful of hys promise made The king eyther willing or els pretending a will to performe and accomplish what he had promised directed the Popes letters patēt wyth the sayd Cardinal to the counsaile of Paris requiring them to consult vpon the cause Thus the matter beyng brought and proposed in the Parliament house the kings Atturney named Ioannes Romanus a man wel spoken singularly witted and wel reasoned stepping foorth with great eloquence and no les boldnes prooued the sayd Sanction to be profitable holy and necessary for the wealth of the realme and in no case to be abolished Unto whose sentence the Uniuersity of Paris adioyning their consent did appeal from the attempts of the Pope to the next generall Councell The Cardinall vnderstanding this toke no litle indignation thereat fretting and fuming and threatning many terrible things against them but al his minatory words notwithstanding he returned againe to the king hys purpose not obtained An. 1438. Ex Ioan. Mario Thus the Popes purpose in France was disappoynted which also in Germanie had come to the like effect if Fredericke the Emperor had there done his part lykewise toward the Germaines Who at the same time bewailing their miserable estate wēt about wyth humble sute to perswade the Emperor that he should no longer be vnder the subiection of the Popes of Rome except they had first obtained certaine things of them as touching the Charter of Appeales declaring their estate to be far worse although vndeserued then the Frenchmen or Italians whose seruants and especially of the Italians they are worthely to be called except that their estate were altered The nobles comminalty of Germanie did instantly intreate with most waighty reasons examples both for the vtilitie and profite of the Empire to haue the Emperours aide and helpe therin for that which he was bound vnto them by an oth alledging also the great dishonor ignominie in that they alone had not the vse of their owne lawes declaring how the French natiō had not made their sute vnto their king in vaine against the exactions of Popes by whom they were defended whych also prouided decrees and ordinances for the liberty of his people caused the same to be obserued the which thing the Emperor ought to foresee within hys Empire to prouide for hys people and states of his empire as well as other Kings doe For what shall come to passe therby if that forreine nations hauing recourse vnto their kings being relieued and defended by them from the said exactions and the Germains states of the Empyre flying vnto theyr Emperour be by him forsaken or rather betraied depriued of their owne lawes and decrees The Emperor being mooued partly ouercome by theyr perswasions promised that he wold prouide no lesse for them then the king of Fraunce had done for the Frenchmen and to make decrees in that behalfe but the graue authoritie of Aeneas Syluius as Platina wryteth in the history of Pius the second brake of the matter who by his subtile and pestiserous perswasions did so bewitche the Emperour that hee contemning the equall iust and necessary requestes of hys subiects chose the sayd Aeneas to be hys Ambassadour vnto Calixtus then newly chosen Pope to sweare vnto hym in his name to promise the absolute obedience of al Germany as the only coūtry as they call it of obedience neglecting the ordinances decrees of their country as before he had done vnto Eugenius the 4. being Ambassadour for the sayd Fredcrike promising that he all the Germaines would be obedient vnto him from hēceforth in al matters as well spirituall as temporall Thus twise Friderike of Austrich contemned and derided the Germaines frustrating them of their natiue decrees and ordinances brought them vnder subiection and bondage of the Pope whych partly was the cause that 7. yeres before his death he caused his sonne Maximiliā not only to be chosen but also crowned king of Romains and did associate hym to the ministration of the Empire least after hys death as it came to passe the Empire shoulde bee transported into an other family suspecting the Germains whom he had twise cōtrary to his lawes made subiect and in bondage vnto the Popes exactions first be fore he was crowned in the time of Eugenius the 4. and again the second time after hys coronation and death of Pope Nicholas the 5. denying their requests Wherupon Germany being in this miserable pouerty and greuous subiection vnder the Popes tiranny and polling with teares and sighs lamenting their estate continued so almost vnto Luthers time as the hystories
them This Sauonarola aboue mencioned suffered vnder pope Alexander the 6. of which pope more leysure oportunitie shall serue hereafter Christ willing to entreat after that we shall first make a little digression to entreate of certayn cases and complayntes of the Germaynrs incidēt in the meane time which as they are not to be ouerpast in silence so can they haue no place nor tyme more conueniēt to be inferred What complayntes of the Germaines were made and moued vnto the Emperour Fredericke agaynst the popes suppressions and exactions mencion was made before pag. 724. where also was declared howe the sayde Germaines at that time were twise put backe and forsakē of the Emperour whereby they continued in the same yoke and bondage vntill the time of Luther Wherefore it commeth now to hand and we thinke it also good here briefly to declare how the sayd Germaynes in the tyme of Maximilian the Emperour renuing their complayntes agayn deliuered vnto the Emperour x. principall greuaunces whereby the Germaynes haue bene long time oppressed shewing also the remedies agaynst the same with certayne aduisements vnto the Emperours maiesty how he might withstand and resist the popes subtleties and craftes The order and tenour whereof here ensueth ¶ The x. greuaunces of the Germaines 1. THat the Bishops of Rome successors one vnto an other do not thinke themselues bound to obserue keepe the bulles couenauntes priuiledges and letters graunted by theyr predecessours without all derogation but by often dispensation suspension and reuocation euen at the instance of euery vile person they doe gaynsaye and withstand the same 2. That the elections of prelates are oftētimes put back 3. That the elections of Presidentships are withstande which the chapterhouses of many churches haue obtained with great cost and expence as the Church of Spyre and Hasell do well know whose bull touchyng the election of theyr president is made frustrate he being yet aliue which graunted the same 4. That benefices and the greatest ecclesiasticall dignities are reserued for Cardinalles and head notaries 5. That expectatiue graces called vowsans are granted without number and many oftentimes vnto one man Whereupon continuall contentions do ryse and much money is spent both that whiche is layd out for the Bulles of those vowsōs which neuer take effet and also that whiche is consumed in goyng to lawe Whereupon this prouerbe is risen whosoeuer will get a vowson from Rome must haue C. or CC. peeces of golde layde vp in his chest for the obtayning of the same which he shall haue neede of to presecute the law withall 6. That Annates or yearly reuenewes are exacted wtout delay or mercy euen of the bishops lately dead and oftentimes more extorted then ought to be through new offices and new seruauntes as by the examples of the churches of Mentz and Strausburgh may be seene 7. That the rule of the churches are geuen at Rome vnto those that are not worthy which were more fitt to keep and feede Mules then to haue the rule and gouernance of men 8. That new indulgences and pardons with the suspension and reuocation of the old are graunted to gather and scrape money together 9. That tenthes are exacted vnder the pretēce of making warre agaynst the Turke when as no expedition doth follow thereupon 10. That the cause whiche might be determined in Germany wheras there are both learned and iust iudges are indistinctly caryed vnto the Court of Rome which thing S. Bernard writing to Pope Eugenius seemeth wōderfully to reproue ¶ Here ensueth the remedy agaynst the sayd greuaunces IF it shal seeme good vnto the Emperors maiesty let it be declared vnto the bishop of Rome how greuous and intollerable a thing it is vnto the Germaynes to suffer continually so great charge greeuances to pay so great Annates for the confirmation of the Bishops Archbishops and especially in such Bishoprickes whereas the Annates by successe of time are enhaunced in many as it is sayd doubled For the Archbishops sea of Mentz as it is sayde sometime payd onely 10000. floreines which summe whē as one which was chosen there refused to geue and so cōtinued euen vnto his death he which was afterward elect being desirous of confirmation fearing to withstande the Apostolicke sea offered the old summe of 10000. floreines But notwithstanding he could not get his confirmation except he would pay y◠other 10000. which his predecessour before him had not payd By this meanes he was compelled to pay 20000. floreines which being enrolled in the register of the chamber hath bene exacted of euery archbishop since vntil these our dayes and not onely 20000. but also 25000. for theyr newe offices new seruants At last the summe drew to 27000. floreines which Iames the Archbishop of Mentz was cōpelled to paye as his Commissary did report So by this meanes in a litle time there was 7. tymes 25000. floreines payd out of the Archbishopricke of Mentz vnto Rome for the confirmation of the Archbishop And when this Archbishop Iames had kept the Archbishopricke scarce foure yeares the Lord Uriel was elect after him who was compelled to pay at the least 24000. or 25000. foreines whereof a part he borowed of Marchauntes but to satisfy and pay them agayne he was forced to exact a subsidye of his poore subiectes and husband men whereof some haue not yet satisfied and payd the tribute for the Bishops Palle to that by this meanes our people are not onelye tormented and brought to extreme pouertye but also are moued vnto rebellion to seeke theyr liberty by what meanes soeuer they may greeuously murmuring agaynste the crueltye of the Clergy The pope also should be admonished how that through diuers and sundry wars and battels the lands of Germany lye desolate waste and through many mortalityes the number of mē is diminished so that for y◠scarcenes of husbandmen the fieldes for the most part lye vntild the roles are by diuers meanes diminished the mines consumed the profites dayly decay whereby the Archbishops Byshops should pay theyr annates vnto the Apostolicke sea besides their other necessary and honest charges insomuch that not without iuste cause Iames the Archbishoppe of Mentz being euen at the poynt of death sayde that he dyd not so much sorrow for his own death as for that his poore subiectes should be agayne forced to pay a greuous exaction for the Palle wherfore let the high Bishop as a godly father and louer of his children and a faythfull and prudēt pastor deale more fauourably with his children the Germaynes least that persecution happen to rise agaynst the Priestes of Christ and that men folowing the example of the Bohemians do swarue from the Church of Rome At the least let him be more fauorable as often as any Archbishop or bishop happeneth to rule his Church but a few yeares as it happened to the Bishops of Bamberge wherof 3. dyed within few yeares
health and communion with the seruaunts of the catholicke Church Of the which communion discipline and power he vaynely braggeth yâ— by the presumption of hys authoritie shal vniustly bynd or lose any maner of persoÌ„ And he doth vniustly bynd what soeuer he be that curseth any man being willing to make satisfaction and bewayling hys boldnes beyng also vncoâ—â—â—et and not confessing the crime but rather cursing that party in vayne he curseth and condemneth himself turning his weapon vpoÌ„ his own persoÌ„ to destructioÌ„ O straunge and new found trechery proceeding from the sanctuary nay rather from 〈◊〉 whiche as high Priest seemeth to rule the church to be a Iudge ouer the Iudges Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the Emperor that he should depriue those Bishops which came in by simonie The Emperour thinking as a zelous Prince that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God without delay obeyed the same and forthwith without any consideration or iudiciall order depriued certayne Bishops and thought that by this his obedience to Hildebrand be 〈◊〉 an acceptable sacrifice to God not knowyng the 〈…〉 But Hildebrand then agayne placed those whom the Emperour for 〈◊〉 at his commaundement had before deposed and those whom by that meanes he made to beaâ—â— a hatefull heart to the Emperour he reconciled agayne vnto himselfe in great familiaritie and by many and great othes taken of theÌ„ for their fidelitie towards him he promoted aboue al the rest And thus by these prankes the Imperiall seat of the king beyng shortly after empaired destitute almost of frends he craftily purchasing the friendship and fauor of the greatest princes the better to bring his matters to passe sodainly agayne without any lawfull accusation without any canonicall vocation without all iudiciall order excoÌ„municated the Emperor so obedient alwayes vnto him set the Princes of the Empire all agaynst him And notwithstandyng as the Apostle sayeth that no man ought to circumuent his brother in his busines as much as in him lay he rather mortified and killed him then brotherly corrected him Thus the Emperor beyng many wayes circumvented as excommunicate besides the canonicall order and by the consent and counsail of Hildebrand spoiled of the greatest part of his Imperiall honour and ouercharged with great warres and slaughters of hys owne subiects in vayne desired he and sued for to haue the Canon read and heard causing him by force and violence at Canusium in the presence of Hildebrand to accuse himselfe by his owne confession Say you now I pray you all such as loue iustice and loue not to leane either vpon the left hand or els the right hand in the fauour of any person Say your mindes whether that such a confession beyng inforced vpon neuer so poore a man much lesse vpon an Emperor ought at such a tyme to be preiudiciall or not Or whether he which extorted the same confession is guilty of the Canon Or els he which beyng so peruersly iudged suffered the iniury of a most peruerse iudge Which also most paciently and publikely suffred this violence with lamentable affliction vpoÌ„ his bare feete clothed in thinne garments in the sharpe winter which neuer was vsed and was three dayes together at Canusium made a spectacle both of angels and men and a ludibrious mocking stocke to that proud Hildebrand Neuer trust me if that 14. Cardinals the Archdeacon himselfe and he that is called Primicerius beyng all wise and religious men besides many other of yâ— clarks of Laterane to the iudgement and priuiledge of whose holy seat the whole world is obedient waying and considering his intollerable apostasie departed not from participating and refused from communicating with him This glorious Hildebrand his affinitie by their new authoritie breaking the decrees of the Calcedone Councel not onely in wordes but also in publike writings haue agreed that it is tollerable both to baptise and communicate beyng out of the church of God and how blynd these men were and also what heretikes they be their own writings do declare What a mischiefe is this saith Benno they presume to iudge of the Church which swarme them selues in all errours who also esteeme the veritie but as a lye and least their poysoned falshood both in words writings should appeare they haue like subtill poysoners the sooner to deceiue mixed hony therwithall A lye sayth S. Augustine is euery thing pronounced with the intent of deceauing other It were too long and tedious here to recite all the detestable doyngs and diabolicall practises of coniurings charmes and filthy sorceries exercised betwene hym and Laurentius Theophilact otherwyse named Pope Benedict the 9. wherof a long narration foloweth in the foresayd epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be seen to whom the reader may repaire who so hath either laisure to read or mynd to vnderstand more of the abhominable partes and diuelish artes of this Hildebrand Thus hauing sufficiently alledged the wordes and testimonies of Benno and Auentinus concerning the actes and factes of this Pope Now let vs proceed in the order as followeth in his story to set forth the miserable vexation which the vertuous and godly Emperour sustayned by that vngodly person About what time Hildebrand was made Pope Henricus the 4. Emperour was incombred and much vexed with ciuill dissention in Germany by reason of certayne greuances of the Saxons against him his father Henricus the 3. Whereupon the matter growyng to sedition sides were taken great warres ensued betwixt 〈◊〉 Duke of Saxony Henricus the Emperour This 〈◊〉 tyme seemed to Hildebrand very opportune to worke his feates whose study drift was euer 〈◊〉 the beginning to aduaunce the dominion of the Romish fear aboue al other bishops and also to presse down the authoritie of the temporall enters vnder the 〈◊〉 men of the Church And although he went about the same 〈…〉 traynes and actes set forth to 〈…〉 he thought more effectuously to accomplish his purposed intent after that he was exalted thether where he would be And therefore now bearing himselfe the bolder by the authority of S. Peters throne first he began to pursue the acte set out by his predecessor as touching simonie cursing and excommunicating whosoeuer they were that receiued any spirituall liuing or promotion at lay mens hands as all such as were the geuers therof For this he called than Simonie that vnder that colour he might defeat the temporal potestates of their right and so bring the whole clergy at length to the lure of Rome And forasmuch as yâ— emperour was the head thinking first to begin with him he sendeth for him by letters and Legates to appeare in the councel of Laterane at Rome But the Emperour busied in his warres against the Saxones had no laysure to attend to councels Notwithstanding Gregorius the Pope procedeth in his councel rendring there the cause and reason before the bishops why he had excommunicate diuers of
the clergy as Herman bishop of Bamberge counsellor to the Emperour and other priests mo for Simony And there moreouer in the sayd Councell he threateneth to excommunicate likewise the Emperour himselfe and to depose him from his regall kingdom vnlesse he would abrenounce the heresie of simonie and do penance The councel being ended Guibertus Archbishop of Rauenna perswadeth with one Centius a Romaine the captains son whom the Pope had excommunicate to take the Emperours part against the Pope Who watching his tyme in the temple of S. Mary vpon Christmas day in the morning taketh the Pope putteth him fast in a strong tower The next day the people of Rome hearing this harnes themselues with all erpedition to helpe the bishop whom when they loosed out of prison they besieged the house of Centius and pluckt it downe to the ground His familie hauyng their noses cut off were cast out of the Citie Centius himselfe escaping fled to the Emperour Guibert the Archbishop pretending good will to the Pope departed from Rome who likewise had wrought with Hugo Cādidus Cardinall and with Theobaldus Archb. of Millaine also with diuers other bishops about Italy to forsake the Pope and take the Emperors part Gregory the Pope called Hildebrand hearing the conspiracie layeth the sentence of excommunication vpon them all and depriueth them of their dignitie The Emperor beyng mooued and worthily with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate calleth together a Councell at Wormes In which Councell all the bishops not onely of Saxonic but of all the whole Empire of Germaines agree conclude vpon the deposition of Hildebrand and that no obedience hereafter should be geuen to him This being determined in the Councel Roulandus a Priest of Parmen was sent to Rome with the sentence who in the name of the councell should commaund Gregory to yeld vp his seate also charge the Cardinals to resort to the Emperour for a new election of an other Pope The tenor of the sentence sent vp by Rolandus was this The sentence of the Councell of Wormes against Hildebrand FOr so much as thy first ingresse and comming in hath bene so spotted with so many periuries and also the Church of GOD brought in no little danger through thine abuse and newfanglenes Moreouer because thou hast diffamed thine owne lyfe and conuersation with so much and great dishonesty that we see no little perill or slaunder to rise therof therfore the obediēce which yet we neuer promised thee hereafter we vtterly renounce neuer entend to geue thee And as thou hast neither taken vs yet for Bishoppes as thou host openly reported of vs so neither will we hereafter take thee to be Apostolike Vale. Gregory the Pope tickled with this sentence first condemneth it in his councell of Laterane with excommunication Secondarily depriueth Sigifridus Archbishop of Mentz of his dignities and ecclesiastical liuings with all other bishops Abbots and Priests as many as tooke the Emperors part Thirdly accuseth Henricus the Emperour himselfe depriueth him of his kingdome and regall possession and releaseth all his subiects of their oth of allegeance geuen vnto him after this forme and maner The tenour of the sentence Excommunicatorie agaynst Henricus the Emperour by Hildebrand O Blessed S. Peter Prince of the Apostles bowe downe thyne eares I beseech thee and heare me thy seruaunt whom thou hast brought vp euen from myne infancie and hast deliuered me vnto this day from the handes of the wicked which hate persecute me because of my fayth in thee Thou art my witnesse and also the blessed mother of Iesu Christ and thy brother S Paule fellow partener of thy martyrdome how that I entred this function not willingly but inforced against my will not that I take it so as a robbery lawfully to ascēd into this seat but because that I had rather passe ouer my lyfe like a pilgrime or priuate person then for any fame or glory to clime vp to it I do acknowledge that worthily all this to come of thy grace and not of my merites that this charge ouer christen people and this power of binding and loosing is committed to me Wherefore trustyng vpon this assurance for the dignitie and tuition of holy church In the name of God omnipotent the father the sonne the holy ghost I do here depose Henry the sonne of Henry once the Emperour from his Imperiall seat and princely gouernment who hath so boldly and presumptuously layd handes vpon thy Church And furthermore all such as tofore haue sworne to be his subiectes I release them of their othe whereby all subiects are bound to the allegeaunce of their princes For it is meete and connenient that he should be voyd of dignitie whiche seeketh to diminish the maiestie of thy Church Moreouer for that he hath contemned my monitions tending his health and wealth of his people and hath separate himselfe from the fellowship of the Churche which he through his seditions studieth to destroy therefore I binde him by vertue of excommunication trusting and knowyng most certainly that thou art Peter in the rocke of whom as in the true foundation Christ our king hath built his church The Emperour thus assaulted with the Popes censure sendeth abroad his letters thorough all nations to purge himselfe declaring how wrongfully agaynst all right he was condemned The princes of Almany partly fearing the cracke of the Popes thunderclap partly again reioycing that occasion was renued to rebell agaynst the Emperour assembled a commencement where they did consult and so conclude to elect another Emperor and to fall from Henry vnlesse the Pope would come to Germany and he there content to submit himselfe and obtayne his pardon Wherein is to be considered the lamentable affections of the Germains in those dayes so to forsake such a valiant Emperor and so much to repute a vile Bishop But this was the rudenes of the world thē for lack of better knowledge The Emperor seyng the chiefe princes ready to forsake him promiseth them with an othe that if the Pope would repayre to Germany he would aske forgeuenes Upon this the bishop of Triers was sen◠vp in commission to Rome to entreat the Pope to come into Germany The bishop at the instance of the Legate of the Princes was content He entred into Germany thinking to come to Augusta After he was come to Uercellos the bishop of that city beyng the Chancellor of Italy and desirous to disturbe peace for the old grudge he had to the Emperour falsly perswadeth with the Pope that he was certayn the Emperor was comming with a mighty great army against him counsailing him therfore to prouide betimes for his owne safegard in some stronger place Wherby the Popes mynde beyng altered hee retyred backe to Canusium or Canossus a Citie being subiect to Matilda a Countesse of Italy where he should not need to feare the
other man might and so were he vnmighty and not GOD as he would not make his rule so perfite as an other did his and so he had bene euill willed namely to himselfe For if he might and could and would haue made a rule perfite without default did not he was not Gods sonne almighty For if any other rule be perfiter then Christes then must Christes rule lack of that perfection by as much as the other weren more perfiter and so were default and Christ had fayled in making of his rule but to put any default or failing in god is blasphemie If thou say that Christs rule and that religion of that S. Iames maketh mention of is the perfitest why holdest thou not thilke rule wtont more And why clepest thou the rather of S. Fraunces or S. Dominikes rule or religion or order then of Christes rule or Christes order Frere canst thou any default or assigne in Christs rule of the Gospell with the which he taught al men sekerly to be saued if they kept it to her ending If thou say it was to hard then sayest thou Christ lyed for he sayd of his rule My yoke is soft and my burthen light If thou say Christes rule was to light that may be assigned for no default for the better it may be kept If thou sayest that there is no default in Christes rule of the Gospell sith Christ himselfe saith it is light and easy what neede was it to patrons of Freres to ad more thereto and so to make an hardar religion to saue Fryers then was the religion of Christes Apostles and his disciples helden and were saued by But if they wolden that her Freres saten aboue the Apostles in heauen for the harder religion that the kepen here so wold they sitten in heauen aboue Christ himself for they mo and straight obseruations than so should they bee better then Christ himselfe with mischaunce Goe now forth frayne your Clerkes and ground ye you in Gods law gyf Iack an aunswere and when ye han assoiled me that I haue sayd sadly in truth I shal soâ—e thee of thine ordes and saue thee to heauen If Freres kun not or mow not excuse hem of these questioÌ„s asked of hem it seemeth that they be horrible gilty against God and her euen Christen For which gâ—tes defaultes it were worthy that the order that they call theyr order were fordone And it is wonder that men sustayne hem or suffer hem lyue in such maner For holy writ biddeth that thou doe well to the meke and geue not to the wicked but forbed to geue hem bread least they be made thereby mightier through you After these digressions now to returne to the course of our story agayne As Henry this king succeeded K. Iohn his father so after Innocent the Pope came Honorius 3. then Gregorius 9. c. And after Otho the Emperoure whom the Pope had once set vp after depriued agayn succeeded Fredericke the second as is partly before touched In the dayes of these kinges popes and Emperors it were to long to recite al that happened in England but especially in Germany betwixt Pope Honorius Gregorius and Fredericke the Emperour the horrible tragedy wherof were inough to fill a whole booke by it selfe But yet we meane God willing somewhat to touche concerning these Ecclesiastical matters first beginning with this realme of England After that the kingdome of England had bene subiected by K. Iohn as hath bene sayd and made tributary to the pope and the Romish Church it is incredible how the insatiable auarice and greedines of the Romaines did oppresse and wring the commons and all estates degrees of the realme especially beneficed men and such as had any thing of the Church Who what for theyr domesticall charges within the realme what for the pope what for the Legates what for contributing to the holy land what for relaxations and other subtile sleightes to get away theyr money were brought into such slauery captiuitie and penury that where as the king neyther durst nor might remedy their exclamations by himselfe yet notwithstanding by his aduise Symon Mounfort and the Earle of Leiceister and other noble men not forgetting what great greuances and distresses the realme was brought into by the Romaines thought to worke some way how to bridle restrayne the insatiable rauening of these greedy wolues Wherefore they deuised their letter geuing straight commandement to the religious men and to such as had their churches to terme that heÌ„ceforth they should not answere the Romaynes of such fermes and rentes anye more but should pay the sayd fermes or rents vnto their own proctors appoynted for the same purpose as by their writings sent abroad to byshops or chapters other Ecclesiasticall houses may appeare in this forme and effect as followeth TO such and such a byshop and suche a chapter all the vniuersitie and company of them that had rather dye then to be confounded of the Romaines wisheth health How the Romaines and their Legates haue hitherto behaued themselues toward you and other Ecclesiasticall persons of this realme of England it is not vnknowne to your discretions in disposing and geuing away the benefices of the Realme after their owne lust to the intollerable preiudice and greuaunce both of you and all other Englishmen For where as the collation of benefices shoulde and doe properly belong to you and other your fellow byshops Ecclesiasticall persons they thundring agaynst you the sentence of excommunication that you should not bestow them vppon anye person of this Realme vntill in euery Diocesse and Cathedrall Churche within the Realme fiue Romaines such as the Pope shall name be prouided for to the value of euerye man an hundred poundes by yeare Besides these many other greuaunces the sayd Romanistes doe inflicte and inferre both to the Laitie and Nobles of the Realme for the patronages and almoise bestowed by them and their auncestours for the sustentation of the poore of the Realme and also to the Clergy and ecclesiasticall persons of the Realme touching their liuinges and benefices And yet the sayd Romanistes not contented with the premisses do also take from the Clergy of this Realme the benefices whiche they haue to bestow them vpon men of their owne country c. Wherefore we considering the rigorous austeritie of these foresayd Romanistes which once comming in but as straungers hether nowe take vpon them not onely to iudge but also to coÌ„demne vs laying vpon vs vnportable burdens whereunto they will not put to one of their owne fingers to moue laying therfore our heades together vppon a generall and full aduise had among our selues concerning the same haue thought good although very late to resist and withstand them rather then to be subiect to their intollerable oppressions greater slauery more hereafter to be looked for For the which cause we straitly charge and commaund you as your friendes going about to deliuer
you the Church the king and the kingdome from that miserable yoke of seruitude that you doe not intermedle or take any part concerning such exactions or rentes to be required or geuen to the sayd Romaynes Letting you to vnderstand for trueth that in case you shall which God forbid be found culpable herein not onely your goodes and possessions shall be in daunger of burning but also in your persons shall incurre the same perill and punishmēt as shall the sayd Romish oppressors themselues Thus fare ye well ¶ Thus much I thought here to insert and notifie cōcerning this matter for that not onely the greedy and auaritious gredines of the Romish church might the more euidently vnto al Englishmen appeare but that they may learne by this example how worthy they be so to be serued plagued with their owne rod which before would take no part with their naturall king agaynst forreine power of whom now they are scourged To make the story more playne In the raygne of thys Henry the third who succeding as is said after king Iohn his father raygned sixe and fifty yeares came diuers Legates from Rome to Englande First Cardinall Otho sent from the Pope with letters to the king lyke as other letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money The king opening the letters and perceiuing the contentes aunswered that he alone coulde say nothing in the matter which concerned all the clergye and commons of the whole Realme Not long after a Councell was called at Westminster where the letters beyng opened the forme was this Petimus imprimis ab omnibus Ecclesijs Cathedralibus duas nobis praebendas exhiberi vnam de portione Episcopi alteram de capitulo Et similiter de Coenobijs vbi diuersae sunt portiones Abbatis conuentus a conuentibus quantum pertinet ad vnum Monachum aequali facta distributione honorum suorum ab Abbate tantundem That is We require to be geuen vnto vs first of all Cathedrall Churches two Prebendes one for the Byshops part one other for the Chapter And likewise of Monasteryes where be diuers portions one for the Abbot an other for the Couent Of y◠Couent so much as appertayneth to one Monke y◠portion of the goods beyng proportionly deuided Of the Abbot likewise as muche The cause why he required these prehendes was this It hath bene sayth he an old slaunder and a great complaynt agaynst the Church of Rome to be noted of insatiable couetousnes which as ye knowe is the roote of all mischiefe and al by reason that causes be wont commonly not to be handeled nor to proceed in the Church of Rome without great giftes and expense of mony Wherof seyng the pouerty of the Churche is the cause and why it is so slaundered and ill spoken of it is therefore conuenient that you as naturall children should succour your mother For vnlesse we should receaue of you and of other good men as you are we shoulde then lacke necessaryes for our lyfe whiche were a great dishonour to our dignitie c. When those petitions and causes of the Legate were propounded in the foresayde assembly at Westminster on the Popes behalfe the Bishops Prelates of the realme beyng present aunswere was made by the mouth of maister Iohn Bedford on this wise that the matter there proponed by the Lord Legate in especiall concerning the kyng of England but in generall it touched all the archbishops with their Suffraganes the Byshops and al the prelates of the realm Wherfore seing both the king by reason of his sickenes is absent and the Archbishop of Caunterbury with diuers other Bishops also were not there therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter neyther could they so doe without preiudice of thē which were lacking And so the assembly for that tyme brake vp Not long after the sayd Otho Cardinall De carcere Tulliano comming agayne from Rome cum autentico plenariae potestatis indicted an other Councell at London caused all Prelates Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors and other of the clergy to be warned vnto the same Councell to be had in the Church of S. Paules at London about the feast of S. Martin the pretence of whiche Councell was for redresse of matters concerning benefices and religion but the chiefe principal was to hunt for money For putting them in feare and in hope some to lose some to obtein spirituall promotiōs at hys hand he thought gayn would rise thereby and so it did For in the meane time as Parisiensis in vita Henrici 3. writeth diuers pretious rewardes were offered him in Palfreis in rich plate and iewels in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred in coyne in vitals c. In so much that onely the bishop of Wintchester as the story reporteth hearing that he woulde winter at London sent him L. fat Oxen an C. come of pure wheat 8. tunne of chosen wine toward hys house keeping Likewise other byshops also for their part offred vnto the Cardinals boxe after their habilitie The time of the Councell drawing nye the Cardinall commanded at the West end of Paules Churche an high solēne throne to be prepared rising vp with a glorious scaffold vpon mighty and substantiall stages strongly builded and of a great height Thus agaynst y◠day assigned came the sayd archbishops Bishops Abbotes and other of the prelacy both farre and neare throughout al England weried and vexed with the winters iorny bringing their letters procuratory Who being together assembled the Cardinall beginneth his sermon But before we come to y◠sermon there happened a great discord betweene the 2. archbishops of Caunterbury and of Yorke for sitting at the right hand and left hand of the glorious Cardinal for the which the one appealed agaynst the other The Cardinall to pacifie the strife betwene thē both so that he would not derogate from eyther of them brought forth a certayne Bull of the Pope in the middest of which Bull was pictured the figure of the crosse On the right side of the crosse stoode the image of S. Paule and on the left side S. Peter Loe saith the Cardinall holding open the Bull with the crosse here you see S. Peter on the left hand of the crosse and S. Paul on the right side and yet is there betwene these two no cōtention For both are of equall glory And yet S. Peter for the prerogatiue of his keyes for the preheminence of his Apostleship and Cathedral dignitie seemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side But yet because S. Paul beleued on Christ when he saw him not therfore hath he the right hand of the Crosse for blessed be they sayth Christ which beleue and see not c. And from that tyme forth the Archbishop of Canterbury inioyed the right hand the archbishop of Yorke the left Wherein yet this Cardinall is more to be