Or one sinner make reconciliation for another 4. And for this cause also it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall Vt nemo de gratia sua praesumat that no man should presume of his gifts or strength but let him that standeth as the Apostle saith take heed lest he fall Ferus 5. And by Aarons presumption we see how dangerous a thing it is to bring any thing into Gods service without his warrant Borrh. QUEST XVI How the golden calfe is said to be fashioned with a graving toole Vers. 4. ANd fashioned it with a graving toole and made thereof a molten calfe 1. The word here translated a graving toole is chereth which is sometime taken for a bag or purse as 2 King 5.22 where it is said that Naaman bound two talents of silver in two bags gave them to Gehezi and so some thinke that Aaron put all the peoples jewels and earings in a bag together lest they might thinke he had converted any part thereof to his owne use Cajetan but the other word vajatâ—ar he fashioned is against this sense 2. But most usually chereth is taken for a penny style or graving toole and so some thinke that Aaron with this instrument did draw a patterne making the proportion of a calfe which the workmen should follow in their casting So R. Salom. Osiand Lyran. 3. Others thinke that with this instrument Aaron made a mould in clay or such like matter and the mettall cast into it received that forme Tost q. 10. Oleast 4. Simlerus maketh a double use of this graving toole Vnum in formandâ— typo alterum in perpoliendo operefuso One in making the mould the other in polishing the worke after it was cast 5. But I rather subscribe to Gallasius that thinketh here is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a transposing of the words putting the latter first for the golden calfe was first cast and melted and then polished and trimmed with a graving toole as workmen use to doe 6. This calfe was made by Founders worke there are three wayes to make and frame things of mettall either by hammering and beating them to some fashion as the Cherubs upon the Arke were made or by joyning the peeces and joints together which are sunderly made or by casting and melting it in a mould and so was this golden calfe made Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XVII Why Aaron caused the likenesse of a calfe to be made rather than of any other thing Vers. 4. A Molten calfe 1. Some of the Hebrewes give this ridiculous reason why the image of a calfe was made rather than of any other thing when the Israelites were comming out of Egypt and intended to bring out Iosephs bones with them as they did they say Nilus had overflowen the place where his bones were and so Moses did make the picture of a calfe in a certaine golden plate which floting upon the water shewed the place where Iosephs bones lay which plate they say was brought among other jewels to Aaron here and cast into the fire by vertue whereof the whole masse of gold was turned into the shape of a calfe But here are many fables couched together 1. It is a very tale that Iosephs bones were found out by any such meanes 2. The people onely brought their golden earings therefore no such plate 3. Neither was there any such vertue in that golden plate if there had beene any such to convert or change the whole masse 4. Neither was there any such cause seeing the molten calfe was cast in a mould Opere fusario by Founders worke as the Latine translator readeth 2. R. Abraham seemeth to thinke that this figure of a calfe was made rather than any other as apâ—est at that time to receive some divine and celestiall influence but though Aaron were at this present grossely blinded and deceived yet it were impietie to thinke that he was given to such superstitious astrologicall observations as to make figures to derive some secret supernaturall influence and vertue into by the celestiall constellations 3. Some thinke that Aaron caused a calfe to be made to deride them as Helias did Baals Priests supposing they would not be so absurd as to ascribe divine vertue unto a calfe Procopius But it seemeth that Aaron was in good earnest by that which followeth in that he set up an Altar and proclaimed an holy day 4. It is further alleaged by some that Aaron intended not to make any thing of the gold thinking that the fire might consume it but that the Egyptians which were in the campe by their art Magike and by the operation of the devill caused the image of a calfe to come forth Ex Fero. But it may appeare vers 24. by Aarons confession unto Moses that he intended to make them an image when he cast the mettall into the fire and to what end else served the graving toole but to fashion it he would not have polished and trimmed the devils worke 5. Some further thinke they would have a calfe made because the sacrifices of bullocks are the chiefest and thereby they thought the better to please God But it is not like that they had any such purpose at this time to doe that which was pleasing unto God seeing they had heard not long before the Lord by his owne mouth forbidding them to make any kinde of image to worship 6. It is therefore most like that Aaron according to the desire of the people made a Calfe like unto the Egyptian god Apis which they had seene the Egyptians to worship and therefore they were drawne by the corrupt imitation of them to have the image of a Calfe made Lyran. Calvin Simler Gallas Augustine addeth further that the Egyptians had set up the image of an oxe or bullocke by Iosephs tombe which they worshipped So the Interlinâ—â—ry glosse giveth this reason Quia bovem adoraverunt in Aegypto Because they had used to worship a bullocke in Egypt And the Egyptians used to worship their King being dead under the forme of a live bullocke Plin. lib. 8. cap. 46. QUEST XVIII Whether the Israelites thought indeed the golden Calfe to be the God that delivered them THen they said These be thy gods O Israel which brought thee out of Egypt 1. Procopius thinketh that these words were uttered by Aaron and that hereby he would have brought them to remember that God which had brought them out of Egypt But it is evident by the text that these were the acclamations of the people 2. Lyranus thinketh that the people attribuebat idolo did attribute unto this idoll it selfe those great wonders which God had wrought for their deliverance and therefore for honour of this idoll they speake in the plurall number as men used to doe to great persons But it is not like they were so mad as to thinke the golden Calfe brought them out of Egypt cum res esset inanimata it being a thing without life Ferus And men use to speake for more
sinne of idolatrie as Tostatus confesseth that he sinned Nec tamen sequitur ex hoc quòd fuit idololatra and yet it followeth not hereupon that he was an idolater for howsoever Aaron thought in his heart the verie making of an idoll to be worshipped erecting of an altar and offering sacrifice unto it all which Aaron did doe proclaime him guiltie of externall idolatrie QUEST LXII Why idolatrie is called a great sinne THis great sinne 1. Idolatrie is counted a great sinne even in the highest degree because it is a sinne committed directly against God not as other sinnes of the second table which are done against our neighbour which are also against God because they are against his Law but not directly against Gods honor as the sins against the first table are 2. And among all the sins of the first table there is none which so directly impugneth the honour of God as idolatrie for he which taketh Gods name in vaine or prophaneth the Sabbath is an enemie to Gods honour but yet such an one denieth not the Lord to bee God as idolaters doe Tostat. qu. 33. 3. Like as then in a Common-wealth all offences are against the King because they are against his Lawes but those which are against his person are most directly against him and among them treason specially which is intended against his life of the same nature is idolatrie which is high treason against God 4. Thomas saith Tantum est aliquod peccatum gravius quanto longius per ipsum homo à Deo separatur A sinne is so much the more grievous the further wee are thereby removed from God but by infidelitie and idolatrie one is furthest separated from God 5. Idolatrie also is a great and grievous sinne in regard of the judgement and punishment which it bringeth with it for here Aaron as much as in him lay aâ—â—er fit ultimam cladem had brought upon them utter destruction Calvin if Moses had not turned the Lords wrath they had all beene at once destroyed QUEST LXIII Why Moses onely rebuketh Aaron and forbeareth further punishment NOw that Moses spared Aaron from further punishment and onely rebuked him 1. Some make this to be the cause for that the Lord had revealed unto Moses Aarons sinne in the mount before he came downe at what time Moses prayed also for him seeing the Lord bent to kill him Tostat. qu. â—5 But that intreatie for Aaron was afterward at Moses second going up to God when hee fasted fortie dayes and fortie nights as before at that time he saith he prayed for Aaron Deut. 9.20 And seeing at this time the Lord purposed to destroy all the nation and so Aaron could not escape Moses now onely prayed in generall for all Israel that God would not destroy the whole nation 2. Others thinke that Moses did after a milde manner reprove Aaron quiae sic arguendi praelati because Prelates and Ecclesiasticall Governours are so to be reproved Ferus he thinketh he was now the high Priest So also Oleaster calleth him Pontificem summum the chiefe Priest But as yet Aaron was not consecrated as Lippoman inferreth upon these reasons Quia non illi improperatur conspâ—râ—atum sacerdotium He is not upbraided with defiling of his Priesthood by this meanes neither doe we read of his reconciliation afterward which should not have beene omitted in such a case of irregularitie 3. Procopius thinketh that Aaron was both spared at this time and afterward likewise when he repined against Moses cum propter alias causas tum propter sanctos ex ejus lumbis prodituros Both for other causes as also for those holy mens sakes which should come out of his loynes But if this had beene the reason all the tribes should have beene spared likewise because out of all of them came holy and worthy men Judges Prophets or Kings 4. But the causes rather were these 1. Aaron confessed his sinne and therefore Moses inclined to favour him 2. Moses afterward intreated the Lord for him and the Lord at his instance forgiving his sinne the punishment also was remitted Simler 3. Adde hereunto that Aaron was now appointed to be high Priest order was taken for his priestly apparell and his office what it should be and how he and his sonnes should bee consecrated all which had beene in vaine if Aaron now had perished 4. Beside Moses had direction from God to put divers of the people to the sword for this offence but for Aaron hee had no such commandement 5. But Augustine yeeldeth the best reason Novit ille cui parcat c. God onely knoweth whom to spare for amendment and whom not to spare at all or for a time for his wayes and judgements are past finding out qu. 148. 5. Now whereas Tostatus further reasoneth that Moses by all likelihood had prayed for Aaron in the mount because then the Lord did specially reveale unto him his sinne for otherwise Moses had knowne nothing of Aarons doings as he did as it appeareth by this reprehension it may be answered that it is not necessarie for this cause to presuppose any such notice to have beene given unto Moses in the mount for either Moses might by examination and inquirie after hee came downe learne out the truth or which is rather like Moses Aaronem vicarium constituerat had left Aaron his deputie governour when he went up into the mount Simler and therefore he was sure that such a thing could not bee attempted in the host without Aarons permission at the least and sufferance QUEST LXIV What things are to be commended in Aarons confession what not Vers. 22. THen Aaron answered c. 1. Some things are to be commended here in Aarons confession 1. His modestie that being Moses elder brother yet hee calleth him Lord and submitteth himselfe unto him whereof these two reasons may be yeelded both because Moses was greater in office than Aaron both as a Prophet and Governour of Israel Tostat. qu. 32. and his owne conscience accused him agnoscebat sejure argui he knew he was worthily reproved 2. Aaron confesseth and acknowledgeth his fault in saying Let not the wrath of my Lord waâ— fâ—erce Agnoscit crimen hee therein yeeldeth himselfe to be in fault Borrh. 3. He maketh a full and large declaration of the manner rem gestam liberè confiâ—etur he freely openeth all the matter how it was done Pelarg. both what the people required and upon what reason and ground what he did and what came thereof rem ut gesta est simpliciter narraâ— he simply declareth the matter as it was done 2. But Aaron in some things sheweth his infirmitie 1. Peccatum culpam in alios trajicere studet Hee seeketh to turne over the sinne and offence upon others laying the fault upon the people Ferus 2. Aaron bewrayeth some hypocrisie that seeketh to extenuate his fault as much as he can being afraid nâ— aliquid de existimatione sua decodat lest he should lose any
thing of his credit Simler 3. He sheweth his ignorance thinking himselfe excusable because hee was urged and compelled through the importunitie of the people to doe it Importunitas populi eos levare non potest c. The importunitie of the people cannot ease them any thing who should have beene more prudent and circumspect in their government Gallâ—s 4. In excusing hee accuseth himselfe for in that the people were bent to mischiefe hee ought to have beene so much the more vigilant over them And whereas they asked to have gods made to goe before them and alleaged they knew not what was become of Moses he should have told them that the Lord was their guide and have declared where Moses was Simler 5. In saying thereof came this calfe frigida exili narratione culpam tegere c. he goeth about by a cold and slender narration to hide his fault Calvin QUEST LXV Whether Aaron dissembled in not confessing plainly that he made the Calfe Vers. 24. I Did cast it into the fire and thereof came this Calfe 1. The Hebrewes seeking to excuse Aarons fault what they may say that he intended not to make a Calfe but cast in the golden eare-rings into the fire to consume them but by the operation of Satan working by certaine Egyptian Magicians in the camp the forme of a Calfe came forth But that Aaron had an intention to make a Calfe appeareth by the former narration vers 4. how Aaron after it was molten and cast caused it to be fashioned with a graving toole See more hereof quest 17. before 2. Some thinke that Aaron mentitur timâ—re perterritus maketh a plaine lie being overcome of feare Oleaster So also Lyranus But Aaron would have beene ashamed publikely to make a lye as though he had purposed to make a Calfe seeing it was not well knowne to all the people to be his doing 3. Tostatus is of opinion that Aaron herein is not faultie at all but that he simply confessed that hee made the Calfe being through feare of the people thereunto compelled Sed Scriptura qua breviloquâ— est c. hic eum breviter tangit But the Sripture which is compendious because the narration hereof was set downe before doth but briefly touch it here But it might as briefly have beene set downe that Aaron made the molten Calfe as it is expressed before vers 4. therefore the brevitie of speech is not the cause 4. Augustine thinketh that Aaron himselfe compendio locutâ—â— est used this compendious speech and that he lied not at all because Moses eum de mendacio non arguit doth not reprove him for lying But as Aaron is not convinced here of a manifest lye yet some colouring and dissimulation appeareth in his speech because he doth not plainly confesse hee did it Substantia facti narratur tantummodo faciendi He confesseth only the substance of the fact concealing the manner Moses reproveth him not for this dissembling no more he doth for any other infirmitie here shewed because he replieth not againe 5. Hugo de S. Victor would have the meaning of Aarons words to be this Thereouâ— came this Calfe opere scilicet hominis non miraculo by the worke of man not by any miracle But the manner of his speech sheweth that Aaron sought to extenuate his sinne 6. I therefore here rather consent to those which thinke that Aaron coloured his fault by this speech Râ—m ita refert ac si praeter ipsius intentionem formatus sic vitulus He so reporteth the matter as though the Calfe were formed beside his intention Marbach Iejune simpliciter narrat Hee maketh a drie and slender narration Simler Exili narratione culpam tegere c. By a slender report he would cover his sinne Calvin Quicquid sit attenâ—at quantum potest culpam Whatsoever it is in these words he extenuateth his sinne what he may Lippoman And this seemeth to be more likely because Aaron maketh a colourable defence and excuse of his fault thorowout as is shewed before quest 64. QUEST LXVI In what sense the people are said to be naked Vers. 24. MOses saw therefore that the people were naked c. 1. Some understand it of their jewels of gold which they were deprived of being bestowed upon the idoll Lyran. Hugo de S. Victor But we read in the next chapter that they were splendidè ornati they had goodly ornaments Calvin Marbach Therefore they were not stripped of all 2. Some thinke that they were disarmed for Aaron fearing some mutinie and rising among the people had taken away their armour Cajetan But in that it is said afterward that the Levites girded their swords to them vers 27. it appeareth that their weapons were not taken from them Simler 3. Some expound it of the manifestation of their sinne that whereas hitherto they were counted the true worshippers of God now they should bee knowne to be idolaters and so defamed among the Heathen R. D. Kimbi Oleaster Vatab. 4. Some giue this sense Aaron had made them naked that is laid all the fault upon the people 5. Or they were naked because they went about obstinately to defend their sinne but in this sense Aaron could not bee said to have made them naked for he would not have encouraged them to stand in defence of their sinne having himselfe confessed it 6. The Chalde translateth Moses saw the people were idle that is gave themselves to eating and drinking and playing and neglected the feares of warre which would have beene unto their shame if their enemies should encounter with them 7. But beyond the rest this is the most proper interpretation that they were naked gratia prasiâ—lio Dei of the favour help and assistance of God Iunius Nudatus erat gratia protectione they were naked of his favour and protection Ferus Therefore Si tunc corruissent hostes proculdubio eos ignomiâ—iosè delevissent If then the enemie had fallen upon them they had most shamefully foiled them Gallas As the Canaanites overcame the Israelites when they set upon them wilfully God being not among them Tostat. qu. 34. So also Calvin Significat rejectos esse à Deo Hee signifieth they were rejected of God under whose protection they were To the same purpose Osiander Borrhaius Lippoman Simlerus QUEST LXVII Why Moses stood in the gate and what gate it was Vers. 26. MOses stood in the gate of the camp 1. Cajetan thinketh that the camp had gates to enter in by Quia castra munita eranâ— tanquam civitas because the camp was fenced about like a citie and Simlerus thinketh that the camp was compassed about with a ditch and by the same there were certaine passages and entrances into the camp But that is not like that they alwayes entrenched themselves seeing they were to remove at all times as the cloud before them removed which was sometime the same day sometime within two dayes Numb 9.22 so that they could have no time to
and why 58. qu. Wherefore the people were compelled to drinke the powder of the Idoll 59. qu. Whether by the drinking of the water any visible signe of difference was made among the people who had most deepely offended about the golden Calfe 60. qu. How farre Moses fact herein is to bee imitated 61. qu. How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of his sinne 62. qu. Why Idolatrie is called a great sinne 63. qu. Why Moses onely rebuked Aaron and forbeareth further punishment 64. qu. What things are to be commended in Aarons confession what not 65. qu. Whether Aaron dissembled in not confessing plainely that he made the Calfe 66. qu. In what sense the people are said to be naked 67. qu. Why Moses stood in the gate and what gate it was 68. qu. VVhether all the Levites were free from consenting unto this idolatrie 69. qu. Of the authoritie which the Levites had to doe execution upon the idolaters and the rules prescribed them 70. qu. VVhether the Levites did not make some difference among the people as they went and killed 71. qu. VVhy none came unto Moses but onely of the tribe of Levi. 72. qu. Of the number of them which were slaine whether they were three thousand or twentie three thousand as the vulgar Latine readeth 73. qu. How the Levites are said to consecrate their hands 74. qu. Of the time when Moses came downe from the mount and when he returned againe 75. qu. VVhy Moses urgeth the greatnesse of their sinne 76. qu. Why Moses speaketh as it were doubtfully If I may pacifie him c. 77. qu. Why Moses againe intreateth the Lord seeing he was pacified before vers 14. 78. qu. What booke it was out of the which Moses wished to be raced 79. qu. How the Lord is said to have a booke 80. qu. VVhether any can indeed be raced out of the booke of life 81. qu. Of the two wayes whereby we are said to bee written in the booke of life 82. qu. VVhether Moses did well in wishing to bee raced out of the booke of life 83. qu. In what sense the Lord saith I will put out of my booke 84. qu. What day of visitation the Lord meaneth here 85. qu. When the Lord plagued the people for the Calfe 86. qu. Of the difference betweene the act of sinne the fault staine and guilt 87. qu. How God may justly punish twice for one sinne Questions upon the three and thirtieth Chapter 1. QUest At what time the Lord uttered his commination 2. qu. Whether the narration of Moses Tabernacle in this Chapter be transposed 3. qu. How God saith he will send his Angell and yet not himselfe goe with them 4. qu. Why the Lord saith hee will not goe with them himselfe lest he should consume them 5. qu. What ornaments they were which the people laid aside 6. qu. Why in publike repentance they used to change their habit 7. qu. Why the Lord thus spake unto Moses 8. qu. In what sense the Lord saith I will come upon thee 9. qu. VVhether the people put off their ornaments twice 10. qu. In what sense the Lord saith That I may know 11. qu. Why it is said They laid aside their good rayment From the mount Horeb. 12. qu. What Tabernacle Moses removed out of the campe 13. qu. Why Moses pitched his Tabernacle without the host 14. qu. How farre from the campe this Tent was removed 15. qu. VVhat is called the Tent of the Congregation 16. qu. Why the people stood up unto Moses and looked after him 17. qu. Whether there were two clouds or one to cover and conduct the host 18. qu. Why the Lord spake to Moses in a cloud 19. qu. How the Lord spake to Moses face to face 20. qu. Why Joshua is here called a young man 21. qu. Whether is here understood Joshua not to have departed from the Tabernacle 22. qu. When the Lord thus said to Moses 23. qu. How Moses desireth to know whom the Lord would send with them seeing hee had promised before to send his Angell 24. qu. Whether the sole government and leading of the people were here given to Moses without the administration of Angels as Burgensis thinketh 25. qu. When and where God thus said to Moses 26. qu. How the Lord is said to know Moses by name 27. qu. What Moses meaneth saying Shew me the way 28. qu. In what sense Moses saith That I may finde grace c. which he was assured of 29. qu. What is understood by Gods presence 30. qu. What rest the Lord promised to Moses 31. qu. Whether Moses here rested in Gods answer or begged any thing further 32. qu. Why Moses addeth Carrie us not hence seeing even in that place they had need of Gods protection 33. qu. Why it is added people upon the earth People upon the earth Gen. 25. 34. qu. Whether Moses desired to see the very divine essence of God 35. qu. VVhat imboldned Moses to make this request 36. qu. Whether Moses shewed any infirmitie in this request to see Gods glorie 37. qu. What the Lord meaneth by All my good 38. qu. How the Lord is said to passe by and why 39. qu. How the Lord is said to proclaime his name 40. qu. Why these words are added I will shew mercie c. 41. qu. Why the Lord is here doubled 42. qu. Of the divers kinds of mercie which the Lord sheweth 43. qu. Of the divers visions and sights of God 44. qu. Whether God may be seene with the eyes of the bodie in this life 45. qu. Whether wee shall see the divine nature with the eyes of our bodies in the next life 46. qu. Whether the divine essence can bee seene and comprehended by the minde of man in this life 47. qu. VVhether the Angels now or the soules of men shall fully see the divine substance in the next life 48. qu. VVhether Moses had a sight of the divine essence 49. qu. Of the meaning of these words No man shall see me and live 50. qu. VVhat place this was in the rocke which the Lord here speaketh of 51. qu. How the Lord is said to cover Moses with his hand 52. qu. VVhy the Lord covered Moses with his hand 53. qu. VVhy the Lord put Moses in the cleft of the rocke 54. qu. VVhat is here understood by the Lords back-parts 55. qu. VVhat manner of visible demonstration this was here shewed unto Moses 56. qu. VVhere the Lord promised that Moses should see his back-parts Questions upon the foure and thirtieth Chapter 1. QUest VVherefore the second tables were given 2. qu. VVhy the Lord saith to Moses Hew thee 3. qu. VVhether the Lord or Moses wrote in these tables and why 4. qu. VVhether Moses was to bee readie the next morning and why 5. qu. VVhy none are suffered to come up now with Moses 6. qu. VVhy their cattell are forbidden to come neere the mount 7. qu. VVho is said here to descend and how 8. qu. VVho
render to the Lord for all his benefits c. I will take the cup of salvation and call upon the name of the Lord Psal. 116.12 CHAP. IX The Method and parts of the Chapter IN this Chapter two principall things are declared 1. The restoring of the world and renewing of Gods covenant vers 1.10 2. The infirmitie of Noah in being drunke and such things as accompany the same from vers 20. to the end In the first part the covenant is renewed with mankinde from vers 1. to 8. then with all flesh vers 8.10.20 In the covenant made with man foure things are expressed his multiplication vers 1. domination and rule over all creatures vers 2. sustentation and food vers 3. preservation in providing that mans bloud be not shed God will require it at the hand both of beast and man vers 4 5 6. In the generall covenant made with all flesh first there is the promise that all flesh should not bee rooted out by the waters vers 10 11. then the signe and token thereof the bow in the cloud which shall be â— signe betweene the Lord and the world that it shall be no more destroyed by water And this is repeated foure times from vers 13. to 17. for the better assurance of it In the second part first Noahs infirmitie is described with the occasion thereof his drinking of wine vers 21 the effects thereof his nakednesse 21. Secondly the behaviour of his sonnes undutifull of Cham vers 2â— reverence toward their father in the other two vers 23. Thirdly the verdict and sentence given by Nâ—â—h by way of prophesie upon his sonnes his cursing of Canaan of Cham 25. his blessing of Sem chiefly vers 26. and of Iapheth next vers 27. 2. The grammaticall sense v. 3. Everything that flieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. everything that creepeth reptile T.P. every thing that moveth H.C. B.G. heb remes that moveth or creepeth 4. Flesh in the bloud of life S. flesh with the bloud H. with the life and bloud Ch. with the the life which is the bloud caet heb with the life and the bloud 5. At the hand of man which shall shed the life of his brother Ch. at the hand of a mans brother caet 6. With witnesses by the sentence of the judge shall his bloud be shed Ch. for the bloud of maâ— his bloud shall be shed S. his bloud shall be shed H. by man shall his bloud be shed T.P.B.G. sic hebr 7. Ingredimini walke upon she earth H. replenish or grow plentifully in the earth caet hebr sharatz to multiply in abundance Rule over the earth S. replenish or increase in the earth cat hebr rabbah signifieth to multiply and to be great 10. From all that goeth out of the Arke S. from all that goeth out of the Arke with all the beasts of the field caet 11. To destroy all the earth S. to destroy the earth cat 13. Betweene my word and the earth Ch. betweene me and the earth caet I doe set S.B. I will set H. I have given or set the bow T.P.G. sic heb 16. Betweene me and you S. betweene the word of God and every living thing Ch. betweene God and every c. caet 24. When he had learned H. he knew what c. caet His lesser sonne H.C. younger S.B.G. minimus his youngest sonne T. heb chatan parvus little 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a domesticall servant S. a servant of servants caet 27. God shall enlarge Iapheth H.S.C.P.G. peswade Iapheth alliciet T.G. pathah signifieth to enlarge and perswade let his glory dwell in the tents of Sem. Ch. 3. The Explanation of doubts QVEST. I. Of the benediction of increasing and multiplying after the floud 1. GOd said to Noe and his sonnes bring forth fruit 1. Though the Scripture make no mention of any sonnes that Noah begat after the floud yet this benediction belongeth also to Noah because he is increased in his sonnes Luther 2. This blessing doth properly and especially appertaine to lawfull marriage though there be a kinde of obscene â—ecundity also in unlawfull copulations for God speaketh to Noah and his sonnes Calvin 3. This increasing though by Gods blessing is extended to other creatures yet it is specially directed unto man for whose cause other creatures are multiplied 4. In that this blessing is rehearsed againe vers 7. it sheweth the certainty of it and the mighty increase of mankinde after the floud for it is recorded that within three hundred yeares Ninus King of the Assyrians had an army of seventeene hundred thousand footmen QVEST. II. How man hath yet rule and dominion over the creature 2. ALso the feare of you c. 2. Those three privileges which were given unto man in his creation of increasing and multiplying Gen. 1.28 of his rule and dominion over the creatures ibid. of his food and sustentation vers 29. are here renewed in these three first verses though not in that integrity and perfection for the generation of man is with much difficulty and perill his dominion over the creatures much impaired his food more grosse and with greater care provided 2. Yet man retaineth still his dominion and soveraignty over the creatures though not so absolute as Adam had it first we see though the savage and wilde beasts have cast off mans yoke yet such as are more necessary for mans use as Oxen Horse Sheepe remaine in subjection still secondly even the wilde and unruly beasts are tamed by the wit and industry of man Iam. 2.8 and the hand of man worketh many engines and instruments whereby they are taken and subdued as here fitly they are said to be delivered into the hand of man thirdly though God doe often punish mans disobedience by the cruell beasts which is one of the foure great plagues Ezek. 14.21 yet are they restrained by the power of God in that they over-runne not the earth to destroy man and partly they doe retaine a naturall feare and awe of man whom willingly they use not to assault but either provoked or constrained by famine or fearing some hurt to themselves QVEST. III. Whether flesh were eaten before the floud 3. EVery thing that moveth shall be meat for you 1. Some thinke that flesh was not eaten before the floud in the families of the righteous Mercer 2. Some that the eating of flesh was not at all in use before the floud which is the opinion of Lyranus Tostatus Vatablus But the liberty of eating of flesh is not here first granted it is onely renewed 3. Neither is their opinion to be approved which thinke that the eating of flesh was permitted before the floud but yet not used among the faithfull of â—hich judgement seeme to be Theodoret and Thomas Aquinas for to what end should the faithfull restraine themselves of that liberty which God gave them 4. Neither yet doe we thinke that the eating of flesh was
goeth further and distinctly sheweth how many nations and languages came of Sem Cham and Iapheth upon these words Psal. 105.8 he hath remembred his promise that he made to a thousand generations hee sheweth that there are in the world a thousand generations and 72. languages from Persia to the Indians and Bactrians of Sem he maketh 27 languages and 406. nations from Euphrates and Nilus to the Gades of Cham 394. nations 22. languages from Tigris westward of Iapheth were multiplied 200. nations and 23. tongues eâ— Perer. But this is set downe onely by meere gesse and conjecture that there should be divided 72 languages for there are but 70. fathers named 14 of Iapheth 31 of Cham 25. of Sem for Heber and Peleg must be counted for one familie whereas tenne of the sonns of Noahs sonnes are set forth with their issue and posteritie two of Iapheth fower of Cham fower of Sem they make not severall nations without their sonnes no more than Noahs three sonnes and therefore tenne more must be detracted from the number of 70. and so there will remaine but 60. As Canaan must not be reckoned for a severall nation beside those that came of him and so of the rest And if those whose generations are not expressed whereof there are 11. five of Iapheth two of Cham fower of Sem did not make severall nations as Augustine thinketh but were incorporate to the rest then so many more are wanting of this number and there will remaine but 50. But admit that this last conjecture of Augustine be uncertaine yet it is most probable that all the Cananites of Canaan of whom came an eleven severall nations as they are â—ehearsed Gen. 10.15 spake but one language Isa. 19.18 they shall speake the language of Canaan which if it be so then could there not be 72. languages divided in the confusion of Babel Wherefore concerning this matter there are some things certaine some things uncertaine first it is certaine that the tongues and languages were divided then that every particular person had not a severall language for then there could have beene no society but that the principall and chiefe families onely had their proper speech Secondly as uncertaine it is 1. whither 72. languages or more or lesse tooke then beginning 2. whether some of those nations are not now utterly perished as Pliny out of Eratosthenes alleageth that divers people in Asia as of the Solymans Lelegians Bebrycians Calycantians are extinguished 3. Neither is it certaine whether every particular language now used was then founded or only the mother originall tongues out of the which other since have bin derived which is most like Mercer QVEST. XVI Where Cainan first added to the genealogie reconciled Vers. 12. THe Septuagint betweene Arphacsad and Sale place Cainan and so doth S. Luke in his Gospell ca. 3. according to most copies but Cainan is not found in the Hebrew to reconcile this doubt 1. We neither allow Cajetanes solution that the septuagint have set downe the true genealogie and that the Hebrew copies are imperfect and have beene corrupted by the Jewes for the Jewes had no reason to corrupt the genealogie which giveth the Christians no advantage neither maketh against them and beside the Chalde Paraphrast which is most ancient leaveth out Cainan 2. Neither is it like as Eugubinus saith that the Septuagint erred herein and that S. Luke followeth their error for although an error may be admitted in the Septuagint in this place as in many other yet the holy Evangelist was farre from approving their error being directed by the spirit of God 3. Neither doth the answer of Ioannes Lucidus and before him Nauclerus satisfie that Cainan and Salâ— were one and the same and that the place in Luke should be read which was of Sala which was of Cainan Luke 3.36 But this cannot be for beside that that there was no cause why Luke should set downe two names only of Sala and of none of the rest beside in the Septuagint Cainan is made the father and begetteâ— of Sala Genes 11.4 Lippoman and Canus answere that as Mathewe omitteth three of the kings in his genealogie betweene Ioram and Ozias to make the line of 14. generations equall from Abraham to David from David to the captivitie and from thence to Christ so Moses to make tenne generations from Sem to Abraham correspondent to the ten patriarkes before the floud might omit Cainan But the reason is not alike 1. For those three Kings Ahaziah Ioas Amaziah are thought by some to to bee omitted for another cause because they were killed for evill government Concent 2. And againe Moses summeth the yeeres of these Fathers which Mathewe doth not and therefore if Moses should of purpose leave out Cainan a great error would fall out in the Chronologie and computation of yeares 3. If Moses had left out Cainan to make the genealogie equall yet if there had beene any such hee should not have beene omitted in that catalogie of their names 1 Chro. 1.18 where was no such cause of â—mission 5. Some thinke that the Septuagint erred in adding of Cainan and that Luke followed that text not approoving that error but giving way to the time because the Septuagint was then well knowne among the Gentiles least if he had departed from that translation it might have hindred the credit of his Gospell Thus Iansenius and Genebrard among the pontificall writers and learned Iunius among the Protestants who saith that it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a slip or fault of memory but a faultlesse confession in respect of the time so also Mercerus who thinketh that this being but a matter of genealogie is not much to be stood vpon which Paul calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 endlesse 1. Tim. 1.4 6. But I approove rather Beza his answere that Cainan was put into the text in Luke by the ignorance of some that tooke upon them to correct it according to the Septuagint for in that ancient manuscript which he followed Cainan was not to be found and therefore Beza in his translation upon good ground left it out and so doth the great English Bible Other thinke further that the translation of the septuagint was also herein corrupted by some that at the first these Greeke interpreters put not in Cainan for neither Iosephus nor Epiphanius which follow the septuagint rehearsing the fathers before Abraham make mention of this Cainan and in the best Greeke copies it is left out 1 Chronic. 1. QVEST. XVII When Arphaxad was borne Vers. 10. BEgat Arphachsad two yeare after the floud the question is whereas Elam and Asshur the sonnes of Sem are named before Arphacsad the third sonne how Sem could have these three in two yeares I answer 1. Neither with Aben Ezra that Sems wife might bee with childe in the Arke when the waters began to decrease for I thinke rather that
thinketh no such thing being expressed 3. Wherefore this proceeded of Abrahams infirmitie rather who should have committed the preservation of his life rather to the providence of God than any such deuice of his owne Vatablus and although Abrahams intent were good to preserve his life in regard of Gods promise made to his seede yet he failed in the meanes and though he had rather have died than hazard his wives chastitie yet being wholly intent how to provide for his life he forgetteth all other things and casteth what perill might come one way and not another Calvin QUEST XVII Of the taking of Sarai into Pharaos house Vers. 15. THe woman was taken into Pharaos house 17. but the Lord plagued Pharao and his house 1. It was an usuall thing among the heathen Princes whose will stood for a law to take with violence at their pleasure such women as they liked so the Egyptians did steale away Isis the daughter of Inachus King of Argives and caried her into Egypt The Grecians carried away Europa daughter of Agenor out of Phenicia into Creta Iason brought Medea from Colchis into Grecia Paris did the like to Helena Menelaus wife so doth Pharao here to Sarai 2. Pharao was plagued some thinke with a flux of bloud some in that the wombs of their women were shut up as it is in the like story Gen. 20. Iosephus thinketh it was the plague Philo a torment both of bodie and minde it is most like it was such a plague as Pharao felt in himselfe 3. His house also was smitten with the same plague not onely the Princes that commended Sarai her beauty and so were accessary to this fact as Chrysostome thinketh but the whole house generally who though they all were not agents in this matter yet God whose judgements though secret yet are alwayes just was able to finde sufficient cause of punishment among them Calvin QVEST. XVIII How Pharao did know that Sara was Abrahams wife Vers. 18. WHat is this thing thou hast done unto mee c. By this wee see that even among the heathen adultery was counted an hainous sinne Et regi ipsi cavendum and even to be shunned of the King Ambr. lib. de Abrah c. 2. 2. Pharao taketh it grievously that hee was thus deceived of a stranger and if God had not protected Abraham it might have cost him his life Luther 3. This was knowne to Pharao not by the Egyptian Priests whom Pharao should consult withall as Iosephus thinketh though sometime it may please God that such may gesse at the truth as Balaam did but either it was made manifest by divine revelation as the like was to Abimelech Gen. 20. Chrysostom or else by the confession of Sara Oecolampad after that Pharao being feared by these plagues beganne to examine what might be the cause 4. Pharao layeth all the fault upon Abraham not considering that God saw his unchaste thought and his inhumanity towards strangers Iun. QVEST. XIX How Sarah was preserved from Pharaos lust Vers. 19. BEhold thy wife take her c. 1. Sarai was kept by Gods providence from the violent lust of Pharao as she was likewise preserved from Abimilech Genes 20. if God shewed that mercy to Abraham againe offending in the like it cannot be otherwise thought but he found that mercy with God before and the preservation of Sarai the second time sheweth that she was not corrupted before Calvin 2. The cause hereof was neither any moderate disposition in Pharao nor yet because the use was among those Easterne Princes as we reade of the Kings of Persia Est. 12.12 to prepare and purifie with sweet oyles and odours some while before such women as entred into the King Hieron But it is most like that Pharao was hindred by this sudden disease that he could not accomplish his lust Iun. and therein Chrysostome noteth the like miraculous deliverance of Sara from Pharaos raging lust as of Daniel from the Lions 3. The reason why here it is not expressed in like manner as Gen. 20. that Pharao came not neare Sarai Theodoret maketh to be this because Per id temporis Sarai paritura erat Isaach about that time Sarai was to beare Isaach and therefore it is expressed Ne suspectum illud semen esset lest he might bee thought not of Abrahams seed 4. Rupertus well noteth in this story of Abraham a type and figure of those things that hapned to his posterity 1. As a famine brought Abraham into Egypt so did it Iacob and his familie 2. As Abraham was afflicted by the taking away of his wife so was his seed oppressed 3. As Pharao was plagued for Abraham and Sarai so Pharao and Egypt were punished with ten plagues because of the Israelites 4. As Abraham was enriched by Pharao so the Israelites received great gifts of the Egyptians when they went out QVEST. XX. How long Abraham stayed in Egypt COncerning the time of Abrahams being in Egypt 1 Neither is it true as Eusebius citeth out of one Atrabanus that he aboad there twenty yeares seeing Abraham had dwelt but ten yeares in Canaan when Hagar was given him and Ismael borne Gen. 16. 2. Neither was Abraham so long conversant in Egypt and that by the leave of Pharao as that he did teach them the liberall sciences as Astrologie and such like as Iosephus thinketh lib. 1. antiquit But it is most like they learned it afterward by Iacob that lived there seventeene yeares or of Ioseph that was their governour 80. yeares 3. Wherefore at this time it is probable that Abraham stayed not long in Egypt no not a yeare for presently after that Pharao was plagued of God he delivered Sarai and sent away Abraham giving him guides to see him safely conveyed QUEST XXII How the Kings of Egypt came to be called Pharaos Vers. 20. PHarao gave commandement c. 1. It appeareth that the name of Pharao was common to all the Kings of Egypt and no proper name for the Kings of Egypt were so called above a thousand yeares from Abraham till the destruction of the Temple and they had orher proper names beside as we reade of Pharao Necho 2 King 23. of Pharao Ophra Ierem. 44.30 2. It is not like they were so called as Vives thinketh of Pharus an obscure Island of the which there was no reason to name their Kings 3. But rather as Iosephus conjectureth of one of their first Kings that was so called as the Kings of Syria were called Antiochi the Kings of Egypt after Alexander Ptolomie the Emperours of Rome Caesars and Augustine 4. But whereas Iosephus thinketh that after Pharao Salomons father in law none of the Kings of Egypt were named Pharaos it is a manifest errour for 400. yeares after Salomon in Iosias time mention is made of Pharao Necho 2 King 23. 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Of the free grace of election Vers. 1. THe Lord had said get thee out of thy Countrey
and not the high Priest Sem the father of Christ after the flesh By these and other probable reasons some learned perswade that Sem was Melchisedeck neither are the contrary objections of any great weight 1. First it is objected that this Countrey was possessed by the Canaanites and it is not like that Sem would returne out of the East into Judea Perer. Answ. 1. It is said that the posterity of Iocktan of Sem inhabited toward the East Gen. 10.30 but of Sems dwelling there is no expresse mention 2. Iarchi and Epiphanius in Anchorato are of opinion that many of Sems posterity that had not their tongues altered kept about Jerusalem though they were thence expelled afterward by the Canaanites 3. And this might bee some cause of the warres of the Easterne Kings against the Canaanites for encroaching upon Sems possessions treat Melchis 2. Ob. Seeing Abraham returned from the slaughter of Chedorlaomers people of Elam which must needs be of Sem how commeth it to passe that Sems heart was not rather stirred against Abraham for killing his children Answ. Sem being a Prophet and knowing that Abraham was appointed of God to be the father of the faithfull people preferreth him being not onely of his carnall kindred but heire of his faith before the rest of his kindred that were degenerate 3. Ob. Epiphanius proveth that Sem could not be Melchisedeck because he was long dead before Melchisedeck met Abraham who was then 80. yeare old for saith he by one Chronicle there are from Sems birth to Abrahams 80. yeare accounted yeares 1130. by another 629. yeares but Sem lived onely 600. yeare Answ. 1. In the first account Epiphanius followeth the corrupt computation of the Septuagint who doe adde divers hundred yeares to the ages of the fathers after the floud as is shewed before quaest 17. in chap. 11. 2. Neither was Sem after the second computation at that time 629. yeares old but onely 529. so that he lived after this time 70. yeares and as a learned man well conjectureth it might well bee that in the Greeke copie which Epiphanius followeth χ chi which standeth for 600. was put for φ phi which is 500. And this difference in computation might have given occasion to Epiphanius further to have searched the truth and to have preferred the originall before the Greeke ttanslations 4. Ob. If Sem were Melchisedeck then had he two names which cannot be proved out of the Scripture Perer. Answ. 1. Chytram thinketh that Melchisedeck is here not a name proper but appellative signifying that he was a righteous just King 2. Cajetanus holdeth it to be an Epithite not proper to Sem but common to the Kings of Salem as Caesar and Augustus were to the Emperour of Rome and so we read of another King of Jerusalem called Adoni-zedek Lord of justice which is all one in sense with Melchisedeck Iâ—su 10.3 3. But I approve rather the judgement of Selnecâ—erus that Melchisedeck was a proper name unto Sem in respect of his office because he onely excelled among the rest as a just King and thereof had that name 5. Ob. If Sem had beene Melchisedeck it is like that Abraham comming into Canaan would first have sought out his great grand-father and joyned himselfe unto him neither would S. Paul have omitted it entreating of purpose of Melchisedeck Perer. Ans. 1. Melancthon thinketh that Abraham was brought out of Bethel to Sem his words are these Now when Abraham was brought out of Babel to Sem what a goodly College had Sem c. 2. Neither Moses nor yet the Apostle directly set downe Abrahams acquaintance with Sem or that he was Melchisedeck that the comparison might be more fit betweene Melchisedeck and Christ in that he is set downe without father without mother without genealogie Heb. 7.3 as the Prophet saith of Christ who shall declare his generation Psal. 51.8 3. For matter of fact it is no good argument to conclude negatively out of Scripture for as many things were done by Christ not expressed in Scripture Ioh. 20.30 so also by Abraham and the rest of the Patriarks but for a point of faith and doctrine the argument holdeth well there is no such thing taught in Scripture therefore wee are not to beleeve it Ob. Melchisedeck is said to be without father and mother because they are not mentioned in Scripture but it is knowne who Sems father was and mention likewise made of his birth and beginning of dayes Answ. 1. It is not to be doubted but that Melchisedeck had both father and mother though neither I thinke can be named Epiphanius saith some Writers affirme that his fathers name was Eraclas his mothers Asteria neither is Suidas conceit to be approved that Melchisedecks parentage is therefore not declared because he was borne of an harlot 2. Though Sems genealogie be expressed in other places yet in the story to the which the Apostle hath relation it is not neither is his kindred set downe under that name of Melchisedeck as Lyranus and Tostatus well answer 7. Ob. Suidas saith that Melchisedeck reigned in Salem 113. yeares and lived a virgin but Sem had a wife which was in the Arke with him Answ. Of the same opinion also is Ignatius Epist. ad Philadel that Melchisedeck was a perpetuall virgin but this being a bare conjecture may more easily bee denied than proved Ob. Iosephus and Philo men thorowly acquainted with the antiquities of the Hebrewes where they make mention of Melchisedeck bring him in as a stranger from the kindred of Abraham Perer. Answ. For these two there are alleaged two and twenty Rabbines and principall writers among the Jewes as Aben Ezra Baal Hatturim Levi Ben Gerson David Kimchi with others that make up that number which all with one consent hold Sem to be Melchisedeck Thus have I set downe the reasons on both sides concerning this question which I referre to the Readers judgement It is no matter of faith which way any taketh either to hold Sem to bee Melchisedeck or otherwise But I rather for mine owne part incline to thinke being moved with the force of the former reasons that it was Sem though I will not precisely determine it but say with Hierome upon these words of the Apostle Of whom that is Melchisedeck we have many things to say which are hard to be uttered Heb. 5.11 Si vas electionis stupet ad mysterium in effabile fatetur quanto magis nos of the vessell of election be astonished at this mysterie and confesseth it hard to be uttered how much more we c. QVEST. XVII Salem proved to be Ierusalem KIng of Shalem Hierome to whom also subscribeth Mercerus thinketh that this Shalem was not Jerusalem but another towne in the region of Sichem which he would prove by foure arguments 1. This Salem in Sichem is mentioned Gen. 33.18 and Iohn 3.23 Iohn batized in Enon beside Salim Answ. First Gen.
16. THe wickednesse of the Amorites is not yet full c. 1. The Amorites are named whereas there were other people of the Canaanites because they were the most mighty among the rest both in power and stature of body whose height was like the height of Cedars Amos 2.9 and they excelled in wickednesse and therefore the Prophet setting forth the wickednesse of Israel saith their father was an Amorite Ezech. 16.2 2. Neither did the punishment of this people depend upon any fatall necessity before the which they could not be punished but upon Gods will and purpose who would not cut them off at the first but in his just judgement permitted them till they came to the height of iniquity 3. Some by sinnes here understand the punishment of sinne which God suspended for a time but the other sense is better to take the word properly for the wickednesse of that people which was not yet ripe which God deferreth to punish both to make them excusable that despise so long a time of repentance and to justifie his owne judgements which he sendeth not without just cause 4. And there are foure arguments or marks of the ripenesse of sinne and the nearenesse of Gods judgements 1. the quality of the sinnes themselves when they are such as are directly against God as superstition Idolatry the offering up of their owne children in the fire against the law of nature as in unnatural uncleannesse such as reigned among the Sodomites against humane society as in cruelty and oppression as in the old world Gen. 6.11 2. The generality of sin when not a few but the whole multitude are corrupt so in Sodome were not to bee found ten righteous men 3. The impudency of sinners that are not ashamed openly to transgresse and to boast of their sinne as the Prophet complaineth of the Israelites they have declared their sinne as Sodome they hide them not Isa. 3.9 4. When they are incorrigible and past amendment as Pharaoh and the Aegyptians when they were not humbled with those ten grievous plagues the Lord overthrew them in the red sea Perer. QVEST. XVII Why Euphrates is called the great river Vers. 18. FRom the river of Aegypt to the great river of Euphrates 1. Euphrates is called the great river not as the Talmudists thinke because it confined the holy land but either for that it was the greatest river in Asia as Danubius is in Europe Nilus in Africa in India Ganges and Indus or for that it was one of the rivers that came through Paradise as for the same cause Tigris or Hiddekel is called the great river Dan. 10.4 2. The river of Aegypt is not Nilus as R. Salomon and Mercer for the bound of Palestina never extended so farre but it is a river which runneth out of Nilus betweene Pelusium and Palestina thorow a great desart and falleth into the Mediterranean sea this river is called Sithor as Aben Ezra of the troubled and blacke water Iosuah 13.3 which it borroweth of Nilus which for the same cause is called melas black it is termed also the river of the wildernesse Amos 6.14 the same which the Septuagint call Rinocolura Isa. 27.12 because it did run along by that city so called of the cutting or slitting of noses which punishment King Artisanes inflicted upon malefactors and sent them to inhabite that city Diodorus Siculus lib. 2. and of this opinion is Epiphanius that this river of Aegypt is the river Rinocolura to whom Lunius assenteth Iosu. 13.3 It seemeth to bee an arme of the river Nilus commonly called Carabus which is distant some five dayes journey from Gaza toward Aegypt Perer. ex Masio in Iosua 13. QVEST. XVIII How the land of Canaan is said to be given to Abraham Vers. 18. VNto thy seed c. But v. 7. the Lord said to give thee this land to inherit it and cap. 13.15 both are joyned together I will give it unto thee and thy seed for ever c. Now seeing Abraham had not so much as the breadth of a foot Act. 7.4 how was this land given to Abraham 1. Some thinke it was given to Abraham in right to his seed in possession or to him because it was given to his seed for as the sonne belongeth to the father so what is given or promised to the son concerneth the father 3. but therefore is this land said to be given to Abraham though hee never had possession thereof but his seed because for his sake and the love of God toward him it was given to his seed as Moses saith because he loved thy fathers therefore hath he chose their seed after them Deut. 4.37 QVEST. XIX Whether the Israelites ever enjoyed the whole countrey Euphrates FRom the river of Aegypt to the river Euphrates c. But whereas the land of Canaan is otherwise confined Numb 34.8 where it is not extended beyond Hamath which is a great way on this side Euphrates and the usuall limitation and border was from Dan to Beersheba 1 King 4.25 which as in length not above 160. miles and in breadth from Joppe to Bethlem not above 46. miles as Hierome witnesseth epist. 129. ad Dardan a great question is here moved how their borders could reach to Euphrates 1. Some thinke that there were two countries promised to Abrahams seede the lesse of Canaan which they possessed and a larger extending to Euphrates upon condition if they walked in obedience which condition because they performed not they never injoyed that countrey sic Hier. like as in the Gospell saith he the Kingdome of heaven is promised to the obedient but if they performe not obedience they shall misse of the reward nequaquam erit culpa in promittente sed in me qui proâ—issâ—â— acceperâ— non merui and yet the fault shall not be in him that promiseth but in mee that am not worthy to receive the promise Hieron ibid. to whom subscribeth Andreas Masius in c. 1. Iosue 2. Augustine is of another opinion that the promised land was of two sorts the lesse which comprehended the land of Canaan which the Israelites possessed under Iosua the other which reached to Euphrates which was not under their dominion till David and Salomons time who reigned over all Kingdomes from the river that is Euphrates and from Tipsack which was a City upon that river afterward called Amphipolis even unto Azzah or Gaza 1. King 4.21.24 August qu. 21. in Iosue to whom agree Cajetane and Oleaster and Iunius upon this place and this seemeth to bee the better opinion for wee are not to thinke but that this promise made so solemnely to Abraham accordingly tooke effect 3. Whereas it is objected that all the country to the river Euphrates was never given unto Israel no not in Salomons time because they did not expell thence the inhabitants and plant the Israelites there as they had done in Canaan First Augustine answereth that concerning the Cities which were a farre off they were commanded if they
the Prophet expoundeth this place of Gods eternall love and hatred of Iacob and Esau 2. That is the proper sense of the place from the which an argument is framed and a conclusion inferred but out of this spirituall sense concerning everlasting election the Apostle reasoneth and concludeth election to be only of grace not by workes Ergo it is the proper sense 6. Places of Morall observation 1. Observ. The reconciliation of brethren Vers. 9. HIs sonne Isaack and Ismael buried him They which were separated during their fathers life are now united and reconciled in his death which teacheth us that brethren which have beene long at variance should yet when the time of mourning for their father commeth returne in affection Muscul. Not as Esau that intended when his father was dead to execute his malice toward his brother Gen. 27.41 2. Observ. To continue and persevere in prayer Vers. 21. ISaack prayed to the Lord for his wife It seemeth seeing Rebeccah continued barren twenty yeares for Isaack was maried at 40. and was 60. yeares old when Esau and Iacob were borne that Isaack continued many yeares in prayer and waited from moneth to moneth from yeare to yeare till the Lord had condescended to his prayer whereby wee are taught that wee should not give over in our prayers neither limit God to heare us within a time but still patiently expect his gracious pleasure as the Apostle exhorteth that wee should pray continually 1 Thes. 5.17 Mercer 3. Observ. Gods will many times revealed to the weaker sort Vers. 28. ISaack loved Esau c. Rebeccah was better affected toward the chosen seed than Isaack waâ—â— so was Sarahs heart toward Isaack but Abraham loved Ismael whereby wee see that manâ— times God revealeth his will to the more infirme sex and as S. Paul saith chuseth the weake things of 〈◊〉 world to confound the strong 1 Cor. 1.17 Muscul. 4. Observ. Of frugality in meats and drinkes Vers. 29. NOw Iacob sod pottage c. By this we may see how frugall and sparing the diet of those godly Patriarkes was Iacob here contented himselfe with lentill pottage These lentils came from Egypt and was the usuall food in Alexandria for young and old which was commonly vendible in their Tabernes Gell. lib. 17. c. 18. from thence the use of lentils became very common in other countries the Philosopher Taurus used to sup with them and Zeno the Stoike prescribed to his schollers how they should seeth and dresse their lentils with the twelfth part of Coriander seed Athen. lib. 4. The like frugality and parsimony was used in famous countries among the Gentiles The Arcadians lived of akornes the Argives of apples the Athenians of figs the Tyrinthians of peares the Indians of canes the Carmanes of palmes the Sauromatians of millet the Persians nasturtio of cresses These examples ought to make Christians ashamed who use to pamper their bellies and feed their fansies with curious delights and exquisite dainties Perer. S. Paul giveth a rule for this meats for the belly the belly for meats God shall destroy both it and them 1 Cor. 6.13 that therefore men should not bee so carefull to feed and fill their bellies with dainty fare and costly meats seeing they both must fall to corruption 5. Observ. Against prophane persons that sell heaven for earthly pleasures Vers. 33. HE sold his birth-right Esau that for a messe of red pottage did part with his birth-right is a president and patterne of all those which for the momentany pleasures and profit of this life doe sell and lose their hope of eternall life Mercer As that rich glutton Luke 16. which purchased his ease and pleasure in this life with the everlasting paine and torment of his soule afterward for this cause is Esau called a prophane person Heb. 12.16 which for one portion of meat sold his birth-right CHAP. XXVI 1. The Argument or Contents FIrst in this Chapter is shewed the occasion of Isaacks going to Gerar which was by reason of the famine vers 1. And Gods Commandement vers 2 3. with the renewing of the promise made to Abraham 4 5. Secondly this Chapter treateth of Isaacks abode and dwelling in Gerar with such things as there happened 1. The question that arose about his wife vers 7â— to 12. 2. The envy of the Philistims against Isaack because hee prospered and waxed rich vers 13. to 18. 3. The contention betweene Isaacks servants and the Philistims concerning certaine fountaines vers 18. to vers 23. Thirdly there is declared the departure of Isaack from Gerar to dwell in Beersheba and the covenant there made betweene him and Abimelech vers 23. to the end 2. The divers readings v. 3. 18. my word shall be an helpe unto thee C. I will be with thee and blesse thee caeter v. 10. one of my stocke might have slept S. C. one of my people might have lion caet heb shacabh thou mightst have brought upon us ignorance S. this sinne caet v. 11. he that toucheth this mans wife H. this man or his wife caet v. 12. he found barly increased an hundred fold S. he found an hundreth fold caet v. 14. much tillage georgia S. a great family or houshold caet guabudah signifieth both v. 17. in the brooke of Gerar. H.C. in the valley of Gerar. caet nachal signifieth both a valley is more proper because they digged there v. 20 21 22. Heseck Sitâ—ah Rehoboth G.T.P. contention enmity roomth H.S.C.B. v. 25. there Isaacks servants digged a well in the valley of Gerar. S. v. 26. accompanied with his friend C. with Ahuzzah his friend caet v. 28. let the oath be confirmed that was betweene our fathers C. let there be now an oath betweene us caeter v. 33. he called it abundance H. an oath S. he called Shibah caet v. 35. they were rebellious against Isaack and Rebeckah C.B. they offended or were a griefe of minde caet heb bitternesse of Spirit 3. The Explanation of doubtfull questions QVEST. I. Whether this Abimelech were the same with whom Abraham had to deale Vers. 1. ANd there was a famine in the land c. 1. This other famine in Abrahams time was that famine mentioned chap. 12. where Abraham went downe into Aegypt Mercer for chap. 20. when Abraham sojourned in Gerar there is no famine spoken of which Pererius supposeth to have beene the cause of Abrahams going thither 2. This Abimelech might be either the same with whom Abraham had to deale who might bee now not above an hundred yeare old or another King of that name for the Kings of Gerar were called by the name of Abimelech as the Kings of Aegypt Pharaohs Phicol also might be the name of office or the same man might serve the father and sonne Mercer 3. Therefore we need not with Augustine quaest 75. in Genes to thinke this story to have beene done long before and to be set downe by way of recapitulation for it seemeth that Abraham was
Rubens counsell for the delivering of Ioseph Vers. 21. BVt Ruben when he heard it c. 1. Ruben is said to have delivered Ioseph because by his counsell he hindered the purpose of his brethren that would have killed him Iun. 2. Iosephus setteth downe divers reasons which Ruben should use to disswade his brethren from this bloudy enterprise 1. In respect of God from whom nothing could be hid 2. In regard of their father whose great griefe and soâ—row by this meanes should be procured 3. And concerning Ioseph that they should consider he was but a child and therefore to be pittied he was their brother and therefore to be spared 4. And for themselves to remember what a great sin they should commit in shedding innocent bloud and that only envy toward their brother was the beginning of this mischiefe intended ex Perer. 3. It is like that Ruben might use other perswasions but Moses only expresseth that principall reason that they should not shed bloud whereof the Lord gave an expresse law to Noah after the floud Mercer 4. Herein appeareth the hypocrisie of the rest that thought they were free from bloud if they did not shed it with their owne hand though they otherwise caused Iosephs death as by starving or pining him in a pit which was far worse than if they had presently killed him and hereupon Ramban untruly noteth that he sinneth not so grievously which procureth anothers death as hee which with his owne hands sheddeth his bloud 5. Ruben in giving this advice to let downe Ioseph into a pit had no purpose that there he should die but as the text is to deliver him to his father by this meanes he might thinke to be reconciled to his father whom he had before offended by his incest Calvin The Hebrewes thinke that for this compassion of Ruben he deserved afterward to have a Prophet of his tribe namely Hosea and to have one of the cities of refuge in his lot and division Mercer QUEST XIX Of Iosephs party-coloured coat which his brethren spoyled him of Vers. 23. THey stript Ioseph out of his coat c. 1. They neither left him naked as Aben Ezra thinketh 2. Neither did they take away from him two coats as Lyranus 3. Neither is it certaine whether our Saviour Christs coat were like unto Iosephs 4. They tooke from him this party-coloured coat which was his upper garment not so much for desire they had to the garment but because it was a token of his fathers love Mercer As also with an intent to shew it to their father thereby to colour and conceale their fact vers 32. Iun. QUEST XX. Of Iosephs letting downe into the pit Vers. 24. THey cast him into a pit c. 1. It seemeth it was an old broken pit for there was no water in it such as Ieremie speaketh of alluding to the fashion of that country they have digged them pits broken pits that can hold no water Ier. 2.13 2. It is not like as R. Salomon conjectureth that this pit was full of serpents and scorpions for then as Ramban noteth they must needs haue acknowledged a miracle in the preservation of Ioseph among serpents as of Daniel among the lions 3. It may be though no water were in the pit yet it was full of mire such as Ieremie was let downe into Ierem. 38. Perer. QUEST XXI Of the spices and balme which the Ismaelites carried Vers. 25. LAden with spicery balme and mirrhe 1. The word necheth is the same which the Arabians call Nuketa that is spices sweet druggs yet elsewhere it is taken generally for precious things as 2 King 20.13 Hezekiah shewed to the king of Babilons servants his house Nechothe of precious things Oleaster Iun. though Mercerus interpret it Domum aromatum House of spices 2. The word tseri is not wax or rosin as Oleaster although the Latine word cera and rasina and the Greek word rheténe the letters somewhat transposed come somewhat neare the sound of the Hebrew word but it is better interpreted balme as Iun. whereof there is great store in Gilead Ierem. 8.22 rosin was neither so rich a merchandise to be transported so farre nor so precious for curing of diseases as the Prophet there noteth 3. The last kinde of merchandise is called Lot which cannot signifie the Chessenut as derived from the root Lut which signifieth to wrap in or cover as Oleaster for this had beene no such precious merchandise to carry so farre and Exod. 30. it is reckoned among the sweet spices whereof the perfume there prescribed was made but it is better translated ladanum Iun. which commeth somewhat neare the Hebrew word the Chalde and Septuagint reade stacte which is the same that ladanum the gumme of the myrrhe or Cypres tree QUEST XXII Why the Ismaelites are also called Midianites Vers. 28. SOld Ioseph to the Ismaelites Which are also called Midianites vers 28. and Medanites vers 36. which were three divers people the first of Ismael Abrahams sonne by Agar the second of Midian by Keturah the third of Medan Abrahams sonne by Keturah also these three are indifferently taken for the same people in this place 1. Not for that they were distinct Nations but grew to be one people as Augustine 2. Or because they all came of Abraham and had the same father Thom. Anglic. 3. Or because Agar and Keturah are supposed to be the same Histor. Scholast which is an untrue surmise 4. Neither are we to imagine with some that Ioseph was thrice sold first to the Ismaelites then to the Midianites and lastly to Potiphar as Rasi for vers 28. at the same instant Ioseph was sold both to the Ismaelites and Madianites 5. Wherefore these merchants are named as well Midianites as Ismaelites both because they did traffike together and the company consisted of both sorts Mercer as also because the Ismaelites and Midianites dwelt in one Countrey of Arabia together and therefore Oukelos readeth vers 25. for Ismaelites Arabians and for this cause the Kings of Midian are called Ismaelites Iud. 8.24 26. because of their cohabitation together Iun. QUEST XXIII Of the price which Ioseph was sold for FOr twenty peeces of silver c. These were twenty sicles of silver which are in value 23. s. 4. d. starling for every common sicle weigheth two drachmaes that is â— 4. d. starling the fourth part of an ounce so that foure sicles make a doller Iun. 1. Wherefore it was neither so small a summe as Bahai ghesseth who would have these to be twenty denarii which make but five sicles 2. Nor so much as Iosephus reckoneth who would have Ioseph sold for 20. minâ—â— pounds every mina or pound weighing 100. drachmaes that is 58. s. 4. d. starling 3. The Septuagint also are deceived that for peeces of silver reade peeces of gold 4. Neither was Ioseph sold for 30. silverlings as some translations did reade in Augustines time because they would make the type body
cordis quam facie corporis fairer in the light of his soule than in the face of his bodie Augustine 4. In whom appeare foure principall vertues his temperance in not being inticed no not by his Mistresse his justice in not yeelding to doe this wrong and dishonour to his Master his fortitude in not suffering himselfe by many attempts and assaults to be overcome his prudence in choosing rather at once to reject her and leave his garment than to keepe her in suspence Rupertus QUEST V. How it came to passe that Ioseph was imprisoned not put to death Vers. 20. AFter this manner did thy sâ—rvant unto me and Iosephs Master tooke him and put him in prison 1. That is an obscure colection of Rasi that Potiphars wife being in bed with her husband shewed how Ioseph would have done unto her it is not like that shee stayed so long to make her complaint but as Iosephus thinketh she sitting weeping and mourning told her tale as soone as her Lord came in 2. In that Potiphar casteth Ioseph into prison and killeh him not I neither thinke with Perer that it proceeded of his Masters love toward him nor with Musculus that hee was committed to custodie there to be kept till he received the sentence of death But I rather with Chrysostome ascribe it to Gods providence who so wrought in Pharaohs heart that hee had no such purpose to put Ioseph to death as also Iosephs innocencie might appeare for the which cause the chiefe keeper under Potiphar shewed him favour 3. It seemeth that Ioseph was put into a dungeon chap. 40.15 The word Sohar signifieth a round vaulted house such was this where the Kings prisoners lay bound and whither Ioseph was sent not of favour as some thinke but for more sure keeping and there hee lay bound with fetters as it is in the Psal. 105.18 They hold his feet in the stockes and hee was laid mirons 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. The prosperitie of the righteous must bee ascribed to Gods providence Vers. 2. THe Lord was with Ioseph and he prospered Iosephs prosperitie is ascribed to Gods providence the world useth to impute such things to chance and fortune but wee must looke toward God the author of our prosperous state and moderator of our afflictions Calvin That wee may say with David Whom have I in heaven but thee and I have desired none in the earth with thee Psal. 73.25 2. Doct. Why adulterie is called a great sinne and against God Vers. 9. HOw can I doe this great wickednesse and sinne against God Adulterie is called a great sinne as Abimeleck saith to Abraham What have I offended thee that thou hast brought upon mee and my kingdome this great sinne Gene. 20.9 It is a great sinne because there is dishonor done to the husband whose bed is defiled the childeren are wronged who are illegitimate being gotten in adulterie the woman also breaketh her faith and vow made to her husband and this sinne is specially said to be against God who is the author of holy wedlocke whose institution is by this meanes violated and broken as David therefore saith Psal. 51.4 Against thee against thee onely have I sinned Muscul. 3. Doct. Feare of evill report must not make us leave our dutie Vers. 12. HE left his garment and fled Ioseph did choose rather to keepe his innocencie though it were with infamie and false report for as according to S. Pauls rule wee must not doe evill that good may come of it Rom. 3.8 So wee must not leave off to doe good though evill doe insue upon it Wee ought to use all meanes to have good report but rather than wee should hazard our faith and innocencie wee must arme our selves with Ioseph to passe by honour and dishonour by evill report and good report 2 Cor. 6.8 5. Places of confutation 1. Confut. Against Merits Vers. 21. THe Lord was with Ioseph and shewed him mercie c. Although Ioseph feared God and was a vertuous man yet this favour which he found is ascribed to Gods mercie not to any merit or worthinesse in him for although the Lord rewardeth his innocencie and integritie by this means yet was it in mercie Calvin So Iacob before acknowledged all to be of Gods mercie Gen. 32.10 I am not worthie of the least of all thy mercies and Gene. 33.10 God hath had mercie on me and therefore I have all things 2. Confut. Against the descension of Christ into Limbus patrum Vers. 22. ANd the keeper committed all the prisoners to Iosephs hand c. Pererius here maketh Ioseph a type and figure of Christ that as the prisoners were committed to his charge whom he was a great comfort unto and prophesied unto some of their deliverance so Christ descending to hell delivered from thence those which were there bound in prison Contra. Beside that such devised allegories are but simple grounds of matters of faith such as the Papists make the descension of Christ to Limbus patrum to be this comparison betweene Ioseph and Christ hath small agreement in this point 1. Ioseph was put into the dungeon as a prisoner himselfe I hope they will not say that Christ was as a prisoner in hell 2. Ioseph delivered none but foreshewed the deliverance of some but Christ must be a deliverer 3. Some of these prisoners were not delivered but condemned but Christ they say harrowed that hell to the which hee descended and delivered all 6. Places of Morall observation 1. Observ. Families and kingdomes blessed for the righteous sake Vers. 5. THe blessing of the Lord was upon all that hee had in the house and in the field Thus wee see that God blessed Potiphars house for Iosephs sake as Laban prospered because of Iacob thus houses families cities and kingdomes are blessed because of the people of God the world therefore hath reason to make much of them as Potiphar did of Ioseph not to hate and deâ—ide them as the fashion of this untoward age is 2. Observ. Beautie a deceitfull gift Vers. 6. IOseph was a faire person Ioseph by occasion of his beautie and favour was in great danger to have beene supplanted and inticed to evill which teacheth us that although favour and beautie bee a precious gift from God and as the Poet could say gratior est pulchro veniens è corpore virtus vertue hath a better grace that shineth from a beautifull face Yet there are better gifts to bee desired which bring no such inconvenience as the Apostle saith desire you the best gifts 1 Cor 12.31 Muscul Calvin 3. Observ. The three engines and weapons of harlots Vers. 7. HIs Masters wife cast her eyes upon Ioseph Wanton women have three principall weapons that they fight with prima adultera oculorum telâ— sunt an harlots first engines are her eies as here Iosephs Mistresse first casteth her eies upon him secunda verborum The second are her inticing words as here shee impudently saith come lie
gift requiring this as a reward and recompence for this good tidings But by this he sheweth the certaintie of the Butlers good successe and favour with the King that if he made but mention of him to Pharaoh he might be delivered neither doth he aske this as a reward but taketh this occasion to do himselfe good for it is lawfull for a man to use all honest meanes for his libertie as the Apostle saith Art thou called being a servant care not for it yet if thou canst be free use it rather 1 Cor. 7.21 Calvin 3. It may be that Ioseph was some what too confident upon this meanes as though this were the way that God had appointed for his deliverance and therefore God would exercise Iosephs patience still so that Ioseph failed not in diffidence and distrust in betaking himselfe to the meanes but rather herein that he limiteth Gods providence both for the meanes and the time that even now and by this meanes he hasteth to be delivered Calvin Mercer QUEST IIII. How Ioseph is said to be stollen away Vers. 15. I Was stolen away by theft out of the land of the Hebrewes 1. This theft was not committed by the Ismaelites who bought Ioseph for their money but by his owne bretheren who committed a theft two waies both because they sold a freeman not taken in battel nor brought into bondage which by Moses Law was punished with death Exod. 21.16 and in that they did robbe their father of his child Perer. 2. Hebron is not here meant by the land of the Hebrews as Ramban because that was the principall place of abode for Abraham Isaack and Iacob but the land of Canaan is thus called where the Hebrewes dwelt which Ioseph so calleth rather than Canaan because he abhorred to be counted of that nation Mercer QUEST V. How the chiefe Baker his head is said to be lifted up 〈◊〉 leavied Vers. 19. WIthin three daies Pharaoh shall take thine head from thee or leavie thine head off from thee c. 1. Iunius readeth thus Pharaoh numbering thee shall cause theâ— no more to be numbered and hee referreth it as before to the removing or taking away of his pegge which he taketh for his head out of his hole or place in the table but this seemeth to be too curious 2. Neither with some other doe I thinke that the chiefe Baker was beheaded for the text saith he was hanged upon a tâ—ee which needed not if he were first beheaded 3. Some make the meaning of the phrase to be this that Pharaoh would take away his life from him and the Latines say capite plecti to lose the head that is to be put to death hence they are called capitall crimes that are punished by the losse of the head or life Mercer 4. The most reade shall take thine head from thee but he was hanged not beheaded 5. Some thinke he was first beheaded and then hanged as the manner is yet in some countries Osiand But in that the Butlers head was lift up as well as the Bakers vers 20. this phrase doth not shew his punishment for then the effect vers 20. should not answer to the prophecie 6. Some understand it of his hanging that his head was lift up upon him as our Saviour calleth his hanging upon the crosse his exaltation or lifting up Ioh. 3.14 Pellican But this cannot be the meaning because the same phrase is used both of the Butler and Baker 7. This therefore is the sense that Pharaoh should lift up his head aloft out of prison and cause his name to be rehearsed and so his head to be leavied among the rest of his servants and take cognizance of both their causes but the one he should hang and restore the other So Ioseph doth foretell unto them three things whereof the first the leavying of the head and examining their cause is common to them both the other two things are peculiar to either the Butler shall be restored to his office and minister the cup to the King vers 13. the Baker shall be put from his office and no more reckoned or leavied among the officers and be hanged this then is the true reading of the words Pharaoh shall leavie thine head from upon thee that is that no more leavying or reckoning be made upon thee which words may be supplied by the contrarie vers 13. and the exposition of the praeposition ghal used there to thine office and mâ—ghal from off expressed here doe insinuate as much so also the same word meghaleca from off thee is used in the end of this verse and Deut. 8.4 Thy garments 〈◊〉 not waxe old from off thee that is to be no more upon thee and so to be used by thee QUEST VI. Whether Ioseph used any preamble to his interpretation Vers. 19. THe birds shall eat thy flesh 1. It is like that Ioseph being to deliver so hard an interpretation of the Bakers dreame did use some preface to excuse himselfe as Philo bringeth him in thus speaking Vtinam tale somnium non vidisses c. I would thou hadst either not seene this dreame or not declared it to me and it is not unlike but that Ioseph used some such preparation as Daniel did when he was to expound Nebuchadnezzars dreame The dreame be to them that hate thee and the interpretation thereof to thine enemies Dan. 4.16 2. This hanging of malefactors upon a tree seemeth to have beene an ancient punishment and it was counted a most ignominious death and therefore Saint Paul setteth forth the great humilitie of Christ that humbled himselfe even to the death of the crosse Philip. 2. The Latine translator readeth he shall hang thee on the crosse which kinde of death was used also among the Romanes as Tully saith Facinus est vincire civem Romanum scelus verberare quid dicam in crucem tollerâ— It is a great offence to binde a Citizen of Rome a greater to beat him the greatest to set him on the Crosse Cicer. Verrem 7. 3. Such as were hanged to death among the Israelites by the law were to be taken downe and buried the same day Deut. 21.23 But it seemeth that this use was not observed among the Gentiles but their bodies did hang to be meat to the fowles of the ayre Perer. which may be noted as a great judgement of God when the Lord suffereth his owne image in man to be so defaced and his flesh to be given for meat to the fowles and beasts whose flesh is appointed to be mans food as the Lord threatned against Ieroboam and his house that they which died in the Citie should be eaten of dogges they which died in the fields should be devoured of the fowles of heaven 1 King 14.11 Muscul. QUEST VII Whether lawfull to keepe the memorie of the birth-day Vers. 20. PHaraohs birth-day 1. This was a very ancient custome to celebrate the birth-daies of Kings and Princes both among the Medes and Persians as witnesseth Xenophon
by Iudah that particular tribe and not the whole nation of the Iewes it should seeme that Iudah also in this place should be taken in the same sense 2. These words also of Iacobs prophecie untill Shiloh come may bee understood of that time when the certaine terme and number of years should be revealed of Shilohs comming which was shewed unto Daniel in the first yeare of King Darius Daniel 9.1 To whom Cyrus permitted the regiment of Babylon who reâ—gned together with him from which time there are reckoned 70. weekes that is 490. yeares which weekes begin in the first yeare of Cyrus when the Edict went forth for the returne of the Iewes and end in the passion of Christ at this time c. At this time Zerubbabel prince of Iudah was captaine of the people Ezra 2 2. and unto this time after the scepter was given to Iudah in David it was not removed but onely during the captivitie of Iudah when it is like also that the heads of Iudah bare the greatest sway over their brethren I leave this interpretation to the judgment of the learned neither doe I much insist upon it seeing the prophecie of Iacob rather aymeth at the historicall comming of the Messiah than the prediction of his comming 3. Some doe take the word shebet here not for a Scepter but for the tribe as Iunius and Oleaster translate the tribe shall not depart from Iudah this opinion may seeme probable for these reasons 1. the word is so taken in this chapter for a tribe vers 28. these are the tribes shibteâ—â— and it is very rare or not at all used in Moses for the scepter 2. Thus this prophecie was evidently fulfilled for till our Saviour Christs time the line of Iudah especially from David was exactly kept as may appeare by the genealogie set downe by S. Matthew and S. Luke but after Shiloh was come the policie and government of the Iewes was within one generation dissolved and the line and stocke of Iudah not regarded but shuffled and confounded with the rest neither can the Iewes tel at this day of what tribe they are descended I therefore herein approve of Calvins judgement who understandeth this prophecie of the policie and common-wealth of the Iewes which presently after the Messiahs comming was overthrowne 3. But it will bee objected that the tribe of Levi continued till Christs time as well as Iudah Perer. I answer that Levi was none of the 12. tribes neither had his peculiar lot as the rest had but according to the prophecie of Iacob hee was dispersed in Israel againe though some of the Levites kept their pedigree yet most of them could not prove their descent as it appeareth Ezra 2.62 these sought their writing of the genealogies but they were not found therefore were they put from their Priest-hood and further mention is made that the names of the chiefe fathers of the Levites were written unto the dayes of Iohanan and some of them to the reigne of Darius the last King of Persia Nehem. 12.22 23. it seemeth then that after that their genealogies were not kept 4. Some understand this prophecie of the 70. Elders called Sanedrim which were elected out of Iudah to whom the cognizance of the weightiest causes and establishing of lawes appertained who were of such supreme authoritie that they convicted Herod who hardly escaped the sentence of death for his contumacie these Sanedrim continued untill Herod who not long before Christs birth rooted them all out and then Herod himselfe was absolute King sir Mercer This interpretation joyned with the former I preferre before the rest for in this sense Iudah shall be taken for the particular tribe and the word shebet signifieth sometime the authoritie of the Judge and magistrate as Iudg. 5.14 Amos 1.6 The meaning then of this prophecie is that Iudah should bee possessed of the regall or at the least the chiefe authoritie untill Messiah come QUEST XIV Of the abundance of vines and wine promised to Iudah Vers. 11. HE shall binde his asse foale to the vine c. 1. Wee doe not with Oâ—kelos by the asse and foale understand the parents and children that should cleave unto the law as tyed to the vine and by the washing of their garments in wine that the Princes should bee cloathed in purple by the eyes the hills which should bee full of vines and by the teeth the fields white with corne 2. Neither need wee here run to allegories as to make the binding of the asse to the vine to insinuate the calling of the Gentiles to Christ and by the blood of the grape to understand the blood of Christ by the which wee are washed from our sinnes by the eyes the Prophets and Apostles by the teeth the Doctors and Pastors of the Church whose office it is to prepare the spirituall food for the people 3. Nor yet is that mysticall sense proper to this place to signifie the abundance of spirituall knowledge in the Church under Christ. 4. And with Hierome literally to understand the colt which the Apostles found tyed which they loosed and brought to Christ seemeth to be forced 5. Wherefore the meaning is no more but this to shew that in Iudahs lot there should bee vines of that greatnesse as they might serve to binde their asses unto Perer. and they should be as common as shrubbes and bushes to the which they use to tye their Cattell Iun. Calvin And that they should bring their asses to their vineyards to load them with grapes Mercer Yea and such plenty of wine they should have that they might use it in stead of water to wash their garments Mercer and it should bee excellent wine such as maketh the eyes of them that drinke it red and such store of good pastures should bee in Iudahs portion that they might eat milke in great abundance Iun. QUEST XV. Of the situation of Zabulun Vers. 13. ZAbulun shall dwell by the sea side 1. Iacob rehearsed not his sonnes according to the order of their birth for Zabulun was the tenth sonne first he nameth the sonnes of Leah together then the sonnes of the concubines Zabulun is set before Isachar who was the elder in respect of the situation of the countrey for Isachar had his lot betweene Zabulun and Dan Mercer Zabuluns border did not extend to Zidon for it is like mention would have beene made thereof Iosh. 19. where the dwelling of Zabulun is bounded Perer. Neither is the meaning that they should only traffike with the Sidonians as Andr. Masius but that their side and coasts should bee over against Sâ—don situated by the sea and full of havens Iun. 3. This tribe of Zabulun was famous because of the mount Tabor where Christ was transfigured and the citie Nazareth where Christ was conceived Luke 1.26 and brought up Math. 2.23 there also Christ began to preach Matth. 4.15 to the people that sat in darknesse he began there where was greatest need for they that
untimely death or sicknesse it seemeth not unpossible that such a number by ordinarie meanes in the circuite of 215. yeeres might be multiplied for seventie persons in thirtie yeeres if they beget every one but one in a yeere will have 2100. Cut off the odde hundred and admit that the third part onely of the other number was apt for generation that is sixe hundred which make 300. couples or mariages those will beget in thirtie yeeres more which is the 60. yeere from their comming into Egypt nine thousand the third part hereof three thousand maketh fifteene hundred couples which having but every yeere one will beget the next thirtie yeeres which makes 90. in all 45000. hereof the third part 15000. will make 7400. couples leaving the odde hundred which will beget by the 12. yeere 222000. the third part whereof 74000. maketh 37000. couples and will beget by the 150. yeere 1110000 the third part hereof 370000. maketh 185000. mariages which will beget the next thirtie yeeres by the 180. yeere 5550000. whereof the third part 185000. which maketh beside the five odde thousand 920000. mariages which will beget by the 210. yeere 27600000. that is 27. thousand sixe hundred thousand Simler Though herein no miracle be admitted yet could it not be done without the exceeding blessing of God especially that notwithstanding their cruell bondage and sore labour yet they multiplied without number Perer. Somewhat about this time the children of Ephraim being increased went against the men of Gath to take away their cattell but presuming before the time they were slaine and Ephraim mourned for them 1 Chron. 7.21 Osiander QUEST VII Who this new King was that knew not Ioseph Vers. 8. THere arose a new King in Egypt 1. This new King was neither an Assyrian borne as Cajetano conjectureth upon these words of Isay chap. 52.4 My people went downe into Egypt to sojourne there and Asshur oppressed them without cause but the Prophet in this place toucheth both the oppressions of the Israelites in Egypt and under Asshur neither in the Egyptian Chronicles was there any Assyrian King either before Moses or for a thousand yeeres after till the reigne of Cambises the Persian 2. Neither could this King be Mephres in whose ninth yeere Ioseph should die and the bondage of Israel begin as Vincentius For seeing all the Patriarkes were dead before their affliction began of which number Levi elder than Ioseph by foure yeeres lived 137. yeeres Exod. 6. and so survived Ioseph who died at 110. yeeres 23. yeeres then could not Mephres be this King that began to reigne before Ioseph died 3. Neither was this King Ramesses as some thinke because one of the cities which the Israelites built was called by that name for Ramesses was King of Egypt in the time of the Trojane warre Plin. lib. 36. cap. 8. which was three hundred yeeres after the death of Moses if he reigned in Egypt in the time of Deborah as thinketh Eusebius he was 140. yeeres after Moses 4. But it is more probable that this King was Amemphis in whose 18. yeere Eusebius thinketh Moses was borne so also Hierome in Chronicis some call him Memnon the speaking stone whose image did use to speake at the Sunnes rise and so continued untill Christ Perer. Simler QUEST VIII Why this Pharaoh is called a new King HE is called a new King because he came of another family Ioseph or for that he brought in a new kind of government altering and changing the lawes as the Chalde Paraphrast and ruling after his owne pleasure Simler He knew not Ioseph either being borne after his time or having forgotten his benefits as Darius had Mardoches faithfulnesse Esther 6. Iunius Wherein his great ingratitude appeared for two great benefits Ioseph had procured one in generall in saving the whole land in the time of the famine the other to the Crowne in annexing to it the fift part of the revenewes of Egypt Perer. As also herein Iosephs modestie appeared that did not in his long time of honour which continued 80. yeeres raise up an honourable and wealthie state to his posteritie seeing his house was so soone obscured but as is most like he and his sonnes joyned themselves unto their brethren not hunting after the wealth of Egypt where they knew they were but strangers Simlerus QUEST IX The causes of the affliction of the Israelites Vers. 10. COme let us worke wisely with them c. 1. There were three causes why the Egyptians consulted to oppresse the Israelites first they envied their happinesse and prosperitie for God every way blessed them then they hated them for their religion in which regard the Hebrewes were an abomination to the Egyptians for they sacrificed those beasts which the Egyptians worshipped see Gen. 46.34 and Exod. 8.26 Thirdly they were afraid of them lest they should joyne with their enemies and rebell against them Perer. 2. And three things they feared lest they might take part with their enemies or rebell by their owne strength or make an escape out of the land Iun. They feared all these joyntly and every one in particular therefore it is better read disjunctively see before in the divers readings 3. They worke wisely or cunningly câ—â—ftily for so the word Chacham is taken both in the good bad part not as the Hebrewes imagine because they would not destroy them with the sword or fire lest God might be revenged of them in the same kind but devised by the water to destroy them whereby the Lord promised never to destroy the world againe but their craft is seene in attempting divers wayes to keepe them under that if they prevailed not by one meanes they might by another and in respect of themselves they worke wisely providing both for their owne securitie and for their profit in the service of the Israelites Simler Likewise they opprest them cunningly that they might not be accused of open and manifest tyrannie Osiander 4. Iosephus alleageth another cause of this affliction that about that time one of the Egyptian Priests foretold unto the King of one that should be borne who when hee once came to yeeres should worke much harme to the Egyptians and greatly exalt the people of Israel lib. 2. antiquit cap. 5. But this being his conjecture no such thing here insinuated by Moses may be more safely rejected than credited QUEST X. Of the hard affliction of the Israelites 12. THerefore they did set taskmasters over them c. 1. Divers wayes were the Israelites most grievously oppressed in Egypt 1. Philo writeth that they were caused to carrie burthens above their strength that they were forced to worke night and day that the same were constrained to be both workmen and servers they were employed in making brick digging and building insomuch that many of them died under their burthens and were not suffered to be buried and beside the most cruell men were set to be their taskmasters Phil. lib. 1. de vita Mosis
they might be stirred up to pray to God for their deliverance and to long for the land of Canaan 3. That God might take just occasion to shew his judgements upon Egypt 4. That the Israelites also might be occasioned hereby more justly to shake off the Egyptians cruell yoke 5. That Gods goodnesse and power might be seene in supporting his people and increasing them even in the middest of their affliction 6. That the Israelites remembring their cruell bondage in Egypt should have no mind to goe thither againe For seeing this notwithstanding if some rebellious of them attempted to make them a Captaine and to returne into Egypt Numb 14. what would they have done if they had lived in all fulnesse and pleasure there Perer. QUEST XIV Whether the Mid-wives were Egyptians or Hebrew women 15 MOreover the King of Egypt commanded the Mid-wives of the Hebrew women 1. Those Mid-wives were not Egyptian women as Iosephus thinketh to whom Pererius subscribeth with others as Aretiuâ— Simlerus for they were such as usually ministred to the Hebrew women as the text sheweth before this time and it is not to be thought that the Israelitish women had no Midwives of their owne besides their religion sheweth as much because they served God that they were Hebrew Mid-wives and the derivation of their names doth give conjecture thereof Shiphrah is derived of Shaphar to be bountifull to adorne and Puhah of Pahah to crie out a name fitting a Mid-wife that is best acquainted with the crying of children and whereas Iosephus giveth this reason because the Hebrew women would have beene partiall for kindred saith it may seeme no more unlikely that Pharaoh useth Hebrew women whom he might thinke for the feare of their life would obey his commandement then he did set Hebrew taske-masters over the rest of the Israelites Exod. 5.15 who might have beene thought also no indifferent overseeers I therefore rather thinke with Augustine that those Mid-wives were Hebrew women than Egyptians 2. Yet could they not be Iocabed Moses mother and Miriam Moses sister as some Hebrewes who was too young not above seven yeere elder than Moses to be imployed for a Mid-wife Simler QUEST XV. Why Pharaoh onely giveth his cruell charge to two Mid-wives THese two Mid-wives are named 1. Not as Cajetan because they attended onely upon the nobler sort of the Hebrewes whose children especially Pharaoh intended to cut off for Pharaohs charge is generall to kill all the male children 2. Nay there were many more called as Perer. but these named as the more famous 3. But these were the chiefe and had the charge and command over the rest and from them they are to take their direction Pellican Vatablus and whereas Cajetan denieth that there was any such presidencie or superiority among the Mid-wives it appeareth to be otherwise that among the Grecians there were some to whom the choise care of that businesse was committed as Plutarch testifieth and that publike schooles were kept for that service Iun. in Analys 4. Now it is easie to guesse why the male children were commanded to be put to death rather than the other 1. Because they feared not any rebellion or insurrection by that sex 2. They were fairer than the Egyptian women and so they might keepe them for their lust 3. They were industrious in spinning and needle work and for that cause might be kept for their service Perer. 5. But herein Pharaoh sheweth himselfe more cruell than either Athaliah in putting to death the Kings children or Herod in slaying the infants or then Astâ—ages and Aâ—â—lius that would have destroyed Remus and Romulus for these did not make a generall edict against the children of an whole nation as Pharaoh doth nor yet surprised infants newly borne Borrh. QUEST XVI Whether the Mid-wives made a lie and are therein to be justified Vers. 19. A And the Mid-wives answered Pharaoh because the Hebrew women are not c. The most doe hold that the Midwives doe here make a fained excuse by an officious lie 1. And of them which thus thinke most are of Augustines opinion that the Mid-wives herein offended because no lie being against the truth is just yet God rewarded them not for their dissembling but for their mercy remunerata est benignitas mentis non iniquitas mentientis the benignitâ—e of the mind not the iniquitie of the lie was rewarded so also Simler Borrh. with others and Augustine addeth this reason that if many times the works of the flesh are pardoned for the works of mercy that follow after much more merito misericordiâ— dimittuntur qua propter misericordiam committuntur for mercy sake those things are remitted which because of mercy are committed 2. Others thinke that the Mid-wives were hindred by their lie and that which might have beene eternall in terrenam est compensationem declinata was because of the lie turned into an earthly recompense Gregorie But seeing the feare of God hath not onely the promise of this life but of the next and the Scripture testifieth of these Midwives that they feared God it is spoken without warrant that they were onely temporally blessed 3. Some doe justifie this act of the Mid-wives and seeme to make it meritorious though not of an eternall yet of a temporall reward Thom. Aquin. But to this opinion may be opposed that saying of Aug. Non remunerata est in illis fallacia sed benevolentia Their fallacie was not rewarded in them but their mercie 4. Rupertus doth simply defend this dissimulation and holdeth it to be no sinne because it proceeded of charitie and God rewarded it and as well may Rahab be condemned for making the like excuse Iosh. 2. Cont But these reasons are very weake 1. This excuse proceeded not of charitie but from feare and though it did charitie must be alwayes joyned with veritie otherwise it is inordinate 2. Their mercy onely was commended and their infirmitie by Gods mercy pardoned 3. Not Rahabs infirmitie but her faith is commended if her excuse were untrue 4. But as Rahab may in that place be defended to have made a true excuse speaking of some other men that were departed from her which came to her house so here also the Mid-wives may say true that the Hebrew women having secret notice from the Mid-wives might be delivered in secret before the Mid-wives came Iun. And it is not unlike but as they were chaster than the Egyptian women so God might give them more strength and speedier deliverance Pellican Here it will be objected that it is said the Mid-wives preserved the men children because they feared God vers 17. and therefore it is like they were present Simler But this may be understood of the care that they had of the infants by whose meanes they were preserved Vatab. For otherwise it was not possible that these two in their owne persons could be present at every womans travaile to save the children QUEST XVII How the Lord is said to
man But afterward he rejected this opinion quâ—st 2. in Exod. Oâ—cumenius also upon Iude bringeth in the Devill contending with Michael the Archangell that Moses was not worthy of buriall because he unjustly killed the Egyptian But S. Stephen defendeth this fact of Moses as being a proofe of his calling from God Acts 7.25 2. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that the Hebrew here smitten of the Egyptian was the husband of one Salomith with whom the Egyptian committed adultery and had by her that blasphemer that was put to death Levit. 24. and therefore he was justly killed of Moses but these are meere conjectures 3. Some other Hebrewes thinke that Moses killed not the Egyptian with the sword but by the word of his mouth as Peter killed Ananias Act. 5. but then Moses needed not to have beene so circumspect and to have buried him privily in the sand Simler 4. Cajetane defendeth this fact because this Egyptian was one of the cruell taskmasters that oppressed the Hebrewes and therefore it was lawfull to kill him but if Moses had beene a private man it had not beene lawfull no not to kill an enemie in this case 5. Paulus Burgensis upon this place is of opinion that Moses might doe this in charitie to deliver his brethren and to relieve the oppressed though he had not a singular inspiriation or publike calling to doe it so Ambrose seemeth to thinke lib. 1. de officiis cap. 36. And the Scripture seemeth to warrant it Deliver them that are drawne to death Prov. 24.11 But though it be an act of charitie to deliver and to rescue yet it is an inordinate charitie to kill one to deliver another 6. Wherefore the best defence is that Moses was inspired of God and had his authoritie from him to doe the office of a Judge betweene the Hebrew and the Egyptian which is affirmed by Saint Stephen He thought that his brethren would have understood that God by his hand should give them deliverance Act. 7.25 And this is the resolution of Augustine quast 2. in Exod. Thostatus Lyranus and Thomas Aquin. Unto this may be added that Moses being the reputed sonne of Pharaohs daughter was a publike person and so of great authoritie Iun. in Analys It may be also that all the circumstances of this fact are not expressed as that the Egyptian did so assault the Hebrew as that the one could not be rescued without killing of the other or Moses might kill him in his owne defence the Egyptian running upon him when hee offered to rescue the Hebrew Perer. But the best defence is that Moses was hereunto extraordinarily stirred up of God which extraordinarie motions are not now of us to be imitated or to be drawne into example Ferus QUEST XX. Why Moses though warranted from God yet useth great secrecie and circumspection in this businesse Vers. 12. ANd he looked round about and when hee saw no man c. It will be objected if Moses had authoritie and a calling from God to kill the Egyptian why did hee it secretly To this may be answered that although Moses was to himselfe assured of his calling yet was it not knowne either to the Hebrewes or Egyptians and therefore his calling being yet secret and hid it was fit that his acts should be secret otherwise his publicke acts his calling being yet secret would have beene as much offensive and called in question as if hee had had no such calling Iun. in Analys So Ehud killed Eglâ—â— privately in his secret chamber Iudg. 3. and Gedeon being not yet pulikely knowne and taken to be appointed of God to deliver his people did pull downe the altar of Baal by night Iudg. 6.27 Herein thâ—n Moses sheweth his godly discretion that he might proceed by order QUEST XXI How Moses is said to feare seeing the Apostle denieth that he feared the King Heb. 11.26 Vers. 14. THen Moses feared and said c. Yet the Apostle saith he feared not the fiercenesse of the King Heb. 11.26 To reconcile Moses and the Apostle 1. We approve not Theodorets exposition that Moses is said not to feare in respect of the cause of his flight the killing of the Egyptian which fact he feared not as not repenting him hereof but this interpretation seemeth somewhat hard and the Apostle sheweth that he feared not the King no not when he left Egypt therein then consisted the vacuity of his feare not in respect of the fact 2. Chrysostome expoundeth his not fearing of his so leaving Egypt that yet he feared not to returne againe thither but Moses was strengthened and incouraged of God to returne afterward the vision which he saw 40. yeeres after did not take away his first feare 3. Theophylact understandeth it of the degree of his feare hee did not so feare the King as that he fled a farre off but went to Midian a Countrie adjoyning not fearing that the King would pursue him thither But the Apostle exempteth him not onely from some degree but from all feare 4. Some referre his feare unto the affliction and persecution that by this meanes was like to be increased so hee feared not for himselfe but for the people Pellican but Moses speaketh of his owne feare upon the which he fled his fleeing was a meanes to deliver himselfe from the danger and not the people 5. Other say that he feared not so much the King as hee feared to offend God lest if he had offered himselfe to the danger and not made an escape he should have tempted him by presuming Osiander But the text sheweth that hee was afraid of Pharaoh and fled from him 6. Others confesse that Moses shewed his infirmitie of feare but it was covered by faith and so not imputed Genevens But the Apostle denieth that he feared at all 7. Some doe expound it not of Moses first leaving of Egypt when indeed he feared the King but of his second departure when he brought out the people thence for then hee feared not Pharaohs anger at all as is evident cap. 10.29 Lyranus Thostatus Pererius Iun. And this exposition doth very well resolve this doubt 8. Unto this also may be added that if wee understand it of his first departure Moses fled not for any feare in respect of himselfe but lest that his calling by this meanes should be hindred and he withdraweth himselfe not so much of feare as to reserve himselfe for a better opportunitie Simler Nor yet doth he feare as distrusting his calling but because hee lost this opportunitie Iun. And the reason of his feare is expressed in the text Then Moses feared and said certainly this thing is knowne Hee feared lest he should be hindred in this businesse of the deliverance of the people Thomas also to the same effect saith that there are two things to be considered in feare unum vituperabile one to be dispraysed when for feare any evill is committed or any good omitted and this was not in Moses another that is
though hee were rude in speech yet he was not so in knowledge 2. Cor. 11.6 the power of S. Pauls speech consisted not in eloquence of words but in the wisdome of the spirit so Moses though defective in the manner of elocution yet might speake with gravity and wisdome and so bee powerfull in words 9. Wherefore notwithstanding this or what else is objected the most probable opinion is that Moses had some naturall impediment of speech as appeareth both by his owne excuse by the Lords answer by the coadjutorship of Aaron his brother an eloquent man vers 14. and because Moses after this saith he was a man of uncircumcised lips and whereas he saith here nor since thou hast spoken to thy servant his meaning is that if at this time when God spake unto him who was able to take away all impediment of speech yet his infirmity remained much more was it like afterward to continue Iunius QUEST VIII How God is said to make the deafe and dumbe Vers. 11. WHo hath made the dumb or the deafe 1. Wee refuse here the fables of the Hebrewes that when Pharaoh had appointed one to kill Moses he was striken blind that he could not see Moses and Pharaoh became both deafe and dumbe that though he espied Moses escape yet hee could not speake to have him stayed but it is evident by the story that Moses fled before hee was apprehended The Lord here speaketh in generall not of any one dumbe or deafe but that as hee sendeth these infirmities upon man so also hee is able to heale them 2. And although these infirmities are evill in respect of nature yet God is the author of them because they are good also in respect of the end which is to humble man and bring him to repentance and to set forth the glory of God as our Saviour saith of the blind man that his blindnesse came that the workes of God might be shewed upon him Simler QUEST IX How and wherefore the Lord was present with Moses mouth Vers. 12. I Will be with thy mouth 1. Although Moses was no eloquent man in outward speech as humane eloquence is accounted yet there was in him a grave and divine eloquence such as the Apostles were endued with the Lord promiseth the assistance of his spirit and to bee present with his mouth 2. But the impediment of his tongue the Lord doth not altogether take away both that Gods glory and power might appeare and that Moses should see how needfull the helpe and society of his brother was neither did Moses pray unto God to heale that infirmity but only useth it as an argument to decline his calling Simler QUEST X. Whom Moses meaneth that he would have sent Vers. 13. SEnd by the hand of him whom thou shouldest send 1. Lyranus thinketh that Moses meaneth his brother Aaron who was elder than he and fitter for his eloquent speech but no mention was made yet of Aaron whom Moses knew not to be alive as may be gathered vers 18. till the Lord first spake of him and promised hee should assist him 2. Rabbi Selomo taketh that hee meaneth Iosuah whom God revealed unto him should be the man that was to lead Israel into the promised land But beside that Iosuah is not yet spoken of this request of Moses would have shewed some emulation or envy toward Iosuah 3. Many of the ancient writers as Iustenus Martyr Tertullian Cyprian with others thinke that Moses here speaketh of the Messias that should be sent into the world so also Perer. But this seemeth not to be so fit both for that Moses not being ignorant of the prophesie of Iacob concerning the comming of Shiloh and how the Lord promised that he would raise up a Prophet like unto him Deus 18.18 which is understood of Christ could not yet expect the comming of the Messiah and this request for the comming of the Messiah proceeding of faith would not have provoked the Lords wrath Therefore Eugubinus opinion though Pererius checkt him for it is not herein to be misliked that neither would have those places of Scripture which are understood of the Messiah to bee referred to others for that savoureth of Judaisme nor yet that which is spoken of others to be applied to Christ which also would bewray curiosity and superstition 4. Therefore the plaine meaning of Moses is that wheâ—â—as God might find out many more fit than himselfe he would send by their hand that is ministery so he aimeth not at any one in particular to be sent but any other whosoever QUEST XI Whether Moses sinned in his so often refusall seeing God was angry with him Vers. 14. THen Iehovahs wrath was kindled 1. Neither doe we consent to some Hebrewes that doe aggravate Moses sinne as distrusting Gods word and therefore some say hee was punished in being deprived of the Priesthood which was given to Aaron some in that he was not suffered to enter into the land of Canaan Contr. But neither was the first a punishment for Moses still was the chiefe and gave Aaron direction and it was a comfort to Moses to have such a coadjutor and beside Aaron was the elder to whom the priesthood appertained Neither was Moses offence here the cause why he entred not into the land of Canaan but his disobedience at the waters of strife Simler 2. Neither on the other side is their opinion found that doe justifie Moses herein and commend his humility in refusing so weighty a calling as Gregorie who by Pauls example would have us ready to suffer adversities and by Moses to refuse prosperity And Hierome commendeth Esaâ—es readinesse after his lippes were purified and Moses unwillingnesse being guilty to himselfe of his owne infirmity Contra. 1. In that God was angrie with Moses it is evident he offended 2. And as S. Paul was willing to suffer adversity because it was Gods will the spirit so testified every where of him that bands and persecution did abide him so Moses should not have refused this charge seeing God so often had signified his will unto him 3. And if Esay did well after the Lord had purged his lippes being before unwilling to shew his readinesse then Moses did not well who after the Lord had promised to be with his mouth yet still persisted in his refusall 3. Thostatus granteth that Moses sinned yet it was a veniall and small sinne because wee reade of 〈◊〉 punishment that followed Cajetanus is of the same opinion and his reason is taken from the phrase here used The wrath of God was kindled as when a man is moved suddenly of choller than of set purpose Contra. In some sense we confesse that both this and all other of Moses sinnes and of all the elect are veniall in respect of Gods mercie in Christ that pardoneth them but otherwise in it owne nature neither this nor any other sinne is pardonable for the wages of sinne is death Rom. 6.23 in the justice of
of God procureth divers plagues as here Moses feareth lest the people if they should not offer sacrifice and doe service unto God should be punished Simler So the Apostle affirmeth that the Corinthians were chastised some with sicknesse some with death for unreverent receiving of the Lords supper 1 Cor. 10.30 2. Observ. Many receive the Gospell joyfully at the first but after fall away Vers. 21. THe Lord looke upon you and judge At the first this people when Moses brought them a joyfull message of their deliverance were glad and thankfully received that gladsome tidings chap. 4.31 But now being more vexed and oppressed than before and not seeing their present deliverance they murmure against Moses Such is the propertie of many in these dayes that are content to receive the Gospell as long as it bringeth ease and prosperitie with it but in time of adversitie they fall away Ferus whom our Saviour compareth unto seed sowne in stony ground which as soone as it riseth is parched away with the heate of the sunne Matth. 13.5 3. Observ. The Gospell falsly challenged to be the cause of Gods judgements Vers. 21. YE have put a sword into their hand to slay us They lay the fault upon Moses and Aaron and make them the cause of their trouble So Achab charged the Prophet Elias that he troubled Israel Thus the heathen Idolaters accused the Christians as the causes of the plagues and famines that were in the world as blind superstitious people doe now lay the like imputations upon the Gospell whereas their superstition and Idolatrie procureth Gods judgements Simler 4. Observ. In the time of affliction we must fly unto God by prayer Vers. 22. MOses returned to the Lord c. By which example wee are taught in all our afflictions and necessities to have recourse unto God by prayer as the Apostle prescribeth If any man be afflicted let him pray Iam. 5.13 So the Prophet saith For my friendship they were my adversaries but I gave my selfe unto prayer Psal. 109.4 5. Observ. Some things fall out in shew contrarie to Gods promises in the beginning to trie our faith Vers. 23. ANd yet thou hast not delivered thy people The Lord after he hath made gracious promises to his servants doth suffer some things contrarie thereunto to fall out for the time for the triall of their faith and patience God promiseth unto Abraham to multiplie his seed as the starres of heaven and yet afterward bid him sacrifice his sonne in whom the hope of his seed was So God promised the Israelites prosperous successe against Benjamin yet at the first they were twice overcome David was annointed King in Sauls place yet hee was persecuted of Saul and driven from his countrie for a while but at the length the Lord made good to the full all his promises toward him Perer. CHAP. VI. 1. The Argument and method THis chapter hath two parts the first is a declaration or rehearsall of the charge which the Lord giveth unto Moses which containeth a double commandement or commission the first to goe unto the Israelites to promise them deliverance unto vers 20. The other unto Pharaoh to vers 14. In the former three things are shewed 1. The foundation of the peoples deliverance which consisteth in the power of God vers 3. his promises made to the fathers vers 4. his compassion upon the afflictions of the people vers 6. 2. The promise followeth partly to deliver them out of bondage vers 6.7 partly to bring them into the land of Canaan vers 8. 3. The effect is shewed that the people because they were afflicted hearkened not unto him In the other commission first the Lords commandement is set downe vers 11.2 Then Moses refuâ—â—â— vers 12. 4. The renewing of the commandement In the second generall part by way of digression is inserted the genealogie of Moses who came of Levi wherein first briefly the genealogie of the two elder sonnes of Iacob Ruben and Simeon is set downe vers 14.15 to make a way for Levi. Then the genealogie of Levi is expressed and of his three sonnes of Gershom vers 17. Merari vers 19. of Kohath and of his sonnes Amram of whom came Moses and Aaron who are specially insisted upon vers 25. to the end and of Izzari vers 21. and Vzziel vers 22. 2. The divers readings Vers. 3. I appeard c. in the name of God almightie I.G. in God shaddai V. as an almightie God B. being their God S. but the word name is fitly supplied as the other part of the verse sheweth but in my name Iehovah c. But in my name Iehovah was I not knowne B.G.I.V.A.P. better than my name Adonai H. my name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord. S. Vers. 7. That I Iehovah bring you out from the burdens of the Egyptians B. G. cum caeter rather from being under the burdens A. that ye be not subject to the burdens I. Vers. 8. Which I did lift up my hand to give it A. B. H. better than upon the which I lift up my hand to give it L. S. P. for upon is not in the text or for the which V. for also is added or which with lâ—ft-up hand I sware to give I. I sware is inserted Vers. 12. Gave them a commandement to the children of Israel V. L. I. or commanded them to the children of Israel A. P. better than concerning the children of Israel B. the preposition el signifieth to or then gave them a charge to goe to the children of Israel G. S. to goe is added Vers. 14. Chenoch and pallâ— A.P. rather than Chanoch I. for it is hatephpathah where pathah is assumed to sheva to helpe to pronounce it and it is better expressed with e than a as the Septuag Hanoch so also V.L. for it is expressed with the some points with the other Henoch Gen. 5. and rather than Henoch S.L.V.B.G. for it is written with cheth which is rather expressed with ch than h. Chetzron I. rather than Hesron L. B. or without an aspiration Esron S. or Hetzron V. or Chezron A P. The first letter is cheth which is as much as ch the other tsadi which is expressed by â—z Vers. 16. Kehath I. B. A. P. rather than Caath L. S. or Cahat V. or Kahath G. for it is with sheva which soundeth e. Vers. 18. The yeeres of the life of Kohath I.V.L. cum caeter rather than Kahath lived B. G. Vers. 25. Pinchas I.A.P. not Pinhas V. or Phinees L.S. or Phinehas G. for the middle letter is cheth ch but because of the better sound the last is used Vers. 27. These are they that spake to Pharaoh and in the end of the verse This is that Moses and Aaron I. V. L. S. cum caeter better than these are that Moses and Aaron which spake B. G. Vers. 29. And it was what day the Lord spake I. V. A. P. better than in the day that
the daughters of Israel came out against Saul and David 2. Beside their instruments and gesture of dancing sheweth so much that they were by themselves 3. Neither is it to be thought that they sang only the ground of the song which for brevities sake only is expressed but the whole song Simler Calvin Ferus And so much seemeth to be insinuated in the Psalme 68.11 The Lord gave matter to the women to tell of the great armie They therefore did set forth in their song the whole manner of their deliverance and the overthrow of their enemies as Moses had done before this place of the Psalme Genebrard doth fitly applie unto this song of deliverance made by this company of women whose opinion also is that there were two companies one of the men the other of women singing by themselves Viri in uno choro cum Mose foeminae in alterâ— cum Maria celebrabant victoriam de Pharaone partam The men in one companie with Moses and the women in another with Marie or Miriam did celebrate the victorie of Pharaoh obtained 4. And whereas Miriam is said to answere the men that may be referred rather to the correspondencie of the like act of singing performed by the women and to the identitie and agreement of the song than restrained to their answering them by turnes as Simlerus giveth his opinion that while Moses sang this verse with the men Marie his sister appointeth a peculiar queere of women Et idem carmen pracinâ—us illis succinentibus priori virorum choro respondet And singing before them the same song doth answere to the former queere of men QUEST III. The end of the song of Moses THe end of this song of Moses was 1. To testifie their thankfulnes unto God for this great deliverance and that by this example others afterward should be stirred up to give like thanks unto God as the daughters of Israel did at the returne of Saul and David from the overthrow of Goliah and the Philistims 1. Sam. 18. and as Iehosaphat and the people blessed God in the same place where they had obtained the victorie 2. Chron. 20. Simler 2. This celebration of publike thanks doth make also very much for the truth of the historie for as Calvin saith Quibus mentiti essâ—nt cùm aliis alii testes essent To whom should they have lied seeing they were one witnesse to another neither did this song come abroad to other nations 3. This song was a notable type and resemblance of the spirituall joy of the Church for their deliverance by Christ as in the Revelation the Saints that had gotten victorie over the beast are said To sing the song of Moses the servant of God and the song of the Lambe saying great and marvellous are thy workes Lord God Almightie just and true are thy wayes thâ—â— King of Saints cap. 15.3 QUEST IV. Why the scripture speaketh so much against horse used in battell Vers. 1. THe horse and his rider hath he overthrowne in the sea 1. The singular is put for the plurall which is usuall in the Scripture and in this place with a speciall relation to Pharaoh himselfe in person overthrowne with his horse 2. We shall finde in Scripture that the pride and trust in horses in battell is much discommended as Psal. 20. Some put their trust in chariots some in horse but we will remember the name of the Lord our God Psal. 33.17 An horse is but a vaine helpe Psal. 76.6 At thy rebuke O God of Iacob both the chariots and horse are cast asleepe Psal 147.10 He hath no pleasure in the strength of an horse and among other sinnes of the people this is numbred for one Thir land was full of horses and their chariots were infinite Esay 2.7 3. The reason why horses are so much discommended Origen would have to be this the Law commandeth nothing concerning horses as it speaketh of asses because horses are ordained more for mens destruction but asses serve for labour and carrying of burdens and other necessarie uses and he addeth further Lascivi motus superbae cervicis animal equâ—s An horse is a lascivious and proud beast and therefore the Scripture compareth such unto horse Orig. hom 15 in Ios. Hierome giveth this reason Quia contra Dei imperium possidâ—tur Because it was against the commandement of God to possesse and multiplie horses Deut. 17. Hieron in 2. cap. Isaia Another yeeldeth this reason Habet Dominus noster equos habet diabolus suos c. The Lord hath his horse and so hath the devill but when the Prohpet desired that the eâ—es of the young man might bee opened hee saw chariots and horse but no riders Quia currus equi Angeli eorum aâ—censor Deus Because the Angels are the Lords chariots and horse and the Lord himselfe is their rider and on the other side the Devill is the rider of his horse Hieron in Psal. 77. Rupertus would have this the cause Hic mundus per equum Diabolus per ascensorem significetur Because the world is understood by the horse the Devill by his rider Philo goeth futher from the marke Equi sunt furor concupiscentia insessor aâ—riga intellectus The horse are rage and concupiscence the rider is the understanding and so he understandeth that prohibition allegorically Deut 17. That the King should not multiplie horses of the passions and affections of the minde Philo libr. de agricultur Ex Perer. 4. But the true cause indeed why the Scripture so much inveigheth against horse is not as though it condemned the necessary use of them and the defence and service by them in warre for Salomon had 40. thousand stalles of horses for his chariots 12. thousand horsemen 1. King 4.26 and therin sinned not But two reasons may bee rendred thereof the one politicall which concerned onely that people lest they might by this occasion go into Egypt to multiplie horses Deut. 17.16 which being a plaine countrie abounded with horse the other reason was morall because they did put their trust and confidence in horse Both these causes the Prophet joyneth together Isay 31. 1. Wâ— unto them that go downe into Egypt and stay upon horses And for this cause as Origen well noteth Filii Israel nunquam equis usi fuisse referuntur The children of Israel in all their battels against Canaan are never said to have used any horses Basil also toucheth the cause Quia jubebat Deus ut toti penderent à suo praesidio c. God commanded them wholly to depend upon his helpe Basil upon that place 2. Esay So then as simplie to number the people was not displeasing unto God for Moses numbred them but with an intent to rejoyce and put confidence in their numbers as David did so simplie it was not unlawfull for them to have horse but to place their trust and confidence in them QUEST V. How the Lord is said to be the strength and
them a Law which sheweth the great perversenesse of the people that notwithstanding the Law given them ceased not to sinne against God or it is a reason why the Lord gave them a Law because they there tempted him this latteâ— sense Calvin preferreth Quod Deus populi malitiam castigaverit à quo tentatuâ— fuerat The Lord correcteth the malice of the people of whom he was tempted But if it were understood of the people the verbe would have beene put in the plurall number They tempted him as vers 23. When they came to Marah and vers 24. jilâ—â—â— hagâ—am the people murmured where people is in the singular but murmured in the plurall And againe the coherence of the sentence beareth not this sense There he set them that is the people a law and there he proved him the same him then he proved unto the which he set a law 2. Some thinke that Moses in Gods name proved the people Genevens But the same that is said before to set them a law doth also prove them that is God and not Moses 3. Therefore the meaning is that God tried here the faith and obedience of his people and this best agreeth both with the words before going that he which gave a law unto them is said also to prove them and with the words following And he said if thou wilt diligently harken c. As God thus said to his people so hee it was that proved them Simler QUEST XLVI Of the divers kinds of temptations Vers. 25. ANd there he proved him 1. There are three kinds of temptations God tempteth man and man tempteth God and the Devill is the tempter of man 1. God is said to tempt two kind of wayes either directly and immediately by himselfe or mediately by other By himselfe sometime he proveth and tempteth by blessings to see if the people will be thereby perswaded to obedience as he did by giving them Manna Exod. 16.5 and Deut. 8.16 sometime by afflictions to see if they will be faithfull as he proved the Israelites in the desert 40. yeeres Deut. 8.3 The Lord is said to tempt mediately when others are the instruments and agents but God the disposer as hee is said by false Prophets to prove his people whether they love the Lord with all their heart Deut. 13.3 2. Man also is said to tempt God as the Israelites did in the wildernesse provoke the Lord by their tentations 40. yeeres Heb. 3.10 And these tentations are of three sorts 1. By despairing and distrusting in the power and assistance of God as Psalm 78.41 They tempted God and limited the holy one of Israel they did limite and tye God unto meanes that when they saw no ordinary meanes to be provided for they despaired as they spake against God saying Can God prepare a table in the wildernesse Psal. 78.19 2. They are said to tempt and provoke God which presume upon God neglecting or refusing the meanes As our Saviour answered the Devill that would have tempted him to cast himselfe downe from the top of the pinacle and to trust in Gods assistance Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God to have presumed upon Gods helpe where there was no cause or necessity had beene a tempting of God So the Prophet saith that the King of Judah in refusing to aske a signe for the confirmation of their hope in God provoked God Isay 7.13 3. Men also tempt God by their curiosity where as they aske things of God which are not necessary as the King of Judah would not aske a signe because it was to tempt God Isay 7.12 which is generally true that he which beleeveth not Gods word without a signe tempteth him but hee was deceived in the particular for it is no tempting of God to aske a signe where the Lord doth offer it as in that place he did So the Sadduces and Pharisies are said to tempt Christ when they asked a signe for men doe as well tempt God of curiosity as of infidelity of this sort was the temptation of the Israelites When they tempted God in their hearts requiring meat for their lust Psalm 78.14 They did of wantonnesse and curiosity for their bellies as the other curiosity is for the mind lust for flesh when they needed not having Manna to content them 3. The Devill is said to be the tempter of man that is a seducer and leader of them into evill and therefore he is simply without any other addition called the Tempter Matth. 4.4 Here then Augustines distinction may well be received Vnam tentationem intelligimus quae decipit sic Deus non tentat alteraâ— qua probat sic tentamur à Deo Wee understand one temptation which deceiveth so God tempteth none one that proveth so we are tempted of God The temptation of Satan hath a double act one toward God when hee tempteth and urgeth God against the Saints and therefore is called the accuser of the brethren the other toward men and so he is the deceiver of the world Revel 12.9 10. And in these temptations unto evill there is a principall tempter and chiefe egger unto evill which is the Devill and ministring and underserving tempters as the concupiscence of our owne nature So the Apostle saith every man is tempted When he is drawne away by his owne concupiscence and is entised Iam. 1.14 As Bernard also well saith Diabolus proprio baculo nos caedit manus nostras proprio cingulo ligat ut caro quae nobis data est in adjutorium fiat nobis in ruinam The Devill doth beat us with our owne staffe and bindeth our hands with our owne girdle that our flesh which was given for our helpe should bee unto our ruine Bernard meditat cap. 15. QUEST XLVII Of the difference betweene good and evill tentations IT shall not bee amisse here to shew the differences betweene good and evill tentations 1. They differ in the efficient cause God is the author of the one as God tempted Abraham the Devill of the other as hee entred into Iudas heart and tempted him to betray Christ. 2. The end is divers Deuâ— tentat ut doceat Diabolus ut decipiat God tempteth to teach us the Devill to deceive us August de tempore serm 72. Abrahams temptation sheweth the one and Iobs the other Deus tentat ut corâ—â—et Diabolus tentat ut subruat God tempteth to crowne us the Devill tempteth to confound us Ambros. lib. 1. dâ— Abraham cap. 8. 3. The manner also is divers the Devill promiseth faire and performeth foule he maketh himselfe a friend but in the end turneth a foe hee beginneth like a Lambe but endeth like a Lion Vt spirituales defraâ—det transfigurat se in angelum lucis ut fortes comprimat apparet agâ—us To deceive those that are spirituall he transfigureth himselfe into an Angell of light to overcome the strong hee sheweth himselfe as a Lambe Augustin soliloq cap. 17. Hee inveigleth Judas with hope of gaine when hee betrayed
purpose not to returne convey much away Simler 4. Now further it is to be observed that this 15. day of the second moneth when Manna was given was the same day which was prescribed for them to keepe the Passeover in that were uncleane Numb 9. signifying thus much that the true Manna was not given to the Jewes which observed the first legall pasch but to the Gentiles which were uncleane through their filthy Idolatry Christ the true Passeover was offered and this was the second pasch under the Gospell which succeeded the first pasch under the Law Ferus ex Gloss. ordinar QUEST III. Whether all the children of Israel murmured Vers. 2. ANd the whole congregation of the children of Israel murmured 1. The word Lun here used signifieth to persist as also to murmure but the latter is more proper they persisted obstinate and opposed themselves by their murmuring against Moses and Aaron 2. It is like that there were some godly persons among them that murmured not as Caleb and Ioshua but because they were but few in respect of the rest all are said to have murmured Lyran. and even the Saints also are not without some infirmities Ferus 3. The whole congregation therefore is said to murmure both because it was generall throughout the campe and in regard of the manner they assembled tumultuously against Moses and Aaron and shewed their discontent Simler 4. It is added in the desert to shew the cause of their murmuring the place where they were was barren and dry and yeelded no hope of any succour or comfort Iun. And beside their wretched nature appeareth that being in such misery and distresse which should have stirred them to prayer they fell to murmuring Simler 5. This famine then which they endured was the more grievous in these three regards because all their provision which they had brought out of Egypt was spent and there was small hope of any new supply in that vast and barren desert and beside the multitude was so great that a little provision would not suffice Borrh. 6. So for this cause all the congregation is said to murmure both to include the Levites who also murmured with the rest and there were beside other strange people mingled with the Israelites who set them on worke to murmure as we reade Numb 11.4 Tostat. quaest 1. QUEST IV. How they are said to have murmured against Moses and Aaron here and afterward against the Lord. AGainst Aaron and Moses Yet afterward verse 8. they are said to have murmured not against them but against the Lord the reason is this 1. Because they were the servants and Ministers of God and he which murmureth against Gods Ministers contemneth God himselfe Genevens And Moses so saith Vt adversus illum se scirent murmurasse qui illos miserat That they should know that they had murmured against him who had sent them August quâ—st 59. in Exod. 2. They are said then to murmure against Moses and Aaron because their speech was directly against them and to them but in effect it was against the Lord because not Moses and Aaron but the Lord had brought them out of Egypt which the Israelites repented them of and were discontented with Lyran. and beside that which they murmured for the want of flesh and of bread Moses could not give them but God Thostat quaest 1. QUEST V. Of the grievous murmuring of the Israelites Vers. 3. O That we had died by the hand of the Lord c. These murmuring and obstinate Israelites doe diversly offend 1. In their ingratitude in extenuating the benefits which they had received upon every occasion they looke onely unto their present state and place where they were and thinke not of the place of bondage whence they were brought Pellic. 2. They preferre carnall things before spirituall the flesh-pots of Egypt before the glorious presence of God who now shewed himselfe visibly among them Ferus 3. They preferre their miserable bondage in Egypt with their grosse flesh-pots before their glorious liberty being in some want whereas men will even with the losse of their lives redeeme their liberty Marbach 4. Yea they untruly accuse Moses and Aaron as though they had brought them out for their destruction whereas they did therein nothing of their owne head but as the Lord directed them Ferus Pellican 5. Yea they call their glorious vocation from bondage to liberty a death and destruction Borrh. QUEST VI. How the Israelites are said to have fit by the flesh-pots of Egypt WHen we sate by the flesh pots 1. The word sir signifieth both a pot and a thorne because they used to hang their pots upon hookes of iron or wood like unto thornes and so the meaning is that they sate by the pot hangers whereon they used to hang their pots Oleaster 2. Some thinke this is spoken because they had flocks of cattell in Egypt whereof they might have fed if they would but they did rather use to eat of fish and fowle which they had there in abundance Gloss. ordinar 3. But though the Egyptians abstained from the flesh of bullocks and sheepe it is like the Israelites had their fill and their fitting by the flesh pots both noteth their security Lyran. and their carnall voracity and greedinesse Sedebant affectuoâ—e They sate gaping over the pots Tostat. They had cattell in the desert but if they should have eaten of them they might soone have killed them all up 4. But it is very like that they speake somewhat lavishly in the commendation of Egypt as Dathan and Abiram did call it a land that flowed with milke and hony Numb 16.13 of purpose to disgrace and diminish the true praise of the land of Canaan which indeed was the land that flowed with milke and hony 5. Some thinke further that they had no such store of cattell in the wildernesse because of the want of pasture oâ— that they spared that kinde of flesh lest they should want for sacrifice but it is not like that this people had any such religious thought at this time therefore it is more probable that they longed not for such kinde of flesh which was at hand but for the flesh of fowles such as they used to eat in Egypt and they wanted now for the nature of discontented people is to loath such things as they have and to covet and desire that which they have not and in that the Lord giveth them quailes it seemeth hee satisfied their owne desire but to their further hurt in sending that kinde of flesh which they lusted after Sic fore Gloss. Ordinar QUEST VII In what sense the Lord saith he will raine bread from heaven Vers. 4. I Will cause bread to raine from heaven 1. Some thinke that by bread is understood generally any kinde of nourishment after the manner of the Hebrew phrase Gloss. ordinar Lyran. Oleaster But Augustines reason overthroweth this interpretation Nam isto nomine carnes complectuntur ipsa enim alimenta
wicked as Abraham followed after the foure Kings that had taken Lot prisoner and delivered him out of their hands Gen. 14. 3. The manner also must bee considered that although the cause of warre be just yet that it be not rashly set upon but all other meanes must first be tried as Ezekiah before he would by force resist the King of Assyria sought to have pacified him by paying a certaine tribute 2 King 18.14 So the children of Israel before they assaulted their brethren the children of Benjamin by open warre because of the wickednesse of the Gibeonites committed against the Levites wife first required of them that those wicked men might be delivered into their hands which when they wilfully refused then they resolved to set upon them Iudg. 20.13 Ex Simlero 4. Confut. Against the Romanists that make difference betweene counsels and precepts IN the next place the Romanists are to bee dealt withall and here commeth first to be examined that assertion that whereas we affirme that even in this Commandement Thou shalt not kill that dutie of charitie is prescribed even in loving our enemies they affirme that this is no precept which we are bound to keepe but a counsell of perfection and a worke of supererogation Thom. Aquin. 2.2 qu. 25. art 9. Contra. 1. This derogateth from the authoritie of Christ to say that he gave counsell to his Disciples and did not by his authoritie command them 2. Seeing all the duties of charitie are required by the law for love is the fulfilling of the law it followeth that even this dutie also in loving our enemies is enacted by the law and not left free 3. Our Saviour adding further as a reason hereof that ye may bee children of your Father which is in heaven sheweth that wee cannot otherwise bee the true children of our heavenly Father unlesse we be like him herein even in loving of our enemies then it will follow that it is not a counsell of conveniencie but a precept of necessitie Ex Bastingio See more of this popish distinction of counsels and precepts Synops. Centur. 1. err 84. 5. Confut. Against the Popish distinction of mortall and veniall sinnes ANother assertion of the Romanists here to be taxed is that anger si sit talis motus ut deducatur ratio est peccatum mortale c. If it be such a motion as that the reason is drawne to consent it is a mortall sinne Si usque ad consensum non pervertitur ratio est peccatum venidle c. But if reason be not perverted to consent then it is a veniall sinne but if it bee not a mortall or deadly sinne in the nature and kinde thereof as is murther and adulterie then although there be a consent it is no mortall sinne Sic Thom. in opuscul This distinction of sinnes veniall and not veniall in their owne nature in respect of the greatnesse or smalnesse of the sinne is not to bee admitted for these reasons 1. In the respect of the nature of sinne which of it selfe deserveth death Rom. 6.23 The wages of sinne is death and sinne is the transgression of the law 1 Ioh. 3.4 and every transgression of the law is under the curse Galath 3.10 2. In respect of the infinite Majestie of God which to violate can bee no veniall sinne of it selfe considering also the perfect and absolute righteousnesse of God which cannot abide the least blemish or imperfection therefore in regard of the perfect righteousnesse and infinite Majestie of God no sinne committed against God can in it selfe bee veniall 3. And concerning this motion and passion of anger even when it is sudden and unadvised though there bee no further purpose or intendment to hurt it is guiltie of judgement Matth. 5.22 Where by the way it shall not bee amisse to note the difference here betweene Thomas Aquin and Bellarmine for Thomas holdeth this anger here spoken of to bee a deadly sinne in that he saith He that is angrie with his brother shall be guiltie of judgement it must be understood dâ— matu tendente in nocumentum c. of a motion tending to hurt where there is consent and so that motion is deadly sinne Sic Thomas in opuscul Ex Lippoman But Bellarmine affirmeth that this is a veniall sinne and so deserveth not everlasting damnation because hell fire is onely due unto the last to call one foole Bellarm. lib. 1. de purgator cap. 4. Contra. 1. Every mortall sinne deserveth damnation but in Thomas Aquins judgement as is shewed before this anger here spoken of is a mortall sinne Ergo. 2. The naming of hell fire onely in the last place sheweth not a divers kinde of punishment from the rest but a divers degree of punishment for otherwise judgement in Scripture â—s taken for damnation as Psal. 143.2 Enter not into judgement with thy servant for no flesh is righteous in thy sight So Rom. 2.1 In that thou judgest another thou condemnest thy selfe Here to judge and condemne are taken for all one to be culpable then of judgement is to bee guiltie of damnation 4. Yet we admit this distinction of veniall and mortall sinnes if it be understood not in respect of the nature of sinne but of the qualitie of the persons for unto those that beleeve all sinnes are veniall and pardonable through the mercie of God Rom. 8.1 There is no condemnation to those that are in Christ Iesus but to the wicked and unbeleevers all their sinnes are mortall Rom. 6.23 to them the stipend and wages of sinne is death See more also hereof Synops. Papis Centur. 4. err 6. 4. Morall observations 1. Observ. Not to be hastie to anger THou shalt not kill Our blessed Saviour expounding this Commandement Matth. 5.22 sheweth that even hee which is angrie unadvisedly transgresseth this precept which may bee a caveat unto furious cholerike and hastie men that they should bridle their intemperate affections and not give place to rage for as Chrysostome saith Si concedatur licentia irascendi datur causa homicidii faciendi If libertie be granted unto anger even cause many times will bee given of murther But if any man shall say when hee is angrie with a man for railing and reviling that hee is angrie with his sinne let him consider that when he heareth the name of God blasphemed he is not so much moved which sheweth that he is angrie in respect of his owne name and person which is called in question and not simply for the sinne Simler 2. Observ. The challenging of one another into the field forbidden ANd if it be simply unlawfull to kill then let such looke unto it that take it to be their honour and estimation to challenge one another into the field whereupon often ensueth murther for we have otherwise learned in the Scriptures Omnem cupiditatem seipsum ulciscendi vetitam esse That all desire for a man to revenge himselfe is unlawfull Simler For such doe usurpe the Lords office The
and unregenerate are wholly sold over unto sinne and their very conscience is polluted Vrsin 4. In the glorious state of the Saints in the next life the obedience of the Saints shall bee perfect and they shall wholly be conformable to the will of God and then we shall be just not onely by the imputative justice of Christ sed propria essentiali justitia but by a proper essentiall justice and then we shall fully be made like to the image of Christ as the Apostle saith Rom. 8.29 Those which he knew before he also predestinate to be made like the image of his Sonne Marbach Now the contrarie objections are these 1. Object The works of the Spirit are perfect but good works in the regenerate are the works of the Spirit therefore they are perfect Answ. This argument proceedeth from that which is simpliciter simplie and absolutely said to bee of the Spirit to that which secundum quid after a sort is of the Spirit the works of the faithfull are not absolutely the works of the Spirit but they are so the works of the Spirit as they be also our works so they are pure as they proceed of the Spirit but impure and imperfect as they are wrought by man 2. Object They which are conformable to the image of Christ have perfect works The faithfull are conformable in this life to the image of Christ Ergo. Answ. The proposition is true onely of those which are perfectly conformable but so are not the faithfull in this life but onely in part as the Apostle saith 1 Cor. 13.12 Now I know in part and as our knowledge is so is our obedience both imperfect 3. Object There is no condemnation to the faithfull Rom. 8.1 therefore their works are perfect Answ. The argument followeth not for the privilege of the faithfull and their exemption from condemnation dependeth not upon the perfection of their works but upon the perfection of Christs righteousnesse imputed to them by faith 4. Object Christ at his comming shall render unto every one according to his works but it standeth not with Gods justice to give a perfect reward unto imperfect works therefore the works of the regenerate because they shall be perfectly rewarded are perfect Answ. 1. The obedience of the faithfull shall bee perfectly rewarded not according to the law of works but according to the law of faith whereby the righteousnesse of Christ is imputed and is rewarded in them being theirs by faith as fully as if it were their owne 2. Yet Christ shall judge also according to their works not as causes of the reward but as testimonies and lively arguments of their faith Vrsin 5. Object The Scripture ascribeth perfection to the works of the Saints as it is said of Noah Gen. 6.9 that he was a just and perfect man in his time so Hezekiah saith 2 King 20.3 I have walked before thee with a perfect heart Answ. 1. These and the like sayings must be understood de perfectione partium non graduum of the perfection of the parts of obedience not of the degree of perfection that is the faithfull doe exercise their obedience in every part of the law but not in a perfect degree or measure 2. They are said to bee perfect in comparison onely of such as were weake and imperfect 3. And further their sinceritie and perfection is understood as being opposite unto dissimulation and hypocrisie that their heart was perfect toward the Lord that is unfained without any dissimulation in which sense the Prophet David saith Iudge me according to mine innocencie Psal. 7.8 6. Object The Apostle saith Whosoever is borne of God sinneth not 1 Iohn 3.9 the faithfull then being borne of God sinne not Answ. The Apostle understandeth here not the dwelling of sinne but the reigning of sinne for otherwise he should be contrarie to himselfe who had said before chap. 1.8 If we say we have no sinne we deceive our selves and the truth is not in us They which are borne of God sinne not that is sinne though it remaine in them it reigneth not in them as S. Paul saith Though we walke in the flesh we doe not warre after the flesh Vrsin 7. It is evident then that the law was not given to justifie men thereby as the Apostle saith Rom. 3.20 Therefore by the works of the law shall no flesh be justified in his sight for by the law commeth the knowledge of sinne This then is the end and use of the law 1. It sheweth what God is one that loveth justice and hateth iniquitie 2. It is as a glasse wherein we may see that image after the which man was at the first created which now is defaced in him by sinne 3. It is a rule and line after the which wee should square out our life and actions 4. It sheweth the corruption of our nature and so is as a schoolemaster to bring us to Christ Marbach So Augustine saith Hac est utilitas legis ut hominem de sua infirmitate convincat gratiae medicinam quae in Christo est implorare compellat This is the profit of the law to convince man of his infirmitie and to drive him to seeke the medicine of grace in Christ Epist. 200. 6. Confut. That the Morall law nor any precept thereof may be by humane authoritie dispensed with THere remaineth yet one point to be discussed whether any of the precepts of the Morall law may be by humane authoritie dispensed withall wherein the Popes Canonists have heretofore given unto their terrene god an infinite and unreasonable power for these were their conclusions that Papa potest dispensare contra jus divinum The Pope may dispense against the law of God contra jus natura against the law of nature contra novum Testamentum against the new Testament contra Apostolum against the Apostle Papa potest dispensare de omnibus praeceptis veteris novi Testamenti The Pope may dispense with all the precepts of the old and new Testament c. But herein I preferre the judgement of Tostatus a moderate writer of that side who denieth unto the Pope any such authoritie and answereth the contrarie objections 1. Object As among men the Law-maker may dispense with his law so God that gave the Morall law is therefore above the law and may dispense with it and if God may dispense then the Prelates of the Church consequently may dispense because they are in Gods stead Answ. First to the proposition this may bee answered 1. That in humane lawes which tend unto the common good the preservation of the publike state the maintenance of peace and of justice the Law-giver himselfe cannot so dispense as to overthrow the end of those lawes as that it shall be lawfull to disturbe the publike state or such like for this were to evert the very scope and end of the law but yet in particular cases he may dispense as where an order is that every one shall watch
and in the time of Samuel Saul and David the Arke and Tabernacle were apart so that it seemeth in that confused and unsetled estate that the Law in that behalfe concerning the place of sacrifice was not so strictly observed QUEST XXII Whether it was lawfull to sacrifice before the Arke and at the Tabernacle while they were asunder NOw the place where the Lord did put the memoriall of his name was in the Tabernacle and Arke while they were placed together and when they were in two divers places it was lawfull to sacrifice before either of them 1. That it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Arke was is evident by the practise of the men of Bethshemesh that offered sacrifice at the returne of the Arke from the land of the Philistims 1 Sam. 6. So David sacrificed before the Arke when he brought it from the house of Ebed Edom 2 Sam. 6. and the reason is because the name of God was invocated or called upon where the Arke was 2 Sam. 6.2 And from the mercie seat which was upon the Arke of the Testimony did the Lord use to speake and give answers Numb 7.89 2. Likewise that it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Tabernacle was while the Arke was away is apparent 1. Because there was the brasen Altar whereon they offered their burnt offerings before the dore of the Tabernacle Levit. 17.6 which Altar followed alwayes the Tabernacle and not the Arke as Salomon found the Arke at Jerusalem but the Tabernacle with the furniture thereof he fetched from Gibeon 2 Chron. 1.3 4 5. 2. Where the Ministers of the Altar the Priests and Levits were there was it lawfull to offer sacrifice for they gave their attendance to that end but most of the Priests and Levits remained with the Tabernacle as Ahimelech with 85. more were at Nob where Saul put them to death while the Arke abode in the house of Abinadab who consecrated his sonne Eleazar to keepe it 1 Sam. 7.1 who alone sufficed not for all sacrifices and oblations of Israel it seemeth therefore that most of their sacrifices were brought then to the Tabernacle though the Arke at that time were in another place 3. Beside after the captivity of Babylon when the Arke was no more to be seene as some thinke hid by Ieremy 2 Macchab. 2 but as is most like lost in the captivity or burnt with the Temple they used to offer sacrifices for after the captivity they restored and renewed such necessary parts and implements as before were in Salomons Temple and were burnt together with the Temple they made like unto them afterward as mention is made of Luk. 1. how Zacharie burned incense before the Lord which was upon the golden Altar likewise Matth. 27. the vaile was rent which divided the most holy place from the Sanctuary when Christ gave up the ghost and seeing they offered sacrifices for which cause some sold doves in the Temple whom Christ cast out Matth. 12. they had also the brasen Altar only the Arke they had not for seeing the Tables of stone the pot of Manna and Aarons rod were all missing for the keeping whereof the Arke was principally made they had no cause to make a new Arke there being no farther use or service for it Tostat. quaest 43. QUEST XXIII How long the Arke was severed from the Tabernacle NOw because mention is made before of the parting and separation of the Arke and Tabernacle it shall not be amisse to shew how long the Arke was absent from the Tabernacle which time will be found to be not much under 100. yeeres as may bee gathered thus after the Arke returned from the country of the Philistims it remained in the house of Abinadab 20. yeeres 1 Sam. 6. and all the time of Samuels government and Sauls reigne who made 40. yeeres betweene them Act. 13.21 whereof those 20. yeeres were part then it was removed by David about the 8. yeere of his reigne to the house of Obed Edom where it continued three moneths and from thence to the house of David in Jerusalem where it stayed 32. yeeres and 11. yeeres more under Salomons reigne for when hee had finished the Temple in the 11. yeere of his reigne 1 King 6.38 he brought the Arke from Davids tent which hee had pitched for it into the Temple 2 Chron. 1.4 So all these yeeres being put together 40. yeeres of Samuel and Sauls government 40. yeeres under David and 11. yeeres of the reigne of Salomon will make 91. yeeres whereunto adde those seven moneths during which time the Arke so journed among the Philistims 1 Sam. 6.1 In which compasse and continuance of yeeres the Arke had these sundry removes first it being carried from Shiloh was seven moneths in the countrey of the Philistims from thence it was carried to Bethshemesh where 50. thousand and 70. persons were slaine for looking into the Arke 1 Sam. 6. then it removed to Kiriathiearim 1 Sam. 7. from thence to the house of Obed Edom and so to the house of David 2 Sam. 6. where it stayed till Salomons Temple was built these were the setling places and mansions of the Arke after it was severed from the Tabernacle till they were joyned together againe saving that sometime the Arke upon some speciall occasion was removed for a while as when they went out to battell as 1 Sam. 14.18 and so was brought to the place againe Sic fere Tostat. qu. 42. QUEST XXIV Of the removing of the Tabernacle AS the Arke was thus removed up and downe so also was Moses Tabernacle for first it was carried from place to place as long as the Israelites pitched their tents in the wildernesse and after they were come into the land of Canaan the Tabernacle remained a long time in Gilgal for thither came the Gibeonites to Ioshuah in Gilgal Iosh. 10. after that it was set up in Shiloh Iosh. 18.1 where it continued all the time of the Judges untill Samuel who understanding by the Spirit of prophecie that the Lord had rejected Shiloh removed the Tabernacle to Nob where Saul put 85. Priests to the sword from thence it seemeth the Tabernacle was translated to Gibeon where it continued untill Salomons Temple was finished from thence Salomon brought it into the Temple 2. Chron. 1.3 Tostatus qu. 42. QUEST XXV Of the places where it was lawfull or unlawfull to sacrifice NOw concerning the places wherein it was lawfull to sacrifice this distinction is to bee observed 1. That the ordinary place was in the Tabernacle when the Arke and it were together and both at the Tabernacle and before the Arke when they were divided as is before shewed 2. Extraordinarily it was lawfull for the Prophets to sacrifice elsewhere as did Samuel David Elias as is before declared quest 20. being thereunto directed by the Spirit of God 3. But in the high places it was unlawfull to sacrifice and therefore those Kings are commended which tooke away the high places and those reproved
procured three waies One is the ordinarie meanes whereby Satan by externall objects useth to tempt men thereby stirring and provoking their natural lust as David was inflamed at the sight of faire Bathsheba but here needeth no other sorcerie or inchantment than the corrupt inclination of a mans owne affection the devill doth but offer the occasion and shew the object hee draweth not the affection but the corruption of the heart of it selfe is ready to apprehend and lay hold of the object set before it Another way there is whereby the affection is stirred as when the evill spirit entereth and possesseth any with madnesse and phrensie for the time not changing the understanding or will but troubling the vitall spirits and inflaming the blood and so incensing unto lust The third way is when Satan entreth not to disquiet the bodie and trouble the spirits but externally offereth violence transporting and carrying by Gods permission bodies from place to place which is no hard thing for Satan to doe and so hee may bring one to the place where their lover is Tostat. qu. 13.3 But here two things are to be considered 1. That Satan directly cannot worke upon the heart of any in the immediate change or alteration of their affections but hee doth it by meanes either externall in moving by objects or by internall provocation and stirring of carnall lust 2. That he hath not the like power over the servants of God which he exerciseth over carnal men which are his owne vassals he ruleth in the children of disobedience as he listeth as the Apostle saith They are taken of him at his will 2 Tim. 2.26 But the faithfull doe resist him by faith 1 Pet. 5.9 So that his tentations cannot fasten upon them to intangle them further than God shall see it good for the triall of their faith This is made evident by that storie of Iustina the Virgin whom Cyprian then a dissolute young man and given to Art Magicke but afterward a most holy and constant Martyr loved exceedingly and when he was not able to prevaile with her by any allurements hee called for the Devils helpe to bring her unto him who by faith chased the evill spirit away Ex Tostat. qu. 13. QUEST XXXII Whether witches can indeed effect anything and whether they are worthie to bee punished by death NOw further by this sentence of the law which adjudgeth witches worthie of death they are found to be in error which thinke that witchcraft is nothing but nudum phantasma a verie phantasie that sillie women imagine they doe things which indeed they doe not but in their owne conceit and imagination First I will examine the objections which are made in the defence or at the least the excuse of these wicked women and in favour of them for the mitigation of their punishment 1. They say that this law is made de veneficis of such as kill and destroy by secret poisons and noysome herbes it concerneth not witches Answ. 1. Indeed the Septuagint reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Latine translateth maleficos workers of mischiefe but they are both in error for the Hebrew word mecashephah is put in the feminine whereas they both interpret it by the masculine And the word mecashphim is applied to those which worke by evill spirits and have confederacie with them as Exod. 7.10 it is given to the Egyptian Sorcerers and Magicians 2. The practice of poisoning belongeth to the sixth Commandement Thou shalt not kill whereas witchcraft here forbidden is a breach of the first Table Simler 2. These sillie women can effect nothing they imagine they doe many things but it is only in their owne conceit Answ. 1. True it is that they cannot effect what they would for the Lord restraineth the power of the devill by whom they worke as he did when the Sorcerers attempted to bring forth lice and could not Exo. 8. 2. Yet it cannot bee denied but that they effect many strange things by the operation of the devill as the Magicians of Egypt could turne their rods into the similitude of Serpents and water into the likenesse of blood and the witch at Endor could cause the likenesse of Samuel to appeare which was not in deed Samuel but the devill taking upon him his shape So it is no strange thing by the operation of Satan when they take a mans garments and beat them to cause the bodie of the man to feele the smart Simler 3. And if they did no hurt and could effect nothing why was this law ordained against them God gave no superfluous or unnecessarie lawes to his people nor without great reason 4. Though they should effect nothing yet their wicked desire and endevour thereunto is worthie to bee punished 3. Witches many times doe good and heale men of their infirmities and diseases therefore they deserve no such punishment Answ. 1. Indeed in the Civill law such a decree is extant made by Constantine Qui per incantationes intemperiem aeris grandinis evertit puniendus non est c. Hee which by inchantment turneth away the intemperate season of the aire and weather is not to bee punished But it is no marvell that such things were tolerated then when they came newly from Gentilisme wherein such things were not only suffered but honored and rewarded 2. We have a more perfect rule out of the Scriptures that no such unlawfull meanes are to bee used no not to a good end as to procure health or such like for this cause the Prophet reproved the King of Israel having received hurt by a fall because he sent to the god of Ekron for helpe And to this purpose Augustine saith well as he is cited in the Decrees Si aliquando sanare videntur languidos id Deipermissu sit ut homines probentur c. If they seeme sometime to heale the diseased it is done by Gods permission that men might bee thereby proved c. And againe hee saith Laque◠sunt adversarii mederi non possunt They are the deviles snares they cannot heale 4. Object But the meanes which they use are wholesome and medicinable as herbs and oyntments and therefore herein they are not to bee found fault with Answ. 1. For the most part they use such meanes whereof no naturall or apparent reason can be given as to burne the thatch of the house to cut off some part of the beast bewitched and burne it and such like Concerning such things Augustine giveth a good rule Remedia ligaturae qu◠medicorum disciplina condemnat non adhibenda c. Such remedies and ligatures which the skill of Physicke condemneth are not to be used 2. He saith further Ex traditione malorum angelorum sunt Such remedies had their beginning from the tradition of evill angels therefore hee concludeth that Phylacteria sunt animarum vincula Such Phylacteries things applied to or hung about the necke or other parts are but the snares of the soule
him as he is But yet this must be understood with three conditions the first is touched by Hierome Non solum Divinitutem Patris c. posse oculos carnis aspicere sed mentis That not onely the Divinitie of the Father but neither of the Sonne or holy Ghost can the eyes of the bodie see but of the minde c. So also Athanasius as he is cited by Augustine Deum omnino esse invisibilem c. nisi in quantum Spiritu mente nosci potest That God is altogether invisible but as he may be knowne in the Spirit and minde c. These then at this time saw not with their bodily eyes the essence of God but certaine visible signes onely and demonstrations of his presence Secondly we shall have a more full sight of God in the next world than in this as Augustine saith Nemo potest in hac vita videre sicuti est No man can see him in this life as he is Eâ— promittitur sanctis in alia vita To see God in his nature is promised in the next life c. So also Gregorie Quamdiu hic mortaliter vivitur c. As long as we live in this mortall life God cannot be seene in his nature c. Thirdly yet fully the Divine nature shall not be comprehended of the Saints no not in the next life as Augustine to this purpose citeth Ambrose interpreting that place of the Apostle Who onely hath immortaliter c. whom never man saw neither can see c. Si natura ipsim est invisibilitas sicut incorruptibilitas c. If it appertaine to the nature of God to be invisible as well as to be incorruptible that nature shall not be changed in the next world of invisible to become visible because he cannot of incorruptible become corruptible c. And againe upon those words of the same Apostle To the King everlasting immortall invisible c. hee writeth thus Vnde ego non audeo ista distinguere c. Therefore I dare not divide or distinguish these things which the Apostle hath joyned together to say To him that is incorruptible for ever in this world and the next but invisible not in the next world but onely in this Contrarie then to this orthodoxall doctrine of the Fathers agreeable to the Scriptures are these ventrous and bold positions That wee shall in the next life participate with Christs Godhead and be made capable of his Divine substance That there is not any thing of Gods which his Saints shall not see In which assertion Augustine doth directly oppose himselfe to all such Dogmatists and Novelists in these words Non quia Dei plenitudinem quisquam non solum oculis corporis sed vel ipsa mente aliquando comprehendit Not because the fulnesse of God any can comprehend at any time not onely with the eyes of the bodie but with the minde it selfe c. for it is one thing to see another to comprehend the whole in seeing c. Totum comprehenditur videndo quod ita videtur ut nihil ejus lateat videntem c. The whole is comprehended in seeing which it so seene that no part thereof is hid from the seer c. Here Augustine evidently testifieth that God cannot wholly be seene unlesse nothing in the Godhead should be hid unto us which here he manifestly denieth 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. Honour in this life no signe of Gods favour Vers. 1. COme up thou and Aaron Nadab and Abihu c. These two which are bidden to come up with Moses and Aaron afterward were slaine with fire from heaven which sheweth that preferment in this life is not alwayes a signe of Gods favour but that the wicked are often exalted and lifted up that they may have the greater fall as the Lord said he 〈◊〉 appointed Pharaoh to shew his power in him Ferus 2. Observ. We must 〈◊〉 upon the Lord 〈◊〉 patience Vers. 16. THe seventh day the Lord called to Moses God would not at the first call unto Moses but maketh him to wait six daye Ne 〈◊〉 familiaritate superâ—iret Lest he should was proud by too much familiaritie Oleaster Vt discamus patienter ferre c. And that we may learne to beare it patiently if God at the first doe not answer to our desire Lippoman As S. Paul therefore be sought the Lord thrice that the temptation of his flesh whereby he was buffered might depart from him 2 Cor. â—â— 8 3. Observ. Sufficient deputies to be left in the Magistrate or Ministers 〈◊〉 absence Vers. 14. IN that Moses leaveth Aaron and Hur in his place It sheweth that the like 〈◊〉 in Ministers God would blesse to leave able deputies in their place when they have just cause to be absent and the contrarie fault he will severely punish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. Observ. The 〈◊〉 of fasting and prayer CHAP. XXV 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter Moses beginneth to set forth such generall ceremonies as belonged to the Tabernacle then instituted for the publike service of God there are two parts thereof the preparation to vers 10. the description to vers 40. 1. In the preparation these things are expressed in the charge which God giveth to Moses 1. Who shall offer the things required namely the people vers 2. 2. What they shall offer vers 3 4 5 6. 3. To what end vers 8. 4. After what manner vers 9. 2. In the description First the Arke is appointed to be made both the bodie thereof 1. Of what matter vers 10. 2. Of what measure vers 10. 3. With what ornaments it must be overlaid with gold vers 11. 4. What adjuncts and appendants both of rings and barres vers 13 14 15. 5. And of the use thereof vers 16. As also the cover of the Arke 1. The matter vers 18. 2. Measure vers 18. 3. The fashion with Cherubims how to be made vers 19. and how to be placed vers 20. 4. The place of the cover vers 21. 5. The use vers 22. Secondly the Table is described 1. The matter 2. The measure and forme vers 23. 3. The parts thereof the crowne vers 24. The border vers 25. The rings vers 26. 4. The appendants the barres v. 28. 5. The appertenants the dishes cups goblets vers 29. 6. The use to set the Shew-bread upon vers 30. Thirdly the Candlesticke is appointed to bee made 1. The matter and after what manner to bee wrought of gold beaten with the hammer vers 31. 2. The parts six branches three on the one side and three on the other vers 32. 3. The forme and fashion with boules almonds knops and flowers to v. 37. 4. The use thereof vers 37. 5. The appertenances the snuffers and snuffe-dishes vers 37. 6. The quantitie of a talent of gold all this must be made vers 39. 2. The divers readings Vers. 4. Fine linnen G. rather than cotten or bombasine I. or silke caeter
because by that Ratio reddebatur de his qua â—nquirebamure A reason was given of those things which were inquired So also Ribera because it was fat idicum it prophesied of things to come Procopius because rationalis animi pars c. the reasonable part of the minde is placed in the heart which the breast-plate covered Vatablâ—s giveth this reason Quia exactaratione consideranda erant c. Because the things therein as the Vrim and Thuâ—miâ—â— were exactly and with deepe reason to be considered of the high Priest But this descanting upon the word is here superfluous seeing the Hebrew word coshen signifieth a pectorall or breast-plate and not as the Septuag and Latine translate 2. It is then called the breast-plate of judgement not as the Hebrewes because the high Priest found therein what the judgement of God was in that matter which was inquired upon for it shall afterward be shewed that the Vrim and Thummius were not given to that end nor yet because the high Priest in all weighty matters of judgement did put on the Ephod with the breast-plate Marbach for by that reason it might as well be called the Ephod of judgement neither because Aaron should in judgement have the people in remembrance when he went into the holy place Oleaster But it was therefore so called for that the high Priest did put it on when he consulted with the Lord about the causes of the people to give right judgement as Numb 27.21 He shall aske counsell for him by the judgement of Vrim before the Lord Iun. QUEST XX. Of the fashion of the breast-plate Vers. 16. FOure-square shall it be The breast-plate is thus described 1. For the manner of workmanship it must be of broidered worke like the Ephod 2. For the matter five things are required to the making thereof as before in the Ephod gold blew silke purple skarlet fine twined linen 3. For the forme and fashion it must be foure square every side of even length as appeareth by the foure orders of the stones and double it must be that it might be of more strength to hold and receive the stones ut firmius substaret auro that it might be the stiffer for the gold and precious stones Pellican 4. For the quantity it was an handbreadth which was halfe a cubit that is twelve fingers for if it had beene but the small handbreadth that is foure fingers it had not beene sufficient to cover the breast before Montan. Ribera Pelargus 5. The ornaments also of the pectorall are set forth which were twelve precious stones set in foure rankes or rowes QUEST XXI Of the twelve precious stones their names colours qualities and congruitie with the twelve Tribes Vers. 27. A Rubie Topaze and a Carbuncle in the first row In the severall application of these stones these foure things shall be observed 1. The name 2. The colour 3. The vertues and qualities 4. The congruity with the tribes of Israel A Rubie The first stone is called odeus of adam which signifieth to wax red Iosephus calleth it the Sardonix the Septuagint the Sardie it is most like to be the Rubie Montan. Genevens 2. The colour of it was red Oleaster as the signification of the word is rather than yellow of the colour of fire as Iunius taketh it for Pyrâ—pus the Carbuncle a precious stone like fire 3. They say it repelleth feare and cheareth and maketh bold Tostat. sharpeneth the wit and stancheth bloud at the nose Magirus 4. This stone they say stood for Ruben Montanus maketh an allusion betweene Ruben and the Rubie but Ribera giveth this reason that as the Sardie is red and somewhat of a fiery colour so he went into his fathers concubine igne libidinis incensus fuit and so was set on fire with concupiscence A Topaze 1. The Hebrew word is pitdah in which there are three radicall or principall letters p t d which being transposed t. p d make topad or topaz not much differing in sound Montan. It is so called of the place where it was found Topasos in Aethiopia Marbach Or the Isle Topazon gave the name to it as Plinie lib. 37. cap. 8. so called of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to seeke because it was much sought for Gloss. interlin would have it called Topazium as if we should say topadium that is of all colour but there is no reason of that etymology 2. Some take it to be of greene colour Montan. And so some of the Hebrewes thinke it to be the Smaragd Ribera out of Plinie lib. 37. cap. 8. alleageth that in greenenesse of colour it exceedeth all other precious stones But it is rather of yellowish colour mixt betweene gold and skie colour Isider Etymol 16. Tostat. Gloss. interlin There are two sorts of it one of the colour of gold which is more precious the other like unto saffron which is of the second sort Marbach And it seemeth to be of yellow colour because Iob 28.19 the Topaze of Aethiopia and the fine gold are named together 3. It is availeable against phrensie and lunacie and melancholy as Diascorides 4. Simeon is resembled to this stone not so much ob animum prasentem for his present and resolute minde which Ribera would have signified by the greene colour as because he was inflamed with ire and rage when he slue the Sichemites A Carbuncle 1. Iosephus with the Septuagint call it the Smaragd so also Iunius Vatabius the Chalde also and Latine Interpreter but that stone is of greene colour it seemeth rather to be the Chrysolitâ— Montan. or the Carbuncle Genevens The word is bareketh derived of barak which signifieth to lighten 2. It was then a precious stone that sparkled and glistred as the lightening which could not be of greene colour though the Smaragd be commended for the exceeding glistering brightnesse in so much that a Romane Emperour is said to have seene in his Smaragd the sword players as they did fight But because barak signifieth lightening as Ezech. 1.13 Out of the fire went barak lightning this stone being named thereof may better be taken for the Carbuncle or Chrysolite 3. The Carbuncle is of such exceeding brightnesse that it giveth light and shineth in the darke 4. Hereunto some resemble Levi Montan Tostat. But it is more like that Levi was omitted because the high Priest of Levi who was to weare this glorious breast-plate might stand for the whole Tribe then Iudah was rather named in the third place Ribera Pelarg. whose royall power streaming glory and princely dignity is more lively set forth in the shining Carbuncle or glistering Chrysolite Pelarg. than in the greene smaragd as Marbach And whereas the Carbuncle is so called of the similitude of fire licèt ignes non sentiant although these stones feele no fire themselves Plin. 37.7 by this property Messiah the Prince of Juda is shadowed forth who in that respect may be called apyrotus not to be vanquished or overcome with
the Romane Church teacheth doctrines contrarie to faith there it may worthily bee left 4. And will they have us to follow them in manners also The Pope and his Cardinals no marvell give such good example of life that it is pitie that they are not imitated They that know Rome and the generall prophanesse and licentious living there though never so much addicted to the Popish religion I think would be ashamed to follow their conversation 5. This ramme signifieth Christ by whose blood only we are purged our eares hands and all other parts sanctified of whom the Prophet speaketh Isai. 50.4 He will waken mine eare as the learned it is blaspemie therefore to applie it to Peter he sanctifieth not the eare Christ indeed healed the eare which Peter cut off I hope they will not say that Peters bloud doth sanctifie them 6. Oleaster giveth a better sense of this place Nihil aliud hujusmodi sanguinis respersione adumbrari video quam Sacerdotum punitionem c. I see nothing else shadowed forth by this sprinkling of bloud than the punishment of the Priests Si negligentiores in audiendis ejus mandatis c. If they should be negligent in hearing Gods Commandements and in the executing of their ministery c. Let the Pope and popelings therefore looke unto it that they smart not for it one day in neglecting Gods Commandements in respect of their owne traditions 4. Controv. Of the elevation of the host and of the signe of the crosse Sa. Vers. 24. THou shalt shake them to and fro The Latine text readeth Thou shalt sanctifie them elevating or lifting them up Whereupon Sa in his annotations would ground the elevation of the host in the Sacrament and Lyranus and Tostatus observe that the Priest shaking them to and fro and lifting them up and downe in this motion made as it were a signe of the crosse in the aire Contra. 1. Who taught them to borrow their ceremonies from the figures and types of the Law If such rites as shadowed forth Christ be still to be used to what end died Christ The Jewes that thinke Christ not yet to be come have some colour in retaining their legall ceremonies but seeing Christians doe beleeve that Christ the body and substance of the Law is come in him all those shadowes are determined 2. Neither was it yet revealed unto them how Christ should suffer and whereon hee should bee offered therefore it is not like that the moving of those things up and downe and to and fro had any such signification 3. Neither was the crosse of Christ of that fashion that as much should be left above the crossing in the head as under it in the feet so that the upright peece should be crossed in the middest after which similitude this motion of the Priests hands seemed to be up and downe and then sidewayes to and fro 5. Controv. Against the burying of Bishops in their Pontificials Vers. 29. ANd the holy garments which are Aarons shall be his sonnes after him It was not the fashion then among the Hebrewes as it is now among the Romanists for their high Priest to be buried in his priestly robes as now their Bishops are intombed in their pontificials Lippoman one of their owne Writers giveth this note hereupon Lest any should say Aaron shall use the pontificall vestures all his life time and when he dieth ipse eisdem indutus tumulabitur he shall be buried in them c. He seemeth closely to glance at that superstitious use practised among them Simlerus ghesseth well at the cause of this ridiculous usage I cannot tell saith he why they should doe so nisi fortè ut mortui fungantur munere suo quod vivi nunquam fecêre unlesse it be that they might exercise their function when they are dead which they never did being alive 6. Controv. Of the lawfulnesse of Ministers marriage and the legitimation of their children Vers. 29. SHall be his sonnes after him c. Tostatus here thus noteth that because in the old Testament the Priests had wives the sonnes succeeded their fathers as others did in civill principalities but now in the new Testament sacerdotes non habent uxores the Priests have no wives and therefore their sonnes succeed them not because they have no sonnes and if they have sometime sonnes illegitimi sunt they are illegitimate c. Tostat. qu. 16. Contra. 1. If the Priests of the Law had their wives of whom was exacted a greater legall purity in outward observations than now why should the Ministers of the new Testament be restrained in the times of the Gospell which hath given us liberty that were in bondage under the Law 2. Then the sonnes succeeded the fathers in the priesthood both because the tribes were distinguished and their families and kinreds divided that Christs line of Iudah might be continued and then the service of the Tabernacle consisting chiefly in externall observations required no such exactnesse but that the sonne might be fit to succeed his father in the priesthood especially God giving an extraordinary blessing unto that lineal succession but now it is not fit that children should alwayes succeed their fathers because the Gospell requireth a greater sufficiencie and the childe is not alwayes heire of his fathers gifts but where the sonne is endued with sufficient parts to take upon him his fathers charge there is no reason why he should be barred We see in these dayes that divers learned men Ministers and Professors under the Gospell have left behind them their sonnes men of worthy parts as Iosias Simlerus had a sonne of the same name who writ the Dedicatory Epistle to his fathers learned Commentaries upon Exodus David Pareus that learned man hath likewise his sonne Philip Pareus who hath written of Logike Kicherman the Author of his Logike and politike Systemata succeeded his father in Gymnasio patrio in his fathers schoole And divers such beside might be named 3. And doth he thinke indeed that the sonnes of Priests are illegitimate and unfit to succeed their fathers What thinketh he of divers Popes that were Priest sonnes as Bonifacius the first Felix the third Agapetus the first Sylvester Theodorus Hadrianus Benedict the 8. Iohn the 12. all which were the sonnes of Priests and Gratian addeth further Quà m plures etiam alii inveniuntur de sacerdotibus nati and divers beside are found to have beene borne of Priests 4. Indeed they which have sonnes and are not married which is no rare thing in the Popish Clergy doe leave an illegitimate seed behind them but such as are borne in lawfull matrimony are an holy seed of what calling soever their parents be for both marriage among all men is honourable Hebr. 13.4 and so consequently among Ministers and their children are holy 1 Cor. 7.14 They therefore that condemne their marriage and make their children illegitimate and so unholy doe contradict the holy Apostle and in a manner give him the
as Moses serpent devoured the Magicians serpents sic diabolus consumitur amissis membris suis so the Devill is devoured his members being lost and taken from him So doth Rupertus understand by this image beaâ—en to powder Eos qui ex parte diaboli per poenitentiam confracti c. Those which having beene as of the body of the Devill are broken by repentance 8. Gregorie maketh this action propheticall to signifie the generall destruction of idols thorow the world Cernas oculis qui huiâ— vanitati erant prius dediti templa sua diruentes c. You may see with your eyes that they which trusted before in their idols doe now pull downe their temples And Procopius by the drinking thereof with the mouth understandeth the true confession of the faith quae ore fit which is done with the mouth whereby idolatrie is overthrowne But the other historicall reasons are rather to be insisted upon And this drinking of the water mixed with this powder was rather an evill signe unto them as the bitter water was unto the adulterous woman Numb 5. than a signification of any good QUEST LIX Whether by the drinking of the water any visible signe of difference was made among the people who had most deeply offended about the golden Calfe BUt some further affirme that this drinking of the water served to another end than that thereby some signe of difference might be made betweene the Ring-leaders unto this idolatrie and the rest that they might easily bee discerned of the Levites when they went up and downe in the host killing those whom they met 1. Therefore R. Salomon thinketh that this bitter water did cause their bellies to swell that were guiltie of this great sinne but to the rest it was pleasant and wholsome water like as the water of jealousie Numb 5. did cause the adulterous womans belly to swell and her thigh to rot but if shee were not guiltie it made her fruitfull 2. Others thinke that the signe was this everie ones beard that consented unto this idolatrie was coloured yellow like unto gold and by this marke the Levites knew them from others But if there had beene any such visible marke set upon them seeing most of the camp consented unto this sinne there should have beene more found guiltie and more slaine than three thousand vers 28. 3. Tostatus thinketh that there was some externall and visible signe caused by drinking of the water though he will not determine what it was because it was not like that the Levites would hand over head slay one with another And he thinketh that Aaron drinking of the water had not that marke because the Lord pardoned his sinne because hee was thereunto drawne by compulsion This instance of Aaron sheweth that the drinking of the water did make no such signe for then Aaron should have had it whose sin was not yet pardoned neither had Moses yet intreated for him having not yet examined him The Levites might know to make difference among the people some other way than by any such visible signe See more of this quest 70. following QUEST LX. How farre Moses fact herein is to be imitated BUt whereas Moses did not onely put downe this abominable idoll but made it altogether unprofitable for any use burning and beating it to powder the question is how farre Moses herein is to be imitated 1. Neither is their opinion to be approved which take this example of Moses to be extraordinarie in demolishing this golden Calfe for as Moses did take away this publike stumbling blocke so it belongeth unto Princes è mâ—dio tollere to remove out of the way whatsoever is done against the worship of God as Hesekiah did likewise breake downe the brazen Serpent after it began to bee abused to idolatrie Ferus Who addeth further I would we had now some Moses to take away the evils which are in the Church Non enim unum tantùm vitulum habemus sed multos For we have not one golden calfe but many Thus Ferus complaineth of the Papall Church 2. But this is extraordinarie in Moses example that he converteth not this golden idoll unto any use but consumeth it to powder Herein Christian Magistrates are not bound to follow Moses example for Moses fact herein was singular ad majorem detestationem c. for the greater detestation of idolatrie Now it is lawfull to convert things consecrate to idolatrie to some profitable use ut juventur membra Christi that the members of Christ may be helped and releeved Gallas 3. And in that Moses doth remove this idoll which none else attempted to doe yet it may bee thought that many in Israel were offended with it so magistratus officium est non privatorum hominum it is the office of the magistrate not of private men to take away idolatrous images Osiander QUEST LXI How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of this sinne Vers. 21. WHat did this people vnto thee that thou hast brought c. 1. Moses layeth this sinne upon Aaron though he were not the first author of it because hee being left in Moses place stayed not the people by his authoritie therefore he is worthily reproved tanquam author sceleris quod passus est admitti as the author of this sinne which he suffered to be committed Calvin so that permissio peccati aeque in vitio sit atque commissio the permitting of sinne is as well in fault as the committing Pelarg. 2. Here then the Hebrewes in seeking to excuse Aaron and the people as seduced by the Egyptians doe labour in vaine seeing Moses doth so straitly charge Aaron as a principall doer in it for if he had not grievously sinned why should Moses here make him the cause of this sinne and the Lord be so offended with him that he purposed to slay him if Moses had not intreated for him Deut. 9.20 And in these three things Aaron sinned 1. In not staying the people and stilling them 2. In that besides consenting unto them hee is an agent in making a Calfe for them 3. And being made hee approved it and set up an altar before it So that Aaron is no more here to be excused than Peter in the Gospell which denied his Master Oleaster 3. Yet Aaron sinned not as the people did but as there were degrees of offenders among the people some incouraged and perswaded others some only gave consent and were seduced by others perswasion to commit idolatrie and some did neither but onely went with the multitude for company to desire a Calfe to be made So Aarons sin differed from the rest timore ductus fabricavit vitulum hee made a Calfe being drawne by feare Tostat. qu. 33. And therefore Moses dealeth otherwise with Aaron than with the people Aaronem verbis redarguit populum cecîdit gladio Hee rebukes Aaron in words the people he slayeth with the sword Ferus 4. But yet Aarons sinne cannot bee so much extenuated as to free him from the
with mee Ambrose The third is their impudent behaviour and continuall solliciting as here this unshamefast woman did day by day move and provoke Ioseph Vers. 10 ex Perer. 4. Observ. The occasion of evill to bee avoyded Vers. 10. HE hearkened not unto her to lie with her or bee in her companie Ioseph would avoid all occasions that might draw him into the least suspition of evill Muscul. So the Apostle saith Abstaine from all appearance of evill 1 Thess. 1.22 He that will not be inticed to adulterie drunkennesse and such like must shunne and avoid the companie of such 5. Observ. The unstable affections of the wicked Vers 14. SHee called to the men of the house This wicked womans love was turned into hatred such was Amnons filthie love or lust rather toward Thamar whom he hated as much after his uncleane act as hee doated upon her before 2 Sam. 13.15 Such are the affections of the wicked variable inconstant inhumane unstedfast 6. Observ. God visiteth his children even in prison Vers. 21. THe Lord was with Ioseph and shewed him mercie c. Though Ioseph was closed up in the darke dungeon yet God was his light and comfort as it is in the Psalme Vnto the righteous ariseth light in darkenesse Psal. 102.4 Visiâ—at deus in carcere suos God doth visit his even in prison as Christ saith in the person of his members I was in prison and ye did not visit mee Matth. 25. Thus God visited Paul and Silas being fast in the stocks in the inner prison when at midnight they sung a Psalme unto God Act. 16.25 CHAP. XL. 1. The Method or Argument THis chapter sheweth first what favour Ioseph found for the time present at the hands of the keeper and how he was set over the other prisoners vers 1. to vers 5. Secondly how by the interpretation of certaine dreames he made away for his deliverance and preferment following where first the dreames are rehearsed unto him the dreame of Pharaohs chiefe Butler apart as also the dreame of the chiefe Baker then Ioseph expoundeth the dreames the interpretation of the one was good of the other unhappie lastly is shewed the divers successe of these dreames according to Iosephs interpretaâ—â—â—n vers 19. to the end 2. The divers readings v. 1. It happened that two Eunuches offended H. the rest have not this clause but onely that the Butler and Bakâ—r offended The chiefe Butler and chiefe Baker S. The Butler and Baker caet v. 1 The Butler and Cooke T. Butler and Baker caet aphah signifieth to bake and to seeth and dresse meat it appeareth v. 17 that he had charge of the Kings meat v. 2. Pharaoh was angrie with them H. angrie with his two Eunuches S. two princes C. officers G. B. Courtiers T. Saris signifieth both and Eunuch and geâ—ded man as likewise a principall officer or man in authoritie v. 3. He sent them into the prison of the Captaine of the souldiers H.C. of the chiefe steward G. B. praefecti satellitum master of the guard T. principis lanionum the chiefe slaughter-man P. see before chap. 37.36 of the divers readings of the word tabach v. 3. In the place where Ioseph lay S. lay bound caet the house of them that were bound where Ioseph lay bound G. the round tower T. Soâ—ar a round vaulted place v. 5. They dreamed both a dreame the same night H. both one dreame in one night S. every one his dreame catâ—r Their visions were of their dreame S. each mans dreame of a divers interpretation S. according to the interpretation thereof câ—t The Butler and Baker of the King of Egypt which were bound in prison all have this clause but the Latin v. 13. Pharaoh shall remember thee C. remember thy service H. thine office S. â—â—mber thy head or â—eavie thine head T. lift up thy head B.G.P. heb v. 16. Three baskets of meale S. filled with principall or white bread C. three white baskets G. P. three white wicker baskets B. baskets full of holes T. char signifieth white and full of holes v. 17. All kinde of baken meats for Pharaoh cat all kind of meats dressed by the art of coquerie T. see before v. 1. v. 23. He forgot his interpreter H. remembred not Ioseph but forgâ—t him caet 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. What the offence was of Pharaohs chiefe Butler and Baker Vers. 1. THe Butler offended c. 1. This Butler and Baker that offended were not the under officers and therefore they which were set over them were punished as R. Ephraim Carus thinketh for it had not beene justice to punish one for an others fault but the same parties which offended were committed 2. Neither was this their offence because Pharaoh found a flye in the cup and a little stone in the bread as some Hebrewes imagine it is not like that so wise a Prince would punish so small offences with death some thinke they had attempted the chastitie of Pharaohs daughters but it is most like that it was some conspiracie or treason against the life of Pharaoh as we reade in the booke of Esther that two Eunuchs conspired against Assuerus Mercer QUEST 2. How the chiefe Butlers head is said to be lift up Vers. 13. WIthin three daies shall Pharaoh lift up or leavie thy head c. 1. Iunius exposition here is too curious that referreth this to that use and custome of tables made with rowes and ranks of holes with pegges against the which were written the names of the officers with their ministerie and services and that this peg is called the head and the boord or table the base or seat to the which the peg should be removed which signified the restoring of him to this place againe 2. I had rather with Mercerus understand by lifting up or leavying the head the numbering of him among the rest as the phrase is used Exod. 30.12 When thou liftest the head of the children of Israel that is takest the summe of them 3. But we neede not search further than with Musculus to take the plaine and ordinarie sense who by lifting up or leavying the head understandeth his advancement and restoring to his former condition as the head of Ioachim King of Iudah is said to be lift up when he was delivered out of prison 2. King 25.27 QUEST III. Whether Ioseph offended in making request to the Butler to remember him Vers. 14. HAve me in remembrance c. 1. The Hebrewes doe reprehend Ioseph for trusting to this meanes of his deliverance say that for this cause he was chastised with two yeares longer imprisonment to the same purpose writeth Augustin serm 82. de temp But although Ioseph was content to use the meanes which was offered yet there is no doubt he relied upon Gods providence still theerfore Ioseph is here reprehended without cause 2. Neither doth he make sale of his spirituall and propheticall
had conceived that Moses were dead they would not have spoken so doubtfully as not knowing what was befallen him Lyranus And beside God would not have suffered Satan in the same place where hee gave them signes of his glorious presence in the clouds to have practised his cosening and counterfeit tricks 2. They shew their contempt not vouchsafing to call him by his name Contemptim virum illum appellabant c. They in contempt call him the man c. Lippoman 3. They also bewray their infidelitie that having daily experience how the Lord fed them with manna could not conceive how the Lord should preserve Moses alive also fortie dayes without any supplie of food from them Simler 4. They shew their oblivion and forgetfulnesse that having seene Moses goe up into the mountaine and entring into the thicke cloud talking with God they now begin to imagine that he might be consumed and devoured in those flames Osiander 5. This their apostasie and falling away from God and despising of his Prophet did prefigure their falling away afterward from Christ Ferus QUEST XII Why Aaron bad them pull off their earings Vers. 2. THen Aaron said plucke off the golden earings c. 1. Some thinke because the people made great account of their jewels and earings that Aaron by this meanes did thinke to have turned them from their purpose So Augustine Intelligitur illis difficilia pracipere voluisse ut isto modo ab illa intentione revocaret He may be thought to have commanded them hard things to revoke them from their intention c. So also Tostatus Lyranus 2. And Calvin further addeth that he required this lest they might have spoiled the Tabernacle to finde gold for this idoll and he might thinke the people would have beene more hardly drawne unto it because they had given so liberally unto the Tabernacle alreadie But Calvin is herein deceived for the Tabernacle was not yet made Moses being not come downe from the mount where he received instruction for the making of the Tabernacle 3. Further Aaron might thinke that the women would hardly have parted with their jewels and that there might have risen by this meanes some tumults and stirres in their families by which meanes this attempt should have beene stayed Siml Oleast And this is very like that Aaron used all meanes secretly to have put off the people but herein was his great fault that he dissembled in so weightie a matter and did not plainly and openly stay the people QUEST XIII Whether Aarons sin here is to be excused SOme goe about to excuse or extenuate Aarons offence here 1. Bernard alleageth that Aaron was forced thereunto Sceleratis tumultuantis populi contra volunt atem suam cessit clamoribus Hee gave way unto the wicked clamours of the people against his owne minde So also Theodoret Vitulum formaré necessario coactus est He was forced of necessitie to frame a calfe And so he excuseth himselfe afterward by the peoples outrage vers 22. But nothing should have compelled Aaron to doe evill he should have feared God rather than man and chosen to die before he would see God dishonoured 2. Ambrose saith Neque excusare tantum Sacerdotem possumus neque condemnare audemus We can neither excuse so great a Priest nor yet dare condemne him But seeing Moses did afterward sharply reprove him and the Lord would for this have slaine him Deut. 9. there is no question but that he most grievously sinned 3. Some alleage by way of excuse that all Aarons courses tended to have sought delayes till Moses comming in that he called for their earings which he thought would have beene gathered with much trouble and businesse then he casteth them altogether and melteth them and then caused it to bee fashioned with a graving toole after that he made an Altar and deferred the solemnitie till the next day Oleaster But all this being granted it is so farre from excusing Aaron that perfidiosior est assensus c. his consent is so much the more treacherous dissembling his conscience when he saw idolatrie so grounded and rooted in the people than if he had given a simple assent Iun. in Analys 4. Procopius saith Quasi convitienda exprobrat c. Aaron doth as it were upbraid them and scoffingly say unto them These are thy gods c. but neither were these the words of Aaron the people so said neither is it like that Aaron being afraid of them would have scoffed with them wherefore that Aaronâ— sinne was very grievous and inexcusable doth now follow to be shewed in the next question 5. Theodoret addeth Primo populi impetum verbis compâ—scere tentavit c. That first he tried to pacifie the heat of the people with words But this is not expressed in the text it may be he would have disswaded them but that he saw them so violently carried that there was no speaking unto them QUEST XIV Of the greatnesse of Aarons sinne AArons sin then is made manifest set forth by these circumstances 1. In respect of his person he had often conference with God and by him the Lord had wrought great works and miracles in Egypt therefore his example was so much the more dangerous and his fall the greater 2. The thing that hee consented unto was a breach of the first table it was not theft or adulterie or such like but wicked idolatrie for Spiritualia peccata graviora sunt Spirituall evils are more grievous Ferus 3. Quod propriis manibus accipit signum est effoeminati servilis animi In that he taketh their earings with his owne hands it was a signe of an effeminate and servile minde Calvin 4. He sinned also grievously in his dissimulation when for feare hee against his owne conscience dissembled and so betrayed the truth Iun. 5. Borrhaius addeth that he sinned two wayes beside in usurping a lawgivers office which belonged unto Moses and in bringing in new ripes and worship which God had not commanded But Aaron offended not in the first because Moses had left him governour in his place till he returned but in the latter his presumption was great 6. Aarons fall also appeareth in this that after he made a golden calfe seeing it to be pleasing unto the people he was so forward afterward both in making an Altar and proclaiming a solemnitie Pelarg. QUEST XV. Why it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall NOw it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall 1. Vt humiliaretur that he might be humbled lest hee might afterward have beene too much lifted up being called to bee high Priest Ferus 2. By this example we doe see Sanctissimos interdum faede labi c. that holy men may sometime grossely fall Borrh. 3. This sheweth that Aarons Priesthood was not perfect nor able fully to reconcile men unto God seeing he himselfe was a sinner Marb Quomodo unus captivus alium liberaret How should one captive deliver another Ferus