cause also it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall Vt nemo de gratia sua praesumat that no man should presume of his gifts or strength but let him that standeth as the Apostle saith take heed lest he fall Ferus 5. And by Aarons presumption we see how dangerous a thing it is to bring any thing into Gods service without his warrant Borrh. QUEST XVI How the golden calfe is said to be fashioned with a graving toole Vers. 4. ANd fashioned it with a graving toole and made thereof a molten calfe 1. The word here translated a graving toole is chereth which is sometime taken for a bag or purse as 2 King 5.22 where it is said that Naaman bound two talents of silver in two bags gave them to Gehezi and so some thinke that Aaron put all the peoples jewels and earings in a bag together lest they might thinke he had converted any part thereof to his owne use Cajetan but the other word vajatâ—ar he fashioned is against this sense 2. But most usually chereth is taken for a penny style or graving toole and so some thinke that Aaron with this instrument did draw a patterne making the proportion of a calfe which the workmen should follow in their casting So R. Salom. Osiand Lyran. 3. Others thinke that with this instrument Aaron made a mould in clay or such like matter and the mettall cast into it received that forme Tost q. 10. Oleast 4. Simlerus maketh a double use of this graving toole Vnum in formandâ— typo alterum in perpoliendo operefuso One in making the mould the other in polishing the worke after it was cast 5. But I rather subscribe to Gallasius that thinketh here is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a transposing of the words putting the latter first for the golden calfe was first cast and melted and then polished and trimmed with a graving toole as workmen use to doe 6. This calfe was made by Founders worke there are three wayes to make and frame things of mettall either by hammering and beating them to some fashion as the Cherubs upon the Arke were made or by joyning the peeces and joints together which are sunderly made or by casting and melting it in a mould and so was this golden calfe made Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XVII Why Aaron caused the likenesse of a calfe to be made rather than of any other thing Vers. 4. A Molten calfe 1. Some of the Hebrewes give this ridiculous reason why the image of a calfe was made rather than of any other thing when the Israelites were comming out of Egypt and intended to bring out Iosephs bones with them as they did they say Nilus had overflowen the place where his bones were and so Moses did make the picture of a calfe in a certaine golden plate which floting upon the water shewed the place where Iosephs bones lay which plate they say was brought among other jewels to Aaron here and cast into the fire by vertue whereof the whole masse of gold was turned into the shape of a calfe But here are many fables couched together 1. It is a very tale that Iosephs bones were found out by any such meanes 2. The people onely brought their golden earings therefore no such plate 3. Neither was there any such vertue in that golden plate if there had beene any such to convert or change the whole masse 4. Neither was there any such cause seeing the molten calfe was cast in a mould Opere fusario by Founders worke as the Latine translator readeth 2. R. Abraham seemeth to thinke that this figure of a calfe was made rather than any other as apâ—est at that time to receive some divine and celestiall influence but though Aaron were at this present grossely blinded and deceived yet it were impietie to thinke that he was given to such superstitious astrologicall observations as to make figures to derive some secret supernaturall influence and vertue into by the celestiall constellations 3. Some thinke that Aaron caused a calfe to be made to deride them as Helias did Baals Priests supposing they would not be so absurd as to ascribe divine vertue unto a calfe Procopius But it seemeth that Aaron was in good earnest by that which followeth in that he set up an Altar and proclaimed an holy day 4. It is further alleaged by some that Aaron intended not to make any thing of the gold thinking that the fire might consume it but that the Egyptians which were in the campe by their art Magike and by the operation of the devill caused the image of a calfe to come forth Ex Fero. But it may appeare vers 24. by Aarons confession unto Moses that he intended to make them an image when he cast the mettall into the fire and to what end else served the graving toole but to fashion it he would not have polished and trimmed the devils worke 5. Some further thinke they would have a calfe made because the sacrifices of bullocks are the chiefest and thereby they thought the better to please God But it is not like that they had any such purpose at this time to doe that which was pleasing unto God seeing they had heard not long before the Lord by his owne mouth forbidding them to make any kinde of image to worship 6. It is therefore most like that Aaron according to the desire of the people made a Calfe like unto the Egyptian god Apis which they had seene the Egyptians to worship and therefore they were drawne by the corrupt imitation of them to have the image of a Calfe made Lyran. Calvin Simler Gallas Augustine addeth further that the Egyptians had set up the image of an oxe or bullocke by Iosephs tombe which they worshipped So the Interlinâ—â—ry glosse giveth this reason Quia bovem adoraverunt in Aegypto Because they had used to worship a bullocke in Egypt And the Egyptians used to worship their King being dead under the forme of a live bullocke Plin. lib. 8. cap. 46. QUEST XVIII Whether the Israelites thought indeed the golden Calfe to be the God that delivered them THen they said These be thy gods O Israel which brought thee out of Egypt 1. Procopius thinketh that these words were uttered by Aaron and that hereby he would have brought them to remember that God which had brought them out of Egypt But it is evident by the text that these were the acclamations of the people 2. Lyranus thinketh that the people attribuebat idolo did attribute unto this idoll it selfe those great wonders which God had wrought for their deliverance and therefore for honour of this idoll they speake in the plurall number as men used to doe to great persons But it is not like they were so mad as to thinke the golden Calfe brought them out of Egypt cum res esset inanimata it being a thing without life Ferus And men use to speake for more honour sake in the plurall number in the first and second
himselfe excusable because hee was urged and compelled through the importunitie of the people to doe it Importunitas populi eos levare non potest c. The importunitie of the people cannot ease them any thing who should have beene more prudent and circumspect in their government Gallâ—s 4. In excusing hee accuseth himselfe for in that the people were bent to mischiefe hee ought to have beene so much the more vigilant over them And whereas they asked to have gods made to goe before them and alleaged they knew not what was become of Moses he should have told them that the Lord was their guide and have declared where Moses was Simler 5. In saying thereof came this calfe frigida exili narratione culpam tegere c. he goeth about by a cold and slender narration to hide his fault Calvin QUEST LXV Whether Aaron dissembled in not confessing plainly that he made the Calfe Vers. 24. I Did cast it into the fire and thereof came this Calfe 1. The Hebrewes seeking to excuse Aarons fault what they may say that he intended not to make a Calfe but cast in the golden eare-rings into the fire to consume them but by the operation of Satan working by certaine Egyptian Magicians in the camp the forme of a Calfe came forth But that Aaron had an intention to make a Calfe appeareth by the former narration vers 4. how Aaron after it was molten and cast caused it to be fashioned with a graving toole See more hereof quest 17. before 2. Some thinke that Aaron mentitur timâ—re perterritus maketh a plaine lie being overcome of feare Oleaster So also Lyranus But Aaron would have beene ashamed publikely to make a lye as though he had purposed to make a Calfe seeing it was not well knowne to all the people to be his doing 3. Tostatus is of opinion that Aaron herein is not faultie at all but that he simply confessed that hee made the Calfe being through feare of the people thereunto compelled Sed Scriptura qua breviloquâ— est c. hic eum breviter tangit But the Sripture which is compendious because the narration hereof was set downe before doth but briefly touch it here But it might as briefly have beene set downe that Aaron made the molten Calfe as it is expressed before vers 4. therefore the brevitie of speech is not the cause 4. Augustine thinketh that Aaron himselfe compendio locutâ—â— est used this compendious speech and that he lied not at all because Moses eum de mendacio non arguit doth not reprove him for lying But as Aaron is not convinced here of a manifest lye yet some colouring and dissimulation appeareth in his speech because he doth not plainly confesse hee did it Substantia facti narratur tantummodo faciendi He confesseth only the substance of the fact concealing the manner Moses reproveth him not for this dissembling no more he doth for any other infirmitie here shewed because he replieth not againe 5. Hugo de S. Victor would have the meaning of Aarons words to be this Thereouâ— came this Calfe opere scilicet hominis non miraculo by the worke of man not by any miracle But the manner of his speech sheweth that Aaron sought to extenuate his sinne 6. I therefore here rather consent to those which thinke that Aaron coloured his fault by this speech Râ—m ita refert ac si praeter ipsius intentionem formatus sic vitulus He so reporteth the matter as though the Calfe were formed beside his intention Marbach Iejune simpliciter narrat Hee maketh a drie and slender narration Simler Exili narratione culpam tegere c. By a slender report he would cover his sinne Calvin Quicquid sit attenâ—at quantum potest culpam Whatsoever it is in these words he extenuateth his sinne what he may Lippoman And this seemeth to be more likely because Aaron maketh a colourable defence and excuse of his fault thorowout as is shewed before quest 64. QUEST LXVI In what sense the people are said to be naked Vers. 24. MOses saw therefore that the people were naked c. 1. Some understand it of their jewels of gold which they were deprived of being bestowed upon the idoll Lyran. Hugo de S. Victor But we read in the next chapter that they were splendidè ornati they had goodly ornaments Calvin Marbach Therefore they were not stripped of all 2. Some thinke that they were disarmed for Aaron fearing some mutinie and rising among the people had taken away their armour Cajetan But in that it is said afterward that the Levites girded their swords to them vers 27. it appeareth that their weapons were not taken from them Simler 3. Some expound it of the manifestation of their sinne that whereas hitherto they were counted the true worshippers of God now they should bee knowne to be idolaters and so defamed among the Heathen R. D. Kimbi Oleaster Vatab. 4. Some giue this sense Aaron had made them naked that is laid all the fault upon the people 5. Or they were naked because they went about obstinately to defend their sinne but in this sense Aaron could not bee said to have made them naked for he would not have encouraged them to stand in defence of their sinne having himselfe confessed it 6. The Chalde translateth Moses saw the people were idle that is gave themselves to eating and drinking and playing and neglected the feares of warre which would have beene unto their shame if their enemies should encounter with them 7. But beyond the rest this is the most proper interpretation that they were naked gratia prasiâ—lio Dei of the favour help and assistance of God Iunius Nudatus erat gratia protectione they were naked of his favour and protection Ferus Therefore Si tunc corruissent hostes proculdubio eos ignomiâ—iosè delevissent If then the enemie had fallen upon them they had most shamefully foiled them Gallas As the Canaanites overcame the Israelites when they set upon them wilfully God being not among them Tostat. qu. 34. So also Calvin Significat rejectos esse à Deo Hee signifieth they were rejected of God under whose protection they were To the same purpose Osiander Borrhaius Lippoman Simlerus QUEST LXVII Why Moses stood in the gate and what gate it was Vers. 26. MOses stood in the gate of the camp 1. Cajetan thinketh that the camp had gates to enter in by Quia castra munita eranâ— tanquam civitas because the camp was fenced about like a citie and Simlerus thinketh that the camp was compassed about with a ditch and by the same there were certaine passages and entrances into the camp But that is not like that they alwayes entrenched themselves seeing they were to remove at all times as the cloud before them removed which was sometime the same day sometime within two dayes Numb 9.22 so that they could have no time to make any such ditch or trench Tostat. qu. 34. 2. Who
powder of the Idoll 59. qu. Whether by the drinking of the water any visible signe of difference was made among the people who had most deepely offended about the golden Calfe 60. qu. How farre Moses fact herein is to bee imitated 61. qu. How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of his sinne 62. qu. Why Idolatrie is called a great sinne 63. qu. Why Moses onely rebuked Aaron and forbeareth further punishment 64. qu. What things are to be commended in Aarons confession what not 65. qu. Whether Aaron dissembled in not confessing plainely that he made the Calfe 66. qu. In what sense the people are said to be naked 67. qu. Why Moses stood in the gate and what gate it was 68. qu. VVhether all the Levites were free from consenting unto this idolatrie 69. qu. Of the authoritie which the Levites had to doe execution upon the idolaters and the rules prescribed them 70. qu. VVhether the Levites did not make some difference among the people as they went and killed 71. qu. VVhy none came unto Moses but onely of the tribe of Levi. 72. qu. Of the number of them which were slaine whether they were three thousand or twentie three thousand as the vulgar Latine readeth 73. qu. How the Levites are said to consecrate their hands 74. qu. Of the time when Moses came downe from the mount and when he returned againe 75. qu. VVhy Moses urgeth the greatnesse of their sinne 76. qu. Why Moses speaketh as it were doubtfully If I may pacifie him c. 77. qu. Why Moses againe intreateth the Lord seeing he was pacified before vers 14. 78. qu. What booke it was out of the which Moses wished to be raced 79. qu. How the Lord is said to have a booke 80. qu. VVhether any can indeed be raced out of the booke of life 81. qu. Of the two wayes whereby we are said to bee written in the booke of life 82. qu. VVhether Moses did well in wishing to bee raced out of the booke of life 83. qu. In what sense the Lord saith I will put out of my booke 84. qu. What day of visitation the Lord meaneth here 85. qu. When the Lord plagued the people for the Calfe 86. qu. Of the difference betweene the act of sinne the fault staine and guilt 87. qu. How God may justly punish twice for one sinne Questions upon the three and thirtieth Chapter 1. QUest At what time the Lord uttered his commination 2. qu. Whether the narration of Moses Tabernacle in this Chapter be transposed 3. qu. How God saith he will send his Angell and yet not himselfe goe with them 4. qu. Why the Lord saith hee will not goe with them himselfe lest he should consume them 5. qu. What ornaments they were which the people laid aside 6. qu. Why in publike repentance they used to change their habit 7. qu. Why the Lord thus spake unto Moses 8. qu. In what sense the Lord saith I will come upon thee 9. qu. VVhether the people put off their ornaments twice 10. qu. In what sense the Lord saith That I may know 11. qu. Why it is said They laid aside their good rayment From the mount Horeb. 12. qu. What Tabernacle Moses removed out of the campe 13. qu. Why Moses pitched his Tabernacle without the host 14. qu. How farre from the campe this Tent was removed 15. qu. VVhat is called the Tent of the Congregation 16. qu. Why the people stood up unto Moses and looked after him 17. qu. Whether there were two clouds or one to cover and conduct the host 18. qu. Why the Lord spake to Moses in a cloud 19. qu. How the Lord spake to Moses face to face 20. qu. Why Joshua is here called a young man 21. qu. Whether is here understood Joshua not to have departed from the Tabernacle 22. qu. When the Lord thus said to Moses 23. qu. How Moses desireth to know whom the Lord would send with them seeing hee had promised before to send his Angell 24. qu. Whether the sole government and leading of the people were here given to Moses without the administration of Angels as Burgensis thinketh 25. qu. When and where God thus said to Moses 26. qu. How the Lord is said to know Moses by name 27. qu. What Moses meaneth saying Shew me the way 28. qu. In what sense Moses saith That I may finde grace c. which he was assured of 29. qu. What is understood by Gods presence 30. qu. What rest the Lord promised to Moses 31. qu. Whether Moses here rested in Gods answer or begged any thing further 32. qu. Why Moses addeth Carrie us not hence seeing even in that place they had need of Gods protection 33. qu. Why it is added people upon the earth People upon the earth Gen. 25. 34. qu. Whether Moses desired to see the very divine essence of God 35. qu. VVhat imboldned Moses to make this request 36. qu. Whether Moses shewed any infirmitie in this request to see Gods glorie 37. qu. What the Lord meaneth by All my good 38. qu. How the Lord is said to passe by and why 39. qu. How the Lord is said to proclaime his name 40. qu. Why these words are added I will shew mercie c. 41. qu. Why the Lord is here doubled 42. qu. Of the divers kinds of mercie which the Lord sheweth 43. qu. Of the divers visions and sights of God 44. qu. Whether God may be seene with the eyes of the bodie in this life 45. qu. Whether wee shall see the divine nature with the eyes of our bodies in the next life 46. qu. Whether the divine essence can bee seene and comprehended by the minde of man in this life 47. qu. VVhether the Angels now or the soules of men shall fully see the divine substance in the next life 48. qu. VVhether Moses had a sight of the divine essence 49. qu. Of the meaning of these words No man shall see me and live 50. qu. VVhat place this was in the rocke which the Lord here speaketh of 51. qu. How the Lord is said to cover Moses with his hand 52. qu. VVhy the Lord covered Moses with his hand 53. qu. VVhy the Lord put Moses in the cleft of the rocke 54. qu. VVhat is here understood by the Lords back-parts 55. qu. VVhat manner of visible demonstration this was here shewed unto Moses 56. qu. VVhere the Lord promised that Moses should see his back-parts Questions upon the foure and thirtieth Chapter 1. QUest VVherefore the second tables were given 2. qu. VVhy the Lord saith to Moses Hew thee 3. qu. VVhether the Lord or Moses wrote in these tables and why 4. qu. VVhether Moses was to bee readie the next morning and why 5. qu. VVhy none are suffered to come up now with Moses 6. qu. VVhy their cattell are forbidden to come neere the mount 7. qu. VVho is said here to descend and how 8. qu. VVho proclaimed the name Jehovah God or Moses 9. qu. VVhy the name
Lot refuseth to goe to the mountaines Vers. 20. SEe now this City hereby c. 1. Neither was this done in mystery that Lot refused the mountaine to dwell in Zoar to signifie as Gregory collecteth that a low humble and meane life is to bee preferred before high places 2. neither did Lot refuse the high places because of the craggy rockes and steepe hils which are to bee seene in the mountaines of Engaddi 3. But Lot himselfe giveth two reasons why he preferreth Zoar before the mountaines one in respect of himselfe because the City was hard by and he might sooner escape thither than to the mountaine the other in behalfe of the City he intreateth for it because it was but a little one and not likely to bee so wicked as the more populous Cities QVEST. XVII How the Lord saith I can doe nothing Vers. 22. I Can doe nothing c. 1. Some apply this to the Angels which could not exceed Gods commission Muscul. 2. Some to Christ in respect of his humanity to be assumed 3. But it is better understood of Christ as hee is God neither doth this restraine the power of God which is no otherwise executed but according to his will hee cannot because hee will not neither can change his decree concerning the saving and delivering of Lot as in the like phrase of speech it is said in the Gospell that Christ could doe no great workes in his owne countrey because of their unbeleefe Mark 6.5 for like as the Lord promiseth and purposeth a blessing to the faithfull as here deliverance to Lot so he hath decreed to with-hold it from unbeleevers 4. The Hebrewes doe here but trifle that the Angell is here deprived of his power because hee did arrogate it to himselfe v. 13. and that they were deprived of their ministry 138. yeares till Iacobs ladder QVEST. XVIII Of the name of the City Zoar. Vers. 22. THe name of the City was called Zoar. 1. It is then corruptly called Segor as the Latine and Septuagint read 2. Theodoret also is deceived that saith Segor signifieth the opening of the earth because the earth swallowed up the inhabitants of this City for that is the signification of Bela which was before the name of the place Gen. 14.2 derived of the word balaug to swallow or devoure 3. The right etymology then of the word is here given by Lot because it was tsegnar a little one 4. This was an happy change not only of the name but of the condition and state of the City before it had the name of destruction but now it is called little that it might put them in mind of Gods mercy in sparing of the City for that time at Lots request Muscul. QVEST. XIX How the Lord rained from the Lord. Vers. 24. THe Lord rained brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven c. 1. This is not all one to say the Lord rained fire from himselfe as Vatablu◠Oleaster with others that note this to be a phrase of the Hebrewes to put nownes for pronownes as Gen. 4. Lamech saith heare ô ye wives of Lamech for my wives 2. Neither doth it only signifie that this was an extraordinary and miraculous raine caused by the Lord himselfe beside the course of naturall causes as Cajetane 3. But this place was well urged by the fathers to prove the eternity of Christ that the Lord Christ to whom the father hath committed all judgement did raine from Jehovah his father Thus the fathers applied this text Iustinus Tertullian Cyprian Epiphanias Cyril with others Thus Marcus Arethusus in the Syrinian Councell did godlily interpret this place against the heresie of Photinus that held Christ not to have beene before his mother 4. For thus the Lord hath tempered the Scriptures that beside the literall sense in divers places of the old testament the mystery of the Trinity is insinuated Gen. as Let us make man Psal. 1. This day have I begotten thee which the Jewes understand literally the first they say is but a phrase of speech the second uttered of David But to our understanding the mystery of the Trinity is here revealed QVEST. XX. Of the raine of fire and brimstone the beginning and manner thereof RAined brimstone and fire 1. This was a miraculous and extraordinary raine wherein fell together fire and brimstone as a fit matter to disperse the fire and salt also as it may bee gathered Deut. 29.23 The land shall burne with brimstone and salt and it may bee that water powred downe also whence was gathered the dead sea remaining to this day 2. This raine came from heaven that is the upper region of the aire the place for fiery meteors and it is not unlike but that the nature of the soile being full of pitch and slime and other combustible matter Gen. 14.10 did much increase the combustion though Strabo be deceived who thinketh that this fierce fire did break out first from the earth lib. 17. 3. This was a fit punishment for this wicked people that as they burned with unnaturall lust so they should be consumed with unnaturall fire Gregor 4. The subversion of these cities was very sudden it was done as Ieremy saith in a moment Lament 4.6 And Abraham rising up early in the morning saw onely the smoake and not the falling of the fire and yet the sunne was but in rising when it began to raine fire and brimstone Gen. 19.24 28. by the breake of day the Angell hastened Lot forward v. 15. betweene which and the Sun rising one may goe foure miles as the Hebrewes 5. Of all examples of Gods judgements this is the most fearefull in Scripture 1. because of the strange punishment 2. the suddennesse of their destruction 3. The perpetuall monument thereof to this day 4. And it was a forerunner of everlasting fire and perdition Iude v. 7. QUEST XXI How many Cities were destroyed with Sodome Vers. 24. VPon Sodome and Gomorrhe 1. Neither were these two cities onely destroyed as Solinus 2. Nor yet tenne cities as Stephanus or thirteene as Strabo 3. nor five as Lyranus Theodoretus who thinke that Zoar also was destroyed after Lots departure 4. But it is most like that onely foure cities were overthrowne Sodome Gomorrhe Admah Zeboim for these onely are rehearsed Deut. 29.23 for Zoar was preserved by the intercession of Lot v. 21. I will not overthrow this citie for the which thou hast spoken and it was known by the name of Zoar in Isayas time cap. 15. 5. Hierome also maketh mention of it in his dayes and saith Sola de quinque Sodomorum urbib precib Lot preservatae est it was onely of the five cities of the Sodomites preserved by the prayer of Lot 5. But whereas it is said Sapient 10.6 that the fire came downe vpon the five cities the word is pentapolis which is taken joyntly for the whole region wherein the five cities stood not for the five cities severally ex Perer.
in Rachel is excusable for as meat pleaseth better in a cleane dish so vertue in comely persons is more amiable Hugo and some actions there are that without some delight cannot be so well affected as eating of meats learning of arts such is the matrimoniall society Augustine yea holy men may faile in some circumstances of vertuous actions as in the zeale of justice in the workes of charity in the love of their spouses which defects are excused by the lawfulnesse of the actions and the exercise of other vertues Perer. ex Thom. Anglic. QUEST IX How Iacobs terme was ended Vers. 21. GIve me my wife c. for my terme is ended 1. Not which Rebeckah his mother did set him neither speaketh he of the terme of his owne yeares that by reason of his age he could stay no longer to have any children Iun. but he meaneth his seven yeares of service were expired 2. It is therefore unlike that in the beginning of the seven yeares this was done as R. Levi or before the seven yeares compleat as Ramban for Laban being an hard man would remit nothing of the time agreed upon QUEST X. Of marriage feasts and why Laban made a feast Vers. 22. LAban gathered together all the men of the place c. 1. Not all but many of the neighbours were called together for thus in Scripture often generall speeches are restrained Genes 41.57 all countries came to Egypt to buy corne that is very many 2. This company was called together not to advise with Laban how to deceive Iacob as some Hebrewes thinke for Laban was crafty enough of himselfe Mercer but that Iacob before so many witnesses should not goe back from that marriage wherein he should be deceived Calvin 3. This solemnitie of marriage though it be not of the substance thereof yet for more honesty and decency and for the ratifying of marriage and to avoyd secret contracts it is very fit to be used Tostatus 4. It was the laudable manner of those times to make marriage feasts as appeareth both in the old and new testament Iud 14.10 Sampson made a feast at his marriage our Saviour vouchsafed to be present at the marriage feast Iohn 2. and this custome may very well be retained so it be used with moderation that the concourse of unruly company be prevented and excesse avoyded therefore Plato prescribeth at marriage feasts not above five friends of each side and as many kinsfolkes to be called together but to be drunken with wine he counteth it maxime alienum in nuptiis to be least of all beseeming marriage Perer. QUEST XI Of Labans fraud in suborning Leah Vers. 33. WHen the even was come he tooke Leah c. 1. Their manner was to bring the spouse home at night and covered with a veile for modesty and shamefastnesse which was the cause that Iacob knew not Leah at his first going in unto her and it is like that she was silent all night lest she should have beene discerned and her silence he imputed to her modesty some thinke that Iacob came not neare her but continued all night in prayer but it is unlike seeing that Iacob had longed seven years for this marriage 2. Leah cannot be here excused who was in fault yet drawn into it by her fathers counsell and desirous also herselfe to be married to such a worthy man Perer. and she might thinke that Iacob and her father were agreed 3. But Laban was in the greatest fault and therefore Iacob doth expostulate with him 1. He is unjust of his promise in not giving Rachel betroathed to Iacob 2. Hee dissembleth excusing himselfe by the custome 3. He offereth wrong to his daughter to cause her to commit adultery 4. And to Iacob in thrusting upon him a woman whom hee desired not 5. Though there were such a custome he should have stood upon it in time when Rachel was espoused now the custome could not serve to violate the law of nature to cause Iacob to commit adultery being betroathed already to another Perer. QUEST XII Whether Iacob fulfilled seven daies or yeares before Rachel was given him Vers. 27. FVlfill seven for her 1. Some understand this of seven yeares for the word Shebang is sometime taken for seven daies sometime for seven yeares Mercer Vatab. Genevous but this is not like for Rachel was given to Iacob first and then he served seven yeares for Rachel but if it should be taken for seven yeares then Iacob should not have had his wife till these seven were fulfilled vers 28. 2. But it is better understood of daies as Hierome expoundeth it ut sepâ—em dies pro nuptiis prioris sororis expleat that he fulfilled seven daies for the marriage of the elder sister Hieron tradition in Genes for it was the manner to keepe the marriage feast 7. dayes Iud. 14.15.17 Augustine yeeldeth this reason valde iniquâ—m fuisset Iacob fallaciter deceptum differre alios septem annos it had beene most unjust to deferre Iacob so craftily deceived seven yeares longer qu. 89. in Genes QUEST XIII Iacobs multiplicity of marriage no argument of his intemperance Vers. 29. LAban also gave Rachel his daughter Bilhah c. Laban gave unto both his daughters handmaids both to attend and wait upon them as also to be a solace and comfort unto them in a strange country whither they were to goe Perer. 2. These afterward were joyned unto Iacob for procreation beside either Laban or Iacobs intention and in that Iacob had two wives and two concubines it argueth not his intemperancie 1. Because he intended onely to marry Rachel praeter animi voluntatem Leam accidisse and that Lea was given unto him beside his minde 2. Iacob also in this multiplicitie of marriage chiefly propounded to himselfe the procreation and multiplying of his seed 3. He took his maids not of his owne minde sed ut conjugem placaret but to please his wives that they might have children by them 4. And againe it must be considered tunc temporis non datam fuisse legem qua multiplices nuptias prohiberet that there was at that time no law which did forbid multiplicity of marriage sic Theodoret. qu. 84. in Gen. ex citat Perer. QUEST XIV At what time Leahs foure eldest children were borne Vers. 34. HIs name was called Levi 35. shee called his name Iehudah 1. The Hebrewes fable that Michael called from heaven to Levi and gave him that name and endued him with gifts fit for the Priesthood and further Leah now having borne three children saith her husband should be joyned unto her because she had borne her part of the twelve sons which she as a prophetesse did foresee should be borne unto Iacob of his two wives and two handmaids but these are fabulous and vaine conjectures they also in the name Iehudah doe include Iehovah the letter Daleth being added in the fourth place because he was the fourth son but these light collections are
conceived or had heat C. in the ramming or conceiving time of the strong or well bodyed sheepe B. G. T. chashar to joyne together whereof they are called well bodyed or strong sheepe v. 42. When the ewes brought forth he did not put them S. when the ewes were feeble B. G. when they were put together late or in late ramming time H.C.T.P. guataph whereof is derived the word behagnatoph in bringing forth late the not marked were Labans the marked Iacobs S. the late brought forth were Labans the timely or firstlings Iacobs C.H. the feebler were Labans the stronger or well bodied Iacobs T.B.G.P. v. 43. camels asses and mules S. camels and mules câ—t 3. The Explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Whether Rachel envied her sister Vers. 1. RAchel envied her sister 1. Some thinke that this was a kind of zeale rather than envie she grieved rather at her owne infecundity or barrennesse than that her sister was fruitfull Perer. 2. But the text is evident that shee envied her sister shee was offended that her sister was fruitfull and she barren Neither is there any inconvenience to yeeld to those holy women their infirmities they were not Angels Merc. chavah signifieth both to envie and strive with emulation or zeale QUEST II. Of Rachels impatient and immoderate desire of children GIve me children or else I die 1. She saith not so as though Iacob of purpose had restrained his naturall force as R. Levi. 2. Neither is it her meaning that Iacob should by his prayer obtaine children for her as Isaack had done for Rebecca for then Iacob would not have beene angry with her 3. Neither did she thus say as though she did not know that God was the giver of children which she confesseth vers 6. God hath given sentence on my side 4. But thus in her womanly heat she breaketh forth as though the fault was in her husband seeing she should otherwise die either for griefe or that she might as good be dead as beare no children Mercer and that her name by this meanes should die with her Perer. 5. Three reasons made her so desirous of children 1. Her envy for her sisters happinesse 2. That she might be the more deare to her husband 3. Because of the promised seed Perer. QUEST III. Of the causes of barrennesse Vers. 2. IAcob was angry and said Am I in Gods stead c. 1. There are naturall causes of sterility or barrennes either some originall defects in the birth as some are borne unapt for generation or else it may come by diseases sometime the constitution of the body is an impediment as in fat bodies where nature is turned into the nutriment of the body Aristot. lib. 2. de generat animal c. 2. 2. There is a supernaturall cause of barrennesse when it pleaseth God to restraine the wombe as in the women of Abimelecks house Genes 20.18 Foure keyes to open and shut are in Gods hand which the Lord hath not commited to any other either Angell or Seraphim the key of raine Deuter. 28.12 The Lord shall open his good treasure the heaven to give raine the key of food Psal. 104.28 Thou openest thy hand and they are filled the key of the womb the key of the grave when the dead shall be raised Perer. ex Tharg Hierosolym 3. Plato himselfe confesseth that procreation was the gift of God Quamvis in mortali animante fiat restamen divina est pregnatio genitura ab immortalib est Generation though it be done in a mortall creature yet it is a divine thing procured by an immortall power Plat. in Symp. QUEST IV. In what sense Rachel saith she shall beare upon my knees Vers. 3. SHee shall beare upon my knees 1. Not as though Rachel should be her midwife or nurse as Onkelâ—s 2. Or that by her example Rachel should the sooner conceive as the Hebrewes 3. But that as it followeth Rachel might have children by her maid for the children of the bond-maids were accounted as the dames her meaning is that she might dandle them upon her knees and play with them as mothers doe with their children so is this phrase taken Isay 66.12 them shall ye sucke ye shall be borne upon her sides and be joyfull upon her knees 4. Rupertus doth fitly allegorize this saying of Rachel lib. 7. comment in Genes 36. as they which Bilha brought forth were borne upon Rachels knees so qui per prâ—dicationem invidentis auâ—ivit verbum teneat in Catholica ecclesia verae perfectionem fidei ita nihil differet à legitimis filâ—â—s so he that heard the word by the preaching of envious teacherâ— holding the true faith in the Catholike Church may differ nothing from the lawfull children of the Church as the sonnes of Iacobs hand-maids received their inheritance and had their lâ—t amongst their brethren QUEST IV. Whether Ruben brought unto his mother mandrakes Vers. 14. GIue me of thy sonnes mandrakes c. 1. It is most like that they were rather pleasant and sweet flowers where with they used to strew their husbands bed than that heâ—be which is called mandrakes for these reasons 1. Ruben was now but a child of 5. or 6. yeares old and not above for he was borne in the beginning of the 7. last yeares and therefore had no discretion to make choice of flowers for their vertue but for their colour or smell 2. It was now wheat harvest in the spring time which in those countries was in the beginning of May when the Mandrake apples are not ripe for so the Septuagint read Mandrake apples 3. The Mandrakes have a strong smell which the Arabians call Iabrochin of the ranke savour of goats whereas these herbs called dudaim are commended for their sweet smell Can. 7.13 The mandrakes have given a smell and in our gates are all sweet things Iun. 2. Whereas Augustine saith of the mandrakes Rem comperi pulehram suaveolentem sapore in sipido I found them to be faire in shew sweet in smell vnsavory in taste lib. 22. com Faust. c. 56. he may speake of that kind of mandrakes which grew in those hot countries in Africa which might have a more fresh smell but otherwise concerning the mandrakes knowne to us Plinie a diligent searcher of the nature of herbes saith Odor ejus gravis sed radicis mals graviâ—r c. sic noxiâ— vires gravedinem afferunt ipso â—lfactu The smell is very strong specially of the root and apple the force thereof â—ery hurâ—full the very smell bringeth heavinesse Plin. lib. 25. c. 13. Levinus Lemnius confirmeth this by experience that by laying of a mandrake apple in his studie he became so drousie that he could not shake it off till the apple was removed lib. de herb 3. Epiphanius thinketh that the mandrake inciteth and provoketh either man or woman to lust as it is held that they have vertue to cause women to conceive and that Rachel desired
disparagement to him All precedent slips and errours in them were cleansed and purified in his holy and unspotted conception 13. This narration of Iudahs incest doth serve to abate the pride and insolencie of the Jewes who boast so much of their petigree and they are not ashamed to tell our Saviour to his face that they were not borne of fornication Ioh. 8.41 Perer. 4. This story hath some coherence and similitude with that which followeth in the next chapter though the event is not like for here Thamar soliciteth Iudah there Potiphars wife Ioseph but Iudah sheweth his incontinencie Ioseph his chastity Mercer QUEST II. At what time these things were done here reported of Iudah BUt at what time this historie was done here recorded some question there is 1. Neither is this narration wholly set downe by way of recapitulation as Augustine thinketh quaest 128. in Gen. as though it went before Iosephs selling into Egypt for Iudah was not above foure or five yeares elder than Ioseph for Iudah was the fourth sonne of Leah and hee and Ioseph were borne within the compasse of seven yeares Gen. 31.31 Now Ioseph being seventeene yeare old when he was sold into Egypt Iudah then not exceeding 22. yeares could not have sonnes marriageable as Er and Onan were 2. Neither is Pererius opinion to be received that all this fell out after Ioseph was sold for from that time till Iacobs going downe to Egypt when Ioseph was 39. yeare old are but 22. yeares in which time Iudah could not bee a grand-father as he was for his sonne Phares had two sonnes Ezron and Hamul that went downe with Iacob into Egypt And to say that either of these two sonnes were borne in Egypt is to contradict the Scripture that saith they went downe into Egypt with Iacob Gen. 46.26 or to say that Iacobs going downe must be taken for all the time of his life and abode in Egypt which was seventeene yeares is to speake improperly and to pervert the course of the story 3. Wherefore the best solution is that part of this chapter was fulfilled before Iosephs captivity part followed after and Iudah must be supposed to have taken a wife at twelve or thirteene Mercer Iunius thinketh at seventeene yeares I would rather take fourteene or fifteene yeares betweene both and Er must be about ten yeares of age when Ioseph was sold Iun. who also tooke a wife at the like age of twelve or thirteene yeares Mercer which will fall out about the twenty five or twenty six yeare of Iudahs age then Er and Onan might die in one yeare Selah might be expected some three yeares Perer. then the yeare following might Thamar have her two twins about the thirty yeare of Iudah Pharez keeping the same time of marriage might have his two sonnes but very young when Iacob went downe to Egypt in the 44. yeare or thereabout of Iudahs age Iunius thinketh that Iudah begat Pharez at the age of thirty foure and was fifty yeares old when he went downe into Egypt but that cannot be for Iudah was not above five years elder than Ioseph who was then but 39. yeares old for Iudah was Leahs fourth son who together with Ioseph were borne in the second seven yeare of Iacobs service with Laban 4. And lest it might seeme strange that Iudah and his sonnes were married and had children so young this is not affirmed without the like president in Scripture for wee finde that Ahaz father to Hezekiah was but eleven yeares old when hee was borne for Ahaz was but thirty six yeares old when hee died 2 King 16.2 and Hezekiah immediately succeeding in the kingdome was 25. yeare old 2 King 18.2 It cannot be said that there was an interrognum betweene them that the kingdome lay void a certaine space for in the twelfth yeare of Ahaz over Judah began Hoshea to reigne in Samaria nine years 2 King 17.1 and Ahaz reigned sixteene years 2 King 16.2 Now in the third yeare of Hoshea began Hezekiah to reigne 2 King 18.1 If then in those dayes when mans age was much shortned his nature decayed and strength abated they had issue so soone it is not improbable but that such untimely mariages might be in use in Iudahs time when their life was longer and their strength greater 5. But where it is said About that time Iudah went downe it must not be referred exactly to that particular season which went immediately before but indefinitely understood of the whole course of that history of Iacobs children after their returne out of Mesopotamia while Iacob dwelt in Sechem where he remained eight yeares which I rather thinke with Mercer than that this was done after Iacob was come to Isaack Aben Ezra sheweth the like Deut. 10.7 where it is said that at the same time when the children of Israel departed from Gudgodah The Lord separated the tribe of Levi whereas Levi was separated the second yeare after they came out of Egypt but they departed from Gudgodah in the 40. yeare wherefore these words the same time must be referred to the whole time of their peâ—egrination in the wildernesse not to that particular time of departing from Gudgodah And so likewise in this place ex Mercer Or further these words about that time may be understood by a synecdoche the part being taken for the whole because some of these things here recorded though not all might fall out in that instant or not long after as the strange death of Er and Onan and the incest of Iudah which might happen about the 24. yeare of Ioseph ex Mercer QUEST III. Why Iudah went downe and whither Vers. 1. IVdah went downe c. 1. That is he descended into some lower Countrey it may bee out of Sechem not as some Hebrewes that he was fallen from his greatnesse because he gave counsell to have Ioseph sold and was the cause of his fathers long griefe Mercer 2. What was the cause of his going from his brethren is not expressed whether for detestation of the horrible murther committed by Simeon and Levi upon the Sichemites or for the abundance of cattell which he had But it is like that he often came and went to his brethren as appeareth by the story of Iosephs selling into Egypt whereunto Iudah advised he also went downe with his brethren into Egypt for corne 3. This Adullam was a towne in the tribe of Iudah whither afterward David did flie 1 Sam. 22.1 Hierom saith that in his time there was a village of that name some ten miles from Eleutherepolis Muscul. QUEST IV. Of Iudahs oversight in marrying a woman of the Canaanites Vers. 2. IVdah saw the daughter of a man called Suah 1. This was not the name of Iudahs wife as the Septuagint reade vers 12. but of his wives father 2. Neither was this Suah a merchant as the Chalde paraphrast readeth and the Hebrewes follow the same to cover the infirmities of their fathers although the word Covagnan
sometime be used appellatively for a merchant Prov. 31.24 But he was a Canaanite as we reade the like of Simeon that he had his sonne Saul by a Canaanitish woman Gen. 46.10 Mercer 3. No marvell then if Iudah matching into the cursed stocke of Canaan whose land was promised to Abraham and his seed which Iudah could not be ignorant of had no good successe in his children the fruits of this marriage who also were accursed of God Calvin 4. Iudah saw this woman he tooke her and went in to her all was done in haste so that his affection carried him headlong his judgement did not guide him Muscul. QUEST V. Er and Onan whence and upon what occasion so called Vers. 6. IVdah tooke a wife to Er his first-borne 1. Though Iudah tooke him a wife without the consent of his father yet he will not have his sonne so to doe Muscul. 2. Whence he is called Er it is not certaine some will have it to signifie watchfull Augustine doth interpret it pelliceus to have his name of skinne or leather such as Adam was cloathed with in token of his transgression lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 84. Isaack Carus will have all these three sonnes to be named from Iosephs calamity Er because Ioseph was in a manner desolate or destroyed of gnariri Onan of the griefe of their father Shelah of the errour which Iudah committed in selling of Ioseph Ramban thinketh Onan to be so called of the paine of his mother in travell as Rachel called Benjamin Ben-oni and Shelah of his mothers errour in ceasiâ—g to beare afterward But if it bee lawfull to use conjectures I thinke upon what occasion soever they had these names given at the first that the event answered their names for Er was solitary without children Onan had a lamentable end and about Shelah Iudah committed a great errour with Thamar 3. Iudah gave Er his name the mother named the other two not that as the Hebrewes note the father did alwayes name the first-borne the mother the rest for as we saw before in Iacobs sonnes sometime the father sometime the mother indifferently gave the name but not without the consent of the father Mercer 4. Concerning Thamar some Hebrewes would have her the daughter of Seâ— the high Priest Melchisedeck because Iudah judgeth her to be burned according to the law of the Priests daughter committing fornication Levit. 21.8 but seeing Sem died ten yeare before Iacob he lived not to the 50. yeare of Iacobs as Mercerus it cannot be that Thamar a childe-bearing woman should bee his daughter Iacob being at the least an hundred yeare old It is like she was a Canaanitish woman Luther and a vertuous woman that did leave and forsake the idolatry of her Countrey to worship the true God Perer. ex Philone QUEST VI. Of the sinne of Er what it was Vers. 7. NOw Er was wicked in the sight of the Lord. 1. The wickednesse of Er was not as Augustine supposeth in being given to oppression or cruelty lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 34. but it is like to be the same sinne of unnaturall lust which Onan committed as may be gathered both by the likenesse of the punishment as by the phrase that he was wicked in the sight of God as it is said of the Sodomites Gen. 13.13 his sinne was not secret as Tostatus but it was a sinne very hainous and grievous against the order of nature and institution of God for he abused himselfe and spoiled his seed not because he would not have any issue by a Canaanitish woman as Mercer for then he needed not to have maried her but rather as the Hebrewes conjecture that hee might long enjoy the beauty and favour of Thamar which would be impaired by bearing of children or some such like cause 2. So then this sinne was against nature which is diversly commited either alone when men doe vitiously procure and provoke their seed or with others either of a divers kinde as with bruit beasts or with the same kinde but not the right sex as with the male or with the right sex that is the female but not in due manner which was the sinne of Er and Onan 3. This sinne of Er was against the order of nature using the act of generation for pleasure onely and not for generation it was against God whose institution he brake against his wife whom he defrauded of the fruit of her wombe against himselfe in preventing his issue against mankinde which should have beene increased and propagated Perer. 4. Yet Onans sinne was not lesse than Ers as Augustine thinketh who maketh Er of that sort of wicked men that doe evill to others Onan of that kinde that doe no good to others but herein Onan exceedeth the wickednesse of Er both because he was not warned by his brothers example as Daniel reproveth Belthasar because his heart was not humbled by the fall of Nebuchadnezer his father Dan. 5.22 As also for that Onan committed this sinne of envie against his brother to whom hee should have raised seed whereas Er did it not of envie but of an immoderate desire of pleasure Perer. QUEST VII Whether in any case it were lawfull by Moses law for one to marry his brothers wife Vers. 8. IVdah said c. goe in to thy brothers wife Here a question is moved whether it were lawfull by Moses law for the brother to marry his brothers widow to raise up seed to his brother 1. Philo thinketh that it was not onely lawfull among the Israelites but that it was the custome so to doe among the Canaanites and that the Judges of the Countrey did give Thamar to Onan after the death of his brother Er but the contrary is evident out of the text for Iudah and not the Judges of the Countrey gave Thamâ—r to Onan And I thinke rather that it was a custome received among the fathers and afterward confirmed by Moses law than any usage learned of the Canaanites whose fashions they were not to imitate 2. Neither doe I thinke with the Hebrewes that Iudah was the first that brought in this kinde of marriage though hee be first mentioned but that he had received that custome from other of the fathers 3. Wherefore it seemeth that Moses gave liberty to the next brother to take the wife of his brother that departed without issue and not to the next removed kinsman onely that was without the compasse of the Leviticall degrees and so some expound that law Deut. 25.5 sic Genevens upon that place D. Fulk in 6. Mark annot 2. But the other sense approved by Mercerus Calvin Iunius which understand it of the naturall brother seemeth more probable for these reasons 1. Because the first president of such marriages is taken from this place where one naturall brother succeedeth another in taking his wife 2. The word used in the law Deut. 25.5 jabam signifieth not to doe the office of a kinsman but of
inferreth that the Law Levit. 18.16 that a man should not marry his brothers wife was but a judiciall law not grounded upon the law of nature and abrogated by Christ and that it is not simply evill so to doe for then it could not be made lawfull by circumstance Bellar. de maâ—ri cap 27. Contra. 1. For a man of a lustfull and uncleane minde to take his brothers wife is against the law of nature and was never lawfull but in this case onely to marry her in obedience to the law and to revive the memory of the dead was not against the law of nature 2. If it had God who is above nature and who giveth law unto nature might in this case grant an indulgence and dispensation for those times 3. Like as then to kill was simply evill and forbidden in the commandement yet in the zeale of Gods glory to kill the wicked as Phinehes did the adulterer and adulteresse and Samuel the king of Ameleck was lawfull and commendable so notwithstanding that law in Leviticus which forbiddeth the discovering of the shame of the brothers wife Levit. 18.16 that is of a filthy and uncleane desire to marrie her it might be lawfull to doe it onely in this case to shew obedience to the law and love to the dead in raising up seed unto him which was not to discover their shame but rather to cover it in that the brother departed had by this meanes an heire to keepe his memory the woman had issue which was childlesse before 4. That this law which forbiddeth to marry the brothers wife was not abrogated by Christ appeareth by Iohns reprehension of Herod that it was not lawfull for him to have his brothers wife Mark 6. 2. Confut. Against the Anabaptists of the lawfull power of magistrates Vers. 24. LEt her be burnt This maketh against the opinion of the Anabaptists who deny that the Magistrate among Christians hath power to put any to death And lest it might be thought onely lawfull in the Old Testament and not in the new the Apostle confirmeth the same saying that the power beareth not the sword for nought and that he is the minister of God to shew revenge upon those that doe evill Rom. 13.4 Now whereas the Anabaptists object that place Matth. 5.38 Yee have heard that it hath beene said an eye for an eye a tooth for a tooth but I say unto you resist not evill c. Where Christ they say restraineth this power of revenging evill given by Moses to the Magistrate the answer here is readie that although this rule was first given to the Magistrate yet the Scribes and Pharises corruptly applied it to private revenge so that our Saviour in this place disanulleth not the law of Moses but speaketh against their corrupt gloses upon it 6. Places of Exhortation 1. Observ. How life is to bee counted a blessing Vers. 6. ER was wicked c. and therefore the Lord slew him Length of daies then simply and in it selfe is a blessing of God and the extraordinarie shortning and cutting off the daies is a curse the blondie and deceitfull man shall not live out halfe his daies Psal. 55.24 yet this is to be understood with certaine conditions and limitations 1. In respect of the times for long life more apparantly was accounted a blessing under the old testament when the people were fed and nourished with temporall promises but under the Gospel we must looke to spirituall 2. Generally upon all the blessing of long and judgement of short life is not shewed It sufficeth that for the demonstration of Gods mercie in the one and of his justice in the other some are exemplified 3. Short life is a blessing when men are taken away from troubles to come as Abiah was of Ierobohams house 1 King 14.13 And long life is a curse when it bringeth shame and dishonour with it as is seene in Cam Calvin 2. Observ. Not to post over the fault to others Vers. 11. HE thought thou lest he die as well as his brethren Iudah layeth all the fault upon Thamar as though her marriage had beene unluckie whereas it was wholly in his sonnes Thus Adam posted over his fault to Eve but wee are taught hereby to examine our selves and to finde out our owne sinne Muscul. 3. Observ. The pronenesse of our nature to sinne Vers. 16. HE turned to the way towards her Wee see in Iudah what mans nature is without the direction of grace how prone and readie hee was to commit this sinne and so carried headlong into it that hee spared not to give her his best ornaments for a pledge his Ring Kercheffe and Staffe Musculus Therefore that exhortation of Saint Paul is necessarie Flie from the lusts of youth and follow after righteousnesse faith love 1 Tim. 2.22 4. Observ. To feare God more than men Vers. 23. LEt her take it to her lest we be ashamed Ioseph feareth more the shame of the world in this case than the displeasure of God as many doe which are given to the filthie sinne of uncleanenesse Calvin But wee should remember what our Saviour saith Feare not them which kill the body but are not able to kill the soule c. Matth. 10.28 5. Observ. After repentance wee must not fall into the same sinne againe Vers. 26. SO he lay with her no more In this Iudah is to bee commended that having committed a sinne of ignorance hee would not fall into the same willingly againe Muscul. so true repentance worketh a detestation of the sinne repented of and godly sorrow bringeth a great care with it 2 Cor. 7.11 CHAP. XXXIX 1. The Method or Argument THis chapter setteth forth partly the prosperous estate of Ioseph in his master Pâ—tiphars house partly his affliction and humiliation in being cast into prison In the first 1. Wee are to consider the cause of Iosephs prosperitie the blessing of God Vers. 1 2 3. 2. The effect thereof the favour of his Master who committed all to his hand to Vers. 7. 3. Iosephs faithfulnesse againe to his Master in refusing to be entised to folly by his Mistresse whereto two reasons induced him the favour and goodnesse of his Master the feare of God Vers. 8 9. In the second 1. Is set forth the cause of Iosephs imprisonmenâ— the false accusation of his mistresse with the probable shew thereof in detaining first and then producing his vesture Vers. 10. to 19. 2. Then is set forth the affliction of Ioseph in being shut up in prison with the other malefactors Vers. 19 20. 3. The qualifying of his affliction in that the Lord so worketh with Ioseph that hee found favour also with the keeper of the prison Vers. 21 22 23. 2. The divers readings v. 1. One of Pharaohs Lords B. Courtiers T. Princes C. Eunuch caet see further for the divers readings of this word seris and tahâ—ch Gen. 37.36 qu. 29. qu. 30. At the hand of the Arabians C. Ismaelites caet v.
Simeon 1. We neither say with Ambrose that they are rather to be called prophecies than blessings lib. de Benedic Patriarc c. 2. 2. Neither with Pererius that they were so called of the greatest part for it is said that he blessed every one 3. Neither by the word blessing is cursing understood by an antiphrasis that is a contrary kind of speech as some thinke but Iacob blessed them verily and indeed 4. But the opinion of R. Salomon is not farre from blasphemy that Iacob did indeed purpose to blesse his sonnes but falling into phrensie he cursed them in stead of blessing for this were to make the motions of Gods spirit mad fits 5. Neither is it like that Iacob gave his sonnes other blessings here not expressed 6. But hee indeed blessed them all though not alike for the temporall chastisement laid upon Ruben Simeon Levi was but a fatherly correction for their amendment Calvin they also are blessed because they are counted among the tribes had their inheritance among them Mercer whereupon afterward Moses in particular blessed both Ruben and Levi Deut. 33. Iacob also doth conclude these three within the number of his sonnes and so comprehendeth them within the covenant Iun. QUEST XXXI Of the double cave where Iacob desired to be buried Vers. 30. IN the cave that is beside Machpelah c. 1. Iacob maketh a particular and perfect description of the cave where he would be buried from whence he had beene absent 17. yeares Ioseph 39. yeares that they should not doubt of the place 2. But that is a fable devised by the Jewes that Tsepho the sonne of Eliphaz did strive with Iacobs sonnes about this burying place and that he fought a great battell with them but they overcame him and brought him downe to Aegypt and when Ioseph was dead he fled out of Aegypt into Italy 3. Iacob intreated his sonne Ioseph to bury him with his fathers but he chargeth and commandeth his sonnes because Ioseph was the principall who should obtaine leave of Pharaoh and at whose costs Iacobs funerall should bee solemnized the rest were but to accompany him Mercer beside his other sons did still depend upon him and were as a part of his family whereas Ioseph was a man of great command and authority in Aegypt Perer. 4. Iacob sheweth who were buried there and maketh speciall mention of Abraham that his sonnes should bee more carefull there to bury him also seeing Abraham had of purpose bought that ground to bee a place of buriall for him and his Luther and seeing that his mother was there buried and Leah his wife it might seeme more reasonable that he should be buried there also 5. These three couples here mentioned were buried together there Abraham Sara Isaack Rebeckah Iacob Leah the hebrewes thinke also that Adam and Eve had their sepulture there but that is not like as it is also uncertaine whether any other of the twelve Patriarkes were there interred Mercer QUEST XXXII Why Iacob maketh mention againe of the purchase of the cave Vers. 32. THe purchase of the field c. 1. This repetition is not inserted by Moses as Marlorat but they were the words of Iacob 2. This verse therefore without cause is wholly omitted and left out by the Latine Translatâ—r 3. Yet did not Iacob here shew unto his sonnes the very instrument of conveyance whereby Abraham did purchase the cave and field as the Hebrewes for that rite custome was not then in use But Iacob hereby sheweth the undoubted right which he had to that ground whereof his fathers had possession both alive and dead 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. How the Patriarkes and Prophets used imprecations Vers. 7. CVrsed be their wrath c. The righteous did many times use imprecations and denounce curses as David Psal. 35.4 Let them be confounded and put to shame that seeke after my soule and in other places and Iacob here but they did it not in wrath or in their heat but with these considerations and regards 1. They spake as Prophets and as Ministers and Pronouncers of Gods sentence and decree so that they were not so much maledictions as predictions Perer. 2. For the most part they accursed such only in temporall things for their amendment as Iacob here doth his sonnes as David also saith Fill their faces with shame that they may seeke thy name O Lord Psal. 83.18 Perer. 3. If they denounced any spirituall curse it was upon such as were incorrigible as Psal. 68.21 God will wound the hairy pate of him that goeth on in his sinnes 4. They did not hereby revenge their owne particular cause but did censure them as enemies to the whole Church as Psal. 35.20 They imagine deceitfull words against the quiet of the land But these examples are no warrant for us to use the like imprecations because we have not the like spirit of prophecie as our Saviour answered to Iames and Iohn who asked him if they should command fire to come downe from heaven upon the Samaritans as Elias did Ye know not of what spirit ye are of Luk. 9.55 2. Doct. Iacob prophesieth of his sonnes as the spirit of God directed him FUrther in that Iacob spareth not to pronounce the curse of God against his owne sonnes it is evident that hee spake not of any partiall affection or ambitiously seeking to make his posterity great as the prophane disciples of Lucian the Atheists use to object against the doctrine and history of Moses Calvin but that he spake as he was thereunto moved by the spirit of God both in that against his naturall and fatherly disposition hee pronounceth hard and heavy things against his sonnes as also because the event afterward answered to these his predictions 3. Doct. All our helpe and strength is from God Vers. 24. THe armes of his hands were strengthened by the hand of the mighty God c. Although in waging of battell weapons of warre and other meanes are carefully to be used yet the help power and strength must come from God as Ioseph was strengthened by the hand of God against his enemies as David prayeth Make haste to deliver me make haste to helpe me O God Psal. 70.1 Luther 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. That the punishment of sinne remaineth not after the remission of the fault Vers. 6. INto their secret let not my soule come This punishment which was inflicted upon Simeon and Levi was not a satisfaction for their sinne past which was already upon their repentance remitted unto them as the Popish doctrine is that the punishment of sinne often remaineth the fault being pardoned but the Lord thinketh good to chastise those which have offended though their sin be forgiven them for these causes 1. That they may thorowly be humbled and take heed that thy commit not the like againe as David therefore saith It is good for me that I have beene afflicted Calv. 2. For the example of other that they also may
hee were rude in speech yet he was not so in knowledge 2. Cor. 11.6 the power of S. Pauls speech consisted not in eloquence of words but in the wisdome of the spirit so Moses though defective in the manner of elocution yet might speake with gravity and wisdome and so bee powerfull in words 9. Wherefore notwithstanding this or what else is objected the most probable opinion is that Moses had some naturall impediment of speech as appeareth both by his owne excuse by the Lords answer by the coadjutorship of Aaron his brother an eloquent man vers 14. and because Moses after this saith he was a man of uncircumcised lips and whereas he saith here nor since thou hast spoken to thy servant his meaning is that if at this time when God spake unto him who was able to take away all impediment of speech yet his infirmity remained much more was it like afterward to continue Iunius QUEST VIII How God is said to make the deafe and dumbe Vers. 11. WHo hath made the dumb or the deafe 1. Wee refuse here the fables of the Hebrewes that when Pharaoh had appointed one to kill Moses he was striken blind that he could not see Moses and Pharaoh became both deafe and dumbe that though he espied Moses escape yet hee could not speake to have him stayed but it is evident by the story that Moses fled before hee was apprehended The Lord here speaketh in generall not of any one dumbe or deafe but that as hee sendeth these infirmities upon man so also hee is able to heale them 2. And although these infirmities are evill in respect of nature yet God is the author of them because they are good also in respect of the end which is to humble man and bring him to repentance and to set forth the glory of God as our Saviour saith of the blind man that his blindnesse came that the workes of God might be shewed upon him Simler QUEST IX How and wherefore the Lord was present with Moses mouth Vers. 12. I Will be with thy mouth 1. Although Moses was no eloquent man in outward speech as humane eloquence is accounted yet there was in him a grave and divine eloquence such as the Apostles were endued with the Lord promiseth the assistance of his spirit and to bee present with his mouth 2. But the impediment of his tongue the Lord doth not altogether take away both that Gods glory and power might appeare and that Moses should see how needfull the helpe and society of his brother was neither did Moses pray unto God to heale that infirmity but only useth it as an argument to decline his calling Simler QUEST X. Whom Moses meaneth that he would have sent Vers. 13. SEnd by the hand of him whom thou shouldest send 1. Lyranus thinketh that Moses meaneth his brother Aaron who was elder than he and fitter for his eloquent speech but no mention was made yet of Aaron whom Moses knew not to be alive as may be gathered vers 18. till the Lord first spake of him and promised hee should assist him 2. Rabbi Selomo taketh that hee meaneth Iosuah whom God revealed unto him should be the man that was to lead Israel into the promised land But beside that Iosuah is not yet spoken of this request of Moses would have shewed some emulation or envy toward Iosuah 3. Many of the ancient writers as Iustenus Martyr Tertullian Cyprian with others thinke that Moses here speaketh of the Messias that should be sent into the world so also Perer. But this seemeth not to be so fit both for that Moses not being ignorant of the prophesie of Iacob concerning the comming of Shiloh and how the Lord promised that he would raise up a Prophet like unto him Deus 18.18 which is understood of Christ could not yet expect the comming of the Messiah and this request for the comming of the Messiah proceeding of faith would not have provoked the Lords wrath Therefore Eugubinus opinion though Pererius checkt him for it is not herein to be misliked that neither would have those places of Scripture which are understood of the Messiah to bee referred to others for that savoureth of Judaisme nor yet that which is spoken of others to be applied to Christ which also would bewray curiosity and superstition 4. Therefore the plaine meaning of Moses is that wheâ—â—as God might find out many more fit than himselfe he would send by their hand that is ministery so he aimeth not at any one in particular to be sent but any other whosoever QUEST XI Whether Moses sinned in his so often refusall seeing God was angry with him Vers. 14. THen Iehovahs wrath was kindled 1. Neither doe we consent to some Hebrewes that doe aggravate Moses sinne as distrusting Gods word and therefore some say hee was punished in being deprived of the Priesthood which was given to Aaron some in that he was not suffered to enter into the land of Canaan Contr. But neither was the first a punishment for Moses still was the chiefe and gave Aaron direction and it was a comfort to Moses to have such a coadjutor and beside Aaron was the elder to whom the priesthood appertained Neither was Moses offence here the cause why he entred not into the land of Canaan but his disobedience at the waters of strife Simler 2. Neither on the other side is their opinion found that doe justifie Moses herein and commend his humility in refusing so weighty a calling as Gregorie who by Pauls example would have us ready to suffer adversities and by Moses to refuse prosperity And Hierome commendeth Esaâ—es readinesse after his lippes were purified and Moses unwillingnesse being guilty to himselfe of his owne infirmity Contra. 1. In that God was angrie with Moses it is evident he offended 2. And as S. Paul was willing to suffer adversity because it was Gods will the spirit so testified every where of him that bands and persecution did abide him so Moses should not have refused this charge seeing God so often had signified his will unto him 3. And if Esay did well after the Lord had purged his lippes being before unwilling to shew his readinesse then Moses did not well who after the Lord had promised to be with his mouth yet still persisted in his refusall 3. Thostatus granteth that Moses sinned yet it was a veniall and small sinne because wee reade of 〈◊〉 punishment that followed Cajetanus is of the same opinion and his reason is taken from the phrase here used The wrath of God was kindled as when a man is moved suddenly of choller than of set purpose Contra. In some sense we confesse that both this and all other of Moses sinnes and of all the elect are veniall in respect of Gods mercie in Christ that pardoneth them but otherwise in it owne nature neither this nor any other sinne is pardonable for the wages of sinne is death Rom. 6.23 in the justice of God 2.
the Lord and said c. 1. Some as the Hebrewes doe altogether blame Moses in expostulating thus with God and lay upon him an imputation of a grievous sinne and for this cause they say the Lord would not suffer Moses to enter into the land of Canaan But if Moses herein had committed so great an offence the Lord would not have vouchsafed him so gratious an answere 2. Neither yet is Moses altogether to be excused as some thinke that he speaketh not out of his owne sense but in the peoples Augustine thinketh that he uttered not verba indignationis sed inquisitionis orationis words of indignation but of inquisition as desirous to be further instructed 3. But in that Moses was impatient of delay and complaineth that the people were not yet delivered whereas the Lord had before told Moses that Pharaoh would not let them goe at the first this sheweth Moses forgetfulnesse and herein his faith and infirmitie strive together Simler Borrh. QUEST IX How the Lord is said to afflict his people Vers. 22. WHy hast thou afflicted this people 1. God is said to afflict his people not onely because he suffered it to be done for so as Thostatus reasoneth God might as well be said to lie because he permitteth it to be done 2. Neither onely because the message which the Lord sent by Moses to Pharaoh was the occasion of this persecution Perer. 3. But beside that such evils as are punishments of sinne and not sinne may be caused by the Lord as the Prophet saith Shall there bee any evill in a citie and the Lord hath not done it Amos 3.6 The Lord is said to afflict his people as by whose providence their affliction was sent and the Lord directeth the same to his glory the good of his people and the destruction of his enemies Simler 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. The beginning of our calling alwayes most difficult Vers. 23. SInce I came to Pharaoh to speake in thy name he hath vexed thy people c. This people being neere unto their deliverance are more grievously vexed so the beginning of a mans calling and turning to God is alwayes most difficult and Satan seeketh by all meanes to supplant them that are departing from him so it is said in Ecclesiasticus chap. 2.1 My sonne if thou wilt come into the service of God prepare thy soule to tentation Ferus Pererius 2. Doct. The preaching of the law discovereth and reviveth sinne FUrther in that by Moses preaching to Pharaoh he was thereby more incensed and his cruelty increased we see what the preaching of the Law worketh without the Gospell it reviveth sinne and discovereth that which before lay hid as the Apostle saith Sinne tooke occasion by the commandement and wrought in me all manner of concupiscence Rom. 7.8 Ferus not that the law is evill or properly bringeth orth or causeth sinne but mans corrupt nature thereby taketh occasion and rebelleth against the commandement and so sin which before lay hid and secret is made more manifest and beginneth to shew it selfe see Rom. 7.12.13 5. Places of Controversie 1. Conf. Not Protestants but Papists and Romanists the raysers of rebellion and plotters of treason Vers. 1. THen Moses and Aaron went and said to Pharaoh c. thus saith the Lord God of Israel Pererius here upon giveth this note that Moses notwithstanding the unjust vexation of his people doth not cause them to rebellion but goeth in peaceable manner to the King so farre he collecteth well then he proceedeth and very untruly chargeth the Protestants whom he blasphemously calleth Hereticks in this manner Qui specioso quodam obtentu nescio cujus libertatis religionis Evangelicae omnia humana juxtaque divina jura confundentes ac pervertentes rapinis incendiisque ac caedibus sectam suam fundare propagare ac confirmare conati sunt Who by a goodly pretence of I know not what libertie and the religion of the Gospell confounding and perverting all humane and divine lawes endevour by rapines burning and slaughter to establish propagate and confirme their sect Perer. in cap. 5. disput What could be said or devised more maliciously against the profession of the Gospell If one word onely be changed and for Evangelicae put in Pontificiae if for the religion of the Gospell he had said the Popish religion nothing could be uttered more truly For we call the heaven and earth to witnesse that we are free from such imputations of rebellion as the late dayes of the Marian persecution in England can plentifully testifie when many hundred Martyrs willingly laid downe their lives like meeke lambes and patiently committed their bodies to the fire not inciting the people to any insurrection or stirring against their Prince But the Romanists all the dayes of Queene Elizabeth our late Sovereigne of blessed memorie tooke a quite contrarie course they would never suffer her to be at rest but first attempted a rebellion in the North after in Ireland then procured the Spanish nation to enterprise a professed invasion wherein the Lord shewed himselfe our protector from heaven not contented herewith they hatched as cockatrice egges many unnaturall treasons against her sacred person but the Lord preserved his annointed from their wicked conspiracies and granted her in despite of them all to end her dayes in peace Since which time their heads have beene working and have disquieted and endangered the state first by conspiracie of some Popish Priests combined with some more noble in birth than in any other condition or part of true nobilitie And of late by the desperate plot of some miscreant Gentlemen Jebusited by that wicked seed and seminarie of Satan they would have undermined the Parliament house set the same on fire and made an end at once of his sacred Majestie with all his honourable States and Peeres more cruell than Caligula which wished that all the Senators of Rome had but one necke that he might have stricken it off at once Now let all men judge whether these be not the men rather which pervert all humane and divine lawes which with fire and sword would make havocke of all the very enemies of all pietie and humane societie 2. Conf. Against the Epicures that denie the divine providence Vers. 20. WHy hast thou afflicted this people c. This teacheth that afflictions and calamities which are sent upon the people doe proceed from God and are governed by his providence contrary to the wicked opinion of Epicures who did not acknowledge any divine providence in the world but ascribed all to fortune and chaunce like to these whom the Prophet speaketh against Who were frosen in their dregges and said in their heart the Lord will neither doe good nor evill Zephan 1.12 6. Places of Exhortation and morall duties 1. Observ. The neglect of the service and worship of God procureth plagues Vers. 3. LEst he run upon us with the pestilence The neglect then of the service of God
procureth divers plagues as here Moses feareth lest the people if they should not offer sacrifice and doe service unto God should be punished Simler So the Apostle affirmeth that the Corinthians were chastised some with sicknesse some with death for unreverent receiving of the Lords supper 1 Cor. 10.30 2. Observ. Many receive the Gospell joyfully at the first but after fall away Vers. 21. THe Lord looke upon you and judge At the first this people when Moses brought them a joyfull message of their deliverance were glad and thankfully received that gladsome tidings chap. 4.31 But now being more vexed and oppressed than before and not seeing their present deliverance they murmure against Moses Such is the propertie of many in these dayes that are content to receive the Gospell as long as it bringeth ease and prosperitie with it but in time of adversitie they fall away Ferus whom our Saviour compareth unto seed sowne in stony ground which as soone as it riseth is parched away with the heate of the sunne Matth. 13.5 3. Observ. The Gospell falsly challenged to be the cause of Gods judgements Vers. 21. YE have put a sword into their hand to slay us They lay the fault upon Moses and Aaron and make them the cause of their trouble So Achab charged the Prophet Elias that he troubled Israel Thus the heathen Idolaters accused the Christians as the causes of the plagues and famines that were in the world as blind superstitious people doe now lay the like imputations upon the Gospell whereas their superstition and Idolatrie procureth Gods judgements Simler 4. Observ. In the time of affliction we must fly unto God by prayer Vers. 22. MOses returned to the Lord c. By which example wee are taught in all our afflictions and necessities to have recourse unto God by prayer as the Apostle prescribeth If any man be afflicted let him pray Iam. 5.13 So the Prophet saith For my friendship they were my adversaries but I gave my selfe unto prayer Psal. 109.4 5. Observ. Some things fall out in shew contrarie to Gods promises in the beginning to trie our faith Vers. 23. ANd yet thou hast not delivered thy people The Lord after he hath made gracious promises to his servants doth suffer some things contrarie thereunto to fall out for the time for the triall of their faith and patience God promiseth unto Abraham to multiplie his seed as the starres of heaven and yet afterward bid him sacrifice his sonne in whom the hope of his seed was So God promised the Israelites prosperous successe against Benjamin yet at the first they were twice overcome David was annointed King in Sauls place yet hee was persecuted of Saul and driven from his countrie for a while but at the length the Lord made good to the full all his promises toward him Perer. CHAP. VI. 1. The Argument and method THis chapter hath two parts the first is a declaration or rehearsall of the charge which the Lord giveth unto Moses which containeth a double commandement or commission the first to goe unto the Israelites to promise them deliverance unto vers 20. The other unto Pharaoh to vers 14. In the former three things are shewed 1. The foundation of the peoples deliverance which consisteth in the power of God vers 3. his promises made to the fathers vers 4. his compassion upon the afflictions of the people vers 6. 2. The promise followeth partly to deliver them out of bondage vers 6.7 partly to bring them into the land of Canaan vers 8. 3. The effect is shewed that the people because they were afflicted hearkened not unto him In the other commission first the Lords commandement is set downe vers 11.2 Then Moses refuâ—â—â— vers 12. 4. The renewing of the commandement In the second generall part by way of digression is inserted the genealogie of Moses who came of Levi wherein first briefly the genealogie of the two elder sonnes of Iacob Ruben and Simeon is set downe vers 14.15 to make a way for Levi. Then the genealogie of Levi is expressed and of his three sonnes of Gershom vers 17. Merari vers 19. of Kohath and of his sonnes Amram of whom came Moses and Aaron who are specially insisted upon vers 25. to the end and of Izzari vers 21. and Vzziel vers 22. 2. The divers readings Vers. 3. I appeard c. in the name of God almightie I.G. in God shaddai V. as an almightie God B. being their God S. but the word name is fitly supplied as the other part of the verse sheweth but in my name Iehovah c. But in my name Iehovah was I not knowne B.G.I.V.A.P. better than my name Adonai H. my name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord. S. Vers. 7. That I Iehovah bring you out from the burdens of the Egyptians B. G. cum caeter rather from being under the burdens A. that ye be not subject to the burdens I. Vers. 8. Which I did lift up my hand to give it A. B. H. better than upon the which I lift up my hand to give it L. S. P. for upon is not in the text or for the which V. for also is added or which with lâ—ft-up hand I sware to give I. I sware is inserted Vers. 12. Gave them a commandement to the children of Israel V. L. I. or commanded them to the children of Israel A. P. better than concerning the children of Israel B. the preposition el signifieth to or then gave them a charge to goe to the children of Israel G. S. to goe is added Vers. 14. Chenoch and pallâ— A.P. rather than Chanoch I. for it is hatephpathah where pathah is assumed to sheva to helpe to pronounce it and it is better expressed with e than a as the Septuag Hanoch so also V.L. for it is expressed with the some points with the other Henoch Gen. 5. and rather than Henoch S.L.V.B.G. for it is written with cheth which is rather expressed with ch than h. Chetzron I. rather than Hesron L. B. or without an aspiration Esron S. or Hetzron V. or Chezron A P. The first letter is cheth which is as much as ch the other tsadi which is expressed by â—z Vers. 16. Kehath I. B. A. P. rather than Caath L. S. or Cahat V. or Kahath G. for it is with sheva which soundeth e. Vers. 18. The yeeres of the life of Kohath I.V.L. cum caeter rather than Kahath lived B. G. Vers. 25. Pinchas I.A.P. not Pinhas V. or Phinees L.S. or Phinehas G. for the middle letter is cheth ch but because of the better sound the last is used Vers. 27. These are they that spake to Pharaoh and in the end of the verse This is that Moses and Aaron I. V. L. S. cum caeter better than these are that Moses and Aaron which spake B. G. Vers. 29. And it was what day the Lord spake I. V. A. P. better than in the day that the Lord
owne glorie Augustine saith Aliud Deus fecit ordinavit aliud non fecit sed ordinavit Some things God both doth ordaineth some things he doth not yet ordaineth that is disposeth of them to some good end 3. God is to be considered in the action of the hardning of the heart as a just judge that punisheth sinne by sinne so is he also an agent and not a patient or sufferer onely Their owne master of the sentences doubteth not to say that concupiscentia in quantum poena est peccati Deum habet aâ—thorem that concupiscence as it is the punishment of sinne hath God the author thereof lib. 2. distinct 23. So likewise may it be said that the hardning of the heart as it is a punishment of sinne proceedeth from God and his reason is because all punishments are just Therefore as God is a Creator giving power and life to all as hee disposeth and ordereth evill actions unto good as he is a just Judge and punisher of sinne so is he an agent in hardning of the heart therein shewing his power wisedom and justice but the sinne and evill therein committed is only of man who properly hardneth his owne heart 2. Conf. Against the toleration of any contrarie religion Vers. 29. AS soone as I am out of the Ciâ—ie Moses will not pray in the Citie which was given to superstition and Idolatrie he will separate himself from the companie and presence of the superstitious and unbeleevers that he may give himselfe to fervent and zealous praier And for this cause he said before that the people could not sacrifice unto God in Egypt Simler By this then we see that God cannot be purely served in the middest of Idolaters They which will worship God aright must sequester themselves from among such It is therefore a dangerous thing that any toleration of a contrarie religion should be admitted God will have as the whole heart in man so the whole worship in his Church where Gods arke is there Dagon shall be thrust out of his place for there is no fellowship betweene light and darkenes Christ Belial 2. Cor 6.14.15 As Iacob would suffer no superstition in his familie but removed all the images out of his house Gen. 35. so will a religious prince in his kingdom 3. Conf. Of assurance and confidence in prayer I Will spread mine hands unto the Lord and the thunder shall cease Moses here prayeth with confidence and is assured that God will heare his prayer So ought we to aske in faith pray with assurance that God will heare us S. Iames saith let him aske in faith and waver not neither let that man thinke that is he which wavereth that hee shall receive any thing of the Lord cap. 1.6.7 How then are not the Romanists ashamed thus to affirme non requiri in oratione sidem qua certo credamus Deum absolute facturum quod petimus that faith is not requisite in prayer to beleeve certainly that God will absolutely do that for us which we aske Bellarmin de bon operib in parâ—icul cap. 9. Indeed there is a double kind of such assurance one is extraordinarie which proceedeth of some speciall revelation as here Moses building upon Gods particular promises made unto him was sure his prayer should take effect the other is an ordinarie assurance which is also of two sorts either when we pray for things spirituall concerning eternall life where the faithfull have an absolute assurance to bee heard or for things â—emporall where our assurance is but conditionall that God will grant us such thing so faire forth as they are expedient And even in praying for things temporall there is also an assurance 〈…〉 and determinaâ—e which is somewhat rare yet often found in the children of God when they haâ—e 〈…〉 and constant perswasion that God will heare them for their temporall blessing which they pray for and God therein never faileth them as Iacob was assured that God would keepe him in his journey and give him bread to eat and clothes to put on Gen. 28. And of this assurance S. Iames speaketh thâ—t 〈…〉 of faith shall save the sicke Iam. 5. they which pray with confidence and assurance for the health of the bodie even shall be heard therein they which are not heard have not that fâ—iâ—h and God giveth them not that faith and assurance because he seeth such health not to be good for them There is beside this a generall assurance which every one of Gods children feeleth in their prayer as to be fully perswaded that either God will give them that particular temporall blessing which they pray for or some other gift which God seeth to be more necessary for them As Paul was not in particular assured that the pricke of the flesh should be taken from him yet he knew that his prayer should obtaine either that or a more pretious gift as the Lord said my grace is sufficient for thee he received the grace and strength of God to resist and overcome that temptation though it were not altogether taken from him Augustine concerning this difference of assurance betweene prayer for things temporall and for things spirituall hath this excellent sentence Sanitatem quis petit cum agrotat forte ei adhuc aegrotare utile est potest fieri ut hic non exandiaris at vero cum illud petis ut det tibi Deus vitam aeternam securus esto accipies A man asketh health when he is sicke and yet it may bee good for him to be sicke it may bee then thou shalt not be heard here but when thou asketh of God to give thee eternall life be out of doubt thou shalt receive it 6. Places of morall use 1. Observ. Sinne the cause of extraordinary sicknesse Vers. 10. THere came boiles breaking out into blisters As Pharaoh here and his people were smitten with boiles and ulcers for their sins which they had committed against God and his people so when the Lord sendeth strange diseases and sicknesses into the world wee must take them as signes of the wrath and indignation of God Simler As the Apostle sheweth that the Corinthians for certaine abuses which they were guiltie of in receiving the Lords Supper were chastised some with sicknesse some with death 1 Cor. 11.30 2. Observ. Gods judgements tempered with mercy Vers. 19 SEnd therefore now and gather thy cattell c. The Lord remembreth mercie in the middest of his judgements though the Lord had certainly determined to bring this plague of haile upon Egypt yet together Moses giveth advice how both they and their cattell should be preserved from it thus saith the Psalmist Mercy and truth are met righteousnesse and peace shall kâ—ssâ— one another Psal. 85.10 Gods truth and justice is accompanied with mercy truth and favour Pellican 3. Observ. Confession of sins which proceedeth onely from the feare of Gods judgements is no true or right confession Vers. 27. PHaraoh said unto them I
much away Simler 4. Now further it is to be observed that this 15. day of the second moneth when Manna was given was the same day which was prescribed for them to keepe the Passeover in that were uncleane Numb 9. signifying thus much that the true Manna was not given to the Jewes which observed the first legall pasch but to the Gentiles which were uncleane through their filthy Idolatry Christ the true Passeover was offered and this was the second pasch under the Gospell which succeeded the first pasch under the Law Ferus ex Gloss. ordinar QUEST III. Whether all the children of Israel murmured Vers. 2. ANd the whole congregation of the children of Israel murmured 1. The word Lun here used signifieth to persist as also to murmure but the latter is more proper they persisted obstinate and opposed themselves by their murmuring against Moses and Aaron 2. It is like that there were some godly persons among them that murmured not as Caleb and Ioshua but because they were but few in respect of the rest all are said to have murmured Lyran. and even the Saints also are not without some infirmities Ferus 3. The whole congregation therefore is said to murmure both because it was generall throughout the campe and in regard of the manner they assembled tumultuously against Moses and Aaron and shewed their discontent Simler 4. It is added in the desert to shew the cause of their murmuring the place where they were was barren and dry and yeelded no hope of any succour or comfort Iun. And beside their wretched nature appeareth that being in such misery and distresse which should have stirred them to prayer they fell to murmuring Simler 5. This famine then which they endured was the more grievous in these three regards because all their provision which they had brought out of Egypt was spent and there was small hope of any new supply in that vast and barren desert and beside the multitude was so great that a little provision would not suffice Borrh. 6. So for this cause all the congregation is said to murmure both to include the Levites who also murmured with the rest and there were beside other strange people mingled with the Israelites who set them on worke to murmure as we reade Numb 11.4 Tostat. quaest 1. QUEST IV. How they are said to have murmured against Moses and Aaron here and afterward against the Lord. AGainst Aaron and Moses Yet afterward verse 8. they are said to have murmured not against them but against the Lord the reason is this 1. Because they were the servants and Ministers of God and he which murmureth against Gods Ministers contemneth God himselfe Genevens And Moses so saith Vt adversus illum se scirent murmurasse qui illos miserat That they should know that they had murmured against him who had sent them August quâ—st 59. in Exod. 2. They are said then to murmure against Moses and Aaron because their speech was directly against them and to them but in effect it was against the Lord because not Moses and Aaron but the Lord had brought them out of Egypt which the Israelites repented them of and were discontented with Lyran. and beside that which they murmured for the want of flesh and of bread Moses could not give them but God Thostat quaest 1. QUEST V. Of the grievous murmuring of the Israelites Vers. 3. O That we had died by the hand of the Lord c. These murmuring and obstinate Israelites doe diversly offend 1. In their ingratitude in extenuating the benefits which they had received upon every occasion they looke onely unto their present state and place where they were and thinke not of the place of bondage whence they were brought Pellic. 2. They preferre carnall things before spirituall the flesh-pots of Egypt before the glorious presence of God who now shewed himselfe visibly among them Ferus 3. They preferre their miserable bondage in Egypt with their grosse flesh-pots before their glorious liberty being in some want whereas men will even with the losse of their lives redeeme their liberty Marbach 4. Yea they untruly accuse Moses and Aaron as though they had brought them out for their destruction whereas they did therein nothing of their owne head but as the Lord directed them Ferus Pellican 5. Yea they call their glorious vocation from bondage to liberty a death and destruction Borrh. QUEST VI. How the Israelites are said to have fit by the flesh-pots of Egypt WHen we sate by the flesh pots 1. The word sir signifieth both a pot and a thorne because they used to hang their pots upon hookes of iron or wood like unto thornes and so the meaning is that they sate by the pot hangers whereon they used to hang their pots Oleaster 2. Some thinke this is spoken because they had flocks of cattell in Egypt whereof they might have fed if they would but they did rather use to eat of fish and fowle which they had there in abundance Gloss. ordinar 3. But though the Egyptians abstained from the flesh of bullocks and sheepe it is like the Israelites had their fill and their fitting by the flesh pots both noteth their security Lyran. and their carnall voracity and greedinesse Sedebant affectuoâ—e They sate gaping over the pots Tostat. They had cattell in the desert but if they should have eaten of them they might soone have killed them all up 4. But it is very like that they speake somewhat lavishly in the commendation of Egypt as Dathan and Abiram did call it a land that flowed with milke and hony Numb 16.13 of purpose to disgrace and diminish the true praise of the land of Canaan which indeed was the land that flowed with milke and hony 5. Some thinke further that they had no such store of cattell in the wildernesse because of the want of pasture oâ— that they spared that kinde of flesh lest they should want for sacrifice but it is not like that this people had any such religious thought at this time therefore it is more probable that they longed not for such kinde of flesh which was at hand but for the flesh of fowles such as they used to eat in Egypt and they wanted now for the nature of discontented people is to loath such things as they have and to covet and desire that which they have not and in that the Lord giveth them quailes it seemeth hee satisfied their owne desire but to their further hurt in sending that kinde of flesh which they lusted after Sic fore Gloss. Ordinar QUEST VII In what sense the Lord saith he will raine bread from heaven Vers. 4. I Will cause bread to raine from heaven 1. Some thinke that by bread is understood generally any kinde of nourishment after the manner of the Hebrew phrase Gloss. ordinar Lyran. Oleaster But Augustines reason overthroweth this interpretation Nam isto nomine carnes complectuntur ipsa enim alimenta sunt for so also the flesh
from heaven or such bread as hee might bring from Midian beside bread they did also eat of the remainder of the peace offerings Tostat. 2. Before God Oleaster expoundeth before the Tabernacle but as yet the Tabernacle was not built as is shewed before quast 7. nor Aarons Priesthood instituted as Cajetan well noteth here Non interfuit Aaron ut sacrificaret sed ut conviva Aaron was not present as a sacrificer but as a ghest 3. Others doe expound before God In gloriam honorem Dei to the honour and glory of God Simler Calvin So also Origen Omnia quâ— Sancti faciunt in conspectu Dei faciunt All that the Saints doe they doe in the sight of God as the Apostle saith Whether you eat or drinke c. doe all to the glory of God 4. But somewhat more is insinuated here that as after the Tabernacle was built before the Arke was said to be in the presence of God so now because they were assembled in Moses Tabernacle where the cloudy piller rested they are said to eat before the Lord who manifested himselfe in that piller Tostat. quaest 4. in cap. 18. QUEST XVI How the people came to Moses to aske of God Vers. 15. THe people come unto me to seeke God c. and I declare the ordinances of God and his lawes 1. Some expound it that they enquired of God by Moses Oleaster But it is not like that in every small matter Moses consulted with God for them for although the Lord cannot be wearied and he is ignorant of nothing yet for reverence of the divine Majesty they were to forbeare in small matters Tostat. So also Augustine Nunquid per singula credendum est eum consulere solere Deum It is to be thought that for every thing he used to consult with God 2. Some interprete because the sentence of Moses being their lawfull Judge was the sentence of God in asking of Moses they asked of God Cajetan And to the same purpose Augustine moving the question how Moses maketh mention here of the lawes of God seeing there were none as yet written maketh this answer Nisi praesidentem menti suae Dominum consuleret c. Vnlesse he had consulted with God the president of his mind he could not have judged justly Moses therefore was the interpreter of the will and sentence of God revealed unto him so judged according to his lawes 3. But this phrase to seeke God insinuateth a further matter that when they had any weightie businesse which either concerned God or the state of the common-wealth then they went to seeke an answer of God as the phrase is used 1 Sam. 9.9 Iun. So then here is a distinction of causeâ— noted in the greater and weightie affaires they consulted with God by Moses as Iethro saith afterward vers 19. Be thou unto the people to Godward and report their causes unto God but the smaller matters Moses judgeth himselfe which were afterward by the advice of Iethro transmitted over to the inferiour officers QUEST XVII Why the Lord would have Moses to take his direction from Iethro Vers. 19. HEare now my voyce Augustine here moveth a question why the Lord would have his servant Moses to whom he so often spake to take this direction from a stranger to the which he maketh this answere that God hereby would teach us 1. Per quemlibet hominem detur consilium veritatis non debere contemni That by whomsoever any true counsell is given it should not bee contemned 2. Againe God would haue Moses thus admonished Ne eum tentet superbia c. lest that sitting in that high seate of judgement Moses might have beene somewhat lifted up and therefore this was done to humble him 3. Rupertus goeth yet further and sheweth that this fact of Iethro was answerable to that saying in the Gospell That the children of this world are wiser in their generation than the children of light So Iethro for civill government and worldly affaires was wiser than Moses but in things belonging unto God Moses went beyond him Ferus addeth that hereby Moses was humbled Videns se non omnia scire seeing that he knew not all things but was advised by a stranger to take a better course in politike administration than he himselfe could thinke of QUEST XVIII What causes Iethro would have reserved to Moses BE thou for the people to Godward 1. Some thinke that here is a distinction made by Iethro of the spirituall and temporall power the first he would have still reside and rest in Moses as best exercised in spirituall things the other to bee passed over to others Ferus But the chiefe temporall power remained in Moses still after the choice made of the inferiour officers hee was the chiefe Prince and Magistrate notwithstanding nay rather hee resigned afterward his ordinarie spirituall power unto Aaron retaining the temporall still 2. Others thinke that whereas Moses was both a Lawgiver to the people and a Judge also that the first power he reserved still but the other part of executing judgement in particular cases according to those lawes he transmitted over to the officers Ex Simler But this is not true neither for Moses gave the sentence against the blasphemer Numb 24. and against him that violated the Sabbath Num. 5. 3. Wherefore the distinction here made is neither of divers kinds of offices as the spirituall and temporall nor yet of divers parts and functions of the same office as in making and executing of lawes but the difference was of causes small and great the one to bee reserved to Moses hearing the other to be committed to the officers to be chosen And so afterward they came to Moses when any difficult and hard matter fell out as when one blasphemed God in the host Levit. 24. they brought him to Moses likewise when they found one gathering of sticks upon the Sabbath they referred the matter to Moses Numb 15.33 In the cause also of Zelopechads daughters they resorted to Moses Numb 37. 4. And in those weightie matters two things were required of Moses first that hee should consult with God and then declare unto the people the will of God and shew them the ordinances and lawes of God vers 20. the ordinances or as the Latine Interpreter readeth ceremonies did onely appertaine unto God the lawes were of two sorts either such as concerned both God and man as the morall commandements the first table whereof commandeth our dutie toward God the second our dutie to our neighbour or such which onely concerned the affaires and controversies among men as the Judicials Tostat. quaest 5. 5. Herein then consisted Moses office 1. That he should report unto God the requests and demands of the people and so pray for them 2. To report unto the people the will and pleasure of God both Quantum ad cultum Dei what hee required concernnig his service and to shew them the way which they should walke
Quantum ad credenda What they were to beleeve and the worke which they should doe Quantum ad agenda that is what things they were to doe Ferus QUEST XIX Of the qualities and properties required in good Magistrates Vers. 21. PRovide men of courage The first propertie required in a Magistrate is that he be valiant chaijl which signifieth not onely valour or strength of the bodie but the industry of mind as Pharaoh would have Ioseph set over his cattell such of his brethren as were valiant that is industrious and well practised and experienced among cattell In this first qualitie or vertue then these things are required 1. That they must be industrious able to dispatch and expedite causes Simler Valentes ingenio men of good dexteritie and wit Cajetan There must be verus intellectus a good conceit and understanding Tostat. 2. Constancie and strength is required Ne metu potentiorum deserat causam justam That he doe not leave a good cause for feare of mightie men Simler As Ecclesiasticus saith Noli fieri Iudex c. Seeke not to be made a Iudge lest thou bee not able to take away iniquitie and lest thou fearing the person of the mightie shouldest commit an offence against thine uprightnesse 3. Also it is fit they should be of greater power in riches or by birth and estimation in the world for if they be base and poore though upright they are sooner contemned so Deut. 1.15 they must be jedughim knowne and famous men if other vertues doe concurre withall Tostat. Among the Lacedemonians one Demosthenes an obscure and base fellow gave wise and prudent counsell which the Ephori which were the counsellers of state willed to be propounded by another man of fame and estimation lest it might have beene contemned because of the first author Simler 2. They must bee men fearing God For the feare of God is the foundation of all vertues and where that is not Non sunt verâ— virtutes sed umbrae They are not true vertues but shadowes of vertues Simler And if men of might should not feare God Cum ex potentia sua homines non timeant c. When in regard of their great power they feare not men they will be readie to commit many wrongs Tostat. quâ—st 6. Oportet jus dicentem aliis rationem habere superioris Iudicis c. It behoveth him that judgeth others to have respect unto his superiour Iudge to whom he must give account of all his acts Cajetan Deum spectent cujus vicem obtineant Let them looke unto God in whose stead they are Borrh. They must execute his will whose place and person they sustaine for where no feare of God is there justice is soone declined as is evident in Pilate Ferus 3. They must be men of truth Both understanding the truth that they may be able to distinguish right from wrong as also following the truth in their will and practice for there is a speculative truth in discerning and judging and a practicall truth in following a right judgement Tostat. There is veritas vitae truth of life when a mans conversation is framed according to the rule of truth veritas justitiae in giving unto every man his right and veritas doctrinae in discerning the truth from errour and right from wrong Lyran. This love of the truth containeth these two things both that in others he should give way to the truth that he should seeke out the truth by witnesses writings evidences and in himselfe having found out the truth give judgement accordingly Simler Vt sit vera tum dicendo tum faciendo to be true in word and in deed both to speake the truth and practise it Cajetan Veritas non tantum fraudibus crassis mendaciis sed ambitioni c. The truth is not opposed onely to fraud and grosse lies but to ambition flattery and such like and what other cunning soever may be used to corrupt judgement Calvin Stabiles sint in sententiis non mutabiles They must be stable in their sentences not changeable Oleaster 4. They must hate covetousnesse Quantumvis sufficiat homini non esse avarum c. Although it be sufficient for a private man not to be a covetous yet a Judge must be so far from covetousnesse that he abhorre and hate it Cajetan Some thinke that the Hebrew word batzah signifieth to fill a Judge then must not desire to be filled with riches for a covetous man will never be full but to be content with things necessary and convenient for his place Oleaster For gifts blind the eies of the wise and pervert the words of the just Beside these properties here required there bee other also elsewhere set downe as Deut. 1.13 they must be men of wisdome and understanding The first of these belongeth to the speculative and intellectuall part he must be wise both in the knowledge of God for true religion maketh wise and in humane affaires there is a particular wisdome as of every artificer in his trade but this must be a generall wisdome how to rule and governe all sorts of men The other which is called binah understanding belongeth rather to practise than speculation for hee that hath knowledge onely in generall and knoweth not how wisely to applie it to every particular occasion is not fit to be a ruler or governour Ioseph was wise in the unfolding and interpreting of Pharaohs dreame hee was also prudent and a man of understanding in giving advice afterward how to provide against the famine Further they must not be of base and obscure condition but such as are famous and well knowne as no man will commit his money to an unknowne Banker nor his bodie to an unexperienced Physitian so neither should men of unknowne conditions be trusted with the common-wealth Lastly their age must be respected as Numb 11.16 Moses is bid to take such as he knew to be Elders of the people not onely in yeares but in manners for age bringeth experience and experience maketh wise Yet young men which are endued with the wisdome of the ancient are not to be rejected from government as David and Iosias were but young when they came to the Kingdome Simler QUEST XX. How that Rulers over thousands hundreds c. are to be counted Vers. 21. RVlers over thousands c. 1. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that this distribution was onely of the under Officers and Ministers to the Judges that some of them had 10. some an 100. some 1000. apparitors under them for the execution of their sentence Ex Simler But this would have bred a great confusion that one Judge should have had so many ministers neither should their causes have beene dispatched so many being brought to one Judge 2. Others thinke that this division was of the Judges themselves that one session was of ten another court above that of 100. and a superiour to that of 1000. Simler But beside that it was inconvenient to have
Saints doe eat and drinke in the sight of God and all that they doe they doe in his sight And so the Apostle saith Whether ye eat or drinke or whatsoever ye doe doe all to the glory of God 1. Cor. 10.31 4. Obs. Diligence is required in a Magistrate Vers. 13. THe people stood about Moses from morning to even Moses singular diligence and paines is here set forth in attending upon the causes of the people Audiant hoc delicusi Indices nostri qui vix ad horam c. Let our delicate Iudges heare this which scarce indure an houre to heare their suiters causes Diligence in the charge commited to us is sweet unto God and good to our selves Come thou good and faithfull servant will God say to the Magistrate as well as to the Minister Enter into thy Lords joy B. Babington 5. Obs. Iudges and Magistrates specially must be men fearing God Vers. 21. FEaring God c. The feare of God is a vertue most necessary in Judges for hereupon hang all vertues Abraham thinking that the feare of God was not in Gerar despaired of any other vertue there to be found Gen. 20. B. Babington 6. Obs. Good counsell is to be received at any hand Vers. 24. SO Moses obeyed c. In quo mite modestum ingenium declarat c. Wherein Moses sheweth a milde and modest disposition not to refuse to receive wholesome counsell at any mans hand Marbach As the Apostle saith Set up them which are least esteemed in the Church 1. Cor. 6.4 Good counsell proceeding even from simple and meane people is not to be despised The end of the first booke THE SECOND PART OF THIS BOOKE OF EXODVS Containing THE HISTORIE OF THE Constitution and setling of the people of Israel after their deliverance out of Egypt in their state Ecclesiasticall and Civill by Lawes morall ceremoniall politicall WITH THE OBEDIENCE AND disobedience of the people thereunto divided into two Bookes THE FIRST SHEWING THE PRESCRIPTION of those Lawes to chap. 30. The second the practice and execution thereof unto the end of Exodus THE FIRST BOOKE SHEWING THE PRESCRIPTION and promulgation of the foresaid Lawes VERITAS †FILIA †TEMPORIS LONDON ¶ Printed by the Assignes of THOMAS MAN PAVL MAN and IONAH MAN 1633. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE HIS SINGVLAR GOOD LORD SIR THOMAS EGERTON Lord Ellesmere Lord Chancellor of England and of his Majesties most honourable privie Councell RIght Honourable there is a saying That nothing so soone wâ—â—eth old as thankes for a benefit received This imputation of unthankfull oblivion might justly fall upon mee if having occasion to use my penne I should in silence passe over your Honour I cannot therefore forget your Honourable favour and bounty which I have some yeeres past felt and found The eye better seeth the object removed in equall distance from it than when it is put close unto it so a thankfull heart will as well consider of a benefit after as at the first time when it is received I hate flattery neither have I used to fawne upon great men in praising above desert or blazing their names whom their vertues commend not yet I hold it as great a wrong not to ascribe praise where it is deserved as it is follie to give it where it is not due It is a good saying It is seemely to give incense unto God and praises unto good men for the praise of the instrument redoundeth to him that handleth it and the industry of the Minister commendeth the skill of the chiefe worker and the acknowledging of the gifts and graces of men setteth forth the praise of God that giveth them This therefore I cannot conceale that I have found your Honour the greatest respecter and only rewarder of my poore travels and labours This I speake not as though wee which by preaching and writing keepe the watch-tower against the enemy ought to make the reward of the world the end and scope of our paines taken in the world I hold it Pharisaicall to doe any thing for the praise or recompence of men This is sufficient for the servants of Christ that their Lord hath promised Thou shalt be recompenced at the resurrection of the just I am of his minde that when one had said It is an excellent thing for a man to obtaine all that he desires made this answer Multò majus est non desider are eâ— quibâ—â— nibil indiges But it is a greater matter not to desire at all the things which thou needest not But this I have mentioned to note by the way the strange humour of this age that of all presents least esteemeth bookes and vilipendeth no gift as it doth the fruits of Scholars studies I have read that the women among the people called Iberi did use every yeere to shew publikely their spinning worke and that she was most honoured which in the judgement of the men had laboured most If the Spinsters of these times which spinne and weave garments not with Dorcas to cloathe the body but with Paul to adorne the soule were had in such regard we should have more spinners and better worke Such bookes I confesse as feede mens fansies and breed wanton delight are had of some in price when graver treatises are set light by as one of Terentius Comedies called Eunuchus was valued at eight thousand peeces of money which make two hundred crownes more than all Tullies Orations and other his learned workes were esteemed at But the choice of bookes should bee as the choice of Physicians Medicus non jucundior sed utilior eligitur A man will have a Physician rather profitable that can doe him good than pleasant to feede him with words Such difference there is in bookes they which please the eare doe flourish with leaves but such as instruct the minde doe yeeld the fruit the one as a song of Musicke that endeth with the sound the other as wholsome physicke that worketh after it is gone the bookes of the one are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Commentaries to instruct the other are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Commemoratives of mens folly Now what should be the reason why bookes of Divinity are so much at many hands contemned and treatises of vanity so highly commended may easily be conjectured for as Diogenes being asked why men used to give unto the blind and lame but not unto Philosophers made this answer Because they may thinke they may one day become blind and lame themselves but never hope to be Philosophers So mens affections being blind and lame and their phantasies vainly bent must needs delight in vaine and lame pamphlets which feede their humours and cannot brooke that which would purge them But leaving to complaine of that which I cannot helpe I cannot but commend that which I heare and have my selfe found that your Lordships respective care in preferring freely men of desert a rare president in these corrupt times and protecting and
Quia nulla nobis rationâ— sociantur because they are not partakers of reason with us thus August lib. 1. de civitat Dei cap. 20. 2. Thomas useth this reason Non est peccatum uti illis quae sunt subdita hominis potestati c. It is no sinne to use those things which are subject to mans power and made for mans use for there is a certaine naturall order that plants are for the nourishment of beasts and beasts feed one upon another Omnia in nutrimentum hominum c. and all are appointed for the nourishment of man and the Lord hath given unto man this liberty As the greene herbe have I given you all things Gen. 9.3 The Apostle also sheweth the Lawfulnesse hereof Whatsoever is sold in the shambles eat yee and aske no question for conscience sake 1. Cor. 10.25 Thom. in opuscul 3. Cajetane addeth further that it is lawfull to kill beasts Vt vescamur eis vel ne molesta sint nobis To feed upon them or that they be not noisome unto us 4. And the word ratzach here used in the opinion of the Hebrewes signifieth properly to kill a man and therefore there need to be no doubt made of the lawfulnesse of killing other creatures for mans use Simler Cajetan QUEST III. Of the divers kindes of killing THou shalt not kill There are divers kindes of killing some doe kill the soule onely some the body only some both the body and soule 1. They kill the soule which seduce and pervert it as therefore the Devill is said to be a murderer from the beginning Ioh. 8. In quantum traxit ad peccatum because hee drâ—w our first parents into sinne 2. The body and soule is killed two wayes occidendo pragnantes in killing of women with childe for so the infant conceived is deprived both of body and soule Secundo interficiendo seipsum secondly when one killeth himselfe for beside the death of the body they bring their soule into danger Thom. in opuscul 3. The body is killed also divers wayes for Homicidium est internum externum murder is either inward or outward the inward is of two sorts either conceptum conceived as in anger hatred desire of revenge which our Saviour forbiddeth Matth. 5.22 or permissum when it is permitted or suffred when one consenteth unto another mans death Rom. 1.31 They doe not only the same things but favour them that doe them Pelarg. Thom. The externall is committed three wayes manu by the hand as in beating wounding and lastly killing or ore with the mouth in railing reviling giving evill counsell and adjutorio by ministring helpe and so being accessary in killing Thom. This externall murder is either Verbis exâ—ptatum gestu attentatum opere designatum wished in word attempted in gesture or designed in deed Pelarg. QUEST IV. How the soule is killed by evill perswasion FIrst then the seducing and perverting of the soule is a principall breach of this Commandement as Piscator well observeth that seductio animae the seducing of the soule is one of the transgressions of this precept 1. Augustines reason is taken from the practice of the Devill Homicida Diabolus non gladio armatus c. verbum malum seminavit occidit The Devill is a murderer he came not unto man with armour or weapons he sowed evill seed by tempting them and so slew them In Ioan. tract 42. 2. Thomas useth this reason Occidunt animam auferendo vitam gratiae They slay the soule by taking away the life of grace So Augustine concludeth Si fratri tuo mala persuades occidis If thou perswade evill unto thy brother thou killest him ibid. QUEST V. That it is not lawfull for a man to kill himselfe SOme thinke that by this precept man is forbidden to kill another but not himselfe But that it is a speciall offence against this law for any man to lay violent hands upon himselfe it may be thus shewed 1. Augustines reason is Neque enim qui se occidit aliud quà m hominem occidit Neither hee which killeth himselfe doth any other than kill a man 2. Pelargus useth this reason Praeceptum eum ipsum comprehendâ— cui praecipitur A precept being simply propounded without any other addition comprehendeth him also to whom the precept is given in that it is said therefore Thou shalt not kill it is insinuated that thou shalt not kill thy selfe 3. Because our life is the gift of God it cannot be taken away from whomsoever without great impiety and Facit injuriam humano generi he that killeth himselfe doth wrong unto humane society in depriving the Commonwealth of a member thereof Basting 4. The same reasons why a man should not kill his neighbour because he is the image of God hee is our flesh and one of Christs members for whom he died are strong to perswade one not to kill himselfe for no man ever hated his owne flesh Vrsinus 5. Whereas it is objected that Sampson killed himselfe the answer is he did it Instinctu Spiritus Dei By the instinct of Gods Spirit so that hee did it Authoritate Dei By Gods authority Thomas QUEST VI. The inward murder of the heart forbidden NOt only the externall act of murther is here forbidden but the internall also by hasty rage malice hatred envy and such like 1. Lex Dei spiritualis est The law of God is spirituall and therefore iâ— bindeth not only the hands and tongue but the heart also and affections as our blessed Saviour the best interpreter of the law teacheth If one be angry with his brother unadvisedly he shall be culpable of judgement Matth. 5.22 Gallas 2. Another reason is because he qui irascitur sine causa quamum ad voluâ—â—â—tem homicidium fecit which is angry without a cause in respect of his owne will and purpose hath committed manslaughter Chrysost. hom 11. in Matth. Therefore the Apostle saith He that hateth his brother is a manslayer 1. Ioh. 3.15 3. Bonus medicus non solum tolliâ— malum quod apparet sed etiam radicem removet infirmitatis A good Physitian doth not only take away the evill that is apparent but also removeth the very root of the disease Thomas Therefore our Saviour biddeth not only to take heed of murther but of anger also ex ira enim homicidium generatur for homicide or murther is ingendred by anger and rage Chrysostome 4. And where the effect is forbidden there also the cause and occasion thereof is restrained as God would not have us to hurt our brother so he would have all occasions thereof to bee cut off Vrsinus QUEST VII What things are to be taken heed of in anger COncerning anger and rage which is the inward killing five things are here to be taken heed of 1. Ne citò provocatur that it be not soone provoked as S. Iames saith Loe every man be swift to heare slow to speake and slow to wrath chap. 1.19 And there be two reasons why anger
evill but wait upon the Lord and he shall save thee Prov. 20.12 3. Observ. Surfetting by eâ—cesse forbidden FUrther by this precept they are condemned qui luxu se occidunt c. which kill themselves with surfetting and drunkennesse riot and excesse Basting whereupon often ensueth also quarrelling and wounds as the Wise-man sheweth To whom is woe to whom is strife c. to whom are wounds without cause to whom is rednesse of the eyes to them that tarrie long at wine Prov. 23.29 30. The seventh Commandement 1. Questions discussed QUEST I. Of the order and negative propounding of this Commandement THou shalt not commit adulterie 1. This Commandement very fitly followeth after the other Thou shalt not kill Quia post injuriam quae infertur personae nulla est major quà m illa quae infertur conjunctae Because next after the injurie done to the person there is none greater than that which is offred unto the joynt person for they two shall be one flesh Thom. in opuscul So also Lyranus 2. This Commandement is propounded negatively rather than affirmatively because the negative is more generall than the affirmative Tum quoad tempâ—ra quà m personas both in respect of the time and persons for at all times and in all places it is unlawfull to kill to commit adulterie c. but at all times and in all places wee must not honour our parents and for the persons wee must not offer violence or wrong unto any but for the affirmative it is impossible to doe good to all Thom. in Epist. ad Roman cap. 13. See before quest 1. upon the sixth Commandement QUEST II. Whether the uncleane desire of the heart be forbidden in this precept IN this Commandement not onely the impuritie of the bodie but of the soule also is forbidden and chastitie commanded in both Gregories opinion is that God Per hoc praeceptum non peccata cogitationis sed operis resecuit c. Doth not by this precept cut off the sinfull thoughts but the sinfull act and that Christ afterward in the law Cogitationes hominum religavit Did bind also the thoughts of men In Ezech. homil 13. Augustine also is of opinion that in this precept Ipsum opus notatum est The worke of uncleannesse it selfe is noted but in the other Thou shalt not covet Ipsa concupiscentia the very concupiscence because saith he sometimes it may fall out that a man may commit adulterie cùm non concupiscat illam when he doth not covet her but upon some other cause doth companie with her Aliquando eam concupiscat nec ei misceatur poenam timens Sometime he may covet her and not company with her fearing the punishment in quaest 71. in Exod. Contra. 1. Our Saviour Christ doth not adde any thing to the law of Moses or bringeth in any new interpretation but doth free and cleare the law from the grosse and corrupt gloses of the Scribes and Pharisies delivering the true sense and meaning thereof as it was first given unto the people And therefore Chrysostome well saith Vt per concordiam mandatorum ipse inveniatúr author legis fuisse gratia That by the agreement of the Commandements in the old and new Testament the same may be found to bee the author of the law and of grace in Matth. hom 11. And that even the inward concupiscence and desire was forbidden in the old Testament it is evident by Iobs practice in whose heart the morall law was written I have made a covenant with mine eyes why then should I thinke on a maid chap. 31.1 2. Concerning Augustines opinion the concupiscence which is joyned with a full purpose onely wanting opportunitie and being restrained by feare from the externall act is a breach of this Commandement and not of the last as our blessed Saviour expoundeth Matth. 5.28 What kinde of concupiscence is prohibited in the last precept and how it differeth herein ftom this shall bee shewed afterward when wee come to that place 2. And that commixtion which hath no concupiscence nor consent of will being violent and forced as in them which are ravished it is no adulterie at all which alwayes proceedeth out of the heart 3. But that the inward sanctimonie and puritie of the minde is here commanded and the contrarie forbidden it is thus proved 1. By the definition of puritie and chastitie which is to be holy both in bodie and spirit as S. Paul describeth a true Virgin 1 Cor. 7.34 So the same Apostle 1 Thess. 5.23 That your whole spirit soule and bodie may be kept blamelesse unto the comming of our Lord Iesus Christ. 2. Both the soules and bodies of the faithfull are the Temples of the Spirit and therefore ought to be kept holy 1 Cor. 3.16 Know yee not that yee are the Temple of God and that the Spirit of God dwelleth in you if any destroy the Temple of God him shall God destroy Basting 3. Chrysostome urgeth these foure reasons first from the interpretation of our blessed Saviour who sheweth that this Commandement is broken in the very inward lust and concupiscence Matth. 5.28 4. Secondly from the analogie and correspondencie which it hath with other Commandements that Irasci proximis sine causa to be angrie with our neighbours without cause is a breach of the precedent Commandement Thou shalt not kill So Concupiscere mulierem alienam c. to desire a strange woman though the act of concupiscence follow not is against this precept 5. Thirdly in respect of God Qui non tantum opus hominis aspicit quantum cor Who doth not so much looke unto the worke of man as to his heart 6. Fourthly because concupiscence is the cause of adulterie Omne adulterium ex concupiscentia All adulterie proceedeth from concupiscence as our blessed Saviour sheweth Mark 7.21 Even from the heart of man proceed evill thoughts adulteries fornications c. Quomodo ergo tolletur adulterium nisi pracisa fuerit concupiscentia c. How then shall adulterie be taken away unlesse concupiscence be first cut off Homil. 12. in Matth. Seeing then that the effect that is adultery and outward uncleannesse is forbidden in this precept it followeth also that the very cause thereof which is concupiscence should be restrained QUEST III. Other acts of uncleannesse beside adulterie here forbidden COncerning the externall act of uncleannesse which is in the very letter of this precept prohibited the Hebrewes are of opinion that onely concubitus adulterinus the adulterous act is here forbidden But this opinion is easily convinced 1. Tostatus urgeth this reason Qui prohibet minus malum à fortiori prohibet majus c. He that forbiddeth the lesse evill doth much more prohibit the greater evill for there are more unlawfull acts of uncleannesse than adulterie as those unnaturall sinnes committed either with another kinde as with brute beasts which is monstrous or with the same kinde and with the same sex as Sodomitrie and abusing of the male or with the
wine wherein is excesse Ephes. 5.18 Contrarie hereunto are 1. Intemperance in meats and drinks as in drunkennesse and gluttonie 2. Facesse and superfluitie of meats and drinkes which breedeth intemperance as also excesse and pride of apparell reproved by the Prophet in the daughters of Sion Isai. 3. and other unseemely usages of the bodie as in painting or colouring the face or haire as wicked whorish Ieâ—abel used to doe 2 King 9.30 3. Contrarie unto this moderate temperance is in another extreme superstitious and immoderate abstinence such as was that of the Heremites and Anachorites that with too rigorous abstinence and fasting did oppresse nature Vrsin 4. As in temperance in diet is forbidden as the nourishing cause of lust so also in all other kind of behaviour as the wantonnes of the eye which opened as it were a window unto that great sinne of adulterie which David committed with Bathsheba 2 Sam. 12. Likewise obscenitie and vncomelinesse in speech for evill words corrupt good manners 1 Cor. 15.33 Simler But these two last rehearsed are rather opposite unto the second vertue of shamefastnesse before rehearsed 3. Places of Controversie 1. Confut. Against the Anabaptists and Nicolaitans which make their wives common THou shalt not commit adulterie c. First seeing this precept commandeth chastitie in the married estate to be preserved the Nicolaitans and heretikes called Gnostici are condemned which as of other things brought in a filthie communitie and mutual commixtion of their wives Bucanus Contrarie to the Apostles doctrine To avoid fornication let every one have his wife 1 Cor. 7.2 that is the wife ought to bee proper and peculiar to the husband and the husband likewise to the wife for the honour of mariage is stained when the mariage bed is defiled and therefore the Apostle putteth them both together Heb. 13.4 2. Confut. Against the Maniches and Marcionites that condemne mariage FUrther this Commandement forbidding the violating of mariage by adulterie and all other uncleane and unlawfull lust consequently alloweth the wholesome remedie of mariage against the old heretikes the Maniches Encratites Marcionists Chrysost. hom 12. in 1 Timoth. Ambrose addeth to these the Patritians in 1 Tim. 4. that condemned mariage as being instituted of Satan whose wicked opinion is blasphemous against God upon whose blessing Increase and multiplie dependeth the procreation of children which is the speciall fruit of mariage And they contradict the holy Apostle who saith That marriage is honorable c. Hebr. 13.4 3. Confut. Against the Romanists that forbid Mariage THirdly the Romanists are here confuted that enjoyne single life unto their Priests as more agreeable unto their orders which they thinke are defiled and polluted by mariage and they count that to bee the more holy state among them and such to bee most religious which are entred into a vow of single life so that although they doe not in open blasphemie condemne marriage as the other wicked heretikes which made the devill the author thereof yet they speake falshood through hypocrisie and under pretence of greater holinesse condemne the holy institution of marriage so that they cannot escape the censure of the Apostle which calleth it a doctrine of devils to forbid to marrie 1 Tim. 4.1.3 Neither can they shift it off by saying that they doe not forbid mariage generally no more did the Maniches who allowed their hearers such as were lay men to marrie but denied that libertie to their Clergie whom they called their elect and chosen men August hares 46. And the Heretickes called Apostolici would not permit such to marrie as had made a vow of single life being not able to performe it August hares 61. So the Romanists hold it unlawfull for their votaries to marrie though they bee never so weake and unable to performe their vow It is evident then that whereas S. Paul giveth libertie to everie man for avoiding of fornication to have his wife 1 Cor. 7.2 and againe he saith that mariage is honorable among all men Hebr. 13.4 the practice of the Romanists not allowing their Clergie and Monkes to marrie doth contradict the Apostolical doctrine And beside by this restraint of marriage they give occasion of adulterie fornication and other uncleane lusts seeing they restraine the remedie against these enormities which is lawfull and honest marriage and so they are apparent transgressors of this precept Herein they are not unlike to those old Heretickes called Origeniani turpes the filthie Origenists who as Epiphanius writeth of them rejected marriage and yet gave themselves to lust and some of them went in the habit of Monks professing solitarie life and yet were defiled with uncleannesse Epiphan hares 63. Such were the Monks in Poperie given over to al filthinesse as their hypocrisie was notably discovered in the suppression of their uncleane cages and cells here in England See more hereof Synops. pag. 260 261 c. 4. Confut. Against Aquinas that saith in the matrimoniall copulation there may be mortall sinne HEre by the way some exception is to be taken unto certaine positions of Thomas Aquinas who confuting those who affirmed Commixtionem viri uxoris non esse sint peccato that the companying of the husband with the wife could not bee without sinne setteth downe these conclusions 1. That 〈◊〉 conjunctio aliquando non solum est sine peccato sed etiam ad meritum vita â—ternae that such conjunction is sometime not only without sinne but meritorious also of eternall life 2. Quando est cum intentione procrâ—anda prolis vel reddendi debiti c. when in the matrimoniall act there is an intention of procreation or of rendring the mutuall debt of marriage it is an act of justice and so without sin at all 3. Aliquando est cum peccato veniali c. somtime it hath a veniall or small sin as when neither of the two former intendments do concurre 4. Quando autem excedit ut si posset se extenderet in alium tunc est mortale c. but when this matrimoniall copulation exceedeth the bounds that if it might bee it would extend it selfe to another then it is mortall Thomas in opuscul Contra. 1. No act of righteousnesse in man can be meritorious of eternall life seeing our best workes are imperfect and betweene the merit and worke there must be a proportion and kinde of equalitie but so there cannot bee betweene our imperfect workes and such a perfect and infinite reward The Apostle saith That the afflictions of this present life are not worthie of the glorie which shall be shewed unto us Rom. 8.18 If the suffrings of the Saints are not meritorious much lesse their actions 2. When matrimoniall conjunction is applied to the right end it is without sinne as S. Paul saith in the like case Let him doe what hee will he sinneth not 1 Cor. 7.36 that is materially he sinneth not the thing which hee doth is no sin neither is it a sinfull act but yet there
some may be dispensed withall and exempted from watching who may more necessarily bee employed for the common good for here although the letter of the law bee not precisely kept yet the intention of the Law-maker is observed which is to seeke and procure the common good So likewise 1. Universally the Lord himselfe neither will nor can dispense against his law as to make it lawfull to have other gods to take Gods name in vaine and such like for this were for God to denie himselfe to be just which were to deny himselfe but the Apostle saith God is faithfull and cannot denie himselfe 2 Tim 2.13 but to make it lawfull in generall to violate the precepts of the first and second Table were to denie his owne justice and so consequently to denie himselfe for God is most just yea justice it selfe and the law is a perfect rule of justice 2. Yet in the particular determinations of the law the Lord doth dispense as with Abrahams sacrificing of his sonne the Israelites robbing of the Egyptians the fornication of Ose the Prophet for the will of God which is most just and the right which he hath in the lives bodies and goods of men maketh these things lawfull being done by the Commandement of God which otherwise should bee unlawfull for as a man may use his Oxe or his Asse at his pleasure because they are ordained to his use so the Lord may doe with men take away their lives at his pleasure and that by a double right both because man by his sinne hath deserved to die and God as Creator may use the creature as it may best serve to his glorie And as a man may use his owne goods and that which is lent unto a man precariâ— freely and frankly during the pleasure of the lender he may when he will require againe so the earth being the Lords and the fulnesse thereof which he as it were lendeth unto man so long as it pleaseth him the Lord may justly at his pleasure transferre things from one to another So likewise in the third case of fornication like as matrimony maketh carnall copulation lawfull so the Lord may tale vinculum inducere by his commandement bring in and supplie the like bond as matrimonie is as when he commanded the Prophet to take him a wife of fornications Hose 1.3 the commandement of God made that lawfull which otherwise was unlawfull 3. But as God can make that which seemeth unjust to be lawfull and just so yet can he not make a just and good act to be evill and wicked as that he which worshippeth God aright doth evill or such like and the reason is because God by this meanes should bee contrarie to himselfe in commanding one so to worship him and yet to count him so worshipping him to doe evill Againe Impossibile est Deum facere quae non potest velle It is impossible for God to doe that hee cannot will now the Lord willeth none evill to be done therefore hee cannot make that which is good to be evill because he cannot denie himselfe who is onely good 4. Further a difference is to be made betweene the precepts of the first and secood Table God doth dispense with the precepts of the second which are referred to the good of our neighbour when he seeth it more to make for his owne glorie which is the chiefe end and scope of the duties of the first and second Table as when God commandeth to dishonour parents rather than to dishonour him and biddeth any kill and so in the rest but with the precepts of the first Table God dispenseth not because they are immediately referred to Gods glory for that were to consent to the dishonouring of himselfe And thus much for the answer to the first part of the argument Secondly it followeth not if God can dispense that therefore the Prelates of the Church may 1. Because the dispensation against a law must bee by as great authoritie as the law was first made by but the morall law grounded upon the law of nature was founded by the Author and Creator of nature and therefore by him onely and not by any else may it be dispensed with 2. As in naturall effects ordinarily there must goe before a naturall cause as a thing cannot be made hot unlesse fire or some other efficient cause of heat be put unto it so that the Pope himselfe cannot command a thing to bee hot but by such efficient cause of heat yet the Lord without any such mediate or ordinarie cause can make a thing hot by his infinite power supplying that cause himselfe so likewise in spirituall actions the Lord may supplie that which maketh the thing lawfull which man cannot doe unlesse some externall cause or circumstance doe concurre which maketh the act lawfull As to kill is an unlawfull act in it selfe neither can the Pope or any other make it lawfull to kill unlesse there be some cause that maketh it lawfull to kill as when the partie commanded to be slaine hath deserved to die But God to whom all men are debters and who is the Lord of every mans life may command to kill without any injustice although there be no such apparent cause or circumstance which should make that act lawfull 2. Object Further it is objected thus to restore that which is committed to a mans trust is a naturall dutie yet this is dispensed with when as a man refuseth to restore to a mad man his sword or weapon which he gave one to keepe so the Magistrate ordinarily dispenseth with that precept Thou shalt not kill when he commandeth malefactors to be slaine so the Macchabees dispensed with the Sabbath when they resolved to fight with their enemies upon the Sabbath 1 Macchab. chap. 2. as these precepts are dispensed withall by men so also may the rest Answ. 1. For the first instance there is in that particular case no dispensation against the law of nature for then by such dispensation it should bee made lawfull not to restore that which is committed to trust which cannot bee made lawfull by any dispensation for this were to crosse and overthrow the law of nature but not to restore a sword to a furious man is but a particular interpretation of that generall law of nature wherein the intent of that law is kept for it is agreeable to the law of nature to render whatsoever belongeth to another and the reason thereof is because it is just so it is lawfull by the same law nothwithstanding not to give unto a mad man his owne sword because it is just also the meaning and reason of the law is kept because the furious man would doe some hurt with his weapon and therefore to minister occasion and instruments unto his rage were unjust 2. In the other two particulars there is no dispensation but an interpretation rather or declaration of the law in the first that it is no murther when one is justly
Arke and Tabernacle were apart so that it seemeth in that confused and unsetled estate that the Law in that behalfe concerning the place of sacrifice was not so strictly observed QUEST XXII Whether it was lawfull to sacrifice before the Arke and at the Tabernacle while they were asunder NOw the place where the Lord did put the memoriall of his name was in the Tabernacle and Arke while they were placed together and when they were in two divers places it was lawfull to sacrifice before either of them 1. That it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Arke was is evident by the practise of the men of Bethshemesh that offered sacrifice at the returne of the Arke from the land of the Philistims 1 Sam. 6. So David sacrificed before the Arke when he brought it from the house of Ebed Edom 2 Sam. 6. and the reason is because the name of God was invocated or called upon where the Arke was 2 Sam. 6.2 And from the mercie seat which was upon the Arke of the Testimony did the Lord use to speake and give answers Numb 7.89 2. Likewise that it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Tabernacle was while the Arke was away is apparent 1. Because there was the brasen Altar whereon they offered their burnt offerings before the dore of the Tabernacle Levit. 17.6 which Altar followed alwayes the Tabernacle and not the Arke as Salomon found the Arke at Jerusalem but the Tabernacle with the furniture thereof he fetched from Gibeon 2 Chron. 1.3 4 5. 2. Where the Ministers of the Altar the Priests and Levits were there was it lawfull to offer sacrifice for they gave their attendance to that end but most of the Priests and Levits remained with the Tabernacle as Ahimelech with 85. more were at Nob where Saul put them to death while the Arke abode in the house of Abinadab who consecrated his sonne Eleazar to keepe it 1 Sam. 7.1 who alone sufficed not for all sacrifices and oblations of Israel it seemeth therefore that most of their sacrifices were brought then to the Tabernacle though the Arke at that time were in another place 3. Beside after the captivity of Babylon when the Arke was no more to be seene as some thinke hid by Ieremy 2 Macchab. 2 but as is most like lost in the captivity or burnt with the Temple they used to offer sacrifices for after the captivity they restored and renewed such necessary parts and implements as before were in Salomons Temple and were burnt together with the Temple they made like unto them afterward as mention is made of Luk. 1. how Zacharie burned incense before the Lord which was upon the golden Altar likewise Matth. 27. the vaile was rent which divided the most holy place from the Sanctuary when Christ gave up the ghost and seeing they offered sacrifices for which cause some sold doves in the Temple whom Christ cast out Matth. 12. they had also the brasen Altar only the Arke they had not for seeing the Tables of stone the pot of Manna and Aarons rod were all missing for the keeping whereof the Arke was principally made they had no cause to make a new Arke there being no farther use or service for it Tostat. quaest 43. QUEST XXIII How long the Arke was severed from the Tabernacle NOw because mention is made before of the parting and separation of the Arke and Tabernacle it shall not be amisse to shew how long the Arke was absent from the Tabernacle which time will be found to be not much under 100. yeeres as may bee gathered thus after the Arke returned from the country of the Philistims it remained in the house of Abinadab 20. yeeres 1 Sam. 6. and all the time of Samuels government and Sauls reigne who made 40. yeeres betweene them Act. 13.21 whereof those 20. yeeres were part then it was removed by David about the 8. yeere of his reigne to the house of Obed Edom where it continued three moneths and from thence to the house of David in Jerusalem where it stayed 32. yeeres and 11. yeeres more under Salomons reigne for when hee had finished the Temple in the 11. yeere of his reigne 1 King 6.38 he brought the Arke from Davids tent which hee had pitched for it into the Temple 2 Chron. 1.4 So all these yeeres being put together 40. yeeres of Samuel and Sauls government 40. yeeres under David and 11. yeeres of the reigne of Salomon will make 91. yeeres whereunto adde those seven moneths during which time the Arke so journed among the Philistims 1 Sam. 6.1 In which compasse and continuance of yeeres the Arke had these sundry removes first it being carried from Shiloh was seven moneths in the countrey of the Philistims from thence it was carried to Bethshemesh where 50. thousand and 70. persons were slaine for looking into the Arke 1 Sam. 6. then it removed to Kiriathiearim 1 Sam. 7. from thence to the house of Obed Edom and so to the house of David 2 Sam. 6. where it stayed till Salomons Temple was built these were the setling places and mansions of the Arke after it was severed from the Tabernacle till they were joyned together againe saving that sometime the Arke upon some speciall occasion was removed for a while as when they went out to battell as 1 Sam. 14.18 and so was brought to the place againe Sic fere Tostat. qu. 42. QUEST XXIV Of the removing of the Tabernacle AS the Arke was thus removed up and downe so also was Moses Tabernacle for first it was carried from place to place as long as the Israelites pitched their tents in the wildernesse and after they were come into the land of Canaan the Tabernacle remained a long time in Gilgal for thither came the Gibeonites to Ioshuah in Gilgal Iosh. 10. after that it was set up in Shiloh Iosh. 18.1 where it continued all the time of the Judges untill Samuel who understanding by the Spirit of prophecie that the Lord had rejected Shiloh removed the Tabernacle to Nob where Saul put 85. Priests to the sword from thence it seemeth the Tabernacle was translated to Gibeon where it continued untill Salomons Temple was finished from thence Salomon brought it into the Temple 2. Chron. 1.3 Tostatus qu. 42. QUEST XXV Of the places where it was lawfull or unlawfull to sacrifice NOw concerning the places wherein it was lawfull to sacrifice this distinction is to bee observed 1. That the ordinary place was in the Tabernacle when the Arke and it were together and both at the Tabernacle and before the Arke when they were divided as is before shewed 2. Extraordinarily it was lawfull for the Prophets to sacrifice elsewhere as did Samuel David Elias as is before declared quest 20. being thereunto directed by the Spirit of God 3. But in the high places it was unlawfull to sacrifice and therefore those Kings are commended which tooke away the high places and those reproved being otherwise good Kings that suffred them to remaine 4.
permitted Deut. 24.1 if there seemed unto him cause after put her away and the reason of this difference may be this he that taketh a wife willingly will not put her away without cause but he that taketh her against his minde never loved her and so upon every occasion would be ready to send her away whether there were cause or not if he were not by Law restrained of his liberty Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XXIV What was to be done if the fornicatour were not sufficient to pay the dowrie HE shall endow her c. But what if the man which had committed this wrong to a maid were not able to endow her the question is what course was then to be taken 1. If he were a free man and an Hebrew he was to be sold as in the case of theft vers 3. and to serve so many yeeres as might raise this stocke or dowry for the maid but longer than for six yeeres he could not be sold for all Hebrewes were to be set free in the seventh 2. If he were a free Gentile he might be sold for his life or for so many yeeres as sufficed to make up the dowry 3. If he were an Hebrew servant if his master refused to pay so much money as might serve for the dowry then he was to deliver up his servant to be sold over for so many yeeres as might recompence the dowry before the yeere of remission came and if the yeeres which remained were not sufficient he might be sold over againe 4. If he were a stranger or Gentile being a servant then he might be set over to serve his whole life Tostat. quaest 12. QUEST XXV What if the fornicatour refused to take the maid to wife BUt yet further it will be enquired what if the maids father would consent and yet the party will neither take her nor endow her 1. By the Civill lawes if he be a noble person he should be banished that had defloured a virgin if of base condition he should be whipped and if they ravished a maid against her will in that case they were to suffer death By the Canon lawes if one refused to marry her whom he had defiled he was to be throughly whipped and excommunicate and enjoyned penance till he had fully satisfied 2. And though this be omitted in Moses Law yet so much may be inferred and collected by the letter of the Law that as he was necessarily to endow her for the future of the Indicative moode semper inducit dispositionem necessariam doth alwayes imply a necessary disposition so he was of necessity to marry her like as in another case of forcing a maid he was to be compelled to take her to wife and never to put her away Deut. 22.30 Tostat. quaest 11. QUEST XXVI Whether this Law were generall without any exception NOw although this Law be propounded generally if a man entice a maid he was to endow her and marry her yet there were some exceptions to be made 1. For whereas the Israelites were charged to take them wives out of their owne tribe Numb 36. it is evident that if the maid were of another tribe then the man could not take her to wife but because this case was very rare and unusuall seeing the tribes after they were setled in Canaan when these Lawes were to take place dwelt every one apart by themselves and so there was no feare of such unlawfull entercourse and commixtion betweene a man and maid of divers tribes the Law therefore is silent in this point for ad ea qua raro accidunt jura non adaptantur lawes are not applied to those cases which fall out seldome 2. If he were a Gentile and a stranger of another religion which committed this sinne with a maid neither could she in this case bee given him to wife because they were forbidden to make marriages with such Deut. 7.3 And the Israelitish women were to match in their owne tribe and therefore not with strangers 3. If an Hebrew servant had trespassed herein neither could he have the maid to wife whom he had abused for he was first to endow her which a servant could not doe for either he had fold himselfe into servitude because he was poore or was sold by the Magistrate to make satisfaction for some offence which he had committed and therefore being poore he had not wherewithall to endow her and so could not take her to wife 4. Beside if it were the Priests daughter with whom he had wrought this folly she could not become his wife for she was in this case to be burned Levit. 21. And the man likewise by equity of the same Law being guilty of the same offence 5. Yea if the high Priest himselfe had defloured a maid he could not take her to wife because he was forbidden by the Law to marry any polluted or an harlot Levit. 21. vers 14. 6. If also one had defiled a maid neere of his kin being within the degrees of marriage forbidden they were both to suffer death for it Levit. 20. and therefore could not marry together This Law therefore being generally propounded must yet be interpreted and expounded according to other Lawes for they must all be made to agree together Tostat. qu. 12. QUEST XXVII How farre this positive Law against fornication doth binde Christians now ANd as this Law did not hold generally in the old Testament so neither is it now necessary that whosoever hath committed fornication should be compelled to marry the maid so abused 1. For though it were admitted that this Judiciall and positive Law of Moses were in force still yet some exceptions must needs be admitted as if they are to neere of kin for no such marriage can be allowed within the limited degrees As Saint Paul willed the young man that had committed fornication with his fathers wife to be excommunicate for that fact 1 Cor. 5. he was not suffered to marry her Againe if a Christian maid should commit fornication with an Infidell with a Turke Jew or Heretike in this case the rule of the Gospell will not allow marriage for Christians must marry only in the Lord 1 Cor. 7.39 therefore not with those which are blasphemers of God and enemies to true religion and the Apostle saith Be not unequally yoked with Infidels 2 Cor. 6.14 2. But Tostatus bringeth in two other exceptions as if the maid defiled be either a professed Nunne and so devoted to Monasticall and single life or the man entred into orders unto the which the vow of single life is annexed in neither of these cases can saith he marriage be admitted after fornication committed Tostat. quaest 12. Contra. But against both these exceptions I will oppose the holy judgement of the Apostle and touching the first I urge that Apostolicall saying It is better to marrie than to burne 1 Cor. 7.9 If then Nunnes are subject to this burning as it appeareth they are by their secret
Testament which both command us to love our enemies Therefore Chrysostome is deceived who thinketh that those precepts Thou shalt love thy friend and hate thine enemie terrenâ— carnali populo secundùm tempus datae sunt were given unto the earthly minded and carnall people according to the time and that Christ gave another rule in the Gospell to love our enemies for it is evident that this law commandeth us even to love our enemies And the Wise-man more evidently in the Proverbs sheweth the same chap. 25.21 If thine enemie be hungrie give him bread to eat if he be thirstie give him water to drinke c. Therefore we see that Christ in the Gospell non ferat novam legem sed veterem tantum exponat doth not make a new law but onely expoundeth the old Lippoman That therefore was no precept of the law but the Pharisies glosse That they should love their friends and hate their enemies QUEST VIII Whether it is to be read Thou shalt helpe him or lay it aside with him Vers. 5. THou shalt lay it aside with him 1. The most doe here reade Thou shalt helpe him up with it This sense followeth Calvine Cajetane Osiander Paguine as the like law is extant Deut. 22.4 Thou shalt lift them up with him But the word ghazab is seldome found in that sense but signifieth ordinarily and properly to leave or forsake 2. Therefore it is best translated Thou shalt leave or lay aside the burthen that the asse which cannot rise under his burthen it being put aside may the better stand up upon his legges But this sense being retained there are divers readings used and interpretations given 1. Some reade it with an interrogation Wilt thou indeed leave it with him Vatablus Oleaster and so understand here a negative to answer the interrogation Nequaquam No thou shalt not 2. Some reading this clause without an interrogation and understand it of the leaving or laying aside of his hatred or enmitie So the Chalde 3. But the best reading is to pronounce it without an interrogation as Montanuâ— and to referre it to the burthen of the beast as is before shewed omnino depâ—nito cum eo put it aside together with him that is thine enemie Iunius 4. And though mention be made onely of easing the asse under his burthen yet all other the like kinde of helpe is understood as if the beast be otherwise in danger as like to bee strangled or drowned whether hee have a burthen or not in these cases 〈…〉 QUEST IX How the poore mans cause is perverted in judgement QUEST IX Against lying in judgement and how it may be committed QUEST XI Who are meant here by the just and innocent Vers. 7. THou shalt not slay the innocent and the righteous 1. This is to be understood of slaying by giving sentence against such judicially for out of judgement neither is the guiltie and unrighteous person to be slaine Cajetane 2. R. Salomon by the innocent understandeth him that is cleere in his owne conscience but yet condemned by false witnesses that the Judges in this case when an innocent partie goeth from them condemned if any doe stand up to cleere them as Daniel did for Susanna they should be heard By the just he would have understood him that is indeed guiltie but yet freed in publike judgement that in this case if any doe appeare to prove him guiltie hee should not be admitted c. But the righteous and innnocent are here taken for all one as it may appeare by the opposite part I will not justifie a wicked man the innocent and righteous is set against the wicked And beside it is as acceptable to God to punish the wicked man as to cleere and set free the innocent 3. Cajetane and Tostatus make this difference Mundus est qui non commisit hòmicidium c. Hee is the cleane and innocent man which hath not committed murther adulterie or any such crime he is the just and righteous man which hath done some just thing or some good worke But this distinction is here too curious and unnecessarie for men use not to bee brought in question for their good works but for evill whereof they are either justly or wrongfully accused and so David taketh both these for the same Psal. 4.8 Iudge me O Lord according to my righteousnesse and according to mine innocencie that is in me 4. God therefore here forbiddeth Judges to condemne the innocent for guiltie as Naboth was Susanna and Ieremie with the rest of the Prophets Gallas 5. Judges are not to condemne the innocent Etiam si à superiori Iudice jubâ—â—mur c. Though they should be commanded by the superiour Judge as the Elders of Israel put Naboth to death at the commandement of Iezabel Lippoman QUEST XII In what sense God is said not to justifie the wicked FOr I will not justifie the wicked 1. Some make this to be the meaning of this reason that God would have Judges looke unto him in whose place they are that as God doth not justifie the wicked nor condemne the righteous so neither should Judges Marbach Pelarg. 2. R. Salomon maketh this the sense according to his former exposition taking the just for him which is so in the triall of mans judgement yet guiltie in his conscience and before God that yet the Judge should not put such an one to death for though he be freed by the judgement of man yet he cannot escape the hands of God he will not justifie him But this exposition is overthrowne before that a just man is not here taken in that sense 3. Therefore this rather is a menacing speech that God will be avenged even of the unrighteous Judge Iun. Quicunque impie facit sive suo sive alieno arbitrio c. Whosoever doth wickedly either of his owne minde or following anothers direction the Lord will punish it Lippoman QUEST XIII Whether a Iudge ought alwayes to follow the evidence when he himselfe knoweth the contrarie BUt here ariseth a great and weightie question whether a Judge knowing in his owne conscience that the man which is accused before him is innocent and yet he is by the witnesses and other evidence found guiltie whether he is bound to give sentence according to the evidence against his owne knowledge and whether in so doing he sinneth not 1. The affirmative part is maintained by Thomas Paulus Burgens Tostatus who putteth in these cautions that the Judge knowing the partie to bee innocent as a private person yet is to use all meanes to have the truth come to light as by giving some secret intimation to the partie accused how to defend himselfe by fifting and examining the witnesses narrowly to see if he can make them to disagree and so overthrow their testimonie and if all this will not serve to referre the matter to the superiour Judge but if he have no superiour then hee is bound to give sentence secundum allegata according to
three conditions the first is touched by Hierome Non solum Divinitutem Patris c. posse oculos carnis aspicere sed mentis That not onely the Divinitie of the Father but neither of the Sonne or holy Ghost can the eyes of the bodie see but of the minde c. So also Athanasius as he is cited by Augustine Deum omnino esse invisibilem c. nisi in quantum Spiritu mente nosci potest That God is altogether invisible but as he may be knowne in the Spirit and minde c. These then at this time saw not with their bodily eyes the essence of God but certaine visible signes onely and demonstrations of his presence Secondly we shall have a more full sight of God in the next world than in this as Augustine saith Nemo potest in hac vita videre sicuti est No man can see him in this life as he is Eâ— promittitur sanctis in alia vita To see God in his nature is promised in the next life c. So also Gregorie Quamdiu hic mortaliter vivitur c. As long as we live in this mortall life God cannot be seene in his nature c. Thirdly yet fully the Divine nature shall not be comprehended of the Saints no not in the next life as Augustine to this purpose citeth Ambrose interpreting that place of the Apostle Who onely hath immortaliter c. whom never man saw neither can see c. Si natura ipsim est invisibilitas sicut incorruptibilitas c. If it appertaine to the nature of God to be invisible as well as to be incorruptible that nature shall not be changed in the next world of invisible to become visible because he cannot of incorruptible become corruptible c. And againe upon those words of the same Apostle To the King everlasting immortall invisible c. hee writeth thus Vnde ego non audeo ista distinguere c. Therefore I dare not divide or distinguish these things which the Apostle hath joyned together to say To him that is incorruptible for ever in this world and the next but invisible not in the next world but onely in this Contrarie then to this orthodoxall doctrine of the Fathers agreeable to the Scriptures are these ventrous and bold positions That wee shall in the next life participate with Christs Godhead and be made capable of his Divine substance That there is not any thing of Gods which his Saints shall not see In which assertion Augustine doth directly oppose himselfe to all such Dogmatists and Novelists in these words Non quia Dei plenitudinem quisquam non solum oculis corporis sed vel ipsa mente aliquando comprehendit Not because the fulnesse of God any can comprehend at any time not onely with the eyes of the bodie but with the minde it selfe c. for it is one thing to see another to comprehend the whole in seeing c. Totum comprehenditur videndo quod ita videtur ut nihil ejus lateat videntem c. The whole is comprehended in seeing which it so seene that no part thereof is hid from the seer c. Here Augustine evidently testifieth that God cannot wholly be seene unlesse nothing in the Godhead should be hid unto us which here he manifestly denieth 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. Honour in this life no signe of Gods favour Vers. 1. COme up thou and Aaron Nadab and Abihu c. These two which are bidden to come up with Moses and Aaron afterward were slaine with fire from heaven which sheweth that preferment in this life is not alwayes a signe of Gods favour but that the wicked are often exalted and lifted up that they may have the greater fall as the Lord said he 〈◊〉 appointed Pharaoh to shew his power in him Ferus 2. Observ. We must 〈◊〉 upon the Lord 〈◊〉 patience Vers. 16. THe seventh day the Lord called to Moses God would not at the first call unto Moses but maketh him to wait six daye Ne 〈◊〉 familiaritate superâ—iret Lest he should was proud by too much familiaritie Oleaster Vt discamus patienter ferre c. And that we may learne to beare it patiently if God at the first doe not answer to our desire Lippoman As S. Paul therefore be sought the Lord thrice that the temptation of his flesh whereby he was buffered might depart from him 2 Cor. â—â— 8 3. Observ. Sufficient deputies to be left in the Magistrate or Ministers 〈◊〉 absence Vers. 14. IN that Moses leaveth Aaron and Hur in his place It sheweth that the like 〈◊〉 in Ministers God would blesse to leave able deputies in their place when they have just cause to be absent and the contrarie fault he will severely punish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. Observ. The 〈◊〉 of fasting and prayer CHAP. XXV 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter Moses beginneth to set forth such generall ceremonies as belonged to the Tabernacle then instituted for the publike service of God there are two parts thereof the preparation to vers 10. the description to vers 40. 1. In the preparation these things are expressed in the charge which God giveth to Moses 1. Who shall offer the things required namely the people vers 2. 2. What they shall offer vers 3 4 5 6. 3. To what end vers 8. 4. After what manner vers 9. 2. In the description First the Arke is appointed to be made both the bodie thereof 1. Of what matter vers 10. 2. Of what measure vers 10. 3. With what ornaments it must be overlaid with gold vers 11. 4. What adjuncts and appendants both of rings and barres vers 13 14 15. 5. And of the use thereof vers 16. As also the cover of the Arke 1. The matter vers 18. 2. Measure vers 18. 3. The fashion with Cherubims how to be made vers 19. and how to be placed vers 20. 4. The place of the cover vers 21. 5. The use vers 22. Secondly the Table is described 1. The matter 2. The measure and forme vers 23. 3. The parts thereof the crowne vers 24. The border vers 25. The rings vers 26. 4. The appendants the barres v. 28. 5. The appertenants the dishes cups goblets vers 29. 6. The use to set the Shew-bread upon vers 30. Thirdly the Candlesticke is appointed to bee made 1. The matter and after what manner to bee wrought of gold beaten with the hammer vers 31. 2. The parts six branches three on the one side and three on the other vers 32. 3. The forme and fashion with boules almonds knops and flowers to v. 37. 4. The use thereof vers 37. 5. The appertenances the snuffers and snuffe-dishes vers 37. 6. The quantitie of a talent of gold all this must be made vers 39. 2. The divers readings Vers. 4. Fine linnen G. rather than cotten or bombasine I. or silke caeter shas H. Vers. 5. Badgers skinnes I.V.A.P.C. or skinnes of
A reason was given of those things which were inquired So also Ribera because it was fat idicum it prophesied of things to come Procopius because rationalis animi pars c. the reasonable part of the minde is placed in the heart which the breast-plate covered Vatablâ—s giveth this reason Quia exactaratione consideranda erant c. Because the things therein as the Vrim and Thuâ—miâ—â— were exactly and with deepe reason to be considered of the high Priest But this descanting upon the word is here superfluous seeing the Hebrew word coshen signifieth a pectorall or breast-plate and not as the Septuag and Latine translate 2. It is then called the breast-plate of judgement not as the Hebrewes because the high Priest found therein what the judgement of God was in that matter which was inquired upon for it shall afterward be shewed that the Vrim and Thummius were not given to that end nor yet because the high Priest in all weighty matters of judgement did put on the Ephod with the breast-plate Marbach for by that reason it might as well be called the Ephod of judgement neither because Aaron should in judgement have the people in remembrance when he went into the holy place Oleaster But it was therefore so called for that the high Priest did put it on when he consulted with the Lord about the causes of the people to give right judgement as Numb 27.21 He shall aske counsell for him by the judgement of Vrim before the Lord Iun. QUEST XX. Of the fashion of the breast-plate Vers. 16. FOure-square shall it be The breast-plate is thus described 1. For the manner of workmanship it must be of broidered worke like the Ephod 2. For the matter five things are required to the making thereof as before in the Ephod gold blew silke purple skarlet fine twined linen 3. For the forme and fashion it must be foure square every side of even length as appeareth by the foure orders of the stones and double it must be that it might be of more strength to hold and receive the stones ut firmius substaret auro that it might be the stiffer for the gold and precious stones Pellican 4. For the quantity it was an handbreadth which was halfe a cubit that is twelve fingers for if it had beene but the small handbreadth that is foure fingers it had not beene sufficient to cover the breast before Montan. Ribera Pelargus 5. The ornaments also of the pectorall are set forth which were twelve precious stones set in foure rankes or rowes QUEST XXI Of the twelve precious stones their names colours qualities and congruitie with the twelve Tribes Vers. 27. A Rubie Topaze and a Carbuncle in the first row In the severall application of these stones these foure things shall be observed 1. The name 2. The colour 3. The vertues and qualities 4. The congruity with the tribes of Israel A Rubie The first stone is called odeus of adam which signifieth to wax red Iosephus calleth it the Sardonix the Septuagint the Sardie it is most like to be the Rubie Montan. Genevens 2. The colour of it was red Oleaster as the signification of the word is rather than yellow of the colour of fire as Iunius taketh it for Pyrâ—pus the Carbuncle a precious stone like fire 3. They say it repelleth feare and cheareth and maketh bold Tostat. sharpeneth the wit and stancheth bloud at the nose Magirus 4. This stone they say stood for Ruben Montanus maketh an allusion betweene Ruben and the Rubie but Ribera giveth this reason that as the Sardie is red and somewhat of a fiery colour so he went into his fathers concubine igne libidinis incensus fuit and so was set on fire with concupiscence A Topaze 1. The Hebrew word is pitdah in which there are three radicall or principall letters p t d which being transposed t. p d make topad or topaz not much differing in sound Montan. It is so called of the place where it was found Topasos in Aethiopia Marbach Or the Isle Topazon gave the name to it as Plinie lib. 37. cap. 8. so called of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to seeke because it was much sought for Gloss. interlin would have it called Topazium as if we should say topadium that is of all colour but there is no reason of that etymology 2. Some take it to be of greene colour Montan. And so some of the Hebrewes thinke it to be the Smaragd Ribera out of Plinie lib. 37. cap. 8. alleageth that in greenenesse of colour it exceedeth all other precious stones But it is rather of yellowish colour mixt betweene gold and skie colour Isider Etymol 16. Tostat. Gloss. interlin There are two sorts of it one of the colour of gold which is more precious the other like unto saffron which is of the second sort Marbach And it seemeth to be of yellow colour because Iob 28.19 the Topaze of Aethiopia and the fine gold are named together 3. It is availeable against phrensie and lunacie and melancholy as Diascorides 4. Simeon is resembled to this stone not so much ob animum prasentem for his present and resolute minde which Ribera would have signified by the greene colour as because he was inflamed with ire and rage when he slue the Sichemites A Carbuncle 1. Iosephus with the Septuagint call it the Smaragd so also Iunius Vatabius the Chalde also and Latine Interpreter but that stone is of greene colour it seemeth rather to be the Chrysolitâ— Montan. or the Carbuncle Genevens The word is bareketh derived of barak which signifieth to lighten 2. It was then a precious stone that sparkled and glistred as the lightening which could not be of greene colour though the Smaragd be commended for the exceeding glistering brightnesse in so much that a Romane Emperour is said to have seene in his Smaragd the sword players as they did fight But because barak signifieth lightening as Ezech. 1.13 Out of the fire went barak lightning this stone being named thereof may better be taken for the Carbuncle or Chrysolite 3. The Carbuncle is of such exceeding brightnesse that it giveth light and shineth in the darke 4. Hereunto some resemble Levi Montan Tostat. But it is more like that Levi was omitted because the high Priest of Levi who was to weare this glorious breast-plate might stand for the whole Tribe then Iudah was rather named in the third place Ribera Pelarg. whose royall power streaming glory and princely dignity is more lively set forth in the shining Carbuncle or glistering Chrysolite Pelarg. than in the greene smaragd as Marbach And whereas the Carbuncle is so called of the similitude of fire licèt ignes non sentiant although these stones feele no fire themselves Plin. 37.7 by this property Messiah the Prince of Juda is shadowed forth who in that respect may be called apyrotus not to be vanquished or overcome with the fire of affliction Of his government as the Prophet saith
worthily bee left 4. And will they have us to follow them in manners also The Pope and his Cardinals no marvell give such good example of life that it is pitie that they are not imitated They that know Rome and the generall prophanesse and licentious living there though never so much addicted to the Popish religion I think would be ashamed to follow their conversation 5. This ramme signifieth Christ by whose blood only we are purged our eares hands and all other parts sanctified of whom the Prophet speaketh Isai. 50.4 He will waken mine eare as the learned it is blaspemie therefore to applie it to Peter he sanctifieth not the eare Christ indeed healed the eare which Peter cut off I hope they will not say that Peters bloud doth sanctifie them 6. Oleaster giveth a better sense of this place Nihil aliud hujusmodi sanguinis respersione adumbrari video quam Sacerdotum punitionem c. I see nothing else shadowed forth by this sprinkling of bloud than the punishment of the Priests Si negligentiores in audiendis ejus mandatis c. If they should be negligent in hearing Gods Commandements and in the executing of their ministery c. Let the Pope and popelings therefore looke unto it that they smart not for it one day in neglecting Gods Commandements in respect of their owne traditions 4. Controv. Of the elevation of the host and of the signe of the crosse Sa. Vers. 24. THou shalt shake them to and fro The Latine text readeth Thou shalt sanctifie them elevating or lifting them up Whereupon Sa in his annotations would ground the elevation of the host in the Sacrament and Lyranus and Tostatus observe that the Priest shaking them to and fro and lifting them up and downe in this motion made as it were a signe of the crosse in the aire Contra. 1. Who taught them to borrow their ceremonies from the figures and types of the Law If such rites as shadowed forth Christ be still to be used to what end died Christ The Jewes that thinke Christ not yet to be come have some colour in retaining their legall ceremonies but seeing Christians doe beleeve that Christ the body and substance of the Law is come in him all those shadowes are determined 2. Neither was it yet revealed unto them how Christ should suffer and whereon hee should bee offered therefore it is not like that the moving of those things up and downe and to and fro had any such signification 3. Neither was the crosse of Christ of that fashion that as much should be left above the crossing in the head as under it in the feet so that the upright peece should be crossed in the middest after which similitude this motion of the Priests hands seemed to be up and downe and then sidewayes to and fro 5. Controv. Against the burying of Bishops in their Pontificials Vers. 29. ANd the holy garments which are Aarons shall be his sonnes after him It was not the fashion then among the Hebrewes as it is now among the Romanists for their high Priest to be buried in his priestly robes as now their Bishops are intombed in their pontificials Lippoman one of their owne Writers giveth this note hereupon Lest any should say Aaron shall use the pontificall vestures all his life time and when he dieth ipse eisdem indutus tumulabitur he shall be buried in them c. He seemeth closely to glance at that superstitious use practised among them Simlerus ghesseth well at the cause of this ridiculous usage I cannot tell saith he why they should doe so nisi fortè ut mortui fungantur munere suo quod vivi nunquam fecêre unlesse it be that they might exercise their function when they are dead which they never did being alive 6. Controv. Of the lawfulnesse of Ministers marriage and the legitimation of their children Vers. 29. SHall be his sonnes after him c. Tostatus here thus noteth that because in the old Testament the Priests had wives the sonnes succeeded their fathers as others did in civill principalities but now in the new Testament sacerdotes non habent uxores the Priests have no wives and therefore their sonnes succeed them not because they have no sonnes and if they have sometime sonnes illegitimi sunt they are illegitimate c. Tostat. qu. 16. Contra. 1. If the Priests of the Law had their wives of whom was exacted a greater legall purity in outward observations than now why should the Ministers of the new Testament be restrained in the times of the Gospell which hath given us liberty that were in bondage under the Law 2. Then the sonnes succeeded the fathers in the priesthood both because the tribes were distinguished and their families and kinreds divided that Christs line of Iudah might be continued and then the service of the Tabernacle consisting chiefly in externall observations required no such exactnesse but that the sonne might be fit to succeed his father in the priesthood especially God giving an extraordinary blessing unto that lineal succession but now it is not fit that children should alwayes succeed their fathers because the Gospell requireth a greater sufficiencie and the childe is not alwayes heire of his fathers gifts but where the sonne is endued with sufficient parts to take upon him his fathers charge there is no reason why he should be barred We see in these dayes that divers learned men Ministers and Professors under the Gospell have left behind them their sonnes men of worthy parts as Iosias Simlerus had a sonne of the same name who writ the Dedicatory Epistle to his fathers learned Commentaries upon Exodus David Pareus that learned man hath likewise his sonne Philip Pareus who hath written of Logike Kicherman the Author of his Logike and politike Systemata succeeded his father in Gymnasio patrio in his fathers schoole And divers such beside might be named 3. And doth he thinke indeed that the sonnes of Priests are illegitimate and unfit to succeed their fathers What thinketh he of divers Popes that were Priest sonnes as Bonifacius the first Felix the third Agapetus the first Sylvester Theodorus Hadrianus Benedict the 8. Iohn the 12. all which were the sonnes of Priests and Gratian addeth further Quà m plures etiam alii inveniuntur de sacerdotibus nati and divers beside are found to have beene borne of Priests 4. Indeed they which have sonnes and are not married which is no rare thing in the Popish Clergy doe leave an illegitimate seed behind them but such as are borne in lawfull matrimony are an holy seed of what calling soever their parents be for both marriage among all men is honourable Hebr. 13.4 and so consequently among Ministers and their children are holy 1 Cor. 7.14 They therefore that condemne their marriage and make their children illegitimate and so unholy doe contradict the holy Apostle and in a manner give him the lye See more Synops. Câ—ntur 1. â—â—r 77. 7. Controv. That
to minister so it is like they had a care to keepe them cleane during their Ministerie 4. Neither did the Priests onely wash themselves thereat but they also washed their sacrifices the inwards and such other parts which were not to be carried forth into any profane place to be washed Tostatus Lippoman Ribera QUEST XXVI Of the mysticall application of the laver wherein the Priests washed BY this washing of their hands and feet 1. Beda understandeth the lavacre of Baptisme wherein we are first received into Christs Church as the Priests first washed their hands and feet before they entred into the Tabernacle 2. But because Baptisme is ministred once onely whereas the Priests did wash often he rather would have thereby understood ablutionem compunctionis lachrymarum the washing of compunction or contrition and of teares so often as we come before the Lord. 3. And thereby was signified the spirituall washing and cleansing of the soule which the faithfull in the old Testament well understood as David saith Psal. 51.7 Wash me and I shall be whiter than snow and the Prophet Isay alluding unto this rite saith Wash you make you cleane chap. 1.16 Simler 4. And for this cause our Saviour reproved the Pharisies for being addicted so superstitiously unto their outward washings wherein they committed a double fault both in bringing in other kindes of washing than were prescribed in the Law and in being addicted only to the outward ceremony Simler 5. And by the hands our works are signified by the feet the affections that we should both cleanse our hearts and be holy in our workes when we come before the Lord Tostat. qu. 11. 6. And in that the Priests washed their hands and feet Hac ablutione apertam impuritatis confessionem edebant They did by this washing give an evident confession of their impuritie and uncleannesse Gallas 7. The Heathen had such a custome to wash themselves when they sacrificed to their gods as this was a proverb among them Sacra non tractanda illotiâ— manibus That holy things must not be handled with unwasht hands Calvin 8. Therefore like as men doe not sit downe at their owne table but first they wash their hands so wee must not presume to come neere the Lords table with unprepared affections and uncleane hearts Simler Wee must be inwardly washed by the Spirit of grace the water of life whereof our Saviour speaketh Ioh 4.14 Marbach QUEST XXVII The difference betweene Moses laver and Salomons great sea of brasse NOw to finish up this matter concerning the laver these differences may bee observed betweene it and the great brazen sea which Salomon made and other vessels to the like use 1. They differed in the quantitie and large capacitie Salomons was ten cubits wide and five cubits deepe it contained 200. baths 1 Kin. 7.26 being filled after the ordinarie manner but 3000. baths 2 Chro. 4.5 that is if it were filled up to the brim So Cajetanus and Ribera doe well reconcile these places The bath was of the same capacitie for liquid things that the Epha was for dry containing each of them ten pottles or thereabout foure or five gallons And therefore because of the great capacitie it was called a sea But the laver that Moses made was nothing so big for it had not beene portable 2. They were divers in fashion Moses laver stood but upon one foot the other was borne upon twelve oxen And it was cast with knops and flowers and wilde cucumers 1 King 7.24 But this laver is not so appointed to be made it seemeth it was plaine 3. There was also some difference in the number Moses caused but one laver to be made Salomon beside the great molten sea made ten other caldrons or small lavers 2 Chron. 4.6 because in Salomons Temple there was more use of such vessels than in Moses Tabernacle 4. Their uses also were divers Moses laver served both for the Priests to wash thereat and to wash the sacrifices but Salomons great sea served onely for the Priests to wash in the other appertained to the sacrifices 2 Chron. 4.6 QUEST XXVIII Of the spices that went toward the making of the oyntment Vers. 23. TAke unto thee principall spices c. 1. Here are two confections appointed to be made the first of things more liquid and moist and the same to bee tempered with oyle to make an oyntment of to the making whereof in generall were required the principall or head spice or drug which Iunius inclineth to thinke to be the Balme which is the principall among such precious drugs and therefore is called of the Arabians Belsuaim as having dominion or excelling among such things but that there is no quantitie expressed of this as of the rest that follow neither were they yet come to the land of Canaan where great store of Balme was it is therefore the generall name rather of these spices and drugs which are named afterward in particular 2. The first is myrrh which Oleaster taketh for balme but the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mar sheweth it to be myrrh There is another word tzeri which is taken for balme Ierem. 8.22 There were two kindes of myrrh one which of it selfe distilled out of the tree and therefore it is called mar deror myrrh of libertie that is freely flowing Paguine Oleaster or right myrrh without mixture Iun. Vatab. There was another which came of the cutting of the barke of the tree which was not so good Lyran. The myrrh tree groweth in Arabia five cubits high Strabus writeth that the fume thereof would breed incurable diseases in that countrey nisi fumo storaâ—iâ— occurrerentpunc but that they correct it with the perfume of storax c. But it is not like that if it were so dangerous and offensive that the Lord would have prescribed it to make the holy oyntment of These properties rather it hath it is good to healâ— wounds to dry up rheâ—me to care a stinking and unsavourie breath to cleere the voyce Plin. lib. 12. cap. 8. Pelargus 3. The next is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 kinemon cynamom whereof because there are two kindes one that is verie sweet and pleasant the other of no great smell therefore it is added here sweet cynamom R. Salomon Lyran. It cureth the biting of venomous beasts it helpeth the dimnesse of the sight Dioscorid lib. 1. cap. 13. Pelarg. But whether it be the same cynamom which is in use among us it is doubted it seemeth to be of another sort Simler For our cynamom is rather pleasant to the taste than smell whatsoever it was it is certaine it gave a pleasant smell Pro. 7.17 I have perfumed my bed with myrrh alâ—â—s and cynamom 4. The third kinde is keneh which signifieth a cane it is calamus odâ—ratus sweet calamus which was a kinde of reed or cane of verie sweet savour Genevens It groweth like a shrub in India about two cubits high Strabus It is full of
consumitur amissis membris suis so the Devill is devoured his members being lost and taken from him So doth Rupertus understand by this image beaâ—en to powder Eos qui ex parte diaboli per poenitentiam confracti c. Those which having beene as of the body of the Devill are broken by repentance 8. Gregorie maketh this action propheticall to signifie the generall destruction of idols thorow the world Cernas oculis qui huiâ— vanitati erant prius dediti templa sua diruentes c. You may see with your eyes that they which trusted before in their idols doe now pull downe their temples And Procopius by the drinking thereof with the mouth understandeth the true confession of the faith quae ore fit which is done with the mouth whereby idolatrie is overthrowne But the other historicall reasons are rather to be insisted upon And this drinking of the water mixed with this powder was rather an evill signe unto them as the bitter water was unto the adulterous woman Numb 5. than a signification of any good QUEST LIX Whether by the drinking of the water any visible signe of difference was made among the people who had most deeply offended about the golden Calfe BUt some further affirme that this drinking of the water served to another end than that thereby some signe of difference might be made betweene the Ring-leaders unto this idolatrie and the rest that they might easily bee discerned of the Levites when they went up and downe in the host killing those whom they met 1. Therefore R. Salomon thinketh that this bitter water did cause their bellies to swell that were guiltie of this great sinne but to the rest it was pleasant and wholsome water like as the water of jealousie Numb 5. did cause the adulterous womans belly to swell and her thigh to rot but if shee were not guiltie it made her fruitfull 2. Others thinke that the signe was this everie ones beard that consented unto this idolatrie was coloured yellow like unto gold and by this marke the Levites knew them from others But if there had beene any such visible marke set upon them seeing most of the camp consented unto this sinne there should have beene more found guiltie and more slaine than three thousand vers 28. 3. Tostatus thinketh that there was some externall and visible signe caused by drinking of the water though he will not determine what it was because it was not like that the Levites would hand over head slay one with another And he thinketh that Aaron drinking of the water had not that marke because the Lord pardoned his sinne because hee was thereunto drawne by compulsion This instance of Aaron sheweth that the drinking of the water did make no such signe for then Aaron should have had it whose sin was not yet pardoned neither had Moses yet intreated for him having not yet examined him The Levites might know to make difference among the people some other way than by any such visible signe See more of this quest 70. following QUEST LX. How farre Moses fact herein is to be imitated BUt whereas Moses did not onely put downe this abominable idoll but made it altogether unprofitable for any use burning and beating it to powder the question is how farre Moses herein is to be imitated 1. Neither is their opinion to be approved which take this example of Moses to be extraordinarie in demolishing this golden Calfe for as Moses did take away this publike stumbling blocke so it belongeth unto Princes è mâ—dio tollere to remove out of the way whatsoever is done against the worship of God as Hesekiah did likewise breake downe the brazen Serpent after it began to bee abused to idolatrie Ferus Who addeth further I would we had now some Moses to take away the evils which are in the Church Non enim unum tantùm vitulum habemus sed multos For we have not one golden calfe but many Thus Ferus complaineth of the Papall Church 2. But this is extraordinarie in Moses example that he converteth not this golden idoll unto any use but consumeth it to powder Herein Christian Magistrates are not bound to follow Moses example for Moses fact herein was singular ad majorem detestationem c. for the greater detestation of idolatrie Now it is lawfull to convert things consecrate to idolatrie to some profitable use ut juventur membra Christi that the members of Christ may be helped and releeved Gallas 3. And in that Moses doth remove this idoll which none else attempted to doe yet it may bee thought that many in Israel were offended with it so magistratus officium est non privatorum hominum it is the office of the magistrate not of private men to take away idolatrous images Osiander QUEST LXI How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of this sinne Vers. 21. WHat did this people vnto thee that thou hast brought c. 1. Moses layeth this sinne upon Aaron though he were not the first author of it because hee being left in Moses place stayed not the people by his authoritie therefore he is worthily reproved tanquam author sceleris quod passus est admitti as the author of this sinne which he suffered to be committed Calvin so that permissio peccati aeque in vitio sit atque commissio the permitting of sinne is as well in fault as the committing Pelarg. 2. Here then the Hebrewes in seeking to excuse Aaron and the people as seduced by the Egyptians doe labour in vaine seeing Moses doth so straitly charge Aaron as a principall doer in it for if he had not grievously sinned why should Moses here make him the cause of this sinne and the Lord be so offended with him that he purposed to slay him if Moses had not intreated for him Deut. 9.20 And in these three things Aaron sinned 1. In not staying the people and stilling them 2. In that besides consenting unto them hee is an agent in making a Calfe for them 3. And being made hee approved it and set up an altar before it So that Aaron is no more here to be excused than Peter in the Gospell which denied his Master Oleaster 3. Yet Aaron sinned not as the people did but as there were degrees of offenders among the people some incouraged and perswaded others some only gave consent and were seduced by others perswasion to commit idolatrie and some did neither but onely went with the multitude for company to desire a Calfe to be made So Aarons sin differed from the rest timore ductus fabricavit vitulum hee made a Calfe being drawne by feare Tostat. qu. 33. And therefore Moses dealeth otherwise with Aaron than with the people Aaronem verbis redarguit populum cecîdit gladio Hee rebukes Aaron in words the people he slayeth with the sword Ferus 4. But yet Aarons sinne cannot bee so much extenuated as to free him from the sinne of idolatrie as Tostatus confesseth that he sinned Nec
tamen sequitur ex hoc quòd fuit idololatra and yet it followeth not hereupon that he was an idolater for howsoever Aaron thought in his heart the verie making of an idoll to be worshipped erecting of an altar and offering sacrifice unto it all which Aaron did doe proclaime him guiltie of externall idolatrie QUEST LXII Why idolatrie is called a great sinne THis great sinne 1. Idolatrie is counted a great sinne even in the highest degree because it is a sinne committed directly against God not as other sinnes of the second table which are done against our neighbour which are also against God because they are against his Law but not directly against Gods honor as the sins against the first table are 2. And among all the sins of the first table there is none which so directly impugneth the honour of God as idolatrie for he which taketh Gods name in vaine or prophaneth the Sabbath is an enemie to Gods honour but yet such an one denieth not the Lord to bee God as idolaters doe Tostat. qu. 33. 3. Like as then in a Common-wealth all offences are against the King because they are against his Lawes but those which are against his person are most directly against him and among them treason specially which is intended against his life of the same nature is idolatrie which is high treason against God 4. Thomas saith Tantum est aliquod peccatum gravius quanto longius per ipsum homo à Deo separatur A sinne is so much the more grievous the further wee are thereby removed from God but by infidelitie and idolatrie one is furthest separated from God 5. Idolatrie also is a great and grievous sinne in regard of the judgement and punishment which it bringeth with it for here Aaron as much as in him lay aâ—â—er fit ultimam cladem had brought upon them utter destruction Calvin if Moses had not turned the Lords wrath they had all beene at once destroyed QUEST LXIII Why Moses onely rebuketh Aaron and forbeareth further punishment NOw that Moses spared Aaron from further punishment and onely rebuked him 1. Some make this to be the cause for that the Lord had revealed unto Moses Aarons sinne in the mount before he came downe at what time Moses prayed also for him seeing the Lord bent to kill him Tostat. qu. â—5 But that intreatie for Aaron was afterward at Moses second going up to God when hee fasted fortie dayes and fortie nights as before at that time he saith he prayed for Aaron Deut. 9.20 And seeing at this time the Lord purposed to destroy all the nation and so Aaron could not escape Moses now onely prayed in generall for all Israel that God would not destroy the whole nation 2. Others thinke that Moses did after a milde manner reprove Aaron quiae sic arguendi praelati because Prelates and Ecclesiasticall Governours are so to be reproved Ferus he thinketh he was now the high Priest So also Oleaster calleth him Pontificem summum the chiefe Priest But as yet Aaron was not consecrated as Lippoman inferreth upon these reasons Quia non illi improperatur conspâ—râ—atum sacerdotium He is not upbraided with defiling of his Priesthood by this meanes neither doe we read of his reconciliation afterward which should not have beene omitted in such a case of irregularitie 3. Procopius thinketh that Aaron was both spared at this time and afterward likewise when he repined against Moses cum propter alias causas tum propter sanctos ex ejus lumbis prodituros Both for other causes as also for those holy mens sakes which should come out of his loynes But if this had beene the reason all the tribes should have beene spared likewise because out of all of them came holy and worthy men Judges Prophets or Kings 4. But the causes rather were these 1. Aaron confessed his sinne and therefore Moses inclined to favour him 2. Moses afterward intreated the Lord for him and the Lord at his instance forgiving his sinne the punishment also was remitted Simler 3. Adde hereunto that Aaron was now appointed to be high Priest order was taken for his priestly apparell and his office what it should be and how he and his sonnes should bee consecrated all which had beene in vaine if Aaron now had perished 4. Beside Moses had direction from God to put divers of the people to the sword for this offence but for Aaron hee had no such commandement 5. But Augustine yeeldeth the best reason Novit ille cui parcat c. God onely knoweth whom to spare for amendment and whom not to spare at all or for a time for his wayes and judgements are past finding out qu. 148. 5. Now whereas Tostatus further reasoneth that Moses by all likelihood had prayed for Aaron in the mount because then the Lord did specially reveale unto him his sinne for otherwise Moses had knowne nothing of Aarons doings as he did as it appeareth by this reprehension it may be answered that it is not necessarie for this cause to presuppose any such notice to have beene given unto Moses in the mount for either Moses might by examination and inquirie after hee came downe learne out the truth or which is rather like Moses Aaronem vicarium constituerat had left Aaron his deputie governour when he went up into the mount Simler and therefore he was sure that such a thing could not bee attempted in the host without Aarons permission at the least and sufferance QUEST LXIV What things are to be commended in Aarons confession what not Vers. 22. THen Aaron answered c. 1. Some things are to be commended here in Aarons confession 1. His modestie that being Moses elder brother yet hee calleth him Lord and submitteth himselfe unto him whereof these two reasons may be yeelded both because Moses was greater in office than Aaron both as a Prophet and Governour of Israel Tostat. qu. 32. and his owne conscience accused him agnoscebat sejure argui he knew he was worthily reproved 2. Aaron confesseth and acknowledgeth his fault in saying Let not the wrath of my Lord waâ— fâ—erce Agnoscit crimen hee therein yeeldeth himselfe to be in fault Borrh. 3. He maketh a full and large declaration of the manner rem gestam liberè confiâ—etur he freely openeth all the matter how it was done Pelarg. both what the people required and upon what reason and ground what he did and what came thereof rem ut gesta est simpliciter narraâ— he simply declareth the matter as it was done 2. But Aaron in some things sheweth his infirmitie 1. Peccatum culpam in alios trajicere studet Hee seeketh to turne over the sinne and offence upon others laying the fault upon the people Ferus 2. Aaron bewrayeth some hypocrisie that seeketh to extenuate his fault as much as he can being afraid nâ— aliquid de existimatione sua decodat lest he should lose any thing of his credit Simler 3. He sheweth his ignorance thinking
qu. VVhether the owner might redeeme his life with money 67. qu. VVhat servants this law meaneth Hebrewes or strangers 68. qu. VVhy a certaine summe of money is set for all servants 69. qu. VVhat kinde of welles this law meaneth where and by whom digged 70. qu. How the live and dead ox are to be divided where they were not of equall value Questions upon the two and twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Of the divers kinds of theft 2. qu. VVhy five oxen are restored for one and for a stollen sheepe but foure 3. qu. Of the divers punishment of theft and whether it may be capitall 4. qu. VVhy the theefe breaking up might be killed 5. qu. How it is made lawfull for a private man to kill a theefe 6. qu. After what manner the theefe was to be sold. 7. qu. VVhy the theefe is onely punished double with whom the thing stollen is found 8. qu. How man is to make recompence of the best of his ground 9. qu. Of the breaking out of fire and the damages thereby 10. qu. VVhy the keeper of things in trust is not to make good that which is lost 11. qu. How the fraud in the keeper of trust was to be found out and punished 12. qu. VVhat is to be done with things that are found 13. qu. How this law of committing things to trust differeâ—h from the former 14. qu. How the cause of theft differeth from other casualties in matters of trust 15. qu. VVhether it were reasonable that the matter should be put upon the parties oath 16. qu. VVhat was to bee done if the thing kept in trust were devoured of some wilde beast 17. qu. Of the law of borrowing and lending when the thing lent is to be made good when not 18. q. Why such a strait law is made for the borrower 19. qu. Why the hirer is not to make good the thing hired as when it is borrowed 20. qu. Whether the fornicator by this law is sufficiently punished 21. qu. Why the woman committing fornication bee not as well punished by the law 22. qu. What kinde of dowrie this law speaketh of 23. qu. How this law differeth from that Deut. 22.29 24. qu. What was to be done if the fornicator were not sufficient to pay the dowrie 25. qu. What if the fornicator refused to take the maid to wife 26. qu. Whether this law were generall without any exception 27. qu. How farre this positive law against fornication doth binde Christians now 28. qu. Why the law doth require the consent of the father to such mariages 29. qu. Why next to the law of fornication followeth the law against witchcraft 30. qu. What kinde of witchcraft is here understood 31. qu. Whether love may be procured by sorcerie 32. qu. Whether witches can indeed effect any thing and whether they are worthie to bee punished by death 33. qu. Of the odious sinne of bestiall and unnaturall lust 34. qu. The reasons why men are given over to unnaturall lust 35. qu. What is meant by sacrificing to other gods 36. qu. Whether idolatrie now is to bee punished by death 37. qu. Why idolatrie is judged worthie of death 38. qu. Of kindnesse how to be shewed toward strangers and why 39. qu. Why widowes and Orphanes are not to be oppressed 40. qu. How and by what meanes prayers are made effectuall 41. qu. Why usurie is called biting 42. qu. What usurie is 43. qu. Of divers kinds of usuries 44. qu. That usurie is simplie unlawfull 45. qu. Certaine contracts found to be usurie not commonly so taken 46. qu. Whether all increase by the lone of money be unlawfull 48. qu. Whether it were lawfull for the Iewes to take usurie of the Gentiles 49. qu. What garment must bee restored before the Sun set which was taken to pledge and why 50. qu. Who are understood here by gods and why 51. qu. VVhy the Magistrate is not to be reviled and with what limitation this law is to be understood 52. qu. VVhether S. Paul transgressed this law Act. 23. when hee called the high Priest painted wall and whether indeed he did it of ignorance 53. qu. VVhat is understood here by abundance of liquor 54. qu. Of the difference of first fruits and tithes 55. qu. Of the divers kinds of tithe 56. qu. Reasons why tithes ought to be payed 57. qu. VVhether this law bee understood of the redemption of the first borne or of their consecration to Gods service 58. qu. VVhy the first borne of cattell were not to bee offered before the eighth day 59. qu. Of the meaning of this law whether it were mysticall morall or historicall 60. qu. VVhy they are forbidden to eat flesh torne of beasts 61. qu. Of the use and signification of this law Questions upon the three and twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Of raysing or reporting false tales 2. qu. What it is to put to the hand to be a false witnesse 3. qu. How great a sin it is to be a false witnesse 4. qu. VVhether in this law we are to understand the mightie or the many 5. qu. How the poore is not to be esteemed in judgement 6. qu. How person are accepted in judgement and how far the poore may be respected 7. qu. VVhy mercie is to bee shewed toward the enemies oxe and asse 8. qu. VVhether it is to bee read Thou shalt helpe him or lay it aside with him 9. qu. How the poore mans cause is perverted in judgement 10. qu. Against lying in judgement and how it may be committed 11. qu. VVho are meant here by the just and innocent 12. qu. In what sense God is said not to justifie the wicked 13. qu. VVhether a Iudge ought alwayes to follow the evidence when he himselfe knoweth the contrarie 14. qu. A Iudge is not bound of his knowledge to condemne a man not found guiltie in publike judgement 15. qu. VVhat a dangerous thing it is for a Iudge to take gifts 16. qu. VVhether all kinde of gifts are unlawfull 17. qu. VVhy strangers are not to bee oppressed in judgement 18. qu. Of the divers festivals of the Hebrewes 19. qu. VVhy the land was to rest the seventh yeare 20. qu. What the poore lived upon in the seventh yeare 21. qu. VVhether the seventh yeare were generally neglected in Israel 490. yeares together as Tostatus thinketh 22. qu. Why the law of the Sabbath is so oft repeated 23. qu. VVhat manner of mention of strange gods is here forbidden 24. qu. VVhy it is forbidden to sweare by the name of strange gods 25. qu. Whether a Christian may compell a Iew to sweare by his Thorah which containeth five books of Moses 26. qu. VVhether a Iew may be urged to sweare by the name of Christ. 27. qu. VVhether a Saracon may be urged to sweare upon the Gospell or in the name of Christ. 28. qu. VVhether a Christian may sweare upon the the Iewes Thorah 29. qu. That it is not lawfull for a Christian to sweare upon the Turkes Alcaron or
so doubtfully as not knowing what was befallen him Lyranus And beside God would not have suffered Satan in the same place where hee gave them signes of his glorious presence in the clouds to have practised his cosening and counterfeit tricks 2. They shew their contempt not vouchsafing to call him by his name Contemptim virum illum appellabant c. They in contempt call him the man c. Lippoman 3. They also bewray their infidelitie that having daily experience how the Lord fed them with manna could not conceive how the Lord should preserve Moses alive also fortie dayes without any supplie of food from them Simler 4. They shew their oblivion and forgetfulnesse that having seene Moses goe up into the mountaine and entring into the thicke cloud talking with God they now begin to imagine that he might be consumed and devoured in those flames Osiander 5. This their apostasie and falling away from God and despising of his Prophet did prefigure their falling away afterward from Christ Ferus QUEST XII Why Aaron bad them pull off their earings Vers. 2. THen Aaron said plucke off the golden earings c. 1. Some thinke because the people made great account of their jewels and earings that Aaron by this meanes did thinke to have turned them from their purpose So Augustine Intelligitur illis difficilia pracipere voluisse ut isto modo ab illa intentione revocaret He may be thought to have commanded them hard things to revoke them from their intention c. So also Tostatus Lyranus 2. And Calvin further addeth that he required this lest they might have spoiled the Tabernacle to finde gold for this idoll and he might thinke the people would have beene more hardly drawne unto it because they had given so liberally unto the Tabernacle alreadie But Calvin is herein deceived for the Tabernacle was not yet made Moses being not come downe from the mount where he received instruction for the making of the Tabernacle 3. Further Aaron might thinke that the women would hardly have parted with their jewels and that there might have risen by this meanes some tumults and stirres in their families by which meanes this attempt should have beene stayed Siml Oleast And this is very like that Aaron used all meanes secretly to have put off the people but herein was his great fault that he dissembled in so weightie a matter and did not plainly and openly stay the people QUEST XIII Whether Aarons sin here is to be excused SOme goe about to excuse or extenuate Aarons offence here 1. Bernard alleageth that Aaron was forced thereunto Sceleratis tumultuantis populi contra volunt atem suam cessit clamoribus Hee gave way unto the wicked clamours of the people against his owne minde So also Theodoret Vitulum formaré necessario coactus est He was forced of necessitie to frame a calfe And so he excuseth himselfe afterward by the peoples outrage vers 22. But nothing should have compelled Aaron to doe evill he should have feared God rather than man and chosen to die before he would see God dishonoured 2. Ambrose saith Neque excusare tantum Sacerdotem possumus neque condemnare audemus We can neither excuse so great a Priest nor yet dare condemne him But seeing Moses did afterward sharply reprove him and the Lord would for this have slaine him Deut. 9. there is no question but that he most grievously sinned 3. Some alleage by way of excuse that all Aarons courses tended to have sought delayes till Moses comming in that he called for their earings which he thought would have beene gathered with much trouble and businesse then he casteth them altogether and melteth them and then caused it to bee fashioned with a graving toole after that he made an Altar and deferred the solemnitie till the next day Oleaster But all this being granted it is so farre from excusing Aaron that perfidiosior est assensus c. his consent is so much the more treacherous dissembling his conscience when he saw idolatrie so grounded and rooted in the people than if he had given a simple assent Iun. in Analys 4. Procopius saith Quasi convitienda exprobrat c. Aaron doth as it were upbraid them and scoffingly say unto them These are thy gods c. but neither were these the words of Aaron the people so said neither is it like that Aaron being afraid of them would have scoffed with them wherefore that Aaronâ— sinne was very grievous and inexcusable doth now follow to be shewed in the next question 5. Theodoret addeth Primo populi impetum verbis compâ—scere tentavit c. That first he tried to pacifie the heat of the people with words But this is not expressed in the text it may be he would have disswaded them but that he saw them so violently carried that there was no speaking unto them QUEST XIV Of the greatnesse of Aarons sinne AArons sin then is made manifest set forth by these circumstances 1. In respect of his person he had often conference with God and by him the Lord had wrought great works and miracles in Egypt therefore his example was so much the more dangerous and his fall the greater 2. The thing that hee consented unto was a breach of the first table it was not theft or adulterie or such like but wicked idolatrie for Spiritualia peccata graviora sunt Spirituall evils are more grievous Ferus 3. Quod propriis manibus accipit signum est effoeminati servilis animi In that he taketh their earings with his owne hands it was a signe of an effeminate and servile minde Calvin 4. He sinned also grievously in his dissimulation when for feare hee against his owne conscience dissembled and so betrayed the truth Iun. 5. Borrhaius addeth that he sinned two wayes beside in usurping a lawgivers office which belonged unto Moses and in bringing in new ripes and worship which God had not commanded But Aaron offended not in the first because Moses had left him governour in his place till he returned but in the latter his presumption was great 6. Aarons fall also appeareth in this that after he made a golden calfe seeing it to be pleasing unto the people he was so forward afterward both in making an Altar and proclaiming a solemnitie Pelarg. QUEST XV. Why it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall NOw it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall 1. Vt humiliaretur that he might be humbled lest hee might afterward have beene too much lifted up being called to bee high Priest Ferus 2. By this example we doe see Sanctissimos interdum faede labi c. that holy men may sometime grossely fall Borrh. 3. This sheweth that Aarons Priesthood was not perfect nor able fully to reconcile men unto God seeing he himselfe was a sinner Marb Quomodo unus captivus alium liberaret How should one captive deliver another Ferus Or one sinner make reconciliation for another 4. And for this