Sclauonians against the Epirotes A reprehension of the Epirotes Some Gaules banisht theirâ— Countrey for their disloyalty The Illirians are Sclauonians The Romans Embassie to Teuca Queene of Sclauonia A bold answer of an Embassadour Durazo surprized by the Sclaâ—oniâ—â—s Corsue besieged by the Sclauonians A Victory of the Sclauonians against the Acheins Corfu yeelded Corfu yeelded to the Romans Apolonia yeelded to the Romans Parthenia yeelded to the Romans An accord made with Tâ—uca Carthagena built in Spaine by the Carthaginians A treaty made betwixt the Romans and Carthaginianâ— A description of Italy The fertillity of Ital. About three pence A pâ—ice hard to be credited The Turinois and Agoniens The Genouois The Poe. Volane Padoua Bodencus The Venetiens come from Paphlagoniâ— The Gaules manner of liuing Rome taken by the Gaules The Gaults returne against the Romans Pillage made by the Gaules vpon the Romans Diuers victories of the Gäules against the Romans A defeate and ruine of the Senogallois by the Romans The scituation of Senogallia The Bolonians defeated by the Romans A defeat of the Gaules in Delphos King Etas and Gastus slaine The occasion to renew the Warre betwixt the Romans and Gaules The Gaules were seauen moneths within Rome Amazement of the Romans for the descent of the Gaules A descent of the Transalpins into Italy The number of the Gaules Army The diligence of the Romans The preparation which the Romans made for Warre The number of Souldiers which were raised in Italy Tuscany ruined by the Gaules The pollicy of the Gaules A Victory of the Gaules against the Romans The aduice of Aneâ—oeste The retreate of 〈◊〉 Gaules The pursuite of Emilius Caius Attilius The order of the Gaules battell Caius Attilius slaine The battell of the Foot-men The defeate of the forlorne hope of the Gaules The Armes which the Gaules did vse A defeate of the Gaules Army The taking of King Congâ—llitane The death of King Aneroeste The Bolonians Country spoyâ—led The Boloniansâ— yeild to the Romans The Army of the Milannois The vneasinesse of the Gaules Swords A Victory of the Romanes against the Millannois The Gessates dwell on this side the Rhâ—ne Acerras besieged Clâ—stidium besieged A defeate of the Gaules by the Romans Acerras taken by Cornelius The Grecians terrified by the Gaults Asdrubal slaine All Morâ—a reduced into â— league The Name of the Acheiâ—s well entertayned in Morea The Pythà gorians burnt in Italy The Lacedemonians and Thebains Arate A league betwixt the Dymensorins and them of Patra Tisamenes Sygus The alliance of twelue Citties The beginning of the league Iseas King Geryneâ— Arate The Fort of Corinthe taken by Arate Lysidas Aristomacus Xenon Cleomines The enuy of the Etolienâ— against the Acheins Antigonus Tutour to Phiâ—ips Sonne Athenes The Cleomenique Warre A good confideration of Arate The nature of Kings Nicophanes Cercides A good inuention of Arate The fore-sight of Arate Diuers defeatâ— of the Achâ—â—â— Acrocâ—rinthe yeelded to Antigonus Reuolte of Aripote of Argos Argos taken by the Acheins Acrocorinthe taken by Antigonus Tegee yeelded vnto Antigonus Orchomene taken with other Townes Megalopolin razed Thearce The duty of a Historiographer What is required in a Tragedy The reuolte of the Mantiniens The courteous vsage of Arate to the Mantinienâ— The great villany committed by the Mantinienâ— The Mantiniens sold. Aristâ—macus The cruelty of Aristomacus Aristoâ—acus strangled The great 〈…〉 Megalopolitains The third part of the booty is due to the Generall The pillage of Mantinia came to ninescore thousand Crownes An Aâ—â—y leuied by Cleomenes Antigonus blamed The number of Nations which were in Antigonus Army Sellasia Eua. Olympus Euclide Antigonus Campe seated vpon the Bankes of Gorgile The order of Antigonus Battell The courage of Philopomene is the cause of the Victory Philopomene The victory of Antigonus agâ—inst Clâ—omeâ—es Lacedemon taken by Antigonus Sparta or Lacedemon The Victory of Antigonus against the Sclauonians The Death of many great Princesâ— The Countries conquered by the Romanes Hiâ—ron The Warres which Antiâ—chous and Philip made Attalus Mount Taurus Eumenides Ariarate Morea The Conquest of the Romanes in 53. yeares Polybius hath beenâ— preâ—ent at a great part of the things which he hath written Demetrius lost his Râ—â—lme and life by conspiracy Thâ— desire and affection of the Authour vpon the end of his Booke The beginning of a worke and the cause 〈◊〉 The eauses of Alexanders Warre in Persia Agesilaus Phillip The cause of the Etoliens Warre against the Romans A good comparison Fabius The Warre of Hannibal continued 17. yeeres The first cause of the Warre betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians The fore sight of Amilcar Father to Hannibal Sardinia abandoned by the Carthaginians The second Cause The third Cause Antiochu san Enemy to the Romans Hannibal his speech to Antiochus Hanibal swears that when hee came to age he would be an enemy to the Romanes Asdrubal sonne in Law to Hannibal A good consideration and necessary for al Gouernours The causes of the Carthaginians hatred Neuer Commaunder did any thing worthily which was not pleasing to the Souldiers Carteia taken by assault Countries conquered by Hannibal The Toletains The riuer of Tagus Hanibals victory vppon the Barbarians An Army of a hundred thousand men An Embassie from the Romanes to Hannibal Hannibals answer to the Roman Embassadours Demetrius King of Sclauonia The scituation of Sagont The discretion of the head of an interprize Sagont forced by Hannibal Demetrius fortefied Dimale The arriuall of Emilius into Sclauonia The Towne of Sclauonia reduced to the Romane obedience The warlike pollicy or Emilius The victory of the Romans vpon the Sclauonians Demetrius a man of great courage and little iudgement The Towne of Phare razed Roman Embassadours sent to Carthage Hanno's answer to the Romane Embassadours The Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus The Romane tongue changed The first accord betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians I conceiue that this Promontory is that which they call the Promontory of Mercure in Affricke where as now the Citty Clipca stands The Promontory of Beauty The second Accord Other Articles past betwixt the Romanes the Carthaginians The third Accord The manner of Swearing of the Romanes Carthaginians in their treatiâ—s Phisinus a Historiographer Another accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians Another accord Another accord made with Asdrubal The causes propounded by the Romans for the Warre The Sagontins Allied a long time with the Romances The opinion of Polybius in the diligence of a History Polybius hath made forty Bookes The Roman Embassadours signifie Warre vnto the Carthaginians The order which Hannibal gaue for the defence of Spaine The equipage of Warre as well for Sea as Laâ—d left in Spaine by Hannibal to Asdrubal his Brother The number of Hannibals Army in a Table of Copper seene by Polybius The Oration which Hannibal made to his Souldiers The number of Horse and Foot which were in Hannibals Army at his parting from Spaine The number of men which Hannibal
good to deliuer summarily the accidents which hapned from the beginning vnto the end of these VVarres Immagining that they which desire to see our Worke will more easily come to the knowledge of the whole History Beleeue me that our vnderstanding conceiues many things necessary for a perticular History by the knowledge of the generall for the vnderstanding whereof the experience of perticular actions is of no small importance and if they be both ioyned together so as it may bee but one description they will be wonderfull profitable to the Reader But as for the contents of our Worke wee haue sufficiently spoken thereof in the two first Bookes And as for the perticular actions which haue hapned they haue taken their beginning in the Warres which we haue Related and there end at the death of the Kings of Macedon So as from the beginning vnto the end there were fifty yeares during the which there were as great and admirable things performed as euer were in so short a spâ—ce To speake whereof wee will beginne to write from the hundreth and fortieth Olympiade and will obserue this order First wee will shew the causes for the which this VVarre which they call of Hannibal beganne betwixt the Romanes and Carthaginians So as entring into Italy they reduced the Romans to so great an extreamity as they suddainly grew in hope to be Lords not only of the rest of Italy but also of the Citty of Rome And afterwards we will continue our narration vpon what occasion Philip King of Macedon after that he had made VVarre with the Etoliens and pacified Greece entred into hope with the Carthaginians And as for Antiochus Ptolomy and Philopater they in the end had Warre together for the lower Syria after a long dissention Moreouer the Rhodiens and Prufiens making VVarre against them of Constantinople forced them to abandon Pontus And there ending our Diâ—course we will beginne to speake of the manner of liuing of the Romanes of their Lawes and of their Common-weale By the which as proper to them they haue attained vnto such great power as they haue not only made subiect to their obedience Italy Sycile and the Gaules and likewise Spaine in a short time but in the end they haue vndertaken the Empire of the whole World after they had vanquished the Carthaginians by Armes Then passing on we will shew how the Kingdome of Hieron of Saragosse was defeated and ruined The like we will do of diuers troubles which were in Aegypt Moreouer how after the death of King Ptolomy Antiochus and Philip being agreed touching the diuision of the Realme left vnto the Sonne began the Warre Philip against Aegypt and Samos and Antiochus against Syria and Phenicea And when as we haue summarily set downe the affaires of Spaine Lybia and Sycile we will presently turne our Discourse to Greece as the affaires shall change For after that we haue related the VVars at Sea which Attalus and the Rhodiens made against Philip and hauing set downe the Romanes VVarre against him how and by whom it had beene mannaged and what successe it had obseruing the order of things we will come to the indignation of the Etoliens who proclaimed VVarre against the Romanes and drew Antiochus out of Asia And when we haue deliuered the causes and related Antiochus nauigation into Europe we will first shew how he fled out of Greece and being vanquished by Armes how he abandoned vnto the Romanes all the Counâ—ries which lie on this side Mount Taurus Thirdly we will shew with what power the Romans conquered the Empire of Asia after they had wholy defeated the Gaules who wandred vp and downe and how they freed the whole Countrey on this side Mount Taurus from the feare of the Barbarians and the insolency of the Gaules And when we haue related the mis-fortune of the Etoliens and Cophalins in their Warres we will make mention of those of Eumenides of Prshia and of the Gaules the like we will do of that of Ariarate against Pharnace From thence dispatching the accords of them of Morea and the increase of the Rhodien Common-wealth we will make an end of our worke setting downe in the end the Voyages which Antiochus sirnamed Epiphanes made into Aegypt And in like manner the Warres of Persiâ— with the ruine of the Kingdome of the Macedonians These are things whereby we may easily vnderstand how the Romanes in a short submitted the whole Earth vnder their obedience assailing them in perticular And if it were lawfull to discerne vertue from vice by the good or bad successe of affaires or from the praise or dishonour of men we must of necessity make an end here and turne our Relation to things which in the beginning we propounded to set down for this hath continued fifty three yeares during the which the Roman Empire hath gotten so great an increase as the whole World might well know that they must do what their people commaunded But for that such things cannot be rightly iudged by the good Fortune of affaires considering that many times those that seeme to be well done are the cause of great inconueniencies if they be not done in time And contrary-wise they which are fallen into some disaster many times turne their mis-fortunes to good if they know how to haue patience We haue thought it fitting to adde to that which we haue Written what the nature of the Victors were what meanes they held in the gouernment of their Empire and how the rest of the Townes Regions and Countries yeilded willingly vnto them And moreouer what course of life and what Lawes they held with all the World aswell in particular as generally with all their Common-wealths By this meanes they which liue at this day shall plainy see whither it be good to flie or voluntarily to submit to the Empire of Rome and they which shall come after may iudge whither the actions of the Romanes be commendable and worthy of memory or altogether blameable Behold wherein the profit of our History will consist aswell for the present as the future time They which mannage a Warre and they which vndertake to iudge of it do not propound the Victory for the last end nor wholy to subiect himselfe Beleeue me a wise man doth not make Warre with his neighbours to see the defeat and ruine Neither doth any man saile in diuers Seas onely to make Voyages nor pursues many Sciences and Disciplines in regard onely of them Without doubt we pursue these things for that which followes seemes pleasant profitable or decent and therefore wee may with reason say that the end of our Worke hath beene to know the condition of all things after the Conquest of the World made by the Romanes vntill they fell againe into new combustions Of which troubles I haue resolued to write making as it were a new beginning For that there hath beene great and memorable things hauing not onely beene present at
the greatest part but also a comfoâ—t and assistant This trouble grew when as the Romans made Warre against the Celtiberâ—ans and the Carthaginians against Massinissa King of Lybia and what time Attaâ—us and Prusias were at Warre in Asia And then Ariarate King of Capadocia expell'd his Realme by Roferne by the meanes of Demetrius was soone after restored by him But Demetrius the Sonne of Seleucus lost his Realme and life by the conspiracy of other Kings after hee had held Syria twelue yeeres And the Romans restored the Grecians to their Citties whom they had charged to bee the Authours of the Persian Warre after they had accepted the excuse of their innocency Soone after they made Warre against the Carthaginians for the causes which wee will specifie so as they resolued first to transport them and afterwards wholly to ruine them And for that the Macedonians abandoned the part of the Romans and the Lacedemonians the Common weale of the Acheins there followed the vtter ruine and destruction of all Greece This shall serue for the Preamble of our Worke. I haue neede of the fauour of Fortune to the end that by the meanes of life I may finish this my resolution although I hold it for certaine that if a long life should faile mee yet there would bee alwayes some one found among so great a multitude of wise and learned men that would finish our Worke and endeuour to bring vnto perfection that which suddaine Death might hinder and preuent in vs. As wee haue related at large the deeds which seeme most memorable desiring that our whole worke might bee knowne to the Reader as well in generall as perticular it is now time vnto the declaration of our designe The greatest part of those which haue written the deeds of Hannibal desiring to shew the cause of the Warre which kindled betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians say that the siege of Sagonte was the first and the second that contrary to the accord made with the Romans they had past the Riuer of Ebro For my part I am of opinion that these were the beginnings but not the causes for there is a great difference betwixt the causes and beginning of things vnlesse some will say that the Voyage of Alexander the great into Asia hath beene the cause of the Warre which he made against the Persians Or that the descent which Antiochus made at Demetriade hath beene the cause of that which was begun against the Romans the which is neither true nor likely But what man is so much blinded with ignorance that will affirme and maintaine that the preparations which were made partly by Alexander and partly by Phillip in his life time for the Warre of Persia Or by the Etoliens to make Warre against the Romans before the comming of Antiochus hath beene the causes of the Warre These are the opinions of men who doe not obserue how much the beginnings and the cause differ and that the causes in all things are the first and the beginning are the end of causes I am of opinion that the beginnings are called the first workes of things which are resolued and concluded and that the causes are those which preceed the decree and resolution and makes vs so to iudge as are the thoughts the aduices the discourses of reason and such other things This will be apparent for that which followes For it will be easie for any man to see for what cause the Warre of Persia was made and whence the beginning came The first was the returne of the Grecians with Xenophon into their Countrey by infinite fierce and barbarous Nations where not any one durst make head against him in so long a Voyage The second hath beene the Voyage of Agesilaus King of Lacedemonia into Asia by Sea Where hauing found nothing answerable to his forces nor that presented it selfe hee was forced to returne into Greece for the troubles which were kindled there as if he had triumphed ouer the Barbarians For which causes Phillip King of Macedon hauing experience of the basenesse and sloth of the Persians and relying vpon the readinesse of the Macedonians in matters of War being likewise drawne with the hope of great gaine he prepared Warre against them with all his forces as soone as he found himselfe assured of the amity and friendship of the Grecians taking his occasion that the Persians had vsed great cruelty against them And therefore wee must say that the causes of this Warre are those which wee haue first related and the occasions are those whereof we now speake and the beginning was Alexanders Voiage by Sea into Asia And in that which was made against the Romans vnder the conduct of Antiochus the wrath and indignation of the Etoliens was the cause You must vnderstand that for the opinion which they had conceiued that the Romans made no accompt of them as long as the Warre of Phillip continued they not onely called Antiochus vnto their Succours but also resolued to put all in hazard so great their spleene and fury was for that which was past It is true the liberty of Greece was the occasion vnder hope whereof they laboured by all meanes to draw the neighbour Citties to their Enterprize But the beginning of the Warre was the Voyage to Sea of Antiochus to Demetriade Wee haue beene tedious in this Discourse not to blame any one of the auncient Historiographers but for the profit of those which haue a desire to learne For as Phisitians cannot cure their Patients if they haue not knowledge of the causes of the Diseases wherewith they are troubled So they which treate of Histories are altogether vnprofitable if the reason of the place of the time with the causes and occasions bee not knowne There is therefore nothing more necessary nor more to be desired than to know the causes of all things that happen For opportunity doth many times rectifie great affaires and it is easie to preuent their beginnings It is true that Fabius a Roman Historiographer faith that the cruelty and inhumanity of Hannibal towards the Sagontins and the ambition and insatiable desire of Rule in Asdrubal haue beene the causes of the Warre betwixt the Romans and Hannibal Generall of the Carthaginians Then hee sayth that he had much augmented the Carthaginians Empire in Spaine and that being returned to Carthage hee sought to tirannize the Common-wealth and to ouerthrow their Lawes The which the chiefe men discouering they opposed themselues against Asdrubal Wherefore leauing Affricke in a rage hee returned presently into Spaine and afterwards mannaged the affaires according to his owne fancy and without the authority of the Senate of Carthage Moreouer he saith that Hannibal who from his youth had beene at the Warre vnder him was of the same enterprize and therefore after he was Lord of Spaine hee followed the courses of Asdrubal So as this Warre which was made against the Romans was begun by
him in spight of the Carthaginians and that there was not any man in Carthage which loued the Common-wealth but did much blame the deeds of Hannibal against the Sagontins Moreouer hee sayth that after the taking of Sagont there was an Embassie sent from Rome to Carthage demaunding Hannibal to bee punished for the breach of the accord and if they would not yeeld vnto it they should declare Warre against the Carthaginians But if a man should demaund of Fabius what could succeed better nor more reasonable and expedient for the Carthaginians than to deliuer vpon the Romans request the authour of the offence and him that had committed the fault to punish him Seeing that as hee sayth they had dislik't the actions of Hannibal and by this meanes might reuenge by another the common Enemy of the Countrey and maintaine the estate of their Citty in peace chasing away the authour of the warre considering that this might bee well effected by a bare resolution What can he answere Nothing without doubt Contrariwise they were so farre from doing it as they maintained the Warre seuenteene yeeres continuall against the Romans Neither did they cease vntill destitute of all hope they not onely hazarded their Countrey but also their liues Finally to what end doe wee vse this discourse of Fabius or of his writings It is not to cry him downe For his lying writings are apparent to those which reade them It is onely to aduertise those which giue the credit not somuch to regard the title of the Authour as the truth of things For there are men which doe not beare so much respect to the writings as to him that made them and which thinke that for as much as Fabius liued in those times and had beene of the Senate that hee could not but speake truth It is true and I am of opinion that we must giue beleefe and credit vnto him in many things but yet wee may not beleeue all for wee must consider things as they are and how they agree Finally to returne to our Discourse we must not thinke that the first cause of the Warre which the Romans had with the Carthaginians was the indignation of Amilcar sirnamed Barca Father to Hannibal And we must vnderstand that he was not vanquished by the Romans during the Warre of Sicily for he preserued the Army which was about Erix with great Iudgement but when he saw the Carthaginians had lost the battell at Sea hee thought good to veeld vnto the time and made a peace with the Romans yet hee left noâ— his indignation so as he expected continually an opportunity to be reuenged of them And if the Carthaginians had not found themselues troubled with the mntiny of their Souldiers hee would presently haue renewed the VVarre with all his power and therefore being hindred by an intestine mischiefe he deserr'd it to another time The Romans considering the danger wherein the Carthaginians were by the mutiny of their Souldiers threatned them with VVarre To preuent the which the Carthaginians made an accord as we haue specified in the former Booke without which no man can vnderstand that which wee haue now sayd nor that which followes Finally they quit them Sardinia as vnfurnished both of counsell and aide For that the Romans would not otherwise desist from their Enterprize and they payed them beside the Summe already accorded seuen hundred thousand Crownes which was the second and the greatest cause of the VVarre which after wards began VVhen as all the people of Carthage were entred into the like indignation with Hannibal and that Amilcar saw the mutiny of the Souldiers supprest and the affaires of the Countrey pacified he began to make VVarre in Spaine seeking to make vse of it as a preparatiue to leade them against the Romans Behold that which we must imagine for the third cause that is to say the good fortune which the Carthaginians had For that their hearts grew great and therefore they vndertooke thâ—s VVarre more boldly There is proofe sufficient that Amilcar was the principall cause of the second Punique VVarre although he were dead ten yeeres before but it shall suffice for the present to relate that which followeth At what time that Hannibal was vanquished by the Romans he retired to Antiochus leauing Affricke the Romans aduertised of the Etoliens attempt sent an Embassie to Antiochus to know his will and to discouer by this meanes his preparation for Warre But hauing vnderstood that he held the party of the Etoliens and that he was resolued to make Warre against the Romans they frequented daily with Hannibal seeking by their continuall familiarity to draw him into suspition and dislike wherein they were not deceiued For Antiochus thinking he had beene gain'd by the Romans suspected him long But it happened on a time when as the King called him to his Councell whereas he had good liberty to speake And then after many discourses in the end as it were by indignation hee began to vse these termes VVhen as my Father Amilcar was to passe into Spaine with an Army I was about the Age of nine yeares and when as he sacrificed to Iupiter I was neere vnto the Altars But when as the Sacrifices were ended my father caused the rest to retire backe and hauing called me alone he demaunded kindly of me and as it were with imbracings if I would go the Voyage The which when I had not onely accepted but moreouer intreated him like a childe then taking my right hand and laying it vpon the Altar hee would that touching the things sacrificed I should sweare that presently when I came to age I should be an enemy to the Romanes And therefore Sir as long as you shall be their enemy you may relie confidently in me and haue no suspicion of Hannibal but when you shall be reconciled or that you shall contract friendshippe with them then expect no other accuser and haue a care to keepe your selfe from me as from an enemy to the people of Rome for I shall be alwayes opposite vnto them with all my power Antiochus hearing this kind of Speech and that Hannibal spake truly and with affection in regard of his griefe he presently abandoned all suspition Behold then a manifest testimony of the harred and bad affection of Amilcar towards the Romanes for hee left Asdrubal his sonne in Law and his sonne Hannibal for their enemies such as there could be none greater It is true that Death tooke an order that Asdrubal could not shewe the hatred he bare them But Hannibal had time at will so as preuailing in his interprize he hath sufficiently made knowne the hatred which he held from his Father And therefore they which haue the Gouernment of a Common-weale must carefully consider this and ruminate in their vnderstanding to know the humours of those with whom they make any accord or friendship whither it be for the necessity of the time
seeing that the hope of Victory consisted in the Footemen hee thrust into the hottest of the Battaile whee in fighting hee gaue courage to the Horsemen the which Hannibal did in like manner In the meane time the Numidians of the left wing with all their Horse-men falling vpon the right wing of the Romans they neither did nor suffred any thing that was worthy of memory so equall were the two Troupes both in force and courage yet they made the Romans vnprofitable scattering them heere and there In the meane time Asdrubal went to aide and succour the Affricans with the Horse-men of the left wing The which the Horse-men of the Roman Allies perceiuing they presently turned head Asdrubal seeing this performed the duty of a wise and discreet Captaine and sent the Numidians whom he knew were more in number and terrible to make a chase to pursue them that fled and went himselfe speedily with the Footmen to succour the Affricains where assailing the Romans in the Reare he fortified his owne Men making a great slaughter of the Enemie Lucius Emilius hauing receiued many wounds died in this Battaile Hee was a Man who vnto his death had done good seruice vnto the Common-wealth They write that Caius Lentulus a Tribune leading an empty horse in his hand as hee fled saw Paulus the Consull sitting on a stone all couered with blood to whom he said Lucius Emiliâ—s whom the Gods should hold innocent of this cruell slaughter take this horse whilest any strength remaines within and I being thy friend will lift thee vp and keepe thee on lest thou make this Battaile dolefull thorough the death of a Consull without the which there is cause enough of mourning and weeping Whereunto the Consull answered Caius Cornelius increase thou in vertue but beware lest whilest thou doest bewaile this accident thou finde little time to escape thy selfe Goe therefore and bid the Senate make strong the walls of Rome and to fortifie it with Succours before the Conquerour come and tell Quintus Fabius secretly that Lucius Emilius Paulus doth constantly remember his precepts liueth in them and will die in them And I pray thee suffer me to passe this life among these my dead Knights lest by longer liuing I become an accuser of my fellowe defending my innocencie by the trespasse of another and yet at length dye being held guilty of this action The Romans holding still good in so long and furious a Battaile were in the end all slaine Among the which died the Consuls of the precedent yeare Marcus Attilius and Cneius Seruilius braue men and worthy of the Roman name At the same time the Numidians ouertooke the horsemen which fled whereof they slew a great number and dismounted the rest Some retired to Venusium among the which was the Consull Varro whose life was base and his command vnprofitable for his Country Behold the end of the Battaile of Cannas so famous as well for the victors as the vanquished whereof the reason is for that of sixe thousand Roman horse there escaped but threescore and tenne to Venusium with Varro and of the Allies about three hundred scattered here and there who fled to the Neighbour Townes And as for the Bands of Foote the Enemie tooke about tenne thousand aliue so as there hardly escaped three thousand The rest to the number of threescore and tenne thousand were slaine in the Battaile The Carthaginians got not the victory without losse There were slaine about foure thousand Gaules fifteene hundred Affricains and Spaniards and two hundred horse The Romans which were taken aliue were not in the Battaile for Varro had left tenne thousand Men in the Campe to the end that if Haniball led forth all his Army to fight that in assailing the Enemies Campe whilest they were otherwise busie they might spoile the Carthaginians Munition And if Haniball left a sufficient Garrison for the Campe then his Forces would be the lesse for the Romans were stronger in numbers of Men. Behold the manner how they were taken Haniball had left a sufficient Garrison in his Campe to guard it But when as the Romans saw the Battaile grow hot they go vnto the Campe as they had resolued to besiege it The Carthaginians defended themselues But for that the Romans charged them furiously they were forced to abandon the place In the meane time Hannibal hauing gotten an absolute victory falls vpon those which assailed his Campe and put them to flight shutting them vp within their Forts of whom hee slewe two thousand and tooke the rest The Numidians on the other side brought vnto Hannibal the Roman horsemen who flying were dispierced in the Fields Thus after the Battaile ended neither of them were deceiued in their expectation for presently the Carthaginians were Masters of the Prouince which they call great Greece so as Tarent Capua and Naples came vnder their obedience and all the Townes wauered for Hannibal neither was he out of hope to take Rome speedily Finally the Romans wholy dispairing of the Empire of Italy were in feare not onely of their owne ruine but also of the whole Country expecting hourely their cruell Enemie at the walls of Rome The Citie being thus troubled Newes to the end the measure of their miseries might be full came from Gaule of the Defeat of Lucius Postumus the Pretor with his Army by an Ambush Yet the Senate inuolued in so many miseries made a good shew aduising the people to fortifie the Citie with Men and to consider of their affaires with courage and constancie The which the things which succeeded afterwards did verifie for being now vanquished by the Carthaginians and seeming to acquit vnto them the glory of Armes within short time after by the constancie of the Common-wealth and by the Councell and wisdome of the Senate they came after they had vanquished and ruined the Carthaginians to be Lords not onely of Italy but also of the whole world And therefore we will conclude this booke and likewise the actions of Spaine and Italy which were during the hundreth and fortieth Olimpiade And when we shall come to those of Greece during the same Olimpiade we will speake more at large of the Roman Common-wealth For I hold it not onely necessary for the Reader for the knowledge of the History but also profitable to correct and gouerne a Common-wealth The end of the Third Booke of Polybius THE FOVRTH BOOKE of the History of POLYBIVS WEE haue in my opinion sufficiently shewed the causes of the second punique warre in this last Booke and then the descent of Hannibal into Italy Wee haue also related many Combats betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians vnto the Battaile which was fought neere vnto the Riuer of Fante and the Towne of Cannes Now wee will pursue the warres of Greece of the same time deliuering in few words the things mentioned by vs in the second Booke of the preparation of our
And to a ciuill man that wherein they Discourse of the Actions of Nations Citties and Potentates whereunto applying our selues plainly and disposing all our Treaty to these things wee direct and guide our selues by a certaine kinde of Discourse as wee haue formerly promised It is true wee direct most Readers to that which is not much pleasing and delightfull Finally wee haue at large deliuered the cause why in reproouing the other parts of a History wee will thus write the Actions There is no hinderance that for the better expressing and declaration wee should not briefly aduertise the Reader heereof But as many of these things are related in diuers manners of Genealogies Fables and Collonies and moreouer of Races Alliances and Possessions it will be necessary for him that would Write to speake consequently of strange things as proper which were an infamous thing Or if he will not hee must labour in vaine in promising publiquely to pursue and Comment of those things which haue bin sufficiently declared and deliuered to posterity by the ancient For this cause and for many others we haue left them receiuing a relation of Actions For that first that as many new things offer themselues often so it is very necessary to vse a new kinde of Discourse The which happens not in the beginning of the Relation so as we deliuer the subsequent Actions And secondly for that this kinde hath beene before and is most profitable by the which the experience of things and Policies haue so much preuailed with vs as they which haue a desire to know the Actions may helpe themselues by an easie way in all that which happens by the course of time Wherefore hauing no such regard to the pleasure and delight of those which shall reade and peruse our Commentaries as to the profit of the Hearers we haue leauing the other parts fixed vpon this Finally they which shall diligently consider of our Commentaries wil be more certaine witnesses When as Hannibal had inclosed the Campe of Appius Claudius being at the siege of Capoua at the first hee vsed skirmishes seeking to draw the Enemy to Battaile But when as no man presented himselfe in the end he besieged them which was an Enterprize wherein hee was frustrated aswell as of the first although the Horse-men of the Wings assailed them in Troupes casting Darts into their Campe with great cries And the foote-men charge them by Bands labouring to breake the Pallisado Yet they could not diuert the Romans from their former resolution repulsing those which assailed the Pallisadoe with great strength and Courage And being well armed they went not out of the Campe with their Ensignes Hannibal bearing these things impatiently and the rather for that the Romans could not any way bee annoyed from the Towne studied what order he might take for the present Affaires For my part I thinke that the case falling out thus seemes to haue made not onely the Carthaginians to doubt but all other men to whom the knowledge thereof hath come Who will not wonder hearing how the Romans haue often beene vanquished by the Carthaginians and durst not present themselues nor fight with them haue not abandoned their Fort beeing in the open field It is certaine that in times past they had alwayes Camped onely at the bottome or foote of Mountaines against the Enemies But now being in a faire Plaine and in the openest place of all Italy besieging a strong Towne they were assailed by them of all sides against whom they durst not once thinke or immagine to make head being so much disheartned And although the Carthaginians preuailed continually fighting yet they were no lesse annoyed by the vanquished Finally I hold this to be the cause that they consider the Enterprize one of another That is to say that the Troupes of Hannibals Horse-men purchased the Victory to the Carthaginians and a defeate to the Romans Wherefore the vanquished made suddaine sallies after the fight They also lodg'd their Troupes in such a place as the Horse-men could not annoy them The case falling out thus neere vnto Capoua was common to them both The Romans in trueth durst not come foorth to fight beeing terrified with the Enemies horse They kept themselues within their Fort knowing well that the Cauallery vanquishing them in fight they could not annoy them The Carthaginians likewise could not with reason stay long with so great a number of Horses For that the Romans had for that â—ause wasted the whole Countrey Neither could they giue order to haue Hay and Barley brought on Horse-backe so great a way vnto their Cauallery and Sumpters Neither durst the Carthaginians besiege the Enemy without Horse being fortified with Ditches and Pallisadoes Against the which in fighting without Winges vppon an equall danger they should hazard an vncertaine Fortune They feared likewise that the Roman Subiects would ioyne with them and succour them and that cutting of their necessary Victualls they would draw him into great distresse Hannibal considering these things hauing opinion that they could not raise the siege directly he takes another aduice Finally he makes his reckoning that if in stealing away suddainly he should shew himselfe about Rome he might do something that might be profitable for the Carthaginians affaires the inhabitants beeing amazed with such a new accident Or if that did not succeede hee should force Appius Army to raise the sâ—ege to succour and supply their Countrey or else foorth-with diuide themselues so as they which should succour the Country and they which remained at the siege would be easie to vanquish Considering these things hee sent a certaine Lybian messenger to Capoua perswading him to retire to the Romans and so into the Citty prouiding wisely by this meanes that his Letters might bee safely carried He feared much that the Capouans seeing his departure would yeilde following the Romans party as destitute of hope For this cause hee acquaints them with his intention by Letters for the which he sends the Lybian after the departure of his Army to the end that knowing his resolution and dislodging they should maintaine the siege couragiously When as they which besieged Capoua had intreated the people of Rome for assistance that Hannibal held them besieged they were all in great doubt and feare for that the present Affaires required a finall end and therefore they sought by frequent Embassies and attempts to assist that party concerning the Generall The Capouans on the other side after they had receiued the Letters by the Lybian and knowne the Carthaginians aduice hold good against the Enemy resoluing to aduenture and trie their Fortune Wherefore Hannibal hauing fedde his Army the fifth day after his comming and leauing fires burning he rais'd his Campe so as he was not discouered by the Enemy Taking then the difficult way by the Saunitide discouering gaining by his Cauallery the nearest places to his way he past the Riuer of Annion secretly whilest that the Inhabitants of Rome were
good comparison ibid. Antiochus an enemy vnto the Romans 108 Asdrabal son in Law to Hannibal 109 A good consideration and necessary for all Gouernours ibi Army of a hundred thousand men 110 An Embassie from the Romans vnto Hannibal 110 An other accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 118 An other accord ibid. An other accord made with Asdrubal ib. A diuision of Prouinces to the Consul 125 A surprize made by the Bulloâ—ians vpon the Romans 126 A defeate of the Numidians by the Roman Cauallery 129 Army of Hannibal decreased 137 A combate of the horse betwixt Hannibal and Scipio 141 Aâ— Embassie from the Bullonians to Hannibal 142 A plaine is sometimes an occasion of am ambush 144 Ambush layd by Hannibal for the Romans 145 A defeate of the Roman horsemen 146 Army leuied by the Romans both by Sea and Land 147 A defeat of some Romans by Asdrubal 148 Ambush laid by Hannibal 151 A defeate of the Roman horse-men by Maherbal 153 A Dictator created ibid. Asdrubals pâ—rting from Carthage to goe into Spaine 158 Army at Sea prepared suddainely by the Carthaginians 159 Acedux or Abilux ibid. Acedux conspires with the Romans 160 A combate betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 163 A legion of fiue thousand men and the manner how the Romans raise an army 166 A skirmish betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans 168 A great amazement at Rome 170 Asdrubal 171 Acheus Antiochus 175 Ariston 176 An Embassie sent from Arate to the Etotoliens 180 A Fight betwixt the Acheins and the Etoliens 181 A defeate of the Acheins 181 Arate blamed by the Acheins 182 Aduice of the Acheins touching the warre against the Etoliens 182 Amity amongst the Lacedemonians 187 Ambassadours sent from Lacedemonia to Philip 188 Alexander the Great 188 Amphixions restor'd to their Lawes 189 Answeres to Embassadors 192 Aristocrates 193 A league made betweene the Lacedemonians and Etoliens 195 An absolute Defeate of the Gaules Empire 200 Attalus and Acheins 201 Achate caused himselfe to bee called King ibid. Accord betwixt the Constantinopolitaines and the Rhodiens 203 Accord made with Prusias ibid. Alexander 205 Assault giuen by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire 206 Alexander slaine 207 Athens taken by Lycurgus ibid. Ambrachia taken by Philip. 208 An assembly of the Etoliens to keepe the passage of a Riuer 209 Arate ioynes with Philip. 212 Appelles Tutour to Philip. 216 Appelles persists in his Enterprize 219 Accusation of Appelles against Arate and and the Acheins 221 Answere of Arate ibid. Alexander Chamberlaine to King Antigonus ibid. Alexander the Great 229 Amycle 233 A multitude against Philip and his men 237 Appelles taken Prisoner 239 An Army neare to Ephesus 242 Archidamus slaine by Cleomenes 243 Antrochus Sonne to Seleucus 245 Antiochus marries with Laodicea 246 Antiochus puts his Army in Battaile 252 Antiochus goes against Artabazanes 253 Antiochus hath a Sonne ibid. Artabazanes makes an accord with Antiochus ibid. Apoliphanes aduice to Antiochus 254 Antiochus corrupts the Captaines of Seleucia 256 An Army rassed by Ptolomy 258 Answere of Ptolomies Embassadors to Antiochus 259 Aduice of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolomy 260 Antiochus his army diuided into three 261 Army of Ptoloâ—y 266 Army of Antiochus ibid. Andrew the Kings Phisitian slaine 267 Antiochus send Embassadors vnto Ptolomy 270 Accord made betwixt Ptolomy and Antiochus ibid. Arate prepared for the Warre 272 Again and Cassander taken by Scardilade 273 Athenians abandon Ptolomy 279 Antiochus passeth Mount Tourus ibid. Aduice of Gouernment 282 A true Monarchy 283 A true Aristocracy ibid. A Democracy ibid. A Royalty 284 Aristocratia 286 Authority of the people 289 Athenians 304 All things subiect to corruption 311 Accord made betwixt the Carthaginians Macedonians and Grecians 313 Acheâ—s taken brought to Antiochus 328 Accord made by the youth of Tarentum with the Carthaginians 331 Appius besieged by Hannibal 337 A wâ—se consideration of Hannibal 338 Amazement of the Romans 339 Alexander ruinated Thebes 348 Antipatâ—r ibid. Antigonus 349 Alexander the Epirote 352 Asdrubal abandoned my many Spaniards 375 Aduice of Asdrubal for the War 376 Andobale speakes to Publius Sâ—ipio ibid Attalus against Philip by Sea 379 Aduertisement by fire ibi Aduice of Eâ—eas touching signes by fire 380 An other kind of aduertisement by fire inuented by Cleomenes and Demotrites 381 Asdrubal brother to Hannibal slaine 386 Accord betwixt the Romans and the Etoliens 388 Anaxidâ—mus slaine 393 Asdrubals Campe neere to Elinge 394 Asdrubal chargeth the Romans 395 Asdrubal puts his men in battaile 396 Agathocles cruelty 407 Achiens free from fraud 414 Apege the wife of Nabis 416 Aduice of the Romans 423 Articles comprehended in the accords past betwixt Scipio and Carthaginians 430 Articles of accord propounded by Scipio to the Carthaginians 435 Agathocles shewed her paps to the Macedonians 442 Agathocles slaine 443 Attalus chargeth Philips army at Sea 446 A man may be commended and blamed according to the diuersity of his actions 453 Abideins besieged by Philip. 454 A course which the Abydeins take in despaire 455 Alexander against Philip. 460 Antiochus answer to the Romans 477 B. Beginning of the History 5 Blame of Philin and Fabius Historiogra 9 Battle at Sea betwixt the Carthaginians Romans 16 Battle at Sea betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians 19 Battaile giuen by the Romans to the Carthaginians 24 Battaile won by the Carthaginians 58 Boloniens defeated by the Romans 71 Battaile of the footmen 76 Boloniens Country spoiled Boloniens yeild vnto the Romans 78 Beginning of the League 81 Bostar Chiefe of the Carthaginians 160 Bremius chiefe of the Gaules 200 Blame of Philip 238 Bold enterprize of Cleomenes 244 Bataile betwixt Ptolomy Antiochus 268 Beginning of gouernments 284 Blame of Nomarche and Philomale 351 Beginning of the fight for Carthage 362 Battaile betwixt Asdrubal and the Romans in Italy 385 Battaile by the Elephants 432 Braue answere of Philip to Marcus Emilius 456 C. Carthaginians loose the Battaile 13 Carthaginians army 350. saile 17 Complaint of the Souldiers 45 Courtesie of Romans to the Carthaginis 56 Causes of Alexanders war in Persia. 106 Cause of the first war betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 108 Countries Conquered by Hannibal 110 Cruelty of Hannibal 153 Carthaginians defeated by the Romans vpon a Hill and then surprized 161 Course which Hannibal tooke in passing the streights kept by the Romans 162 Campe of Asdrubal of 30000. foote and 300. horse 418 Campe of Syphax of 10000. horse and 50000. foot ibid. Carthaginians Senate hold a Counsell 421 Conspiracy of the Carthaginians against the Roman Embassadour 426 Carthaginians presse Hannibal 428 Cruelty of Virgins 443 Causes why Philip challengeth the Victory to himselfe 450 Cruelty of the Abydeins to themselues 456 Courteous and wise answere of Philip. 459 Custome of the Etoliens very strange 461 Commendation of Tytus 465 Defeate of Hieron by Apius Defeate of the Carthaginians by Apius 8 Dissention betwixt Amilcar Hanno 55 Death of Amilcar 59 Death
courage and the like desire of glory It is true the Romans had the better Souldiers But Amilcar Generall of the Carthaginians surnamed Barca Father to Haniball who afterwards made Warre against the Romans had not his equall in prudence and vallour When as the peace had beene concluded either of them fell in a manner into the like inconueniences for Ciuill war followed after The Romans had presently War against the Inhabitants of Mount Flacon the which was soone decided and their Towne taken But the Carthaginians being assailed at the same time by Strangers Numidâ—ans and other people of Affricke who reuolted with â—hem were in a manner quite ruined Finally they were forced to fight not onely for the Prouince but for themselues for their liberty for their Children and for their owne Country This is a warre which we will relate summarily and briefly for it is worthy as we haue promised in the beginning So they shall easily see by the deeds of these times what this warre was and of what fury which they call iâ— reonciliable And they may likewise obserue to what thâ—ngs the Commander of an Army ought to haue care and to be wary how he imploies Mercinary men And moreouer what difference there is betwixâ— the confused manner of liuing of Barbarians and those that are bâ—ed vp vnder Discipline Lawes and Policy And wiâ—hall they may easily see by the knowledge of this warre the causes for the which Haniball made warre against the Romans which is a principall poynt whereof in opening the truth wee haue not done little for those which desire to see our worke For that they haue not onely beene doubtfull and obscure to those which haue written but also to such as haue beene present After that Amilcar had treated the peace with the Romans he â—ed his Army from the Towne of Erix to Lylibeum and resigned his charge giuing the conduct thereof into Affricke to Captaine Gescon who was at Lylibeum who fearing that if so great a multitude of men should passe together into Affricke there would grow some mutiniy and contenttion for that there was much due vnto them for their pay the which they could not satisfie for want of treasure Wherefore he prouided long before that the troupes should not passe altogether but at diuers times leauing some respite of purpose to the end that they might with more ease prouide in sending them backe by troupes and that the first might be retiâ—ed to their houses before the second ariued The Carthaginians had consumed their treasure in their former charges and did not send them backe to their houses but commanded them to attend within the City vntill the returne of their Companions to the end they might make some accord with them altogether concerning their Paye But when as the Souldiers committed many Royots day and night within the City and that the insolencies of such a troupe were insupportable the Carthaginians called the Captaines and iurreated them to leade all this multiâ—ude assembled in their City to the Towne of Sicca vntill they had giuen order for their Prouinces Moreouer they caused some money to be deliuered to euery one of them to the end they might tolerate their expectance the more easily The Captaines obeying the will of the Carthaginians drew forth their Men. But for that euery man desired to leaue his baggage within the City as they had done hoping to make a short returne for their paye the Carthaginians doubted that if they should allow that some would not budge for the loue of their children others for their wiues and by this meanes they should bee nothing bettered within the City Wherefore in the end they forced them to depart with their baggage Being within the Towne of Sicca they liued at pleasure in idlenes and basely which is a pernicious thing for an Army and in a manner the onely fountaine and beginning of Mutinieâ— Some began to demaund their pay more audatiously then they had beene accustomed and much more reducing to memory the promise of Presents which the Captaines had made vnto them at need when as they intreated them to fight valiantly More ouer they expected much more then their Pay amounted vnto But they were frustrated of their hope For assoone as they were all assembled in Sicca Hanno Pretor of the Carthaginians was sent vnto them Who bringing no presents vnto them intreated them moreouer for some abatement of their Pay shewing them the pouerty of the Treasure They generally mutining at this speech began to rise suddainly so as there was a great tumult and sedition in the Army considering the great diuersity of their manner of liuing and languages It is true the Carthaginians had some reason to raise their Army out of diuers Nations For by this meanes so diuers an assembly could not easily make a Conspiracy Moreouer the Captaines better obeyed And likewise if there did rise any mutiny or sedition in the Army they should not finde meanes to pacifie them for ignorant men are mooued with fury Beleeue me when they are once in choller they increase it more and more like bruite Beasts with an vnrestraine cruelty The which happened at that time in the Carthaginians Campe For some were Spaniards others Ganles some Geneuois and others of the Islands of Maiorqua and Minorqua There was also a good Troope of Grecians most of which were fugitiues and slaues and the greatest number were Affricans Wherefore it was not possible to draw them altogether at that time although they could not haue taken a better course Moreouer Hanno could not vnderstand all their languages and it seemed in a manner more impossible to imploy many Interpreters at one time to draw the Army together and withall to vse the same speech vnto them foure or fiue times The last remedy was to mannage this by the Captaines the which Hanno attempting preuailed nothing For some vnderstood not what their Captaine sayd vnto them others related it otherwise then they had spoken although they had consented vnto the cliefe some did it of ignorance but the greatest part through malice Wherefore all was full of perplexity inhumanity and distrust Among other things they complained that the Carthaginians of purpose did not send one of the Captaines vnder whose charge they had made War in Sicily and who had made them so many promises but one who had beene in those actions Finally they runne to Armes being all in a mutiny making no accompt of Hanno nor of the other Captaines and marcht directly to Carthage planting their Campe neere vnto the Towne of Tunes which is fifteene miles from Carthage being aboue twenty thousand Men. Then the Carthaginians began to looke one vpon another and to acknowledge their great errour when there was no redresse in their affaires In trueth it was a great fault in them to haue drawne together so great a multitude into one place after the War was ended They committed another which was no
in the depth of Winter had retired into Macedony and that Eperate Chiefe of the Acheiâ—s was made a scorne to the Youth of the Towne and to the Mercenaries and was not obeyed nor made any preparation for the defence of the Countrey Pyrrhee whom the Etoliens had sent to the Elienses for their Captaine accompanied with thirteene hundred Etoliens and a thousand Foote as well Souldiers as Burgesses of the Elienses and with two hundred Horse being in all about three thousand men aduertised thereof spoiled not onely the Countries of the Dimenses and Pharenses but also of Patres Finally he pitched his Campe neere vnto the Mountaine Panachaique which lookes towards Patres and wasted all the neighbour Region The Townes thus vexed being no was succour'd they payed the Taxe and charge vnwillingly The Souldiers would not be drawne to succour them for that their pay was delayed By this mutuall trouble the Acheins affaires were in bad case And the Mercenaries retired by little and little the which happened by the negligence of the Commander And when the affaires of Acheia stood in this estate and that the time of the Election was come Eperate left the gouernment and the Acheins in the Spring made choise of old Arate Thus past the Affaires in Europe But seeing that in the distinction of times and the order of actions we haue found a conuenient place for this Subiect let vs passe to the Warres of Asia vnder the same Olympiade Relating first as we haue promised in the beginning of our worke the Warre of Syrria which was betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy And for that I know well that this Warre was not ended at such time as I left to treate of the Actions of Greece and being resolued to follow this perfection and distribution to the end the Readers may not be deceiued in the true knowledge of euery time I hope to leaue a sufficient instruction for those which desire to know it in setting downe at what time in this present Olympiade and of the deeds of the Grecians the beginning and ending of other actions happened Moreouer wee esteeme nothing better nor more honourable in this Olympiade then not to confound things to the end the discourse of the History may be plaine and easie And that distinguishing matters by order as much as may be possible vntill that comming to other Olympiades wee may yeeld to euery yeere its actions according to order And for that we haue not resolued to write them all nor the actions of all places and that wee haue vndertaken with greater affection to write Histories then our predecessours haue done it is fitting wee should be carefull to expresse them in order and that the generall worke of the History may with its parts be plaine and apparent Wherefore we will now write the Reignes of Antiâ—chus and Ptolomy reducing things from farre and pursuing our discourse from a beginning which may bee notorious and which squares with that which wee haue to say For those ancients which haue sayd that the beginning is a moiety of the whole they haue vndoubtedly taught vs that in all things wee should vse great diligence that the beginnings may be well ordered And although some thinke they haue vsed a high Stile yet in my opinion they doe not seeme to speake with truth Without doubt you may boldly say that the beginning is not onely a moiety of the whole but hath also a regard to the end Tell mee how canst thou make a good beginning if thou hast not first comprehended in thy vnderstanding the end of thy Enterprize And if thou knowest not in what part to what purpose and the cause why thou wilt make it For how can a History haue order if at the beginning or entrance thou doest not deliuer plainely from whence and how or wherefore thou art come vnto the relation which thou doest presently make of actions Wherefore they which will haue things heard and vnderstood fully thinke that the beginnings doe not onely serue for the one halfe but also for the end wherein they imploy themselues with great care and industry the which I will carefully indeauour to doe Although that I am certaine that many of the ancient Historiographers haue bin confident to haue done the like when as they pretended to write all generally and to haue written a longer History then their predecessours of whom I will forbeare to speake much or to name them Among the which I excuse Ephorus the first and onely man which hath attempted to write a generall History But I will vse no longer discourse nor name any of the rest But I will say that some Historiographers of our time comprehending the Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in three or foure small Pages brag publiquely that they haue written all It is certaine that for as much as there hath beene many and great exploits performed in Spaine Affricke Stoily and Italy and that the Warre of Hâ—nnibal hath beene the greatest and longest except that of Sicily We must also vnderstand that the excellency of this warre hath beene the cause that wee haue all cast our eyes vpon it and the rather for that wee were in doubt of the end This is a Warre which euery man be hee neuer so dull and simple knowes Yet some of those which haue handled the History writing onely superficially the actions of some times yet they imagine they haue comprehended the deeds of the Grecians and Barbarians Whereof the cause is for that it is an easie thing to promise many great things by mouth but it is not easie to bring a great enterprize to an end And therefore this other is common and as a man may say in the hands of all men so as they haue courage But the last is rare and few men attaine vnto it Finally the arrogancy of some which glorifie themselues too much and commend their Writings hath caused mee to make this digression But now I returne vnto my enterprize When Ptolomy surnamed Philopater had seized vpon the Empire of Egypt after the death of his Father and had made away his Brother with his adherents thinking there was no more cause of feare in his Family for the afore said crime and that for strangers Fortune had in good time assured all things considering the death of Antigonus and Seleucus to whose Realmes Antiochus and Philip had succeeded who were scarce eighteene yeeres old he abandoned himselfe to pleasures whose example the whole Countrey followed For this cause his owne people made no esteeme of him And not onely his subiects but also the rest which mannaged the affaires both within and without Egypt The Lords of the lower Syrria and of Cypres haue made Warre against the Kings of Syria as well by Sea as Land They also which hold the chiefe Cities places and Ports which are along the Sea-coasts from Pamphilia vnto Hellespont and the Country of Lysimachia confined with the Principalities of
Romans were vanquished and defeated neere vnto Cannes by the Carthaginians For there wee haue left the actions of Italy and haue written in this Booke and the precedent the proceeding of the same time in Greece and Asia The Warre being ended when the Acheins had made choice of Tymoxines for their head and Gouernour resuming their ancient kind of liuing they gaue order by little and little for their Common-wealth The like did the other Cities of Morea So as they laboured their lands and restored their Games and Sacrifices to the Gods All which things were in a manner forgotten by reason of the continuall warre It is certaine that as they of Morea among all other men are inclined to a milde and curteous kind of life the which in precedent times they did not enioy Being as Euripides saith alwaies tormented by their neighbours and without rest Yet it seemeth reasonable for for all they which tend to a Principallity and haue their liberty in recommendation haue continuall quarrels amongst them they tending to a superintendency The Athenians freed from the feare of the Macedonians seemed to liue in great Liberty but following the besenesse of their Commaunders Euriclides and Micion they payed Tribute in a manner to all Kings and namely to Ptolomy who soone after that time made Warre against the Egyptians For as hee had beene assisted in the Warre against Antiochus they presently abandoned him For that growne proud with the Battaile giuen neere vnto Raphia they would no more obey the King seeking only a Commaunder as if they had beene able of themselues to mannage the Warre the which was soone after done Antiochus during Winter had leuied a great Army and the Summer following past Mount Tauris where making a League with King Attalus he renewed the Warre against Acheus And although the Etoliens found the peace good in the beginning for that the Warre had taken a better end then they expected Hauing chosen Agelaus of Naupacte for their Chiefe Commaunded by whose meanes the peace had ensued yet after some time they blamed him much complayning that by his meanes they had lost the great profits they had drawne from Forreine parts For that he had made a peace not onely with some Prouinces but generally with all Greece But Agelaus bearing their blame with patience abated their fury And so they were forced contrary to their nature to pacifie their Choler Scerdilaide vnder colour of money due vnto him had spoild all those he met and as we haue sayd had taken shippes of Leucade and had rifled a Towne in Pelagonia which they call Pissea with diuers other Citties of Dassarete as Antipatria Chrissndion and Gertonte Hauing moreouer gained a good part of Macedony aswell by perswasions as by force Philip after the peace concluded hauing imbarqued himselfe and his Army to saile thither and to encounter Scerdilaide he tooke land being wholy bent to recouer the sayd Townes Finally when he had fully resolued to make Warre against Scerdilaide holding it necessary to Conquer Sclanouia as well for other Enterprizes as chiefly for his passage into Italy The which is an aduice whereof Demetrius laboured to make him susceptible saying that he had seene Philip do so in a Dreame He did not presse this for any loue he bare him but for the hatred he had to the Romans Thinking by this meanes to recouer the Country about Pharos from whence he had beene expell'd Philip recouered all the sayd Townes approaching neere them with his Army For in Dassarate hee tooke Creone and Geronte and neere vnto the Fennes of Lychnide Enchelane Cerece Sation and Boies and Bantia in the Prouince of the Calicenins and towards the Pissantins and Orgysse This done he sent his Army to Winter It was the same Winter when as Hannibal had spoiled the best Countries of Italy and past his Winter in Daâ—nia and the Romans making their Election created Gaius Terrentius and Lucius Emilius Consuls Whilest that Philip spent the Winter he drew together a hundred Vessels which neuer King of Macedony had done before him thinking it necessary to make prouision Not so much for the Combate at Sea for that he did not hold himselfe equall in forces to answere the Romans as to passe his Army into Italy Summer being come and the Macedonians in-vred to the Oare hee parts with his Army At the same time likewise Antiochus past Mount Tanris Philip then passing by the Euripus and Malea came vnto the Countries which are about Cephalenia and Leucade Where planting his Campe he fortified it with Ditches and Pallisadoes for hee feared much the Sea Army of the Romans But when he was aduertised by his Spies that it was neere vnto Lylibeum his Courage increased and hee proceeded in his Enterprize taking his course directly to Apolonia When as hee was neere those Countries which are about the Riuer of Loia which passeth neere to Apolonia he fell into the same feare which doth many times befall Armies at Land For some of his Vessels which followed in the Reare and had sailed towards an Iland called Sason lying at the mouth of the Ionian gulfe came by night to Philip telling him that they had spoken with some of the Sycillian Sea who aduertised them that they had left the Roman Quinqueremes about Rhegium bending their course to Apolonia and Scerdilaide Philip immagining that the Army was not farre off was amazed And weighing Anchor retired with great feare and disorder hee came the next day to Cephalenia sailing continually by night Where assuring himselfe he stayed some time making shew that his returne was for some pressing affaires in Morea It hapned that this was a false Allarum For you must vnderstand that Scerdilaide aduertised of the great multitude of Vessels which Philip had drawne together in Winter and fearing his comming by Sea had obtained succours from the Romans by his Embassadours So as they sent him ten ships out of their Fleete which was at Lilybeum the which passing neere vnto Rhegium were discouered If the King had not beene amazed without reason he might well haue vanquisht them and performed his Enterprize against Sclauonia And the rather for that the Romans had receiued a wonderfull losse neere vnto Cannes against Hannibal where they were in a manner quite ruined But being then terrified without cause he made a safe flight into Macedony and remained infamous At the same time Prusias did an Act worthy of memory For when as the Gaules whom Attalus had drawne out of Europe into Asia for the Warre of Acheus had abandoned him for the causes aboue mentioned they spoil'd all the Townes of Hellespont with too much auarice and cruelty And when in the end they had besieged the Townes of the Elienses then they of Alexandria neere vnto Troade performed an Act worthy of memory for sending Themiste against them with foure thousand men they not onely rais'd the siege of the Elienses but chast all the
hee could in reason being vanquished by the wickednesse of those which assured him lost his life seruing for a profitable Example to posterity for two causes First that no man should relye simply vpon any And next that no man should mistake himselfe for his good Fortune but be prepared for all accidents which may happen to man And therefore in the beginning they goe forth as it were to take some spoiles and come by night to the Carthaginians Campe Others held the close way staying at a certaine place full of Woods But Philimene and Nicon approacht the Campe Whom the Watch led Prisoners to Hannibal they neuer discouering of whence nor what they were making onely a signe that they would speake with the Generall Being then brought vnto Hannibal they told him that they would speake with him in secret Who giuing them Audience with great affection they excuse themselues and their Countrey accusing the Romans in many sorts to the end they should not seeme to be come forth about this businesse without cause Wherefore Hannibal commended them much and entertained them curteously Finally hee sent them backe to returne speedily to conferre with him ordering for the present that these men should be let go when they were out of the Campe and in the meane time he would consider what should be most safe This he did to haue conference with these young men and to inquire of their affaires And to the end they should keepe their credit with the Cittizens as if by the Captaines leaue they had made incursions for spoile When as Nicon had Executed his Charge Hannibal was very well satisfied and ioyfull For that he might haue meanes to effect his Enterprize which was then difficult Philâ—mene on the other side affâ—cted the businesse propounded for that they had giuen him a safe accesse to speake and he had found Hannibal very attentiue promising him to giue store of Victuals to the Cittizens Then they not onely got credite with the Tarentins but moreouer they had a good Traine aswell for the accord made as for the Victuals whereof they had sufficient Afterwards making a second incursion and putting euery thing in Execution they assured Hannibal and were likewise assured by him that is to say that the Carthaginians should leaue the Tarentinâ— in their Liberty not oppressing them with any Subside or Tribute nor with any other impost Being also lawfull for them after they had Conquered the Citty to ruine the Romans Houses Finally they agreed that when they should come vnto the Campe the Watch should presently take them Which things being concluded they had power to come and speake often with Hannibal parting from the Citty sometimes to get spoyle and sometimes to Hunt These things being thus agreed vpon for the future most of them had a care of the occasion In regard of Philimâ—ne they appointed him for Hunting For as he was much inclined to it they thought he could do no other thing but to attend it Wherefore they gaue him this Charge to the end he might take wild beasts first to winne Caius Lybius Gouernour of the Citty and afterwards those which kept the Gates which are called Tâ—menides Imbracing this Commission he tooke some Beasts in Hunting others were prepared for him by Hannibal For his part hee continually brought 〈◊〉 prize whereof he shared part to Caius and to the Guards of the gates to the end they might speedily open the Gate called Rhinopile He entred and went forth often in the night by this Gate vnder colour of feare of the Enemy but in the meane time hee made vse of it for his Enterprize When Philimene had obtained this course with the Guards so as without suspition approaching to the Wall if he whistled they opened vnto him the Gate Rhinopile And withall obseruing that the Roman Gouernour of the Gate should be on a certaine day with great Company at Musea neere the Market place they appointed that day to Hannibal He had long before inuented this fiction as if hee were sicke to the end the Romans should not hold it strange that he staied so long there and then he feined himselfe to be more sicke Hee had not beene in the Campe for the space of three daies vpon the approaches of Tarentum The day being come he makes choise of a thousand of the ablest and resolutest men both Horse and Foote to whom he giues charge to carry Victuals for foure dayes Finally hee marcht speedily remoouing his Campe at the breake of day He gaue commaund to foureâ—score Numidian Horses to marcht thirty Furlongs before the Campe and that they should run of eyther side of the Country to the end that no man might discouer the whole Campe but taking some of them that fled the rest which escaped might aduertise the Citty of the Numidians courses When as the Numidians were about twenty Furlongs off they set downe to Supper neere vnto a certaine Riuer in a Rocke which was not easie to discouer Then Hannibal drawing the Captaines together he discouers his Enterprize vnto them and perswades them that first of all they should carry themselues like braue men for that there were neuer such great rewards propounded vnto them And that secondly euery man should keepe his Souldiers in obedience during the Voyage and punish those seuerely that should abandon their places thorough Disobedience Finally they should haue a care of those things which should bee Commaunded and that they should not attempt any thing of their owne fancy contrary to his Commandement This Speech being deliuered in the presence of the Captaines he marcht being yet night meaning to come vnto the Walls about mid-night Hee had Philimene for his Guide to whom hee gaue Synagrie for a Companion in that same Action VVhen as Calus Lybius with his Company were in the day time at Musea according to the conception of the Youth they aduertised him that the Numidians ouer-ran the Country towards the West when as their desire of drinking increased Yet thinking to stay them hee called for the Captaines giuing them charge to go forth at the breake of day with halfe the Horse-men and repulse the Enemy which spoythe Countrey This was all the conceite he had of the businesse As for those which kept Company with Nicon and Tragisque assembling suddainly within the Citty they looked for the returne of Caius And being suddainly ready for that they had drunke in the day time some retiring to certaine places stayed there Others among the Youth go to meete Caius sporting and playing among themselues making shewe to bring them backe which should be found at the Banquet and moreouer as it were transported by reason of the Drunkennesse of Lybius Company as soone as they met they fell to laughter and immoderate sport of either side then turning head they Conducted Caius vnto his House He layd him downe to rest as a man soundly drunke after the manner of those which drinke daily hauing
nothing in his braine that troubled him finally he was full of ioy and negligence But Nicon and Tragisque hauing assembled the Youth diuided themselues into three Band and after aduice they seazed vpon the most commodious approaches to the Market place to the end that nothing might be vnknowne vnto them of that which was practised aswell within the Citty as without They also approached neere vnto Caius House being resolued that if he should haue any suspition of the Enterprize to kill him first And that whatsoeuer they did they should beginne with him As it often times happens at the returne from Banquets when as the Tumult was suddainly past and that the multitude was layd downe and a sleep and by the aduancement of the night the hope of the Enterprize remained entire then altogether attend the Execution The Youth had articulated and agreed with the Carthaginians that Hannibal comming to the Citty neere vnto Musacee on the East and to the Gates which they call Temenides he should make a fire vpon a little Hill the which some call the Hill of Hyacinthe and others of Apollo Hyacinthe And that when Tragisques Company should see it they should answere him by the like signe of fire This done Hannibal should quench the fire which hee had made without the Citty and then approach with a slow pace These things thus concluded the Youth of the Citty hauing past the inhabited part they came to the Monuments of the Deceased The Easterne part of the Citty of Tarentum was full of Monuments For that all the dead are buried within the Walls of the Citty according to a certaine old Oracle They say that God gaue the Tarentins to vnderstand by an Oracle that it would be best for them when they had most Inhabitants For their parts they thought that they should haue a good dwelling according vnto the Oracle if they retained the dead within their Citty For this cause they interre them within their wals When as the Youth of the Citty was come to the Pithyonique Hill they expected what would succeede Hannibal approaching did what had beene concluded and the Company of Nicon and Tragisque seeing the fire they tooke courage and kindled another fire Againe seeing Hannibals fire quencht they made hast and ran vnto the Gate meaning to preuent Hannibals men in killing the Guards for that the Carthaginians preparing to enter marcht slowly When they had preuailed in their Enterprize and the Guards being surprized some slew them others brake the Bolts The Gates being suddainly opened Hannibals men came with such a measured March as without any delay they assailed the Citty When they had made their entry safely and without Tumult thinking they had done the greatest part of their businesse they entred the Market place boldly on that side which ioines to the Sea In regard of the Horse-men they leaue no lesse then two Thousand within the Walls for their supply as well for the accidents which might happen without as for other expected things which do vsually chance When they were come vnto the places neere vnto the Market the Army made a stand Philimene likewise being much troubled how he might execute his Charge staied without For when they made the fire they ranne not to that Gate and they had sent him with a wilde Boare and about a Thousand Lybians with him to the next Gate meaning to execute their Enterprize not by one meanes only but by many When as Philimene was according to his Custome come vnto the Walls the Guards suddainly were ready descending to Rhinopile When as he called vnto them to open the Gate for that hauing a Boare hee was soare laden the Guard hearing those words open speedily expecting to haue a share of Philimenes prize as formerly hee had done to others Philimene being the first of this Battalion enters accompanied by another wearing a Numidian Habite as if hee had beene of that Countrey after whom followed two others carrying Venison When there were foure entred they slew him which opened the Gate running simply and without feare to handle the Boare there entred to the number of Thirty Lybians by the little Wicket which followed them a slow pace and secretly This being done some brake the Hinges others slew the Guards at the Gate and others called the Lybians by signes being yet without leading them to the Market place as it had beene ordred Hannibal ioyfull of the adiunction of these men for that matters succeeded according to his desire he was attentiue to that which he had begunne Hee therefore drawes two Thousand Gaules a part and diuiding them into three Bands hee appoints to eyther of them two of the Youth which had mannaged this Enterprize with some of his Captaines giuing them charge that they should gaine the most commodious approaches to goe vnto the Market place After which they should receiue the Youth of the Citty and haue a care to preserue the Cittizens and that they should crye out to the Tarentins to stay in the place which was assigned them for their safety Finally hee Commaunds the Captaines of the Carthaginians and Celts that they should kill all the Romans they should encounter Diuiding them selues one from another they dispatch that which they had in charge The Enemies entry being knowne to the Tarentins the Citty was full of cries and vnexpected Trouble When as Caius was aduertised of the Enemies entry thinking that he should not be able to preuent the danger by reason of his drunkennesse he gets suddainly out of his lodging with his family And when hee was come to the Gate which leads vnto the Port and that the Guard had opened the Rhinopile he escapes that way and imbarques with his people in a little Cocke boate which lay in the Port and was carried to the Fort. Afterwards Philimene makes prouision of Roman Trumpets whereof some founded neere vnto the Theater as they had vsually done And when the Romans ran in Armes according to their Custome to the Fortresse the Enterpize was dispatcht to the liking of the Carthaginians But they which being dispersed and without order entred into those places some fell into the hands of the Carthaginians others among Celts Who by this same meanes slew a great number The day approaching the Tarentins rested in their Houses not able to preuent this inconuenience For they thought by reason of the founding of the Trumpets that this combustion had beene made by the Romans for that they made no spoile in the Citty But when they saw some of their men slaine in the place and some of the Gaules stripping the dead bodies of the Romans they beganne to thinke of the comming of the Carthaginians When as Hannibal had drawne his Army into the market place and that the Romans were retired to the Fort the which they held before with their Garrison he causeth a Proclamation foorth with to be made and proclaimed that all the Tarentins should come vnto the
of making the round how they might draw the Enemies vnto them For the effecting whereof their Armes was of great seruice Finally they come to the Gate where as some going downe cut the barres others entered from without In regard of those which made their attempts at the Isthmus with Ladders after they had defeated them which defended the VValls they lept ouer and by this meanes the VVall was gotten As for the Hill scituated towards the East they which entred by the Gate recouered it chasing away the Guards VVhen as Scipio saw that there was a sufficient number entred into the City hee sent many of them according to the Custome against the Citizens giuing them charge to kill all they met without taking any to mercy and not to busie themselues with spoile vntill they had a signe giuen them The Romans doe this to terrifie them And therefore wee often see that when they take Cities by force they doe not onely kill the men but they cut their Dogges in pieces and dismember their other Cattle Many such things happened in that Citie by reason of the multitude of Prisoners Finally Publius Scipio accompanied with a Thousand men assailes the Fort whereunto making his approaches Mago at the first striues to defend it But when hee vnderstood the Truth of the taking of the City hee sends men to parley for his safety and by this meanes hee deliuers the Fort. This done a signe being giuen the massacre ceased and they fell to spoile And when as night approached some remained in the Campe ordained for that end And the Generall spent the night in the Fort accompanied with a Thousand men Appointing the rest being retired from the Houses by the Captaines of Thousands to carry the booty to the Ensignes in the market place In regard of them that were lightly armed called from the Campe on the Hill hee sent them to the Easterne parts The Romans tooke Carthage in Spaine after this manner The day following after they had carried the baggage of the Carthaginian Souldiers and the substance of the Burgesses and Artizans to the place the Captaines of Thousands according to Custome diuided it among their Bands Among the Romans this order is obserued touching Cities taken Sometimes to euery day they number the men and distributing them according to the greatnesse of the City sometimes they diuide them by Ensignes They neuer appoint aboue halfe the Army for this businesse The rest remaine in Battaile for the Guard sometimes they are without and sometimes within the City vnto the end they may be alwayes ready The Army being diuided for the most part in two of Romans and two of Allies they which are deputed for the diuision do euery man bring his booty vnto the Campe. This done the Millaneers or Captaines of Thousands diuide it equally to them all Not onely to those which remaine in Battaile but also to the Guards of the Tents to the sicke and vnto all those which are ordained for any publicke seruice When they are together in Campe to go vnto the War they sweare not to commit any fraud in the pillage and that they keepe their faith according vnto the oath which they haue taken But wee haue spoken sufficiently heere of in Discoursing of their pollicy Finally when an Army is thus diuided one part attending the Booty and the rest standing in Battaile for their Guards yet the Romans had neuer any difference through Couetousnesse For when as none of them are frustrated for the Hope of gaine and that in the meane time some follow the spoile and the others remaining in Battaile guard them no man abandons his Ensigne The which many times is the cause of great losse and danger to others Many suffer losse and are in danger in regard of gaine For it is apparent that they which remaine in Campe or are in Battaile containe themselues vnwillingly for that most commonly all the spoile vnder his Commaund and power which rules if he be an absolute Monarch And if he be a Commaunder euery man holds that his owne which may be hidden and purloin'd although that all things be carefully brought together And for that most part of men desire booty and for this cause are in danger hauing no meanes to obtaine an absolute Victory it fals out that they are in danger to lose all The which happens to many who although they haue preuailed in their Enterprize whether they haue cast themselues into the Enemies Campe or haue taken a City yet they haue not onely beene repuls'd but moreouer had lost all and for no other cause but that aboue mentioned Whereefor CoÌ„manders ought to haue nothing in greater recommendation and care then that where of wee speake which is that as much as may be possible this hope may remaine to the greatest part that if such an accident happens the diuision may be equall to them all Then the Captaines of Thousands gaue order â—o the Booty and the Roman Commander hauing drawne together theâ— Prisoners which were little lesse then a thousand hee commands them first to separate the Citizens with their Wiues and Children and then the handy-crafts-men This done hee aduiseth the Citizens to imbrace the Friendship of the Romans and to remember the fauour which they receiued and then hee sent them backe to their houses Whereof some weeping and others ioyfull for their vnexpected safety they retire hauing done their duties to the Generall In regard of the Worke-men and Artizans hee told them that for the present they were publique Seruants to the City of Rome But if euery one did his duty cheerefully and willingly he promised them liberty if the Warre vndertaken against the Carthaginians had a good end Then he gaue charge to the Questor to take the Names of these men and that he should appoint thirty Roman Commissaries for the whole multitude contained in a manner two thousand He also made choise of the strongest and the most flourishing in age and forme to furnish the Troupes and fill'd the captiue ships with all the Marriners exceeding the former one halfe so as euery ship had in a manner twice as many men There were eighteene captiue ships and in the beginning they had beene fiue and thirty To whom he promised liberty if they shewed themselues friends and valiant and that if in this Warre he should happen to vanquish the Carthaginians When he had declared himselfe in this manner he made the Burgesses affectionate and loyall as well to himselfe as to the Roman Common-weale The Worke-men and Artizans are in like manner ioyfull vpon the hope of liberty But when he had by this supply much augmented the Troupes in the end he separates Mago and the Carthaginians For he had two Senators and fifteene Councellors whom hee gaue in charge to Caius Lelyus commanding him to haue a speciall care Moreouer hee calls all the hostages vnto him which were aboue three hundred Then he makes much of
men and the Targeteers The Commanders whereof were Nicomedes of Chio and Nicolas the Etolien As these men march before it fell out that the roughnesse and streights of the passage were found more difficult then the King had conceiued All the length of the ascent was about three hundred Furlongs and for the most part by the deepe Fourd of a Torrent into the which were fallen from the high Rocks Stones and Trees which made the passage inaccessible To the which the Barbarians gaue great assistance casting continually Trees which were cut downe and gathered together great heapes of Stones and seazed keeping withall the length of all the Valley on the Hills of aduantage which might serue them for defence so as if they had not beene frustrated Antiochus had giuen ouer his Enterprize as destitute of his forces For as it was necessary for the Enemies to take their way and to ascend by that Valley they seazed on the sayd places and fortified them But they did not obserue that it was impossible for the Leginaries to passe there with their Baggage vntill the way were made for these could not approach or come neare the Confines of the Mountaines They that were lightly armed and the valiant men could not ascend the Leucopetres For this cause the Ordonance changed when they were ioyned vnto the first Guard of Diogenes Troupes who ascended out of the Torrent Suddainly the Combate began as the accident shewed Diogenes Troupe marching slowly through the Countrey gaue a rough charge to the Enemy And in throwing of Darts and Stones prest the Barbarians annoying them much with their Slings which they cast from their Pallisadoe Hauing chased the first and had taken their place they gaue charge to the Pyoners to make the passage euen the which was presently performed by reason of their great number By this meanes when the Slingers Archers and Darters had marcht to the higher places scattred here and there and sometimes together seazing on the most commodious places and the Targeteers held the lower Countrey marching in Battaile a flow pace along the Torrent The Barbarians stayed not but abandoning the place they drew together on the top of the Mountaines In regard of Antiochus Troupes it past the difficult passages safely after this manner But slowly and with great difficulty They could hardly eight in a Ranke recouer the top of the neare Mountaines And when the Barbarians were there assembled hauing an humour they should bee able to keepe the Enemies from gaining the top there fell out a braue Combate By these reasons the Enemies were repuls'd who revniting themselues fought against the Leginaries and made head against them with great courage and vallour In the Night the brauest of them turning about recouered the top and the places lying behind The which the Barbarians seeing and suddainly amazed they turned head The King is very carefull to restraine the fury of his Souldiers pursuing the Enemy causing a retreate to be sounded desiring they should enter into Hyrcania vnited and in good order This kinde of march being ordained according to his will hee comes to the City of Tambrace destitute of Walles yet hauing a royall and large Pallace where hee campt and besieged it Bâ—t when as many as well Souldiers as of the Countrey had retired to the City of Syringe it was not farre from Tambrace and was as it were the Capitall of Hyrcania as well for its fortification as for its wealth hee resolued to ruine it by force Marching therefore with his power and planting his Campe about it he besieged the Citie The greatest part of his worke was to make platformes in the fashion of a Tortoise The Ditches were triple being about seuen Fathome and a halfe broad and foure deepe Vpon either banke there was a double Pallisadoe with a strong out-wall There were continuall Skirmishes whilest they wrought from whence they carried from either side men slaine and hurt for that they fought very valiantly not onely vpon the ground but also vnder it in the Mines But by reason of the multitude of Pyoners and the Kings diligence it happened that the Ditches were suddainly fill'd vp and the Walles fell being shaken with the Mines This done the Barbarians being confounded and much terrified and amazed with feare they kill the Grecians which were in the City and taking their richest stuffe retire by Night The King seeing this sends Hyparbase with the Mercenaries with whom the Barbarians fighting and in the end abandoning the Baggage retire againe into the City But when the Targeteers prest them valiantly not able to beare the burthen being so grieuous they presently yeeld hauing no more hope The Commanders of the Army being desirous to see the Enemies Troupes enuironed on the Hill they command those which were in the Pallisadoe not to budge in regard of themselues they goe to view the places being accompanied with two Troupes of Horse and some Footmen lightly armed with thirty executioners of Iustice. Certaine Numidians accustomed to Darts comming out of the Enemies Fort to lye in Ambush they had by chance stolne from the Hills who hauing notice giuen them by a Spye that some were on the top of the Hill higher then they they prepare themselues and march crosse the Hill and casting themselues betwixt them and their Campe they shut them in and take them Claudius Marcellus the Consull was at the first charge wounded and taken with some others forcing the rest being wounded to flye into Caues and Pits The which they of the Campe seeing they could not relieue them in this danger For whilest they cryed out and wondred at this accident and that some bridled their Horses and others arm'd themselues the Execution was ended The Sonne of Claudius saued himselfe with difficulty and contrary to all hope being wounded Finally Claudius fell into these dangers more through simplicity then by any true iudgement of a Captaine For my part I am forced to admonish the Reader of these kind of aduentures through the whole tract of our Worke where I see not onely ordinary Souldiers but euen Captaines themselues to haue erred by manifest ignorance What profit can a Prince or Commander reape which hath not the knowledge of dangers which hee must auoide lest the whole Army perish with him Who knowes not that if necessity doth force them to attempt a thing that a great part of the Troupes must perish before the Commanders feele it The tryall must be suddainly made not by the Commander That which they vsually say I did not thinke it and who would euer haue thought that should haue happened Seemes to be a great argument of ignorance and of a weake iudgement in the Commander For this cause I hold Hannibal among the good Captaines for many reasons and which may herein be commended who hath imployed much time in the profession of Armes and who making vse of iudgement in many and diuers occasions hath many times
of Bysarthe where they had wintred as well by Sea as Land And when they had all their preparations ready they were not onely destitute of their Campes so inconsiderately deliuered to their Enemies but it seemed they should all perish with their Countrey For this cause they were amazed with great feare and faintnesse of heart And when as the affaires prest them to consider prudently of the future and eminent danger the Senate was full of doubt and of diuers confused thoughts Some sayd they must send to Hannibal and call him out of Italy for that all their hope consisted in that Commander and the Army which hee had Others were of aduice they should send to Scipio to obtaine a truce and to parley of an accord and agreement some would haue them to be of good courage and to leuie an Army and finally to send to Syphax He was fled farre vnto Abbe drawing together those which escaped from the danger which aduice was resolued Wherefore they leuie men and send to Asdrubal to that end and likewise to Syphax intreating him to giue them Succours and to obserue the conuentions according to their first purpose promising him that their Commander should presently ioyne with his Army The Roman Generall followeth the Siege of Bysarthe the which hee did the rather for that hee was aduertised that Syphax continued in his first resolution and that the Carthaginians leuied a new Army For this cause hee raised his Campe and besieged Bysarthe When hee had diuided the spoile hee chased away the Merchants vpon good aduice For the Souldiers carelesse of the present commodity of goods for that the hope of profits which grew by their good fortune was apparent they had intelligence with the Merchants It seemed very fit to the King of Numidia and his Friends at the first sight that they should retire to their houses But when the Celtiberians arriued neare vnto Abbe who being entertained were aboue foure thousand men the Carthaginians grew assured and by little and little recouered their spirits relying vpon these Troupes Moreouer when as Pedisca the Daughter of Asdrubal and Wife to Syphax of whom we haue spoken intreated him with all affection that he would not abandon the Carthaginians for the present The Numidian yeelded to her intreaties The Celtiberians put no small hope into the Carthaginians For although they were but foure thousand yet they sayd they were ten thousand Finally they promised to bee insupportable in the fight as well for their courage as their Armes The Carthaginians growne proud with this common bruite were more confident to recouer their Campes Finally they set vp their Pallisadoe within thirty dayes neare vnto the Plaine called the Great and there they planted their Campe accompanied with the Numidians and Celtiberians being in number thirty thousand men When the newes came vnto the Romans Campe Scipio presently prepared to part And when he had sent to those which held the Siege before Bysarthe and to the others which were at Sea informing them what they were to doe he marched towards the Enemy hauing all his Bands furnished with the most valiant men Being come on the fift Day to this great Plaine and approaching neare the Enemy he camped the first Day vpon a Hill thirty Furlongs distant from them the Day following hee descends into the Plaine sending the Horse-men before within seuen Furlongs and there settles his Campe againe After two Dayes expectance when they had skirmished of either side to come to a Battaile either of them in the end drew to Field and put their men in order Scipio first of all placeth in Front his forlorne hope according to their custome After which he appoints the Principals and in the third place the Triarij in the Reareward As for the Horse-men he orders the Italians on the right hand and Massanissa with the Numidians on the left Syphax and Asdrubal set the Celtiberians in the midst against the Romans Bands the Numidians on the left hand and the Carthaginians on the right Suddainly when the Combat began the Numidians were repuls'd by the Roman Horse-men and the Carthaginians as they had often before losing courage were ouerthrowne by Massanissa's Company Yet the Celtiberians fought valiantly against the Romans for they had no hope of safety remaining for the ignorance of the places neither yet if they were taken considering their vniust Warre For seeing that Scipio during the Warre of Spaine had not offended them it seemed against reason and a disloyalty to giue succours to the Carthaginians But when the Wings began to giue backe they were in a manner all slaine being inclosed by the Principals and the Triarij Thus the Celtiberians perished who were a great helpe to the Carthaginians not onely in the fight but also in the flight for if they had not entertained the Romans and that the Chase had beene suddainly followed few of the Enemies had escaped but as their resistance caused the stay Syphax retired safely with his Horse-men into his Countrey and Asdrubal to Carthage with the rest which escaped When as the Roman Generall had giuen order for the spoiles and Prisoners calling a Counsell he consulted what there was to do Whereupon it was thought fit that Scipio should with part of the Army assaile the Townes and Lelyus with Massinissa accompanied by the Numidians and part of the Roman Army pursues Syphax and not giue him leasure to make any new preparations These things thus resolued they separate themselues and some goe against Syphax with their Souldiers and the Generall against the Cities whereof some yeilded to the Romans for feare and others being forced by siege At that time the whole Region wauered and were ready to reuolt hauing beene cruelly tormented and vexed during the length of the Wars of Spaine In regard of Carthage as formerly there was great inconstancy so now there was greater trouble and combustion for that hauing heard and seene this Wound the second time they grew desperate in themselues It is true that they among the Councellours which seemed to haue greatest Courage commaunded that they should saile against those which laid siege to Bysarthe and to make a triall if they might raise the siege and to fight with the Enemy at Sea as being ill furnished They required also that they should send for Hannibal and relie vpon that hope and that there was reasonable occasions of safety by these two attempts Some said that the time would not allow it and that they must fortifie and furnish the Citie for a siege And that being of one consent the accident would minister occasions Some also aduise to make an Accord and League whereby they should free themselues of the eminent dangers As there were many opinions vppon this businesse they confirme them all together Wherefore this was their Resolution they that were to saile into Italy parting from the Senate should go presently to Sea The Pylots
had committed were carefull not to fall into the Enemies subiection Their courages being such it was apparent that this must be decided by a Battaile For this cause not only Italy and Affricke but also Spaine Sicily and Sardinia were troubled and rauished in their iudgements attending the end And when at the same time Hannibal was destitute of Horses he sent to one Tycheus a Numidian allied to Syphas who seemed to haue the most valliant of all the Affricane horse perswading him to giue him succours and hee should be a sharer in the Action knowing that if the Carthaginians vanquished his Principallity would remaine safe and intire But if the Romans preuailed his life it selfe wil be in danger in regard of the ambition of Massanissa Being thus perswaded hee comes vnto Hannibal with about two Thousand Horse When as Scipio had fortified his Fleete at Sea and left Bobias for Lieutenant he spoiled the Cities refusing to receiue any that offered themselues willingly making them slaues and shewing the indignation which he had conceiued against the Enemies in regard of the faith broken by the Carthaginians Finally he sends continually to Massanissa letting him vnderstand how the Carthaginians had broken the Accords intreating him to assemble the greatest Army that possibly he could and to ioyne with him according vnto their conuentions Massanissa after the conclusion of the Accord was gone with an Army accompanied with ten Ensignes of Romans aswell Horse as foote not only to recouer his owne Country but also to seaze vpon those of Syphax with the helpe of the Romans Finally it hapned that the Embassadours sent backe from Rome Landed at that time at the maritine Pallisado of the Romans Suddainly Bebias sends his men to Scipio and retaines the Carthaginians being sad and supposing to be in wonderfull danger When as they were aduertized of the cruelty of the Carthaginians towards the Roman Embassadours they helde not themselues secure from punishment When as Scipio vnderstood what had beene done that the Senate and people of Rome had confirmed the agreement which he had made with the Carthaginians and that they were ready to do that which he aduised them he was wonderfull glad Moreouer he commands Bebias to send backe the Carthaginian Embassadours to their Houses with all fauour and curtesie Vsing therein a good aduice in my opinion with a wise consideration in what great esteeme his Country held their faith with Embassadors Hee made his reckoning that the punishment deserued by the Carthaginians did not merit so great a respect then that which the honour of the Romans required to be done Wherefore refrayning his Choller and indignation conceiued for the offence of the Carthaginians hee laboured to obserue that which they say in the Prouerbe That wee must cleaue vnto the duties of our Elders By this meanes he wonne the hearts of all the Carthaginians and surmounted Hannibal and their madnesse by his Loyalty When as the Carthaginians saw their Townes forced they sent to Hannibal that hee should delay no longer but present himselfe vnto the Enemy and decide their affaires by a battaile Hannibal hearing these things made answere to those that came vnto him that hee would consider thereon and make choise of a fit time to the end he might not seeme negligent Some daies after hee raiseth his Campe from Adrumetum and marching he Campes neere vnto Zama which is a Citie fiue daies iourney from Carthage towards the West From thence he sent three Spies desirous to know where the Romans campt and how they gouerne things which concerne the Scituation of a camp When these Spies were brought to Scipio Generall of the Romans he was so faâ—re from punishing them as others vsually doe as contrariwise he gaue charge to a Captaine Milleniere to shewe them plainely what soeuer was done in the Campe. Which being done he demaunds if the Commissary had shewed them all things carefully The which when they had confest he sent them backe with Victualls and Guides commaunding them to relate carefully vnto Hannibal what they had seene This Action causing Hannibal to wonder at the magnanimity and confidence of the man he conceiued an humour to parly with Scipio The which when he had resolued he sent a Trumpet saying that he desired to Treate with him concerning all their differences Scipio hauing heard this from the Trumpet consented saying that hee would signifie vnto him the place and the howre when and where he would parly These things being heard by the Trumpet he returnes vnto his Campe. The day following Massanissa arriues with sixe Thousand foote and almost as many Horse Whom when as Scipio had intertained courteonsly and shewed him great signes of fauour for that hee had made all those subiect which had formerly obeyed Syphax hee foorth-with raiseth his Campe And when hee came vnto the City of Margara and had found a commodious place and had appointed the warring within a Bows shot hee planted his Campe there And from thence he gaue notice by certaine conuenient Messengers vnto the Chiefe of the Carthaginians that hee was ready to parly about their differences The which Hannibal hearing he presently marcheth with his camp and approaches so neere as he was within thirty furlongs of the Romans Sitting downe vpon a certaine Hill which besides the Watring was for all other things commodious and sufficient enough In trueth it was something farre and therefore troublesome vnto the Souldiers The day following the two Commanders accompanied with some few Horse-men goe out of their Camps and againe they separate themselues from their Companies meeting alone in an indifferent place with an Interpreter Hannibal began first in these termes I wish sayd hee the Romans had neuer desired any thing out of Italy nor the Carthaginians out of the limits of Affricke either of them no doubt haue great bounds and as it were limitted by Nature And as wee haue made Warre first for the difference of Sicily then againe for Spaine and that finally Fortune being auerse against vs our Countrey hath beene in danger and wee are now in perill The question is whether there be any meanes to end this present difference after we haue pacified the Gods For my part I am ready hauing made tryall how inconstant Fortune is and how by little and little shee inclineth sometimes to the one and sometimes to the other as if she were gouerned by Children I am in doubt in regard of thee as well for thy great youth as for that all things haue succeeded according to thy desire as well in Affricke as in Spaine hauing neuer yet felt the violence and fury of Fortune so as happily thou dost giue no credit to my words although they bee true Yet consider the condition of these things which not onely concerne our Ancestors but euen our selues I am that Hannibal who after the Battaile neare vnto Cannes being Lord in a manner of all Italy approached neare vnto Rome
Historiographers in all things which preserue the deuotion of the people towards the Gods who relate monstrous things but in that which exceeds this course they are not to be pardoned Peraduenture in euery thing there is a different quality to describe them yea sometimes impossible wherefore we must pardon if any one through ignorance doth stray a little from the truth and according to my iudgement reproue all that which exceeds reason A Parcell of Publius Scipio PVblius Scipio being soone after returned from Affrickeâ— When as the expectation of the people was conformable to the greatnesse of his actions it fell out that they conceiued a great loue and affection towards him The which was not without cause For whereas they feared neuer to chase Hannibal out of Italy nor to free themselues nor their Allies from the eminent danger they seemed then certainly not onely to bee deliuered from all feare and misery but also to domineere ouer their Enemies wherefore they were confounded with ioy When he triumphed being moreouer by the effects of things which were brought in aduertised of the precedent dangers they were toucht with an exceeding loue as well to the Gods as to the Author of so great an alteration Syphax King of the Masaisylins was led in triumph through the City with the other Prisoners who soone after died in Prison These things thus perfromed the Romans made continuall Combats for many Dayes and celebrated Feasts in their assemblies hauing wherewithall to satisfie it by the liberality and bounty of Scipio Many attempt great Warres brauely and striue with a certaine vehemency to augment a Common-wealth But it is a rare thing to bring them to the propounded end and to accomplish by reason and industry if Fortune sometime opposeth that which wants courage and speedy action Wherefore some may with reason blame the sloth of Attalus and of the Rhodiens in commending the royall courage of Philip and his constancy in his enterprize not that his conceite is alwayes worthy of Commendation but so farre as it concernes his present Enterprize and attempt I propound this distinction to the end no man should suspect vs of contradiction for that as we haue heretofore commended and blamed Philip so now I doe the contrary They must vnderstand that in the beginning of this Worke I haue so made my distinction saying that it was necessary sometimes to commend and blame the same persons for that moments and euents of things doe many times change the hearts of men when they incline to better or worse It happens likewise sometimes that men by Nature indeauour things which are reasonable and sometimes the contrary whereof in my Opinion the one happened now to Philip. When hee was inflamed for the precedent losses shewing more choller and rage then reason hee accommodated himselfe to the present occasions with a constant and admirable courage and hath by this course enioyed those things which followed in aduancing himselfe against the Rhodiens and Attalus I thought good to deliuer this for that some giue ouer their enterprizes in leauing their first heate like vnto bad and lazy runners Some likewise vanquish their Enemies in this onely that they are constant in their enterprizes Of the Cities of Abydos and Sestes Maritine and opposite I Hold it lost time to vse any long discourse of the commodities of the Cities of Abydos and Sestes for that matters of small moment are knowne to all by reason of the ordinary frequenting of the places yet I doe not thinke for the present that a summary aduertisment to the Reader would bee vnprofitable in regard of them You must vnderstand that the things which are now to be spoken of the sayd Cities are not so much drawne from their scituation as from their opposition and conference Whereas the Nauigation of the Sea which some call by the name of Ocean others Attlantique is not passable but at the streights which are at the Pillars of Hercules Neither can they in our Sea in the Propontis and Pontus vnlesse it be made by the streight betwixt Abydos and Sestes As Fortune hath prepared two Gulfes with some reason it falls out that the streight of the Pillars of Hercules is broader then that of Hellesponte For it is of three score Furlongs and that of Abydos onely of two The which wee may coniecture hath beene made for a greater spaciousnesse of the exteriour Sea then ours That of Abydos is more commodious then that of the Pillars of Hercules For the first is inhabited on either side and in manner of a Port for the mutuall communication of Traffique and hath in some place a Bridge for those which passe on foote from one firme land to another They also salie continually on the other side In regard of that of the Pillars of Hercules it is little frequented for that the people which inhabite some in Affricke some in Europe haue little commerce together and this exteriour Sea is little frequented and tryed The City of the Abydeins is environed on either side with the farthest bounds of Europe hauing a Port from whence Sailors with what wind soeuer may be seene But it is not possible for any man to come vnto the City being without this ingulfement of the Sea to the Port by reason of the swiftnesse and vehemence of the current Another Parcell of Philip of Macedon YEt when as Philip had fortified one part with Pallisadoes and cast a Ditch about the other he besieged the Abydeins by Sea and Land In regard of the meanes of their defence it was not admirable neither for the greatnesse of the preparation nor for the diuersity of inuentions which are declared in the same worke by the which the besiegers and besieged doe vsually practise and surprize one another by policies But for the good directions and vallour of the besieged it is worthy of memory if euer any were and which ought to come vnto posterity In the beginning the Inhabitants of Abydos relying in themselues maintained the attempts of Philip valiantly and as for his Engines set vp at Sea they brake some with casting of Stones and they burnt others so as the Enemies could hardly saue their Vessels from this danger In regard of those at Land for time they made a valiant resistance neuer despairing to obtaine the Victory against their Enemies But when as the Fort which stood without the Wall had beene ouerthrowne by Mynes and that the Macedonians were afterwards come vnto the Wall which they had built within in the end they sent Iphias and Pantacnote in Embassie to yeeld the City vnto Philip but vpon condition that hee should suffer the Souldiers of the Rhodiens and Attalus to depart and their Bodies free to saue themselues where they thought good with their Apparrell And when as Philip had giuen them charge to submit themselues vnto his will or to fight it our brauely the Embassadours retired This being heard the Abydeins
which had fought and others to descend from the Hils and some to stay vpon the tops he marcheth against the Enemy with his Ensignes putting the Elephants before And when as the Macedonians had no â—duertisement by Trumpets and Clarons and that they could not make it good nor receiue any true order of a battallion aswell for the difficulty of the place as for that the Combattants had the forme of goers and not of an order of Battaile and that there was no further meanes to fight single or hand to hand with the Romans Being also terrified and much iniured with the Elephants and likewise separated one from another they marcht presently away Wherefore many Romans pursued them continually and slew them One of the Captaines Milleneirs being of this Troupe hauing but twenty Ensignes considering at the very instant what was to be done did great seruice for the obtaining of an absolute Victory For when he saw those that accompanied Philip assailed the others often and grieuously to annoy the left Wing hee turnes to them that were in distresse leauing those which vanquished on the right Wing and charged the Macedonians in the Reare When as they of the Battallion could not make resistance fighting man to man this other was at their backes killing those they incountred there beeing no man that could succour them so as in the end they were forced to turne head and to abandon their Armes Although that Philip as wee haue sayd in the beginning had a great hope in the Victory making a coniecture in his owne conceite yet seeing the Macedonians to abandon and leaue their Armes suddainly and the Enemies to charge in the Reare hee parts speedily from the Battaile with some Horse and Foote to consider fully of the Combate When as he imagined that the Romans by their pursuite would approach to the right Wing on the tops of the Hills hee seekes to draw together as many Thaesiens and Macâ—donians as possibly hee could When as Tytus pursued the Chase and had discouered the left Wing of the Macedonians to assâ—ile the toppes of the Hills hee stayed For that the Enemies held their Iauelings right vp The which the Macedonians are accustomed to do when they yeild or retire from the Enemy When hee had knowne the cause of this accident hee restraines his men being willing to pardon those that were amazed with feare But whilst that Tytus considered of these things some of the fore most Charge them from aboue and kill many few escaped abandoning their Armes This Battaile being thus ended of all sides and the Romans hauing the victory Philip retires towards Tempe and comming the first day to the Tower of Alexander hee past the Night there The day following passing to Gonnes hee entred Tempe staying there for those which should escape in the flight When as the Romans had pursued the Chase for a time some strip the dead others draw the Prisoners together and a great part goe to force the Enemies Campe. There they finde the Etoliens who had forced it before for spoile and imagining that they were frustrated of a booty which was due and did belong vnto them they beganne to accuse the Etoliens before the Generall and to complaine that hee had imposed the danger and the burthen of the Battaile vpon them giuing the profite and benefit vnto others yet being returned vnto their Campe they were somewhat pacified The day following they assemble and gather together the Prisoners and the rest of the spoile and booty and from thence they tooke their course towards Larissa There dyed in this battaile about seauen hundred Romans and neerâ— vpon eight thousand Macedonians the Prisoners were not lesse then fiue Thousand Besides many that escaped by flight Thus ended this Battaile giuen betwixt Philip and the Romans in Thessaly at the Dogshead Of the difference of the Roman and Macedonian Armes I Had promised in the sixt Booke to make a Comparison of the Roman and Macedonian Armes and of the ordring of their Battailes and wherein they differ eyther worse or better Now I will indeauour to performe my promise As in former times the Macedonian Armies haue giuen good proofes of their Valour hauing Vanquished the Asiatiques and Grecians and that the Romans haue surmounted the Affricans as much as all the Westerne Nations of Europe and that in our time the conferrence of these Armies and men is to be made not for once but for many times it will be commodious and profitable to seeke out their difference and for what reason the Romans vanquish hauing alwayes the vpper hand in Martiall Combats To the end that acknowledging it from Fortune wee should with reason call them happy Victors as the ignorant vsually do But knowing the true cause wee should commend and holde these Captaines for miracnlous In regard of the Battailes giuen betwixt Hannibal and the Romans and their losse it is not needfull to vse any long Discourse The Romans without doubt did not suffer those losses for want of Armes and the order of their Battailes but in regard of the good direction and pollicy of Hannibal We declared this when we related the Battailes themselues The end of the Warre confirmes our opinion For when as the Romans had found a Commaunder like vnto Hannibal they suddainely were Victors So doth this that when as Hannibal had Vanquished the Romans first he furnished the common Souldiers better with the Roman Armes reiecting their owne Hauing vsurped them in the beginning he afterwards made continuall vse of them Pyrrhus in like manner did not onely vse the Italians Armes but also their ordering of Armies when as by change he sets in the head of the Romans an Ensigne and Band of the Battallion Yet hee could not ouer-come nor vanquish by this meanes the end of the Combate beeing alwaies doubt to the one and the other It shal be therefore necessary and conuenient to Treaâ—e thereof first to the end that nothing may seeme any way contrary vnto our opinion but I will beginne our conferrence It is an cafie thing to know by many instructions that if a Battalion obserues its proper order and forces so nothing can annoy it nor withstand it for as an armed man hath three foote in his posture in a close Combate and that the length of his Pike from one end to the other is of foure and twenty foote and at the least of one and twenty And that for the space of his hands with the end which remaines for to shake it they abate sixe foote during the Combate it is apparent that a Pike shall haue fifteene foote in length besides the body of euery man that is armed when with both hands hee presents it and chargeth the Enemy Whereby it commonly happens that the other Pikes passe three foote before the second third and fourth rancke of the precedent The others before the fifth if the Battallions be fitly ioyned and close according vnto the order of