intellectus Therefore it is no good argument These formes be distincted ergo they be not compatible in one subiect And therfore that the iurisdictions temporal spiritual are so distincted that they are not coÌtrary but coÌpatible it is euident hereby because things contrary be so that the one cannot be ordeined to concurre with the other but rather confoundeth destroyeth the other but in this case iurisdiction temporall is ordeined for the spirituall contrary the spirituall for the temporall Or rather the one so depeÌdeth of the other as the clearenes of the moon doth of the brightnes of the Sunne Also the one iurisdiction so helpeth tomforteth the other that there is no contrartety in them And therfore it is no good coÌsequeÌce because they are distincted Ergo they are not compatible in one persoÌ This also is to be proued de facto For the earth is the Lordes and the plenty of the whole vniuersall world and all that dwell therin It is proued in likewise by this reason For if the iurisdictions were not compatible it should follow that no ecclesiastical person should haue any iot of teÌporall iurisdiction neither land tower castle Lordship or any thing els which is most absurd so by this meanes it should follow the no ecclesiasticall persoÌ should be in subiection vnto the king which were to the great derogation of the kings maiesties crown and dignity It must needs be therfore that these iurisdictions be coÌpatible notwithstanding the distinction of them one from an other And thus for answere to all these reasons by the which Lord Peter proued the distinction of these iurisdictions These things premised this I proceed further to proue that a person Ecclesiasticall which hath iurisdiction spirituall may also haue temporall iurisdictioÌ and that the iurisdiction temporall may be in an Ecclesiasticall person I will proue it by the Scriptures and first out of the old testament to the euideÌt probation wherof it is to be vnderstand That God after the creation of the world maÌ eueÌ vnto Noes time would gouerne the world himself as K. by the ministery of angels By reason wherof he gaue and pronounced sentence himselfe agaynst Cain Gen. 4. Noe also which offered burnt offeringes vnto the Lord built an altar as teacheth the 8. of Gene. which thing appertayned onely vnto the priestes had the gouernement and rule of all thinges as well spirituall as temporall which were in the Arke of Noe. Melchisedech in likewise the which was the priest of the most high God and also king of Salem as appeareth in the 14. of Gene. had both the iurisdictions in his owne handes For Magister Historiarsi in the sayd 14. of Gene. declareth that all the first begot of Noe euen to Aarons tyme were priests which at meales and offringes blessed the people which onely had the Ius primogeniturae wherby the regimeÌt of others was due vnto them Moses in like maner of whom it is sayd in the Psalme Moses c Aaron in sácerdotibus eius coÌsecrated Aaron and his childreÌ to be priests which Aaron did iudge the whole people in temporal matters yea in that causes of inheritaunce and mere reall as appeareth in the 27. chap. of Num. and many other places To whiche purpose serueth the 17. chap. of Deut. where it is sayd if a matter be to hard for thee in iudgemeÌt betwixt bloud and bloud betwixt plea and plea betwixt plague plague then shalt thou rise and goe vp to that place that the Lord thy God hath chosen And shalt come to the priests the Leuits and to the Iudge theÌ being and shalt aske who shall shew vnto vs the truth of the iudgemeÌt and follow their sentence And if any maÌ presumptuously shall refuse to obey the priestes commaundementes and decree of the iudge the same shal die Behold how manifestly it doth appeare how not onely the iudgemeÌt appertayneth to a priest betwene plage and plage concerning the circumstances and irregularity of the law but also betwixt bloud and bloud in matters criminall yea and betwixt plea and plea in ciuill matters which thing doth appeare to be in many iudges out of the book of Iudges For Samuel which was both a prophet priest was appoynted iudge of long time ouer the people in matters temporal And wheÌ the people desired a king the Lord was highly offended with them and sayd vnto Samuel they haue not refused thee but me that I should not be king ouer them Furthermore as long as kings amoÌgest the people of God vsed the aduise couÌsell of priests and bishops it was well with them and their kingdome But when they forsook and left the counsell of Byshoppes and priests then was their kingdome diuided and finally they brought into captiuity In which captiuity the people were altogether gouerned and ruled by the priests prophets as by Esdras and Neemias And last of all by the meanes of the Machabees the kingdome and gouernmeÌt was deuoluted and brought into the priestes hands who were the kinges and captaynes ouer the people had the gouernement as well of spirituall matters as of teÌporall as is read in the first booke of Machab. 2. cha Of Mathatia and his sonnes videlicet of Iuda Machaby Ionatha Simon and Iohn the sonne of Simon which in al spirituall and temporall matters were gouernors ouer the people of God Moreouer the 1. chap. of Ier. declareth which was one of the priests after this maner I haue set thee ouer the people and kingdomes that thou mayââ roote out break destroy and make waste and that thou mayst build vp and plant Iere. capite primo Besides this in time of iudge Eliach a priest in lyke maner had the iudgement of temporal matters And so much concerning the poofe hereof out of the olde Testament Secondly I proue my former proposition by authorities taken out of the new Testament For Christ had not onely by diuine nature both the poweââ wherby he created all things of nothing and by consequence was God of al but also by his humanity had both powers For he was the priest secundum ordinem Melchisedech as it is sayd in the Psalmes and also is alleged to the Hebr. which had both in his vesture and thigh written king of kings and Lord of Lords By this vestiment or thigh was meÌt his humanity which was ioyned to his diuinity as the garment is to him that weareth it He sayd of himselfe in the last of Mathew Geuen is vnto me all power both in heauen and earth As also to the Hebrues the first chap. whom he made and constitute heyre of al vniuersall things And likewise in the 2. chap. to the Hebr. He hath made him not much inferior to the Angels he hath crowned him with glory and honor and hath set him aboue the workes of his handes Thou hast put all thinges in subiection vnder hys feete sheep
require no vniust thing Also that his protestatioÌ had no euill sense or meaning in that he would not haue it imputed neither vnto him neither vnto hys king if any offence should rise vpon the conclusions Notwithstanding it is not to be feared that any euill shoulde spring of good workes But vnto the Bishop of Millayne he would aunswere nothing because he saw him so moued and troubled for feare of multiplying of more greuous and hainous words As for Panormitane he reserued vnto the last But vnto Ludouicus the Prothonotary whiche desired to be instructed he sayd he willed him to be satisfied with the wordes which were spokeÌ vnto the Bishop of Turnon Notwithstanding he left not this vntouched which ludouicus had spoken concerning the Apostles Creede For albeit that in the setting forth of the Creede the Apostles be onely named yet it doth not follow sayth he that they onely were present at the setting forth therof For it happeneth of tentimes that Princes are commended and praysed as chiefe authors and doers of thinges when as notwithstanding they haue other helpers as it appeareth in battayles which although they are foughte with the force of all the souldiors yet the victory thereof is imputed but vnto a fewe As in these our dayes they do ascribe all thinges which the army doth either fortunately or wisely vnto Nicolas Picenius that most valiaunt Captayne which hath obteined so many famous victories albeit that oftentimes other haue bene the inuentors of the pollicy and workers of the feate And therefore Ludouicus ought to knowe and vnderstand that they are not onely articles of fayth which are conteyned in the Creede but all other determinations made by the Councels as touching the fayth Neyther is he ignorant that there be some articles of the Creed which we now vse in the Church that were not put too by the Apostles but afterward by generall Councels as that part wherein mention is made of the holy Ghoste whiche the Councell of Lyous did adde in whiche Councell also it is not bee doubted but that the inferiours dyd iudge together with the Byshoppes But for so much as he had sufficiently declared that matter in the congregation before passed he would stay no longer thereupon But comming vnto Panormitan he rehearsed his wordes Qui ex Deo est verba Dei audit He that is of God heareth Gods word which is very well takeÌ out of the Gospell but not well applyed vnto the councell sayd he for he firmely beleued that his predecessors haue iudged holy Ghost to be in the middest of the Councels and therfore the wordes of the Councels to be the wordes of the holy Ghost which if any man do reiect he denieth himselfe to be of God Neither doth the councell hate the light which doth all things publickly and openly whose congregatioÌs are cuideÌt vnto all men neither doth it as the conuenticles of the aduersaries admit some and exclude other some Moreouer the thing which is now in hand was begon to be intreated of for two monethes agoe first the conclusions were largely disputed vpon in the diuinity scholes and afterward seÌt vnto Mentz and other places of the world After all this the fathers were called into the Chapter house of the great Church to the number of 120. amongest whom Panormitan which now coÌplaineth was also present and according to his maner did learnedly and subtilly dispute and had liberty to speak what he would Likewise in the deputations euery man spake his mind freely in that deputation where Panormitan was the matter was 3. dayes discussed After this the 12. men did agree vpon it and the general congregation did conclude it Neither hath there bene at any time any thing more ripelye or exactlye handled both openly also without any fraud or deceite And whereas the deputatioÌ did sit vpoÌ a holy ãâã âhere is no hurt in that neither is it any new or straunge thing forasmuch as they haue ofteÌ holden their Session vpon testinall dayes when as the matter hath had haste and specially for that the matter of fayth hath no holy dayes And further he said that he did not conclude craftely and deceitfully in the congregatioÌ as Panormitane hath reported but publickly opeÌly at the request of the Promotoâs Neither hath any maÌ any iust cause to coÌplayne vpoÌ him forsomuch as wheÌ he was made President he was sworne that alwaies wheÌ 4. or 3. of the deputations did agree he should conclude therupoÌ And forsomuch as he had already concluded in diuers causes touchinge the Pope he sawe no cause why hee should not conclude in the matter of fayth for that he was a Cardinall did weare his red hat for this purpose that he should shed his bloud in the defeÌce of the fayth Neither hath he done any thing now agaynst the Pope for that omitting the fine conclusions touching Eugenius he had concluded but onely the generall conclusions which except he had done the fathers should haue had iust cause to complayne agaynst him in that they trusting in his fidelitye faythfulnes had chose him PresideÌt if by him they shoulde now be forsaken in this most necessary cause of fayth And turning himselfe vnto the people he desired the fathers to be of good comfort forsomuche as he woulde neuer forsake them yea although he should suffer death for he had geuen his fayth and fidelity vnto the Councell which he would be obserue and keepe neither should any manues flattery in threatninges put him from his purpose that he would be alwayes ready to do whatsoeuer the Councel should commaund him and neuer leaue the commaundements of the deputies by any meanes vnperformed As touching that Panormitan had extolled the authority of the Councell he sayd that he was greatly to be thaÌked But yet he ought to vnderstand and know the authority of the Councell to be such as cannot be augmented or increased by any mans prayse or coÌmendation or be diminished by any opprobry or slauÌder These things thus premised he coÌmaunded the forme of the decree to be read TheÌ Panormitane those which tooke his part would needes haue a certayn protestatioÌ to be first read There was great contention on euery side Notwithstanding at the last Arelatensis preuayled and the forme of the decree was read vnto this word Decernimus that is to say we decree TheÌ Panormitan rising vp would not sucter it to be heard any further And the Bishop of Catauia cryed out saying that it was vncomely that Arelatensis with a few other Byshops by name should conclude the matter The like did also all those which fauoured Panormitane The Cardinall of Terraconia also which vntill that time had holden hys peace did greuously rebuke his partakers that as men being a sleep or in a dreame they did not read the protestatioÌ and commauÌded by and by one of his familiars to read it But like as the aduersaries
properly appertain briefly with this one short distinction I answer these all such other like places where S. Peter with his successours are called head of the church chiefe of Bishops Prince of the Apostles c. In which places this worde head chiefe and Prince of the Apostles may be taken two maner of waies to note either dominioÌ or els commendation For so we read sometime Caput and princeps to be wordes not of authoritie but of excellencie wherby is declared the chiefest and worthiest part among many parts and not possessour and gouernour of the whole Like as in the person of maÌ the hed is the principal part of the whole body being endued with reason furnished with most excelleÌt senses by the which the whole body of maÌ is directed so thereof is deriued by a metaphor to what man or thing soeuer nature or condition hath giuen the greatest excelleÌcie of gifts and properties aboue other partes or meÌbers the same societie to be called of the said parties Caput or Princeps head or Prince And yet the same head or Prince so called hath not alwayes dominion or iurisdictioÌ of the rest So we call in our vulgar speach the head or chiefe men of the parish who for their riches wisdom or place are most specially noted After like phrase of speach we call the head man of the Inquest him that hath the first place And yet neither they nor these haue any dominion or iurisdiction vpon the residue In a schoole the chiefest Scholer in learning is not therefore the maister or gouernour of his fellowes Neither hath M. Cicero any title thereby to claime subiection and seruice of all other Oratours because he is named Princeps eloquentiae and goeth before them in that kind of phrase The same Cicero Lib. 1. offic calleth CratippuÌ principem huius aetatis Philosophorum as Homerus also may be called Poetarum Princeps And yet neither Philosophers to Cratippus nor Poetes to Homere owe anye thing els but onely fame and praise And what if S. Peter the blessed Apostle be called and counted of the old auncient Doctours as head and Prince of the Apostles which is as much as Coryphaeus Apostolorum for his excellent faith for his deuine confession singular affection to the Lorde Iesus yet what Interest or charge either hath he to chalenge ouer the Apostles or the Pope after him ouer all other bishops the whole church of Christ although the Pope haue the like excellencie of Christes faith which Peter had as would God he had As concerning these allegations therfore out of the Doctors two thinges are to be obserued First that neither these names and titles though they be geuen to Peter doe geue him any state or dominion aboue other Apostles nor yet the succession of him doth further any whit this celsitude and regalitie of the Pope to aduance him aboue his fellow Archbishops as he now doth And if our aduersaries would needs prouoke vs to the numbring of testimonies deuiding the house speaking of the writers and Counsels of the Primitiue age for these aforesaid testimonies alleaged on their side I could on the contrary part recite out of the witnesse of Doctours out of the examples of Councels practises of Emperors no lesse then 60. voices much more repugnant against their assertion then there is for the Pope The tractation wherof for this present I do refer either to them that haue more laisure at this time to discourse them or els omit it to an other time if the good pleasure of the Lord shall be to graunt me further laisure in an other Booke to intreat thereof at large in such order as if the Lord so graunt shal appeare sufficient matter to proue by the Doctors general Councels examples and histories of time that the Bishops of Rome during the first 500. yeres after Christ although for the greatnes of the Empire were somewhat more magnified then the other and therfore were sought of many and were flattred of some and they themselues diuers did set forth themselues more then they should yet by the commoÌ consent of churches were stopped of their purpose so that by the consension of the most part within the compasse of that age the Bishops of Rome had not this regall state of title iurisdiction and fulnes of power which now they vsurpe but were taken as Archbishops of equal honour of equal merite with other Archbishops rulers of the church And if any preferment was giuen vnto them some thing aboue the rest yet neither was it so giuen of all nor of the most part secondly neither was it so giuen of them for any such necessitie of Gods worde aut iure aliquo diuino as which did so bind them thereunto nor yet so much for the respect of Peter his succession as for certaine other causes and respects as may be gathered to the number of 13. Of which the first is the greatnesse of the citie and Monarchie of Rome The second is the authoritie of the Emperor Constantine the great first of the Emperors conuerted to the faith and ruling in the same citie by whom the vniuersal libertie of the church was first promooted and the causes of the bishops being then at variance were committed partly to the bishop of Rome partly to other bishops nere by to be decided as appeareth Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. The third was the Councel of Nice which confirmed the preeminence of that church to haue the ouersight of the churches bordering about it The fourth cause of aduauncing the church of Rome was the vnquiet state of the Greek church much troubled in those dayes with sects factions and dissentions wherof we may read Socrat. lib. 2. cap 15. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 8. The fift when Synodes were called by other Metropolitanes then if it chanced the bishops of Rome to be absent and their sentence being absent to be required by the occasion therof they began at length to take their sentence for a Canon or rule Ecclesiasticall thereby to refuse other Synodes where their decree or senteÌce was not required An other cause was that when any common matter was in hand in other places whatsoeuer was done commonly the maner was to write to the Romaine bishop for his approbatioÌ in the same for publike vnitie and consent to be had in Christes church as appeareth Lib. 10. Epist. 78. Ambrosij ad Theophilum Item for that the testimonie somtimes of the Romain bishop was woont in those dayes also to be desired for admitting teachers and bishops in other churches whereof we haue example in Socrat lib. 4. cap. 37. Moreouer this was a great setting vp of that church when as their sentence not only was required but also receiued diuers times of other bishops And when Bishops of other prouinces were at any dissention among theÌselues they of their owne accord appealed to the bishop of Rome desiring him to
cite vp both parties and to haue the hearing and deciding of the cause as did Macarius and Hesychius send to Iulius then bishop of Rome c. Item in that certaine of the Arrians returning from their Arrianisme offered vp and exhibited vnto the bishops of Rome their libels of repentance and were of them receiued againe as Vrsatius and Valens did to Iulius Socra lib. 2. cap 24. The x. cause was also for that Gratianus the Emperour made a law that all men should retaine that religioÌ which Damasus bishop of Rome and Peter bishop of Alexandria did hold Sozom lib. 7. cap. 4. And also if it happened the bishop of Rome to disalow the ordering of any minister or ministers the Popes perceiuing how diligent and redy they were to seeke their fauour and to send vp their messengers to Rome for their purgation tooke therby no little maner of exaltation Theodoret lib. 5. cap. 23. Besides these aforesaid the bishops of Rome had also an other artificiall practise that in sending out their letters abroad as they did to many in all their Epistles if the Epistles be theirs and not forged euer they were harping of the greatnes of their name and of their Apostolike sea and of the primacie of S. Peter their predecessor and prince of all the Apostles c. And this they vsed in euerie letter when so euer they wrote to any as appeareth in all their letters decretall namely in the letters of Miltiades Marcellus and Marcus c. Againe if any of the East church directed any writing to them wherein any signification was conteined of neuer so little reuerence giuen vnto them as learned men commonly vse for modesties sake that was taken by by and construed for plaine subiection and due obedieÌce as declareth the letter of Damasus written to the bishops of the East Church beginning thus Quod debita reuerentia c. in English thus but that your charitie yeldeth due reuereÌce to the Apostolicall sea you in so doing deare children do much for your selues c. Theodoret. Lib. 5. cap. 9. where as the Bishops of the East Church notwithstanding had shewed little or no reuerence in their Epistle to Pope Damasus before Thus haue ye the first and originall groundes by the meanes wherof the Archbishops of the Romish Sea haue atchieued to this their great kingdome and celsitude ouer Christes church first beginning the mysterie of their iniquitie by that which was modestly and voluntarily giueÌ them Afterward by vse and custome claiming it ambitiously vnto them of dutie seruice lastly holding fast as we see that which once they had gotten into their possessioÌ so that now in no case they can abide the birdes to cal home their fethers againe which they so long haue vsurped And thus much concerning the life iurisdiction title of the Romain bishops In all which as is declared they and not we haue fallen from the church of Rome To these I might also ioyne the maner of gouernment wherin the said Romish Bishops haue no lesse altered both from the rule of Scripture and from the steps of the true church of Rome which gouernment as it hath bene and ought to be only spirituall so hath the bishop of Rome vsed it of late yeres no otherwise theÌ hath an earthly king or prince gouerned his realme dominioÌs with riches glory power terror outward streÌgth force prisoÌ death executioÌ lawes policies promooting his friends to dignities reuenging his affections punishing and correcting faults against his person more then other offences against God committed vsing and abusing in all these things the word of God for his pretext cloke to worke his worldly purpose withall whereas indeede the word of God ministreth no such power to spirituall persons but such as is spirituall according to the saying of the Apostle Arma militiae nostrae non sunt carnalia sed spiritualia c. The armour and artillery sayth S. Paule of our warfaire is not carnall but spirituall such as serue not against flesh and bloud nor against the weake person of man but against Sathan agaynst the gates of hell and the profundities of the wicked power c. Which armour as it is al spiritual so ought they which haue the dealing therof to be likewise spirituall well furnished with all such giftes and graces of the holye Ghost meere for the gouernance of his spiritual Church as with wisedome and knowledge in the Scripture to instructe the ignorant with inward intelligence foresight of the craftye cogitations and operations of Sathan with power of the spirit to resist the same with practise and experience of tentations to comfort such as be afflicted and oppressed of Sathan with heauenly discretion to discerne spirits and truth from vntruth with iudgment and knoledge of tounges and learning to conuict errour wyth zeale of Gods glory with feruencye of prayer with patience in persecution with a minde contented with all cases and states incident with teares and compassion on other mens greeues with stoutnes and courage against proud and stout oppressours with humilitie towarde the poore and miserable with the counsaile of the Lorde Iesus by his word and spirite to direct him in all things to be done with strength against sinne with hatred of this worlde with gift of fayth power of the keyes in spirituall causes as to minister the word the Sacraments and excommunication when the worde biddeth that the spirite may be saued and to reconcile againe as case requireth c. These and such like are the matters wherin consisteth the sinews and strength of the church and the true gouernance of the same But coÌtrary to these aforesaid both the Bishop clergie of this latter Church of Rome proceeding in their administration and gouernaunce as who vnder the name and pretence of Christ and his word haue exercised of long time nothing els but a worldly dominion seeking indede their owne glory not the glory of Christ riches of the world not the lucre of soules not feeding the flocke but fillyng the purse reuenging their owne wronges but neglecting gods glory stryuing against man onely and killing him but not killing the vice nor confuting the errour of man strong against flesh and bloude but weake against the Deuill stout against the simple but meeke against the mightie briefly doing almost all thinges preposterously more like to secular Princes then spirituall Pastours of Christes flocke with outward forcement and feare of punishment wyth prysoning famishyng hanging racking drowning headyng slaying murdering and burning and warring also on the other side with his riches and treasures wyth his garde and gardiance with strength of men with Court and Cardinals with pomp and pride about them with their triple crowne with the naked sworde with theyr ordinary succession with their lawes and executions their promotions and prefermeÌts their biddings and commandings threatninges and reuenginges c. In fine to compare therfore the Images of a
before him for feare least he were yet to come of the house of Dauid which should enioy the kingdome In the tyme of this persecutor Symeon Bishop of Hierusalem after other torments was crucified to death whom Iustus afterward succeeded in that Bishopprike In this persecution Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist was exiled by the sayd Domitianus into Pathmos Of whoÌ diuers and sundry memorable actes be reported in sundry Chronicles As first how he was put in a vessell of boiling Oile by the Proconsul of Ephesus The Legend and Perionius say it was done at Rome Isidorus also writing of him and comprehending many things in few wordes declareth that he turned certaine peeces of wood into gold and stones by the seaside into Margarites to satisfie the desire of two whom he had before perswaded to renounce their riches And afterward they repenting that for worldly treasure they had lost heauen for their sakes agayne he changed the same into their former substance Also how he raised vp a widow and a certaine yong man from death to life How he dronke poison and it hurt him not raising also to life two which had dronke the same before These and such other miracles although they may be true are fouÌd in Isidorus other writers mo yet because they are no articles of our Christian belief I let them passe and only content my selfe with that which I read in Eusebius declaring of him in this wise That in the 14. yeare after Nero in the second persecution in the dayes of Domitian Iohn was banished into Pathmos for the testimonie of the word an 97. And after the death of the foresaid Domitian being slaine his actes repealed by the Senate Iohn was againe released vnder Pertinax the Emperor came to Ephesus an 100. Where he continued vntill the tyme of Traianus there gouerned the Churches in Asia where also he wrote his Gospell and so liued till the yeare after the Passion of our Lord 68. which was the yeare of his age 99. Moreouer in the foresayd Ecclesiasticall story of Eusebius we read that Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist whoÌ the Lord did loue was in Asia where he being returned out of Pathmos after the death of Domitian gouerned the Churches and congregations Irenaeus in his second booke thus writeth And of him all the Elders do witnes which were with Iohn the Disciple of the Lord in Asia that he spake and wrote these thinges c. for there he continued with them vnto the tyme of Traianus c. Also the said Irenaeus Lib. 3. Hypothes in like wordes declareth saying The Church of the Ephesians being first founded by Paul afterward beyng confirmed of Iohn who continued in the same Citie vnto the tyme of Traianus the Emperour is a true witnesse of this Apostolicall tradition c. Clemens Alexandrinus moreouer noteth both the tyme of this holy Apostle and also addeth to the same a certain history of him not vnworthy to bee remembred of such which delite in things honest and profitable Of the which historie Sozomenus also in his Commentaries maketh mention The wordes of the author setting forth this historie be these Heare a fable and not a fable but a true report which is told vs of Iohn the Apostle deliuered and commended to our remembrance After the death of the tyrant wheÌ Iohn was returned to Ephesus from the I le of Pathmos he was desired to resort to the places bordering neare vnto him partly to constitute bishops partly to dispose the causes and matters of the church partly to ordaine and set such of the Clergy in office whom the holy ghost should elect Wherupon when he was come to a certaine citie not farre of the name of which also many do yet remember and had among other thinges comforted the brethren he looking more earnestly vpon him which was the chiefe bishop among them beheld a yong man mighty in body and of a beautiful countenance and of a feruent mind I commend this man saith he to thee with great diligence in the witnesse here of Christ and of the Church When the Bishop had receiued of him this charge and had promised his faithfull diligence therein Agayne the second tyme Iohn spake vnto him and desired him in like maner and contestatioÌ as before This done Iohn returneth againe to Ephesus The Bishop receiuing the yong man commeÌded commicteth to his charge brought him home kept him and nourished him and at length also did illuminate that is he baptised him And in short tyme through his diligence brought him into such order and towardnes that he coÌmitted vnto him the ouersight of a certaine cure in the Lordes behalfe The yong man thus hauing more his libertie it chanced that certaine of his companions old familiars being idle dissolute accustomed of old time to wickednes did ioyne in company with him Who first brought him to sumptuous riotous bankets Then entised him forth with them in the night to rob and steale After that he was allured by theÌ vnto greater mischiefe and wickednesse Wherin by custome of tyme by litle and litle he being more practised and being of a good wit and a stout courage like vnto a wild or an vnbrokeÌ horse leauing the right way running at large without bridle was caried headlong to the profunditie of all misorder and outrage And thus being past all hope of grace vtterly forgetting and reiecting the wholesome doctrine of saluatioÌ which he had learned before began to set his mynde vpon no small matters And forasmuch as he was entred so farre in the way of perdition he cared not how further he proceded in the same And so associating vnto him the company of his companions and fellow thieues tooke vpon him to be as head and captaine among them in committing all kynd of murther and felony In the meane time it chaunced that of necessitie Iohn was sent for to those quarters againe and came The causes being decided and his busines ended for the which he came by the way meeting with the Bishop afore specified requireth of him the pledge which in the witnes of Christ and of the congregation then present he left in his handes to keepe The bishop something amased at the woordes of Iohn supposing he had meant of some money committed to his custody which he had not receiued and yet durst not mistrust Iohn nor contrary his woordes could not tell what to aunswer Then Iohn perceauing his doubtyng and vtteryng his mynde more plainely The yong man saith he and the soule of our brother committed to your custody I do require Then the bishop with a loude voice sorrowing and weeping said he is dead to whom Iohn said how And by what death The other said he is dead to God for he is become an euill man and pernicious to be briefe a thiefe now he doth frequent this mountaine with a company of villains
not the death of a sinner but is mercifull to the penitent came of their own accorde to the iudgement seate againe that they might bee examined of the Iudge And for that the Emperour had written backe againe to him that all the confessors should be punished and the other let go and that the Sessions or Sises were now begun which for the multitude that had repayre thether out of euery quarter was marueilous great he caused all the holy martirs to be brought thether that the multitude might beholde them once againe examined them and as many of them as he thought had the Romane fredome he beheaded the residue he gaue to the beastes to be deuoured And truely Christ was much glorified by those which a little before had denied him which againe contrary to the expectation of the Infidels confessed him euen to the death For they were examined a part froÌ the rest because of their deliuery which being found Confessours were ioined to the company of the martirs had with them their part But there were then abroade which had no saith at all neither yet so much as the feeling of the wedding garment nor any cogitation at all of the feare of God but blasphemed his waies by the lewd conuersatioÌ of their life euen such as were the children of damnation Al the residue ioined theÌselues to the congregation which wheÌ they were examined one Alexander a phrigian borne and a Phisition which had dwelt long in Fraunce and knowen almost of euery man for the loue he had to God boldnes of speaking neither was he voide of the Apostolicall loue this Alexander standing somewhat neare to the barre by signes and beckes perswaded such as were examined to confesse Christ so that by his countenaunce somtime reioising and some other while sorrowing he was descryed of the standers by The people not taking in good part to see those which now recanted by and by againe to sticke to their first confession they cried out against Alexander as one that was the cause of all this matter And when he was inforced by the Iudge and coÌmaunded what Religion he was of he aunswered I am a Christian. He had no sooner spoken the worde but he was iudged to the beastes of them to be deuoured The next day following Attalus of whome I made mention a litle before and Alexander were brought foorth together for the gouernour graunting Attalus vnto the people was baited againe of the beasts When these men were brought to the scaffold and had taken a tast of all the instruments that there were prepared for their execution and had suffered the greatest agonie they could put theÌ to were also at the length slaine Of whome Alexander neuer gaue so much as a sigh nor held his peace but froÌ the bottome of his hart praised and praied to the Lorde But Attalus when he was set in the yron chaire and began to frye and the frying sauour of his burning body began to smell he spake to the multitude in the Romane language Behold sayth hee this is to eate mans flesh which you doe for we neither eate men nor yet coÌmit any other wickednes And being demaunded what was the name of their God our God saith he hath no such name as men haue Then said they now let vs see whether your God can helpe you and take you out of our handes or not After this being the last day of the spectacle Blandine againe one PoÌticus a child of xv yeare old was brought forth and this was euery day to the intent they seing the punishment of their fellowes might be compelled thereby to sweare by their Idoles But because they constantly abode in their purpose defied their idols the whole multitude was in a rage with them neither sparing the age of the child nor fauoring the sexe of the woman but put them to all the punishment and paine they could deuise often times inforced them to sweare yet were not able to coÌpel them therevnto For Ponticus so being animated of his sister as the Heathâikes standing by did see after he had suffered all torments and paynes gaue vp the ghost This blessed Blandina therefore being the last that suffered after she had like a worthy mother giuen exhortations vnto her children and had sent them before as conquerours to their heauenly kâng and had called to her remembrance al their batels conflicts so much reioiced of her childrens death so hastened her owne as though she had bene bidden to a bridall not in case to be throwne to the wilde beastes After this her pittifull whipping her deliuery to the beasts her tormentes vpon the gridiron at the length she was put in a net and throwne to the wild Bull and when she had bene sufficiently gored wounded with the hornes of the same beast felt nothing of all that chaunced to her for the great hope and consolation she had in Christ heauenây thinges was thus slaine insomuch that the verye Heathen men themselues confessed that there was neuer woman put to death of them that suffered so much as this woman did Neither yet was their furious crueltie thus asswaged against the Christians For the cruel barbarous people like wilde beastes when they be moued knew not when the time was to make an ende but inuented new sundry torments euery day against our bodies Neyther yet did it content theÌ when they had put the Christians to death for that they wanted the sense of men for which cause both the magistrate people were vexed at the very harts that the scripture might be fulfilled which saith he that is wicked let him be wicked stil and he that is iust let him be more iust For those which in their prisons they strangled they threw after to the dogs setting keepers both day and night to watch them that they shoulde not be buryed and bringing forth the remnaunt of their bones bodies some halfe burnt some left of the wilde beasts some al âo be mangled also bringing forth heads of other which were cut of and like maner committed by them to the charge of the keepers to see them remaine vnburied The Gentiles grinded gnashed at the Christians with their teeth seeking which way they might amplifie their punishment some other flouted and mocked them extolling their idoles attributing vnto them the cause of thys crueltie and vengeaunce shewed to vs. Such which were of the meeker sort and seemed to be moued with some pyty did hit vs in the teeth saying where is your God that you so much boast of what helpeth this your religion for which you giue your liues These were the sundrye passions and affects of the Gentiles but the Christians in the meane while were in great heauines that they might not burye the bodies and reliques of the holy Martirs Neither could the dark night serue them to that purpose nor any
olde writees it appeareth not that Philippus or any other of that name was Bishop of Alexandria during this time signified by Bergomensis Although in some other later writers as Equilinus Antoninus and Bergomensis I finde a certaine historye of one Philippus President of Alexandria about the same tyme of Valerian and Galienus elected by the Emperour and Senate of Rome to gouerne those quarters where he was at length conuerted to the christian faith and after made Priest or Bishop as they saye of Alexandria but that not to be so the testimony of auntient writers doth refell The history of this Philippus witnessed in our later Chronicles is this Philippus being promoted to the Presidentship of Alexandria came downe with his wife Claudia and his two sonnes Auitus and Sergius and with his daughter named Eugenia of the which Eugenia a long history full of straunge and prodigious miracles is written of Antoninus other wherof many things I will cut of and brieflye touche the effect of the storye leauing to the iudgement of the reader the credit of mine authors as he shall see cause Thys Eugenia daughter of Philippus being of singular beautie and diligently brought vp by her parentes in the studie of science and learnyng was by occasion of hearyng Christians reduced and brought vp to Christianitye with two other Eunuches her Schoolefellowes called Prothus and Hiacynthus wyth whome shee takyng counsaile vpon occasion whether to auoyde the daunger of persecucion or refusing to marry wyth a Pagane vnknowne to her parents and fryendes dyd flee awaye and because the more boldlye shee might resort to heare the readynges of Helenus then an aged Byshoppe and of others chaunged her selfe into mans apparell and named her selfe Eugenius vnder the whiche name she was at length admitted vnto a certayne Monastery or a societie of christians in the suburbes of Alexandria although I hardly beleeue that any Monasterye of Christians was then in the suburbes of Alexandria permitted where also at the last for the excellencye of learnyng and vertue shee was made head of the place Here by the waye I omit the myracles of the foresayde Helenus Byshoppe as the story saith of Hierapolis howe he caried burning coales in his lap how he adueÌtured himself to goe in the burning fyre to resell wicked Zereas a Pagane remaining in the same vnburned Here also I omit the careful search of her parents for her and of the answere of the Pythonisse againe vnto them that she was taken vp to the heauen among the Goddesses I omit moreouer the miracles done by the sayde Eugenia in healyng the diseases and sicknesses or such as came to her c. The story proceedeth thus Among other which were by this Eugenius cured restored there was a certaine Matrone of Alexandria named Melancia who after she had vsed the helpe and acquaintaunâ of Eugenius supposing her to be a man fell into an inordiâate loue sekyng by al meanes how to accomplish the lust of her concupiscence In so much that in her daily visiting of her at length she began secretly to breake her mind and to entise her to her ludenes Eugenius contrary exhorted her to vertue honesty shewing her the miseries of this life and the peryll of that folly Melancia seeing that by no meanes shee would be allured nor by force drawen to her desire fearyng moreouer that she in detecting of her would bringe her to shame beginneth first to make an outcry of Eugenius declaring howe that she went about corruptly to defloure her so presented her accusation before Philippus the President as well against Eugenius as also against the rest of that company This matter being heard and the woman well knowen the crime began to seeme suspitious and so much the more because it was obiected against the Chrystians By reason whereof Eugenius with her felow Chrystians was now not only in great hatred but also in dauÌger of present death and destruction Then Eugenius purging herselfe her honesty although with sufficient probation yet notwithstanding perceiuing that it coulde take no place what so euer she said and seeing no time now to dissemble any longer for the daunger as well of her owne selfe as specially of her brethren which troubled her more desired of the Iudge place and time to make manifest to him the truth and so shewed her selfe what she was and how she was his daughter the other to be Prothus Hiacinthus the two Eunuches her schoolefelowes vtteryng moreouer to him and to her brethreÌ the cause of her departing from them At the narration whereof Philippus her father and her two brethren comming to the knowledge of her conceaued no litle ioy in receauing their Eugenia againe whom they thought had bene lost No lesse gladnes was among the people to see the euidence of the matter so plainely to try out the truth of the one the falsenes of the other Wherat the malignant accuser was to double shame coÌfounded first for her dishonesty falsly cloked secondly for the vntruth of her accusation openly detected Bergomensis addeth moreouer that the said accuser was stricken presently with lightning Thus Eugenia trying her honestly to her parents friends not onely was receaued of them againe but also by the grace of the Lord working with her in the space of time did win theÌ to Christ. Wherby Philippus the father of her by nature now by grace was begotteÌ of his own daughter to a more perfect life whoÌ once he thought to haue bene lost not only he fouÌd againe but also with her found his own soule his own life which before he had lost indeede This Phillippus sayth the storye was made afterwarde Bishop of Alexandria and there suffered Martyrdome Concerning whose Martyrdome I denye not but it may be true but that he was byshop of Alexandria that cannot be admitted as is before sufficiently prooued out of Eusebius and other auncient historicians Lykewyse it is sayd that Eugenia after the Martyrdome of her father returning to Rome with Prothus and Hiacinthus by occasion of conuertyng Basilla who shoulde haue bene maried to a Pagane husband and was then beheaded to the Christian faith was assayled wyth sundrye kinds of death first being tied to a great stone cast into Tyber where she was caried vp from drowning theÌ put in the hoate bathes which were extincted and she preserued afterward by famishment in prison where they saye she was fed at the hande of our Sauior all which Legendary miracles I leaue to the Reader to iudge of them as shal seeme good vnto him At last the story sayeth she was with the sword beheaded Antonin Bergom Ado. And because in this prent history mention was made of Helenus whom Antoninus with his fellowes noteth to be the byshop of Hierapolis here is to be vnderstoode obserued by the way that as Philippus in the foresaide history is falsly
cap. 13. There was betweene him and Constantinus in the beginning great familiaritie and such agreement that Constantinus gaue vnto him his sister Constantia in Matrimonie as Aurelius Victor wryteth Neither woulde any man haue thought him to haue bene of any other Religion then Constantinus was of hee seemed in all thinges so well to agree with him Wherupon he made a decree with Constantinus in the behalfe of the Christians as we haue shewed Eusebius Lib. 9. cap. 9. And such was Licinius in the beginning But after arming him selfe with tyrannie began to coÌspire against the person of Constantinus of whom he had receaued so great benefites neither fauorable to the law of nature nor mindful of his othes his bloud nor promises But when hee considered that in his conspiracies he nothing preuailed for that he saw CoÌstantinus was preserued and safely defended of God And partly being puffed vp with the victory against Maximinus he began vehemeÌtly to hate him and not onely to reiect the Christian religion but also deadly to hate the same Hee saide he would become an enemy vnto the ChristiaÌs for that in their assemblies and meetinges they prayed not for him but for Constantinus Therefore first by litle and litle and that secretely he went about to wrong and hurt the christians banished them his Court which neuer were by any meanes preiudiciall to his kingdom Then he commaÌded that all those should be depriued which were knights of the honourable order vnlesse they would do sacrifice to deuils Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 8. The same persecution afterwardes stretched he from his court into all his prouinces which with most wicked and deuised lawes hee set forth First that for no cause the Byshops shoulde in any matter communicate together neither that any man should come at the Churches next vnto them or to call any assemblies and consult for the necessary matters and vtilitie of the Church After that the men women together should not come in companies to pray nor that the women should come in those places where they vsed to preach and read the worde of God neither that they should be after that instructed any more of the Byshops but should chuse out such women amongest them as shoulde instruct them The thirde most cruell and wickedst of all was that none should helpe and succour those that were cast in prison nor shoulde bestowe any almes or charitie vpon them though they shoulde die for hunger and they which shewed any compassion vpon those that were condemned to death should be as greatly punished as they to whome they shewed the same shoulde be Eusebius libro primo de vita Constantini These were the most horrible coÌstitutions of Licinius which went beyond and passed the boundes of nature After this he vsed violence against the Byshops but yet not openly for feare of Constantinus but priuely and by conspiracie by which meanes hee slewe those that were the worthiest men amongest the Doctours and Prelates And about Amasea and other Cities of Pontus he razed the Churches euen to the ground Other some he shut vp that no man should come after their accustomed maner to pray and worship God and therefore as we sayde before his conscience accusing him all this hee did for that he suspected they prayed for Constantinus and not at all for him And from this place in the East parties vnto the Libians which bordered vpon the Egyptians the christians durst not assemble and come together for the displeasure of Licinius which hee had conceaued against them Zozomenus Lib. 1. cap. 2. Furthermore the flattering officers that were vnder him thinking by this meanes to please him slewe made out of the way many byshops and without any cause put them to death as though they had bene homicides hainous offenders and such rigorousnes vsed they towards some of them that they cut their bodyes into gobbets and small peeces in maner of a Boucher and after that threwe them into the Sea to feede the fishes Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 8. What shall we speake of the exiles confiscations of good and vertuous men For he tooke by violence euery mans substaunce and cared not by what meanes he came by the same But threatned them with death vnlesse they would forgoe the same Hee banished those which had committed none euill at all He commanded that both gentlemen and men of honour should be made out of the way neither yet herewith content but gaue their daughters that were vnmaried to varlets and wicked ones to be defloured And Licinius himselfe although that by reason of his yeres his body was spent yet shamefully did hee vitiate many women mens wiues maids Euseb Lib. 1. de vita Constantini Which cruel outrage of him caused many godly meÌ of their owne accorde to forsake their houses and it was also seene that the woodes fieldes desert places and mountaines were faine to be the habitations and resting places of the poore and miserable Christians Eusebius Lib. 10. cap 14. Of those worthy men and famous Martyrs which in this persecution founde the way to heauen Nicephorus Lib. 7. cap. 10. first speaketh of Theodorus who first being hanged vpon the crosse had nawles thrust into his arme pits and after that his head striken of Also of another Theodorus being the Byshop of Tyre the thirde was a man of Perga Basilius also the Byshop of Amasenus Nicolaus the Byshop of Mirorus Gregorius of Armenia the great After that Paule of Neocaesaria which by the impious commandemeÌt of Licinius had both his hands cut of with a searing yron Besides these were in the Citie of Sebastia xl worthy men Christian souldiours in the vehemeÌt cold time of winter soused and drowned in a horse pond wheÌ Locias as yet of whom we spake before and Agricolaus executing the Shrieues office vnder Licinius in the East parts were aliue and were in great estimation for inuenting of new and strange torments against the Christians The wiues of those 40. good men were caried to Heraclea a Citie in Thracia and there with a certaine Deacon whose name was Amones were after innumerable torments by them most constauntly indured slaine with the sworde These thinges wryteth Nicephorus Also Zozomenus in his ninth booke 2. Chapter maketh mention of the same Martyrs And Basilius in a certaine Oration seemeth to intreate of their history sauing that in the circumstances he somwhat varieth And surely Licinius was determined for that the first face of this persecution fel out according to his desire to haue ouerrunne all the Christians to which thing neither counsell nor good will nor yet oportunitie perchance wanted vnlesse God had brought Constantinus into those parties where he gouerned where in the warres which hee himselfe began knowing right well that Constantinus had intelligence of his conspiracy treason ioyning battaile with him was most cowardly ouercome Diuers battailes betweene them
that no Prelate or bishop ought to come to his answere or ad litem coÌtestatam as the words of their writing do terme it before they be orderly fully restored again to their possessioÌs Who moreouer in the said their epistles stil harpe vpon this key of the scripture Tu es Petrus super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam Declaring more ouer that this priuiledge of iudging al meÌ and to be iudge of no man but onely to be left to the iudgement of the Lord was gyuen to this foresayd holy sea of Rome from tyme of the Apostles chiefly lefte with Peter the holye key keeper so that although the election of the Apostles was equall yet this was chieflye graunted to Saint Peter to haue preheminenes aboue the rest Concluding in the ende hereby Quod semper maiores causae sicut sunt episcoporum potiorum curae negotiorum ad vnam beati principis Apostolorum Petri sedem confluerent That is that alwaies all greater causes as be the matters of Byshoppes and such other cares of weighty importaunce should be brought to the sea of S. Peter the blessed prince of the Apostles c. These be the wordes of Miltiades and Eusebius whereby it may partly be smelled of him that hath any nose what was the meaning of theÌ which forged these writings and letters vpon these auntient holy martirs This I cannot but maruell at in the thirde Epistle of Eusebius the bishop of Rome that where as Marcellius his late predecessor before in his owne time and remembrance did fall so horribly and was condemned for the same iustly to be expulsed the Citie by the counsell of 300. Byshops yet notwithstanding the foresaid Eusebius in his third epistle alledging the place of Tu es Petrus bringeth in for a profe of the same and saith Quia in sede Apostolica extra maculam semper est Catholica seruata religio c. That is for in the Apostolicall sea alwaies the Catholike Religion hath bene preserued without any spot or blemish But howsoeuer the forgers of these decretal Epistles haue forgotteÌ themselues most certeine it is that these holy bishops vpon whom they were and are ascribed liued perfect good men and died blessed martirs Of whom this Miltiades was the last among all the Bishoppes of Rome here in the west Church of Europe that euer was in dauÌger of persecution to be Martired yet to this present day And thus haue ye heard the stories and names of such blessed Saintes which suffered in the time of persecution from the xix yeare of Dioclesian to the vij and last yeare of Maxentius with the deathes also plagues described vpon these tormentors and cruel tiraunts which were the captaines of the same persecutioÌ And here commeth in blessed be Christ the ende of these persecutions here in these West Churches of Europe so far as the dominion of blessed Constantinus did chiefly extend Yet notwithstanding in Asia al persecution as yet ceased not for the space of foure yeres as aboue is mentioned by the meanes of wicked Licinius Under whome diuers there were holy and constant martirs that suffered greeuous torments as Hermylus a Deacon and Stratonicus a keeper of the prison which both after their punishments sustained were strangled in the floud Ister Metasth Also Theodorus the Captaine who being sent for of Licinius because he would not come and because he brake his Gods in peeces and gaue them to the pore therfore was fastned to the crosse and after being pearsed with sharpe pricks or bodkins in the secret parts of his body was at last beheaded Adde to this also Milles who first being a Souldiour afterward was made bishop of a certaine Citie in Persia where he seing himselfe could do no good to conuert them after many tribulations and great afflictions among theÌ cursed the Citie and departed Which citie shortly after by Sapores king of Persia was destroied In the same countrey of Persia about this time suffered vnder Sapores the king as recordeth Symeon Metasthenes diuers valiant constant martirs as Acindymus Pegasius Anempodistus Epidephorus also Symeon Archbishop of Seleucia with Ctesiphon an other bishop in Persia with other ministers religious men of that region to the number of 128. Of this Symeon and Ctesiphon thus writeth Zozomenus lib. 2. That the idolatrous Magitians in Persia taking counsaile togither against the Christians accused Symeon CtesiphoÌ to Sapores the king for that they were gratefull accepted vnto the Romane Emperor bewraied to him such things as were done in the land of Persia. Whereupon Sapores being moued toke great displeasure against the christians oppressing them with taxes tributes vnto their vtter impouerishing killing also their Priestes with the sword After that calleth for Symeon the Archbyshop who there before the king declared himselfe a worthy a valiant captaine of Christs church For when Sapores had coÌmauÌded him to be led to suffer torments he neither shronk for any feare nor shewed any great humble sute of submission for any pardon wherat the king partly marueiling partly offended asked why he did not knele downe as he was wont before to do Symeon to this auÌswered for that saith he before this time I was not brought vnto you in bondes to betray the true God as I am nowe so long I refused not to accomplishe that which the order custome of the Realme of me required but now it is not lawful for me so to do for now I come to stand in defence of our Religion and true doctrine When Symeon thus had aunswered the king persisting in his purpose offereth vnto him the choise either to worship with him after his maner promising to him many great gifts if he would so doe or if he would not threatneth to him and to al the other christians within his land destruction But Symeon neither allured with his promises nor terrified with his threatnings coÌtinued constaunt in his doctrine professed so that neyther he could be induced to Idolatrous worship nor yet to betray the truth of his religion For the which cause he was committed into hands and there commaunded to be kept to the kings pleasure further knowne It befel in the way as he was going to the prison there was sitting at the kings gate a certaine Eunuche an olde Tutor or scholemaister of the kings named Vsthazares who had bene once a christian and afterward falling from hys profession fell with the Heathen multitude to their Idolatrie This Vsthazares sitting at the doore of the kinges pallace and seing Symeon passing by led to the prison rose vp and reuerenced the Bishop Symeon againe with sharpe wordes as the time would suffer rebuked him in great anger cried out against him which being once a christian woulde so cowardly reuolt from his profession returne againe to the Heathenish Idolatry At the hearing of these
of the same And therefore wryting to Anilinus his chiefe captaine declareth his will minde to him in letters concerning the goodes whych did appertaine to the Churches of the Christians that hee shoulde procure vigilantly for the same that all suche goodes houses and gardens belonging before to the right of Churches shoulde agayne be restored in all speedie wise and that hee therein might be certified with speede c. Moreouer he writing to the saide Anilinus in an other letter signifieth vnto him in this effect that for so much as the contempt of God his reuerent religion is hath bene euer the greatest decay to the name people of Rome as contrary the maintaining and reuerencing the same hath euer brought prosperitie to all common weales Therfore he in consideration therof hath taken that order geueth to him in charge that through the prouince where he hath to doe which was in Aphrica where Cecilianus was Byshop he should there see prouide that all such ministers and Clerkes whose vocation was to serue in the Church should be freed and exempted from all publike duties and burdens whereby they being so priuileged and all impediments remoued which shoulde hinder their diuine ministration thereby the coÌmon vtilitie of the people might the better flourish c. Furthermore the sayde Constantinus in an other letter wryting to Miltiades Byshop of Rome and to Marcus declareth in his letters to them howe Cecilianus Byshop of Carthage hath ben accused vnto him by diuers of his colleages and fellow byshops Wherfore his will is that the sayd Cecilianus with x. byshops his accusers with x. other his defendants should repaire vp to him at Rome where in the present assistance of the foresayde Miltiades Rheticus Maternus Marinus and of other their fellowe Colleages the cause of Cecilianus myght be harde and rightly examined so that all schisme and deuision might be cut of from among them wherein the feruent desire of Constantinus to peace and vnitie may well appeare Upon the lyke cause and argument also he wryteth to Chrestus Byshop of Syracusa so desirous to nourish peace and concord in the church that he offereth to him with his vnder Ministers and three seruaunts hys free caryage to come vp to him vnto the Councel of other bishops for the agreeing of certaine matters belonging to the Church Hee writeth also an other letter to the forenamed Cecilianus Byshop of Carthage To the prouinces likewise of Palestina those partes about hee directeth his Edict in the behalfe of the Christians for the releasing of such as were in captiuitie and for the restoring againe of them which had sustained any losse in the former persecution before for the refreshing of such as heeretofore had bene oppressed with any ignominie or molestation for their confession sake declaring in the sayd Edict howe that his whole body life and soule and what soeuer is in hym hee oweth to God and to the seruice of him c. Moreouer an other leter he wryteth to Eusebius for the edifying of newe Christian Churches restoring of them whych had bene wasted before by forreine enemies And after hee had collected the Synode of Nice for the studie of peace and vnitie of the Church he wryteth vpon the same to Alexander and Arrius In which hys letters hee most lamentably vttered the great griefe of his hearâ to see and heare of theyr contention and diuision whereby the peace and common harmonie of the Churche was broken the Synode prouoked resisted the holy people of the Lorde deuided into partes and tumultes contrary to the office of good and circumspect men whose duetie were rather to nourish concorde and to seeke tranquillity And though in some small poynts and light trifles they did disagree from other yet as the example of Philosophers might teache them who although in some part of a sentence or peece of a question some might dissent from other yet in the vnitie of their profession they did all ioyne as fellowes together In like case were it theyr duetie in such fruitles questions or rather peeces of questioÌs to keepe them in the conceptions of their mindes in silence vnto themselues and not to bring them foorth into publicke Synodes to breake therefore from the communion of the reuerent Councell Declaring moreouer in the sayde Epistle the first origine and occasion of thys theyr contentious dissention to ryse vpon vaine trifling termes vile causes and light questions and peeces rather of questions about such matters as neither are to be moued nor to be answered vnto being mooued more curious to be searched and perillous to be expressed then necessary to be inquired magisque puerilibus ineptijs quam sacerdotum ac cordatorum virorum prudentiae conuenientia as he there doth terme them Wherefore by al maner meanes he doth labour them doth entreate them and perswade them not onely with reasons but also with teares and sighing sobbes that they would restore againe peace vnto the Church and quietnesse to the rest of his life which otherwise would not be sweet vnto him and that they would returne againe to the communion of the reuerent Councell Who in so doing should open his way and purposed iourney into the East partes which otherwyse hearing of their discorde and dissention would be sorye to see with his eyes that which greeueth him nowe to heare with hys eares with much more in the same Epistle contained but this is the effect of the whole Euseb. de vita Constant Lib. 2. Thus much I thought summarely to comprehende whereby the diuine disposition and singular gentle nature of this meeke religious Constantine might more notoriously appeare to all Princes for them to learne by hys example what zeale and care they ought to beare toward the Church of Christ how gently to gouerne and how to be beneficiall to the same Many other Edicts Epistles wrytten to other places and parties be expressed at large in the seconde booke of Euseb De vita Constantini wherein the zealous care and Princely beneficence of this noble Emperour toward the Church of Christ may appeare Wherof in a briefe recapitulation such specialities we haue collected as here followeth and is to be seene in Zozo Lib. 1. Cap. 8.9 First hee commaunded all them to be set free who soeuer for the confession of Christ had bene condemned to banishment or to the mines of metall or to any publike or priuate labour to them inflicted Such as were put to any infamie or open shame among the multitude hee willed them to be discharged from all such blemish of ignominie Souldiours whych before were depriued eyther of theyr place or put out of theyr wages were put to their liberty eyther to serue againe in theyr place or quietly to lyue at home Whatsoeuer honour place or dignitie had bene taken away froÌ any man should be restored to them againe The goods and possessions
thunder If a man geue eare to the noise and cracke it semeth a terrible thing but if ye consider the causes and effect therof it is a most vaine ridicle In the reigne of this Nicolas An. 1060. Aldredus Byshop of Worcester after the decease of Kinsius his predecessor shuld be made Archbishop of Yorke who comming to Rome with Tostius erle of NorthumberlaÌd for his palle as the maner was could not obtein it but was depriued of all his dignitie for some default I can not tell what in his aunswer And furthermore after his reuersion home was spoyled also of all that he brought with him Whereupon he returning againe to Rome with Tostius the foresayde Erle there made his complaint but could not be heard til Tostius a man of stout courage taking the matter in hand tolde the Pope to his face that his curse was not to be feared in farre countreâs which his owne neighbours yea most vile vacabonds derided and despised at home Wherfore he required the Pope either to restore Aldredus again to his goods lost or els it should be known that they were lost through his meanes and subtlery And furthermore it would come to passe that the king of England hearing this would debar him of s. Peters tribute taking it for a great shame to him his realme if Aldredus should come from Rome both depriued of dignity spoiled also of his goods c. In fine the Pope thus perswaded by the argument of his purse was content to sende home Aldredus with his palle according to his request After the death of Nicholas the Lombardes being oppressed before by pope Nicholas and brought vnder fear were the more desirous and thought it good to haue a Bishop of their company and so elected the bishop of ParnieÌ called Cadolus to be Pope sending to the emperour and desiring his fauour and supportation therein For the election of the Pope sayd they most properly apperteined vnto him The emperor wel pleased and content geueth his good leaue and voice wtal Hildebrandus no lesse a wicked Necromancer then a stoute mainteiner of popish liberties against good emperors hearing this setteth vp by a coÌtrary faction an other bishop Anselmus after called Alexander the 2. Cadolus thus elected by the emperor the Cardinals setteth forwarde to Rome with a sufficient army strength of meÌ Alexander also no les prepared there receiueth him with an other army where they had a great conflict many slaine on both sides But Cadolus as he had the better cause so had he the worse fortune who being repelled yet repaired himself and came again with a greater power Albeit he preuailed not The Emperor seeing this hurly burly to take vp the matter sent thither his embassador Otho Archbishop of Colen who coÌming to Rome beginneth sharply to chide the pope for taking so vpoÌ him without the leaue or knowledge of the emperor declaring how the election of that sea ought chiefly to appertein to the right of the emperor as it hath done for the most part in the time of his predecessors tofore But Hildebrande all set on wickednes and ambition and also puft vp not a litle with his late victories not suffering the embassador to tel to the end interrupted him in the middle of his tale affirming that if they should stand to law and custome the libertie of that election shuld rather belong to the clergy then to the Emperor To make short Otho the embassador bearing belike more with the Clergie then with the emperour was content to be perswaded onely required this in the emperors name a couÌcell to be had to decide the matter wherat the emperor should be present himselfe And so he was In the which councel being kept at Mantua Alexander was declared pope the other had his pardon graunted In this councell amongst many other coÌsiderations was concluded concerning priests to haue no wiues such as haue coÌcubines to say no masse priests children not to be secluded from holy orders no benefices to be bought for mony Alleluya to be suspended in time of Lent out of the church c. This also was decreed which made most for Hildebrandus purpose that no spirituall man whatsoeuer he be shoulde enter in any Church by a secular persone that the Pope should be elected onely by the Cardinals c. Benno Cardinalis wryteth thus of Alexander that after he perceiued the frauds of Hildebrande and of other the Emperours enemies and vnderstanding that he was set vp and inthronised but onely for a purpose being at his Masse as he was preaching to the people told them he wold not sit in the place vnlesse he had the licence of the Emperour Which when Hildebrandus heard he was stroken in suche a furie that scarsly he could keepe his handes of him while Masse was done After the Masse being finished by force of soldiours strength of men he had him into a chamber and there all to be pomild Pope Alexander with his fistes rating and rebuking him for that he would seeke for fauoure of the Emperor Thus Alexander being kept vp in custody and being stinted to a certaine allowance as about v. groates a day Hildebrand incrocheth all the whole reuenues of the Church to him selfe procuring thereby muche treasure At length Alexander vnder the miserable endurance of Hildebrand died at euentide after 11. yeares half of his popedome And thus much of Romish matters These things thus discoursed concerning the matters of Rome now returning againe to our owne country story the order therof would require to enter againe into the reigne of William Conqueror the next king following in England But as a certain oration of K. Edgarus which should haue bene placed before chanced in the meane time to come to my hands not vnworthy to be read I thought by the way in the ende of this booke to insert the same although out of order yet better I iudge it out of order then out of the booke The oration of king Edgar to the Clergie BEcause God hath shewed his great mercy to worke with vs it is meete most reuerend Fathers that with worthy works we should answer his innumerable benefites For we possesse not the land by our owne sworde and our owne arme hath not saued vs but his right hande and his holy arme because he hath bene delighted in vs. Therfore it is meete that we should submit both our selues and our soules to him that hath subiected all these thinges vnder our gouernement and that we ought stoutly to laboure that they whome he hath made subiect to vs might be subiect to his lawes It belongs to me to rule the lay people with the lawe of equitie to doe iust iudgement betwene man and his neighbour to punish Church robbers to holde vnder rebelles to deliuer the helplesse from the hande of the stronger the needye also and the poore from
Winchester as a prisoner during his life This Stigandus is noted for a man so couetous and sparing that when he would take nothing of his owne and swearing that he had not a penie yet by a key fastned about his necke was found great treasours of his vnder the grouÌd At the same time was preferred to the Archbishoprike of Yorke Thomas a Normand and Chanon of Baion At which time also Lanfrancus Abbot of Cadomonencie a Lumbard and Italian borne was sent for and made Archbyshop of Cant. betweene which two Archbyshops about their coÌsecration first began a contention for geuing taking the othe of obedience but that contention was at that time appeased by the king And Thomas contented to subscribe to the Archbishop of Cant. obedience After this it followed within short space that the sayde Lanfrancus and Thomas Archbyshop of Yorke who first builded the minster of Yorke gaue possessions therunto came to Rome with Remigius Byshop of Dorcester for their palles as the maner was without which no Archbishop nor bishop could be coÌfirmed although their election were neuer so lawfull This palle must be asked no where but of the Pope or his assignes and that wythin 3. monethes also it must be asked not faintly but mightely Dist. C cap. prisca Which as it was a chargeable thing to other nations especially suche as were far from Rome so it was no small gaine to the Romish sea so as they did order it for although at the beginning the palle was geueÌ without money according to the decree Dist. C. or for litle as percase in this time of Lanfrank yet in processe of yeres it grew to such excesse that where the bishoprik of Mentz was wonte to geue to Rome but x. M. Florences afterward it arose so that he that asked to haue his confirmation coulde not obtaine it without xx M. And from thence it exceded to xxv M. and at length to xxvii M. Florencesâ which summe Iacobus Archbyshop of Mentz was prest to paie a little before the councell of Basill in so much that the sayde Iacobus at his departing which was wythin foure yeares after sayde that his death did not so muche grieue hym as to remember hys poore subiectes whyche shuld be constrained to pay so terrible a fine for the Popes palle Nowe by this what did rise to the Pope in whole Germanie containing in it aboue 50. By shopprickes it may be easely coniectured Lanfrancus thus comming to Rome with the other two Byshops he for the estimation of his learning obtained of Alexander two palles one of honour the other of loue Item he obtained for the other two Bishops also their confirmation At which time they being there present before Alexander the controuersie began first to be mooued or rather renewed for the primacie betwixt the two metropolitanes that is betwixt the archbishop of Canterburie and Archbishop of York whether of them shoulde haue preeminence aboue the other for Canterburie chalenged to himselfe preroragatiue and the primacie ouer whole Britanie and Irelande the whiche contention continued a long season betwixt these ii churches and was often renued in the daies of diuers kinges after this as in the reigne of Henrie the firste betwixte Thurstinus of Yorke and Radolphus of Canterburie And againe in the 27. yeare of the sayd king at his seconde coronation for Radolphus woulde not suffer the first coronation to stande because it was done by the Byshop of Yorke without his assent Also in the reigne of Henry the second where Alexander Pope made a letter decretall betwixt these ii Metropolitanes for bearing the crosse An. M. Clix Also an other time in the raigne of the said king betwixt Richard of Canterburie and Roger of Yorke againe about the yere of the Lord. M. Cixx when Thomas Becket hearing the king to be crowned of Roger byshop of Yorke complained thereof grieuously to Pope Alexander the third Item an other time An. M. Cixxvi betwixt Richard and the sayde Roger whether of them should sit on the right hande of Cardinall Hugo in his Councell at London Moreouer in the beginning of the reign of king Richard An. M. Cxc. betwixt Baldwinus of Canterburie and Godfridus of Yorke c. Now to procede in the story hereof After this question was brought as is said to the Popes presence he not disposed to decide the matter sent them home vnto EnglaÌd there to haue their cause determined Wherupon they speding theÌselues froÌ Rome to EnglaÌd an M. lxx and the 6. yeare as is sayd of this William brought the matter before the king and the clergy at Windsore Whereas Lancfrank first alledging for himselfe brought in from the time of Austen to the time of Bede which was about 140. yeres how that the Byshop of Cant. had euer the primacie ouer the whole land of Britaine and Ireland how he kept his CouÌcels diuers times within the precincts of Yorke how he did call and cite the Byshops of Yorke thereto whereof some he did constitute some he did excoÌmunicat some he did remoue besides also he alledged diuers priuileges graÌted by princes and prelates to the primacie of that sea c. To this Thomas Archbish. of Yorke replieth againe and first beginning with the first originall of the Britains Church declareth in order of time how the Britanes c. ¶ The Britaines first possessioners of this kingdome of Britaine which endured from Brutus Cadwalader 2076. yeares vnder an hundreth and ii Kynges at length receaued the Christian faith Anno. Clxii in the tyme of Lucius their king Eleutherius Byshop of Rome sent Faganus and Damanus preachers vnto them at which time after theyr conuersion they assigned and ordeined in the Realme 28. Byshops with two Archbishops Theonus the Archbyshop of London and Theodoceus Archbishop of Yorke Under those Byshops and Archbishops the church of Britaine was gouerned after their conuersion almost 300. yeares till at length the Saxons being then infidels with Hengistus their king subdued the Britans by frauduleÌt murder and inuaded their land which was about the yere of the Lorde 440. After this the Britans being driuen into Cambria which we now cal wales the Saxons ouerrunning the land deuided theÌselues into 7. kingdomes And so being infidels and Paganes coÌtinued til the time that Gregory Byshop of Rome sent Augustinus to preach vnto them which Austen comming first to Douer being then the head Citie of Kent called in Latine Dorobernia and there planting himselfe conuerted first the king of Kent called Edilbertus who had theÌ subdued certaine other kings vnto HuÌber By reason wherof Augustine was made Archbishop of Douer by the appoyntment of Gregorius who sent him certaine Palles with his letter from Rome which before is expressed pa. 158. Which letter being recited then Thomas exposiding vpon the same beginneth to declare for himselfe howe the meaning of Gregory in this letter was
Urbane according to the tenor and forme of a certaine Epistle of his wherin among many other thinges in the same Epistle conteined these wordes he wryteth to Pope Paschalis the third yere after his banishment after the death of Urbane and a little before the death of the king To the Lord and reuerend father Paschalis high bishop Anselme seruant of the Churche of Cant. offereth due subiection from his heart and prayers if they can stand in any stede Ex Epist. 36. Paulò post initium I See in EnglaÌd many euils whose correction belongeth to me and which I could neither amend nor suffer without mine owne fault The king desireth of me that vnder the name of right I shuld consent to his pleasures which were against the lawe and wil of God For he woulde not haue the Pope receaued nor appealed vnto in Englande without his commaundement neither that I should send a letter vnto him or receaue any from him or that I shuld obey his decrees He suffered not a Councell to be kept in his realme now these 13. yeares since he was king In all these things and such like if I asked any counsaile all my suffragane Byshops of his realme denied to geue me any counsaile but according to the kinges pleasure After that I sawe these and such other thinges that are done against the will and lawe of God I asked license of him to goe to Rome vnto the sea Apostolicall that I might there take counsaile for my soule and the office committed to me The king sayd that I offended agaynst hym for the onely asking of license And propounded to me that eyther I should make hym amendes for the same as a trespasse assuring hym neuer to aske this license any more to appeale to the pope at anye tyme hereafter or els that I shoulde quickly depart out of hys land Wherefore chosen rather to goe out of the landâ then to agree to so wicked a thing I came to Rome as ye know and declared the whole matter to the Lord Pope The king by and by as soone as I went out of England inuaded the whole Archbishoprike and turned it to hys owne vse taxing the monkes onely with bare moate drinke and clothe The king being warned and desired of the Lord Pope to amend this he conteÌned the same and yet continueth in his purpose still And now is the third yere since I came thus out of Englande and more Some men not vnderstanding demaund why I did not excommunicate the king But the wiser sort and such as haue vnderstanding counsayle me that I doe no this thing because it belongeth not to me both to complayne and to punish To conclude I was forewarned by my frendes that are vnder the king that my excommunication if it should be done would be laughed to scorne and despised c. By these here aboue prefixed appeareth how Anselme the Archbishop comming to Rome made hys complaynt to the Pope Urbane of the king and how the Pope writing to the king in the behalfe of Anselme hys letters and commaundementes were despised And now to our story In the meane tyme while the popes letters were sent to the king Anselme was byd to wayte about the Pope to looke for an aunswere backe Who perceauing at length how little the king reputed the popes letters began to be weary of hys office desiring the pope that he might be discharged thereof But the Pope in no case woulde thereto consent chargying hym vpon hys obedience that where soeuer he went he shoulde beare with him the name and honour of the Archbishop of Cant. Whereunto Anselmus agayne sayd hys obedience he neyther durst nor woulde refuse as who for Gods cause was ready to suffer what soeuer should happen yea though it were death itselfe as he thought no lesse would follow thereof But what shold we think sayth he is there to be done where not onely iustice taketh no place but is vtterly oppressed and where as my suffraganes not onely doe not helpe for dread the righteous cause but also for fauour do impugne the same Well sayth the Pope as touching these matters we shal sufficiently prouide for at the next Councell at Baron where as I will you the same tyme and place to be present When the tyme of the Councell was come Anselme among other was called for Who first sitting in an vtter side of the Byshops afterward was placed at the right foote of the Pope with these wordes Includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis Papam Wherupon the same place after hym was appoynted to the successours of the sea of Cant. in euery general Councel by the decree of Urbane to sit at the right foote of the pope In this Councell great sturre and much reasoning there was agaynst the Grecians concerning the matter and order of proceeding of the holy Ghost Where is to be noted that the Greeke Church hath of long tyme dissented from the Latine church in many and sondry poyntes to the number of xx or almost xxiâ Articles as I haue them collected out of the Register of the Church of Hereford Whereof lyke as occasion hereafter may serue God willing for a further more ample tractation to be made so here by the waye partly I meane to touch some The first is Wherein the Greeke Church differeth from the Latine THe first article wherein the Greeke Churche altereth from the Latine or Romish Church is this Quòd sunt extra obedientiam Romanae ecclesiae pro eo quòd ecclesia Constantinopolitana non est subiecta sed ei aequalis 1. Dicunt Dominum Apostolicum non habere maiorem potestatem qÌ iiii Patriarc hae Et quicquid sit praeter scientiam eorum per Papam vel sine eorum approbatione nullius est valoris c. In Englishe First they are not vnder the obedience of the Churche of Rome because that the Church of Constantinople is not subiect but equall to the same 2. They hold that the Bishop of the Apostolicke Sea of Rome hath greater power then the 4. Patriarches And whatsoeuer the Pope doth beside their knowledge or without their approbation it is of no valor 3. Item they say whatsoeuer hath bene done or concluded since the second generall Councell is of no full authoritie because from that time they recount the Latines to be in errour and to be excluded out of the holy Church 4. Item Dicunt Eucharistiam consecratam per Romanam Ecclessam non esse verum corpus Christ 1. They hold the Eucharist consecrated by the Churche of Rome not to be the very body of Christ. Also where the Romish Churche doth cosecrate in vnleauened bread they coÌsecrate in bread leauened 5. Item they say that the Romish church doth erre in the wordes of Baptisme for saying I baptise thee when they should say let this creature of God be baptised c. 6. They hold moreouer to
Aquitania and afterward a Frier This Hadrianus walking with his cardinals abroad to a place called Anagnia or Arignanum as Volateran calleth it chaunced to be choked with a flie getting into his throte and so was strangled who in the latter tyme of his papacie was woont to say that there is no more miserable kynd of lyfe in the earth then to bee a Pope and to come to the papacie by bloud that is said he not to succeed Peter but rather Romulus who to raigne alone did slay his brother Although this Adrian was bad enough yet came the next much worse one Alexander the 3. of that name Who yet was not elected alone for beside him the Emperor with 9. Cardinals albeit Sabellicus saith but with 3. did set vp another Pope named Victor the 4. Betwene these two Popes rose a soule schisme and great discord and long coÌtinued In so much that the Emperour being required to take vp the matter sent for them both to appeare before him that in hearing them both he might iudge theyr cause the better Victor came but Alexander disdaming that his matter should come in controuersie refused to appeare Whereupon the Emperour with a full consent of his Bishops and clergy about him assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand and so brought him into the Citie there to be receiued placed Alexander flying into FraÌce accused them both sending his letters to all christendom against them as men to be auoided and cast out of all christian company Also to get him frendes at Rome by flattery and mony got on his side the greatest part of the Citie both to the fauouring of him and to the setting vp of such Consuls as were for his purpose After this Alexander comming from France to Sicile and froÌ thence to Rome was there receiued with much fauour thorough the helpe of Phillip the French king The Emperour hearing this rebellion and conspiracie in Rome remooued with great power into Italy where he had destroyed diuers great cities Comming at length to Rome he required the Citizens that the cause betwixt the two Popes might bee decided and that he which had the best right might be takeÌ If they would so do he would restore agayne that which he tooke from them before Alexander mistrusting his part and doubtyng the willes of the Citizens hauing shippes ready prepared for hym from William Duke of Apulia fetcht a course about to Venice To declare here the difference in histories betweene Blondus Sabellicus and the Venetian chronicles with other writers concerning the order of this matter I will ouerpasse In this most do agree that the Pope beyng at Venice and required to be sent of the Venetians to the Emperour they would not send him Wherupon Fridericus the Emperour sent thither his sonne Otho with men and ships well apointed charging him not to atteÌpt any thing before his comming The yong man more hardy then circumspect ioyning with the Venetians was ouercome so taken was brought into the city Hereby the Pope toke no small occasion to worke his feates The father to helpe the captiuitie and miserye of hys sonne was compelled to submit hymselfe to the Pope and to intreat for peace So the Emperour commyng to Venice at S. Markes Church where the bishop was there to take hys absolution was bidde to kneele downe at the Popes feete Pope Alexander treading on the necke of Fredericke the Emperour Here as I note in diuers writers a great diuersitie and varietie touching the order of this matter of whome some say that the Emperour campt in Palestina before he came to Venice some say after so I meruell to see in Volaterane so great a fauourer of the pope such a contradiction who in his 22. book saith the Otto the Emperours sonne was taken in this conflict which was the cause of the peace betweene his father and the pope And in his 23. booke agayne saith that the Emperour himselfe was taken prisoner in the same battayle so afterward peace concluded tooke his iorney to Alia Palestina This P. in the time of his papacie whiche continued 21. yeares kept sundry councels both at Turo at Lateran where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand and other his predecessors As to binde all orders of the clergy to the vowe of chastitie which were not greatly to be reprehended if they would define chastitie aright For who so liueth not a chaste lyfe sayth he is no fit person to be a minister But herein lyeth an error full of much blindnes and also peril to thinke that matrimony immaculate as S. Paul calleth it is not chastitie but onely a single life that they esteeme to be a chaste life Now forasmuch as our english pope holy martyr called Thomas Becket happened also in the same tyme of this pope Alexander let vs somewhat also story of him so far as the matter shall seeme worthy of knowledge and to stand with truth To the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lyes of such popishe writers as paynt out his story men may the better iudge both of hym what he was and also of hys cause The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury IF the cause make a Martyr as is sayd I see not why we should esteeme Tho. Becket to dye a martyr more then any other whome the Princes sword doth here temporally punish for their temporall desertes To dye for the Church I graunt is a glorious matter But the Church as it is a spirituall and not a temporal Church so it standeth vpon causes spirituall and vpon an heauenly foundation as vpon sayth religion true doctrine sincere discipline obedience to Gods coÌmandements And not vpoÌ things pertaining to this world as possessions liberties exemptions priuileges dignities patrimonies and superiorities If these be geuen to the Churche I pray God churchmen may vse them wel but if they be not geuen the church cannot clayme theÌ or if they be takeÌ away that stadeth in the princes power To contend to Princes for the same it is no matter in my minde materiall to make a martyr but rather a rebellion agaynst them to whom we owe subiection Therfore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far froÌ the cause and title of a Martyr neyther can he be excused from a playne rebell against his prince so yet would I haue wished agayne the lawe rather publikely to haue found out his fault then the swords of men not biddeÌ not sent to haue smitten him hauing no speciall commandement neyther of the prince nor of the lawe so to doe For though the indignation of the Prince as the wise Prince sayth is death yet it is not for euery priuate persoÌ straghtwayes to reuenge the secret indignation of his Prince except he be publikely authorised thereunto And thus had bene as I suppose the better way the lawes first to haue executed
from the king or his Iustices who so doth the contrary that man to be tached and imprisoned 3. No man to be so bould once to appeale to the Pope or to the Archbishop of Canterbury out of England 4. That no decree or commandement proceeding from the authoritie of the pope or the Byshop of Canterbury to be receaued in EnglaÌd vnder payne of taking imprisoning 5. In generall to forbid any man to cary ouer anye commaundement or precept eyther of clerke or layman to the Pope or to the archbishop of Canterbury vnder payn of imprisonment 6. If any Bish. clerke abbot or lay man shal do contrary to this inhibitioÌ or wil keep the sentence of interditing the same incontinent to be thrust out of the land with all their kinred and to leaue all their goodes behinde them 7. All the possessions goodes cartell of such as fauour the pope or the Archbishop of CaÌterbury to be ceased and confiscate for the king 8. All such of the clergye as be out of the realme hauyng their contes and profites out of the land to be sommoned and warned through euery shyre within three moÌthes to repayre home eyther els their rentes and goods to returne to the king 9. That S. Peters pence should be no more payd to the Apostolicall see but to be reserued diligently in the kinges cofers and there to be at hys coÌmmaundement Arqâ haec ex Quadrilogo 10. That the Byshops of Salisbury and Norwicht be at the kings mercy and be somoned by the Sheriffe and bedels that they before the kings iustices do right to the K. and hys iustices because contrary to the statutes of Clarendon by commaundement they interdicted the land of Hugh Earle and published the same in their Dioces with out licence of the kinges iustices By these and such other lawes and decrees it may appeare that the abolyshing of the pope is no newe thing in the realme of England This onely difference there is the the P. being driuen out then could not be kept out so long as now he is The cause is that the tyme was not yet come that antechrist should so fully be reueled Neither was his wickednes then so fully ripe in those dayes as it hath bene now in our time Nowe these premised let vs returne where we left to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas becket The communication and controuersie betweene the king and Thomas Becket with hys Clergye THe king as is aforesayd conuenting hys Nobles and clerkes together required to haue the punishmeÌt of certayne misdoers of the Clergy But Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto the king came to this poynt to know whether he would consent with his clergy that the customes then set forth in the realme meaning by the first part of those decrees aboue specified should be obserued To which the Archbishop consulting together with hys brethren geueth aunswere agayne that he was contented the kings ordinaunces should be obserued adding this withall Saluo ordine suo that is sauing his order And so in like maner all the other byshops after being demanded in order answered with the same addition Saluo ordine suo Onely Hillarius bishop of Chichester perceauing the king to be exasperate with that addition instede of Saluo ordine agreed to obserue them Bona fide The king hearing theÌ not simply to agree vnto him but with an exceptioÌ was mightely offended who theÌ turning to the Archbishop and the Prelates sayd that he was not well contented with that clause of theirs Saluo ordine suo which he sayd was captious and deceitfull hauing some maner of venine lurking vnder therfore required an absolute graunt of them wtout any exception to agree to the kinges ordinaunces To this the Archbishop answered agayne that they had sworn vnto him their fidelitie both life body and earthly honor Saluo ordine suo and that in the same earthly honour also those ordinances were coÌprehended and to the obseruing they would bynde themselues after no other forme but as they had sworne before The king with this was moued all his nobilitie not a little As for the other bishops there was no doubt but they would easely haue relented had not the stoutnes of the Archb. made theÌ more constant then otherwise they would haue bene The day being wel speÌt the king when he could get no other aunswere of them departed in great anger geuing no word of salutatioÌ to the bishops And likewise the bishops euery one to his own house departed The bishop of Chichester amongest the rest was greatly rebuked of his fellowes for chauÌging the exception coÌtrary to the voice of al the other The next day following the king took from the archbishop all such honours Lordships as he had geueÌ him before in the tyme that he was chauncellor wherby appeared the great displeasure of the king agaynst him and the clergy Not long after this the king remouing from London vnknowing to the bishops sayled ouer to Normandy whither the bishop of London called Gilbert not long after resorted to craue the Kinges fauour gaue him councell withall to ioyne some of the bishops on his side least if al were against him peraduenture he might sooner be ouerthrowne And thus the greatest nuÌber of the bishops were by this meanes reconciled agayn to the King onely the archbishop with a few other remayned in their ââoutnes still The K. thinking to try all maner of wayes when he sawe no feare not threates could turne hym dyd assay him with geÌâlenes it would not serue Many of the nobles labored betwixt theÌ both exhorting him to relent to the King it would not be Likewise the archbishop of Yorke with diuers other Byshops and abbots especially the bish of Chester did the same Besides this his own houshold dayly called vpon him but no man could perswade him At leÌgth vnderstaÌding partly by them the came to him what daunger might happen not onely to himselfe but to al the other clergy vpon the kings displeasure partly considering the old loue kindnes of the king towardes him in tyme past was content to geue ouer to the kinges request came to Oxeford to him reconciling himselfe about the addition which displeased the king so much WherupoÌ the king being somewhat mittigate receiueth him with a more cheerful countenance but yet not all so familiarly as before saying that he would haue his ordinaunces and proceedinges after the forme confirmed in the publike audience opeÌ sight of his Byshops and all his Nobles After this the K. being at Clarendon there called all his pieres and prelates before him requiring to haue that performed which they had promised in consenting to the obseruing of his grandfathers ordinaunces and proceedings The archbishop suspecting I cannot tell what in yâ kings promise drew backward now would not that he would before At last with much a doe he was enforced to geue assent First came to him
departure began to be knowne and noysed abroad the kinges officers came to Canterbury to season vppon hys goodes in the kinges behalfe But as it chanced the night before their comming Becket being returned and founde at home they did not proceede in their purpose Upon this the Archbishop vnderstanding the kyng sore bent agaynst hym and the seas not to serue hym made hast to the court lying then at woodstock Where the king receaued him after a certayne maner but nothing so familiarly as he was wont taunting him gestingly merily as though one realme were not able to hold them both Becket although he was permitted to go and come at his pleasure to the court yet could not obtaine the fauour that he would perceiuing both in himselfe and confessing no lesse to other how the matter would fall out so that eyther he should be coÌstrayned to geue ouer with shame or stoutly stand to that which he had so holdly taken in hand The Archbishop of Yorke in the meane time going betweene the kyng and the Archbish. laboured to make a peace loue betweene them but the King in no case would be reconciled vnlesse the other would subscribe to his lawes So the while neyther the K. would otherwise agree nor yet the archb in any wise would subscribe there was a foule discorde Where the fault was let the reader here iudge betwene theÌ both The K. for his regall authoritie thought it much that any subiect of hys should stand agaynst him The Archb. agayne bearing himselfe bold vppon the authoritie especially vpon the letters of the P. lately writteÌ to him thought hym strong inough agaynst the king all hys realme Againe such was his quarell for the maintenance of liberties and glory of the Church that he could lacke no setters on fauourers in that behalfe in so swete a cause amongest the clergy Wherfore the Archb. trusting to these thinges would geue no place but by vertue of his Apostolike authoritie gaue censure vpon these lawes and constitutions of the king condemning some other some approuing for good and catholicke as is before declared Besides this there came also to the K. Rotrodus Archbishop of Rotomage sent from the Pope to make peace betweene the K. and Canterbury Whereunto the king was well content so that the Pope would agree to ratifie hys ordinances But wheÌ that could in no wise be obtayned at the Popes handes then the king beyng stopped and frustrate of hys purpose by reason of Beckets Apostolike legacie being Legatus a Latere thought good to send vp to the pope and so dyd to obtayne of hym that the same authoritie of the Apostolike Legacy might be conferd to an other after his appointment which was the Archbishop of Yorke But the pope denied Notwithstanding at the request of the kings Clergy the Pope was content that the king should be Legate hymselfe whereat the kyng tooke great indignation as Houeden writeth so that he sent the Pope hys letters agayne Here the Pope was perplexed on both sides If he should haue denied the kyng that was to hote for him For the Pope vseth always to hold in with kings howsoeuer the world speedeth Agayne if he should haue forsaken such a churchly chaplen the cause being so sweete and so gainefull that should haue bene agaynst himselfe what did he theÌ Here now commeth in the old practise of popish prelacy to play with both hands priuily he coÌspireth with the one and openly dissembleth with the other First he granted to the kings ambassadors their request to haue the Legate remooued and to place in that office the Archbishop of Yorke after his owne contentation and yet notwithstanding to tender the cause of Tho. Becket he addeth this promise withall that the sayd Becket should receiue no harme or damage therby Thus the Pope craftily conneying the matter betwene them both glad to further the Archbishop for his owne aduantage and yet lothe to deny the king for displeasure writeth to the king openly and also secretly directeth another letter to Becket the contents wherof here follow Alexander the Pope to Thomas Archb. of Caunterbury ALthough we condescending to the kings request haue grauÌted the gifte of our legacie after his minde from you yet let not your minde therby be discomforted nor brought into sighes of dispaire For before that we had graunted that or gaue oure consent thereunto the kings ambassadours firmely promised in the word of trueth ready also to be sworne vpon the same if I would haue so required that their letters also which he had obtained should not be deliuered to the Archbishop of York without our knowledge and consent therein This is certaine and so perswade your self boldly without any scruple doubt or mistrust that it was neuer my minde or purpose nor euer shal be God willing to subdue you or your Church vnder the obedience of any person to be subiect saue onely to the Bishop of Rome And therfore we warne you and charge you that if you shall perceiue the king to deliuer these foresaide letters which we trust he will not attempt without our knowledge to doe forthwith by some trustie messenger or by your letters you will geue vs knowledge therof wherby we may prouide vpoÌ the same both for your person your Churche and also your citie committed to you to be clerely exempt by our authoritie Apostolicall from all power iurisdiction of any legacie Upon these letters and such other as is sayd before Becket seemed to take all his boldnesse to be so stoute and sturdy against his Prince as he was The Pope beside these sent secretly this Chaplaine of hys and directed an other letter also vnto the king granting and permitting at his request to make the Archbishop of Yorke Legate Apostolicall The king after he had receiued his letters sent from the Pope beganne to put more strength to his purposed procedings against the Archbishop first beginning wyth the inferiors of the clergy such as were offenders agaynst his lawes as fellons robbers quarellers breakers of peace and especially such as had committed homicide and murders wherof more then an hundred at that time were prooued vpon the clergy as witnesseth Guliel NeuburgeÌsis in his booke de gestis Anglorum lib. 2. cap. 16 vrging and coÌstraining them to be arreigned after the order of the lawe temporall and iustice to be ministred to them according to their deserts as first to be depriued and so to be committed to the secular hands This seemed to Becket to derogate froÌ the liberties of holy church that the secular power should passe in causes criminall or sit in iudgemeÌt against any ecclesiasticall person This law the roisters then of the clergy had picked and forged out of Anacletus Euaristus by whole falsly alleaged and pretensed authoritie they haue deduced this their constitution from the Apostles which geueth immunity to all ecclesiasticall persons to be free from
Robert Earle of Leycester to declare to him what was his iudgement To whom the Archbyshop answereth heare my sonne good Earl what I say vnto you how much more precious the soule is more then the body so much more ought you to obey me in the lord rather then your terrene king Neither doth any law or reason permit the children to iudge or coÌdemne their father Wherfore to auoid both the iudgement of the king of you and all other I put my selfe only to the arbitrement of the Pope vnder God alone to be iudged of him and of no other To whose presence heere before you all I doe appeale committing the ordering of the Church of Cant. my dignitie with all other things appertaining to the same vnder the protection of God and him And as for you my brethren fellow Byshops which rather obey man then god you also I call and cite to the audience and iudgement of the pope and depart hence foorth from you as from the ennemies of the Catholike Church and of the authoritie of Apostolike see While the Barons returned with this aunswere to the king the Archbishop passing through the throng taketh to him his Palfrey holding his Crosse in one hande and his bridle in the other the courtiers following after and crying traytor traytor tary heare thy iudgement But he passed on till he came to the vttermost gate of the Courte which being fast locked there had ben staid had not one of his seruants called Peter surnamed Demunctorio finding ther a bunche of keyes hanging by first prooued one key then an other till at last finding the true key had opened the gate and let him out The archbishop went straight to the house of Chanons where hee did lie calling vnto hym the poore where they could be found When supper was done making as though he would go to bed which he caused to be made betwixt two altares priuely while the king was at supper prepareth his iorny secretly to escape away and chaunging his garment and his name being called Derman first went to Lincolne from thence to Sandwiche where he tooke ship and sailed into Flaunders and from thence iourneyed to Fraunce as Houedenus sayth All be it Alanus differing something in the order of his flight sayth that he departed not that night but at supper time came to him the bishop of London Chichester declaring to him that if he would surrender vp to the king his two maners of Oxforde wyngecham there were hope to recouer the kings fauour to haue all remitted But when the Archbishop would not agree therunto forasmuch as those maners were belonging to the Churche of Canterburie the king hearing thereof great displeasure was taken In so much that the next day Becket was faine to sende to the king two bishops and his chaplein for leaue to depart the realme To the which message the king answered that he would take a pause therof til the next day then he should haue an answere But Becket not tarying his answere the same day conueied himselfe away secretely as is aforesayde to Ludouicus the French king But before he came to the king Gilbert the bishop of London William the earle of Arundel sent froÌ the king of England to Fraunce preuented him requiring of the said French king in the behalf of the king of England that he would not receiue nor retaine in his dominion the archb of Canterbury Moreouer that at his instance he wold be a meanes to the pope not to shewe any familiaritie vnto him But the King of England in this point semed to haue more confidence in the French king then knowledge of his disposition For thinking that the French king would haue bene a good neighbour to him in trusting him to much he was deceiued Neither considered he w e himselfe inough the maner nature of the Frenchmen at that tyme agaynst the realme of England who then were glad to seeke and take all maner of occasions to doe some act agaynst England And therefore Ludouicke the French king vnderstanding the matter thinking percase therby to haue some vauntage against the king and realme of England by the occasion hereof contrary to the kings letters and request not onely harboreth and cherisheth this Derman but also writing to the pope by his Almener and brother entreateth him vpon al loues as euer he would haue his fauor to tender the cause of the Archbishop Becket Thus the kinges Ambassadours repulsed of the French king returned at what tyme he sent an other ambassage vpoÌ the like cause to Alexander the pope theÌ being at Sene in France The Ambassadours seÌt in this message were Roger archbishop of Yorke Gilbert bishop of London Henry Bish. of Winchester Hilary Bish. of Chichester Bartholomew byshop of Exceter with other doctors clerkes also william Earle of Arundell with certayne moe Lordes Barons Who comming to the popes court were friendly accepted of certayne of the Cardinals amongst the which cardinals rose also dissention about the same cause some iudgyng the Bishop of Canterbury in the defence of the liberties of the Church as in a good cause to be mayntayned Some thinking agayn that he being a perturber of peace and vnitie was rather to be bridled for hys presumption then to be fostered incouraged therein But the P. partly bearing with his cause which onely tended to his exaltation and magnificence partly again incensed with the letters of the French king did wholy incline to Becket as no maruell was Wherfore the next day following the pope sitting in consistory with his Cardinals the ambassadours were called for to the hearing of Beckets matter and first beginneth the bishop of London next the Archbishop of Yorke then Exceter and the other Bishops euery one in their order to speake Whose orations being not well accepted of the Pope and some of them also disdayned the Earle of Arundel perceauing that and somewhat to qualifie and temper the matter to the Popes eares began after this maner ALthough to me it is vnknowen sayth he which am both vnlettered and ignorant what is that these Byshops heere haue sayde neither am I in that toung so able to expresse my minde as they haue done yet being sent and charged thereunto of my Prince neither can nor ought I but to declare as well as I may what the cause is of our sending hether Not truely to contende or striue with any person nor to offer any iniurie or harme vnto any man especially in this place and in the presence here of such a one vnto whose becke and authoritie all the world doth stoupe and yeelde But for this intent is our legacie hether directed to present here before you and in the presence of the whole church of Rome the deuotion and loue of our king and maister which euer he hath had and yet hath still toward you And that the same might the better
excommunicate 12 Theodosius the great Emperour for a fault which seemed not so waighty vnto other Priestes and shut him out of the Church who afterward by condigne satisfaction was absolued There are many other like examples for Dauid when he had committed adulterie and murther the prophet Nathan was sent vnto him by God to reprooue him and he was soone corrected And the king laying aside his scepter and Diademe and setting apart all princely maiestie was not ashamed to humble himselfe before the face of the Prophet to confesse his faulte to require forgeuenes for his offence what wil you more he being stricken with repentance asked mercy and obtained forgeuenes So likewise you most beloued king and reuerend Lord after the example of this good king Dauid of whom it is sayde I haue founde a man after mine owne heart with a contrite and humble heart turne to the Lorde your God and take holde of repentaunce for your transgressions For you are fallen and erred in many things which yet I kepe in store still if peraduenture God shall inspire you to say with the prophet haue mercy on me O god according to thy great mercye for I haue sinned much against thee donâ euil in thy sight Thus much I haue thought good to write to you my deare Lorde at this present passing other things in silence till I may see whether my wordes take place in you and bring foorth fruits in you worthy of repentance and that I may heare and reioyce with them that shall bring me worde and say Oh king thy sonne was dead and is aliue againe was lost and is founde againe But if you will not heare me looke where I was wont before the maiestie of the body of Christ to pray for you in aboundance of teares sighes There in the same place I will crie against you and say Rise vp Lord and iudge my cause forget not the rebukes and iniuries which the king of England doeth to thee and thine forget not the ignominie of thy Church which thou hast builded in thy bloud Reuenge the bloud of thy saintes which is spilt reuenge O Lord the afflictions of thy seruants of whome there is an infinite number For the pride of them which hate persecute thee is gone vp so highe that we are not able to beare them any longer Whatsoeuer your seruant shall do all those things shall be required at your handes for he seemeth to haue done the harme which hath geuen the cause thereof Doubtlesse the sonne of the most highest except you amende and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergie and keepe your hand from troubling of them wil come in the rod of his furie at the voices of such as cry to him and at the sighes of them that be in bands when the time shal come for him to iudge the vnrighteousnesse of men in equitie and seueritie of the holy ghost For he knoweth how to take away the breath of Princes and is terrible among kings of the eartheâ Your deare and louing grace I wish well to fare Thus fare ye well againe and euer ¶ Certaine notes or elenches vpon this Epistle which by the figures you may finde out and their places 1. The scope of this Epistle is this to proue that bishops and priests ought not to come vnder the court and coÌtrolment of temporall power 2. This similitude holdeth not For though the smalnesse of a Citie blemisheth not the prerogatiue of a kingdome yet the euilnes and rebellion of a Citie doth worthely blemish his owne prerogatiue 3. So sayth the Popes decrees Dist. 10. but the Scripture of God importeth otherwise Abiathar the Priest was deposed of king Salomon not for any heresie but for other causes 3. Reg. 1.2 Ionathas tooke his priesthoode of king Alexander And Simon of Demetrius 1. Mach. 7. Christ offered tribute to Cesar for him and for Peter Also Peter sayeth be ye subiect to euery humaine creature and it followeth whether it be to the king as to the chiefe c. Item Pope Leo submitted himselfe to Ludouicus the Emperor with these words And if we do any thing incompetently and do swarue from the path of righteousnes we wil stand to your reformation or of them whom you shall send 2.9.7 Hos. 4. Notwithstanding the saide Constantinus wryting to the bishops coÌgregated at Tyrus first chideth them then commaÌdeth them to resort vnto his presence to haue their cause iudged and decided Trip hist. lib. 3. cap. 7. 5. The father vnder obedience c. If fatherhoode goe by age I suppose that king Henry was elder then Becket If fatherhoode consist in authoritie I iudge the authoritie of a king to be aboue the authoritie of an Archbishop If the see of Canterburie make the fatherhoode yet had Becket no cause to claime fatherhood ouer the king seeing the sonne ordeined the father that is seeing the king made him his Archbishop and not he made him his king 6. By wicked bonds Al is wicked with the Papists that bringeth them in subiection to their Princes 7. Ecclesiasticall matters be suche as properly belong to doctrine and deuine knowledge for the institution of the soule and information of conscience In which both Princes and subiects ought to followe their pastors so long as they go truely before them without error or els not But what maketh this for the lands liberties of churchmen 8. Punishment due to malefactors and rebelles is not to be called persecution but due correction 9. Saule brake the commandement of God and was reiected Ozias coÌtrary to the commandement of God tooke the office of a priest and was striken Oza against the expresse word of the law put his hand toy arke was punished But what expresse word had k. HeÌry why he should not correct and punish rebellious bishoppes and wicked priests within his owne realme wherefore these similitudes accorde not As for Achas he was not so much punished for taking the priests office as for spoyling the temple of the Lord and offering to Idoles 10. Common lawes S. Augustin wryting to Boniface sayeth thus Whosoeuer obeyeth not the lawes of the Emperor being made for the veritie of God procureth to himselfe great punishment For in the time of the prophets all the kings which did not forbidde and subuert all such things as were vsed of the people against the law of God are rebuked And such as did with stand them are commended aboue the rest August 11. Isidorus hath these wordes Let temporal princes know that they must render accoÌpt to God for the church which they haue at the hands of God to gouerne c. 12. The case of Archadius Theodosius Dauid of this king as touching this mater hath no similitude In them was murder This king doeth nothing but claime that which is his due And though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted yet it argueth not therefore that the persons of them which haue the
vse of the spirituall sword are aboue the persons of them which haue the temporall sworde Besides these letters of the Archbyshoppe sent to the king the Pope also in the same cause wryteth to the king beginning after this sort Alexander Papa ad Henricum regé Et naturali ratione forma iuris dictante prouidentiam tuam credimus edoctam fuisse quòd quanto quis ab aliquo maiora suscepisse dignoscitur tanto ei obnoxior magis obligatus tenetur c. The whole tenour of the letter as ãâã wrote it to the king I would heere expresse but for treating of the time straightnesse of rowme hauing so many things els in this storie by the grace of Christ to be comprehended But the letter tendeth to this effect to exhort and charge the king to shew fauour to Thomas Becket Where in the processe of the Epistle it followeth in these wordes Ea propter seueritatem tuam per Apostolica scripta rogamus monemus exhortamur in domino nec non in remessionem peccatorum ex parte dei omnipotentis beati Petri principis Apostolorum antoritate nostra iniungimus vt memoratum Archiepiscopum pro deo ecclesia sua honore tuo nec non totius regni tui in gratiam fauorem tuum recipias c. That is therfore we desire you monish and exhort your honor by these our Apostolical wrytings and also enioyne you vpoÌ the remission of your sinnes in the behalfe of almighty God and of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles by our authoritie that you will receiue againe the foresayde Archb. into your fauour and grace for the honour of God his Church and of your owne Realme c. Thus you heard the Popes intreating letter nowe here is an other letter sent vnto the foresaid king wherein he doth manace him as in the tenor thereof here followeth Bishop Alexander seruant of the seruants of God to king Henry king of England health and blessing Apostolicall HOw fatherly and gently we haue oft times entreated and exhorted both by Legates and letters your princely honour to be reconciled againe with our reuerend brother Thomas Archb. of Cant. so that he and his may be restored againe to their Churches and otheâ possessions to them appertaining your wisdome is not ignorant seeing it is notified and spred almost throughout all Christendome For so much therefore as hetherto we coulde not preuaile with you neither moue nor stirre your minde with faire and gentle wordes it lamenteth vs not a little so to be frustrate and deceiued of the hope and expectation which we had conceiued of you Especially seing we loue you so dearely as our owne dearely beloued sonne in the Lorde and vnderstanding so great ieopardie to hang ouer you But forasmuch as it written Cry out and cease not lift vp thy voice like a trumpe and declare to my people their wickednesse and their sinnes to the house of Iacob Also for as much as it is in Salomon commaunded that the sluggish person should be stoned with the dung of Oxen we haue thought good therefore not to forbeare or supporte your stubburnes any longer against iustice and saluation Neither that the mouth of the foresaid Archbishop shoulde be stopped from hencefoorth any more but that he may freely prosecute the charge of his office and duetie to reuenge with the sworde of Ecclesiasticall discipline the iniuries both of himselfe and of his Church committed to his charge And here I haue sent vnto you two Legates Petrus de ponte dei and Bernardus de Corilio to admonish you of the same But if ye wil neither by vs be aduertised nor geue eare to them in obeying it is to be feared doubtles least such things as they shall declare to you from vs in our behalfe may happen fal vpon you Datch at Beneuent the 9. day before the kalends of Iune To aunswer these letters againe there was an other certain wryting drawne out directed to the Pope made by some of the Clergy as it seemeth but not without consent of the king as by the title may appeare inueying and disprouing the misbehauior of the Archbishop The tenor whereof here followeth and beginneth thus An answere to the Pope TIme nowe requireth more to seeke helpe then to make complaints For so it is nowe that the holy mother Churche our sinnes deseruing the same lieth in a dangerous case of great decay which is like to ensue except the present mercy of the Lord support her Such is the wickednes now of schismatikes that the father of fathers Pope Alexander for the defence of his faith and for the loue of righteousnes is banished out of his countrey not able to keepe free residence in his owne proper see by reason of the induratâ heart of Fredericke the Pharao Farther and besides the Church also of Canterburie is miserably impaired and blemished as well in the spirituall as in the temporall estate much like vnto the ship in the Sea being destitute of their guide to fled in the floudes and wrasteling wiâh the windes while the pastor being absent from his prouince dâre not there remain through the power of the king Who being ouer wise to the ieoperdie both of himselfe his Churche and vs also hath brought and intangled vs likewise with himselfe in the same partaking of his punishments and labours not considering howe we ought to forbeare and not to resist superior powers And also sheweth himselfe to vs vnkinde which with al our affections bear the burden with him of his afflictions not ceasing yet to persecute vs which stand in the same condemnation with him For betwixt him and our soueraigne prince king of Englande arose a certaine matter of contention wherupon they were both agreed that a day shoulde be appoynted to haue the controuersie discussed by equitie and iustice The day being come the king commaunded all the Archbyshops Bishops and other prelates of the Church to be called in a great and solemne frequencie so that the greater and more generall this councell was the more manifest the detection of this stubburne malice should appeare and be espied At the day therefore aboue mentioned this troubler of the realme and of the Church presenteth himselfe in the sight of our Catholicke king who not trusting the qualitie and condition of his cause armeth him with the armour of the crosse as one which should be brought to the presence of a tyrant By reason whereof the kings maiestie being something agreeued yet because hee would be deliuered from all suspition committeth the matter to the hearing of the Bishops This done it rested in the bishops to decide and cease this contention and to set agreement betweene them remouing all occasion of dissention Which thing they going about commeth in this foresayd Archbishop forbidding and commaunding that no man proceede in any sentence of hym before the king This being signified to the kings hearing his minde was greuously prouoked
vp of your letter where ye bring in for your appellation against me a safegarde for you which rather in deede is an hinderance to you that we shoulde not proceede against the inuaders of the Churche goodes nor against the King in like censure as we haue done against the bishoppe of Salisburie as yee say and hys Deane To this I aunswere God forbidde that we haue or els shoulde heereafter proceede or do any thing against the king or his lande or against you or your Churches inordinately or otherwise then is conuenient But what if you shall exceede in the same or like transgression as the Byshoppe of Salesburie hath done thinke yee then your appellation shall helpe you from the discipline of our seueritie that ye shall not be suspended Marke yee diligently whether this be a lawful appeale and what is the forme thereof We knowe that euery one that appealeth eyther doeth it in his owne name or in the name of an other if in hys owne name either it is for some greeuance inferred alreadie or els for that he feareth after to be inferred against him Concerning the first I am sure there is no greuance that you can complaine of as yet God be thanked that you haue receiued at my hand for the which you should appeale froÌ me neither haue you I trust any cause speciall against me so to doe If ye doe it for feare that is to come least I shoulde trouble you and your Churches consider whether this be the appeale which ought to suspende or stay our power and authoritie that we haue vppon you and your Churches It is thought therefore of wise men and we also iudge no lesse your appeale to be of no force First for that it hath not the right forme of a perfect appellation and also because it is not consonante to reason and lacketh order and helpe of the lawe Furthermore if your appellation be in an other mans name either it is for the King as moste like it is or for some other If it be for the king than ye ought first to vnderstande that appellations are woont to be made to repell and not to inferre iniurie or to release such as be oppressed that they shoulde not be oppressed any more Wherefore if any man shall enter any appellation not trusting to the suretie of his cause but to delay the time that sentence be not geuen vpon him that appellation is not to be receaued For what state will there be of the Church if the libertie therof being taken away the goods of the Church spoyled the bishops driuen from their places or at least not receiued with full restitution of their goodes the inuaders and spoylers therof may defend themselues by appealing thereby to saue themselues from the penalty of their desert What a ruine of the Church will this be See what ye haue done and what ye say Be you noâ the vicares of Christ representing him in earth Is it not your office to correcte and bridle ill doers whereby they may cease to persecute the Church And is it not inough for them to be fierce to rage against the church but that you should take their part setting your selues against vs to the destruction of the church Who euer heard of so monstrous doings Thus it shall be heard and sayde of all nations and countries that the Suffraganes of the Church of Caunterburie which ought to stande with their Metropolitane vnto death in defence of the Churche nowe goe about by the kings commaundement so much as in them doth lie to suspend his autoritie least he shuld exercise his Discipline of correction vppon them that rebell against the Church This one thing I knowe that you cannot sustaine two sortes of persons at once both to be the appeale makers and to be appealed vp your selues You be they which haue made the appellation and you be they against whome the appellation is made Is there any more churches then one and the body of the same And howe meete were it than that you being the members of the Churche shoulde holde together with the heade therof I am afraide brethren least it may be sayde of vs These be the Priestes which haue sayde where is the Lorde and hauing the lawe doe not knowe the law Furthermore this I suppose you being discrete men are not ignoraunt of that such as enter any appellation there are not wont to be hearde vnlesse the matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselues or except speciall commaundement force them thereunto or else vnlesse they take an other mannes cause vpon them First that it belongeth nothing vnto you it is plaine for so muche as the contrary rather pertaineth to your duetie that is to punish and to correct all such as rebell against the Church And if he which subuerteth the libertie of the Churche and inuadeth the goodes therof conuerting them to his owne vse be not heard appealing for hys owne defence much lesse is an other to be heard appealing for him Wherefore as in this case neither he can appeale for himself not yet commaund you so to do so neither may you receiue the commaundement to appeale for him Thirdly as touching the taking of an other mannes cause or businesse vpon you to this I say and affirme that yee ought in no maner of wise so to doe specially seeing the matter pertaineth to the oppression of the Church and whereupon ensueth great damage to the same Wherefore seeing it neither appertaineth to you neither ought yee to receiue any such commaundement nor yet to take vppon you any such cause as that is your appeale is neither to be hard nor standeth with any lawe Is this the deuotion and consolation of brotherly loue which you exhibite to your Metropolitane being for you in exile God forgeue you this clemencie And how nowe will ye looke for your letters and messengers to be gently receiued heere of vs Neither doe I speake this as though there were any thing in hande betwixt your part and oures or that we haue done any thing inordinately against the person of the king or against his lande or against the persones of the Church or intende by Gods mercie so to doe And therefore we say briefly affirme constantly that our Lorde the king can not complaine of any wrong or iniurie to be done vnto him if he being often called vpon by letters and messengers to acknowledge his fault neither will confesse his trespasse nor yet come to any satisfaction for the same haue the censure of seueritie by the Pope and vs laide vpon him For no man can say that he vniustly is entreated whome the lawe doeth iustly punish And briefly to conclude knowe you this for certaine that extortioners inuaders detailners of the Church goodes and subuerters of the liberties therof neither haue any authoritie of the lawe to maintaine them neyther doth their appealing defend them c. ¶ A briefe Censure vpon the
former rescript of Becket to his Suffraganes in the page before with a generall resolution of the reasons therein contained If the king of England had bene an idolater couetous an adulterer an incest a murderer with such like than the zeale of this Archbishop threatning the king and such as tooke his part had deserued praise in this Epistle the scripture would haue borne him out therein For these and suche causes should byshops prosecute the authoritie of the Gospell against all persones But the matter standing onely vpon Church goods libertie or rather licentiousnes of Priests making of Deanes titles of Churches superioritie of crowning the king with such other to stand so stiffe in these is not to defend the church but to rebel against the king Againe if the principles which hee heere groundeth vpon were true to witte that the Pope were to be obeied before Princes that the liberty of Church standeth vpon the immunitie of priests exempted from princes lawes or vpon ample possessions of the Churche or that the Popes lawe ought to preuaile in all forreine countreis and to binde all princes in their owne dominions or that the sentence of the Pope his Popelings how or by what affection so euer it is pronounced may stande by the vndoubted sentence of God Then all the arguments of this Epistle doe proceede and conclude wel But if they stand not ratified vpon gods worde but tottering vpon mans traditions Then whatsoeuer he inferreth or concludeth thereupon his assumpt being false can not be true according to the schoole saying One inconuenience being graunted in the beginning innumerable follow thereupon So in this Epistle it happeneth as is aboue noted that the Maior of this man is true but the Minor is cleane false and to be denied ¶ The letter of Matild the Empresse and mother of the king To Thomas Becket MY Lord the Pope commanded me and vpon the forgeuenes of my sinnes inioyned me that I should be a mediatour and meanes of peace and concorde betweene my sonne and you by reconciling of your selfe to him wherunto as you know ye requested me Wherefore the earnester and with more affection as well for the diuine honour as for holy Church I tooke the enterprise vpon me But this by the way I assure you that the king his Barons and counsell taketh it grieuously that you whome he entirely loued honored and made chiefest in al his Realme to the intent to haue more comfort and better trust in you should thus as the report is rebell and stirre his people against him Yea and further that asmuch as in you lieth you went about to disherite him and depriue him of his crowne Vpon the occasion whereof I sent vnto you our trustie and familiar seruant Laurence Archdeacon by whome I pray you that I may vnderstand your minde herein and good wil towarde my sonne and howe you meane to behaue your selfe if my prayer and petition may be heard of him in your behalfe toward his grace But this one thing I assure you off that vnlesse it be through your great humilitie and moderation euidently in you appearing you can not obtaine the fauour of the king Heerein what you meane to do I pray you sende me word by your proper letters and messengers But to proceede farther in the order of the historie After these letters sent to froe the yeare of our Lorde 1169 which was the 15. of the raigne of Henry the 2. The King misdoubting and fearing wyth himselfe that the Archbyshop would proceede or exceede rather in his excommunication against his owne person to preuent yâ mischiefe made his appeale to the presence of the pope requiring to haue certaine Legates sent downe from Rome from the popes side to take vp the matter betwene the Archbishop and him requiring moreouer that they might also be absolued that were interdicted whereupon two Cardinals being sent from Alexander the Pope with letters to the King came into Normandie where they appoynted the Archb. to meete them before the King vpon S. Martines day But the Archb. neither agreeing wyth the day nor place delaied his comming to the viâj day after neyther would any further go then to Brisorlium Where the two Cardinals and the Archb. with other bishops conuenting together had a certaine intreatie of peace and reconciliation but came to no conclusion The coÌtents of which intreatie or action because it is sufficiently contained in the Cardinals letters who were called Bulieânus Otho written to the pope it shal require no further labour but to shew out the wordes of the letter where the summe of the whole may appeare The wordes of the letter be these ¶ The copie of the Epistle written and sent by two Cardinals to the Pope concerning the matter of the Archbishop Becket WIlliam Otho Cardinals of the Church of Rome to Alexander the Pope c. CoÌming to the land of the K. of EnglaÌd we founde the controuersie betwixt him and the Archb. of Canterburie more sharpe and vehement then we would For the king and the greater part of them about him said that the Archbyshop had stirred vp the French king grieuously against him And also the Earle of FlaÌders his kinsman who bare no displeasure to him before he made his open aduersary ready to warre against him as is by diuers euidences most certaine Thus when we came to Cadomus first to the kings speach we gaue the letters of your fatherhode to his hands which after that he had receiued and considered bringing foorth withall other letters receiued from you before something diuers and altering from these which he receiued of vs was moued stirred with no litle indignation saying that the Archbishop after our departure from you had receiued of you other contrary letters by the vertue whereof he was exempted from our iudgement so that he should not be compelled to aunswere vs. Moreouer the said king to vs added and affirmed and so did the bishops there present testifying the same that coÌcerning the old and ancient customes of his progenitors wherof complaint was made to you al that for the most part was false vntrue which was intimate to you Offering farther to vs that if there were any such customes or lawes in his time that seemed preiudicial or disagreeable to the statutes of the Church he wold willingly be content to reuoke and disanul the same Whereupon we with other Archbishops Bishops Abbotes of the land hearing the king so reasonable laboured by al meanes we might that the king should not vtterly breake from vs but rather should incline to vs to haue the matter brought before vs betwixt him the forenamed Archbishop By reason whereof we directed out our own Chapleins with letters vnto him appoynting him both time and place where safely hee might meete with vs in the feast of S. Martin Neuerthelesse he pretending certaine excuses made his dilatories driuing of the time from the day
of theyr appeale made to the Apostolick Sea to surcease those his doinges forbidding also the Parson of the Church in no wise to suffer those secular Clerks to be admitted into the Church All which yet notwithstanding the Archb. procedeth in his businesse And first placing in his Clerkes he suspendeth the Prior from his administration TheÌ he adiureth the Porters of the gate vpon theyr othe to let none of the Monks passe out of the house without his liceÌce The Monks likewise he coÌmauÌded by vertue of obedieÌce not to stray any where abroad without his leaue And further more one of the foresayd Monks which serued the appeal against him he vtterly banished from that Couent Vpon this the day next folowing Honorius the Prior trusting sayth the story on God and S. Thomas tooke his way to Rome sent in commission by the Couent to prosecute the appeale agaynst the Archbishop In this meane season a new iar began betwene that said Archb. and the Monkes about their rents and reuenues which the Archb. would haue committed to the receiuing keeping of 3. Monkes but the Supprior Geffray with the Couent in no case would suffer that wherabout there was a foule stirre The Archb. crauing the ayd of the king first had 3. Bishops sent downe to him of Couentry Norwich and Worcester Who being instant with the Monks to submitte their cause into the kinges handes like as the Archb. had done they vtterly refused it especially seing they had already referred the whole state of their cause to yâ determinatioÌ of the Apostolicall sea The king seing no other remedy came himselfe with the Archb. into the chapter house where he commaunded first the dores to be kept fast that none should enter but which by name were called for Amongst whoÌ were two Bishops to wit of Norwich and Durham and one Petrus Blesensis a learned man whose Epistles be yet extant in Libraries a chiefe worker in this matter against the Monkes Then was called in Geffrey the Supprior with a few other Monks whom he brought with him The king then first talking with the Archb. and his companye afterward with the Monkes labored to entreat them that they would let fall their appeal and so stand to the arbitremeÌt of him and of the Bishops concerning the cause which was betwene yâ Archb. and them in trauers To this the Monkes answered that these were good wordes but serued not for that time for somuch as theyr cause was alredy translated to the court of Rome now was presently in hearing before the Popes holinesse and therfore they could not ne would that iniury to their lord pope to refuse him and to put the matter to the iudgemeÌt of any other Then was it required of the Monkes that they would put the matter in comprimise in case the prior would consent thereto vpon this entent that if the Prior consented and the Monks not then should they runne in contempt and disobedience or if the Monkes would consent and the Prior not then should the Prior be excluded the Realme The wily Monkes being not vnprouided of this subtlety made theyr answere that seing they had sent their prior forth in their commission it stood not with their honesty to geue any determinate conseÌt without the knowledge and before the returne of the sayd Prior vnlesse the Archb. first would promise to make full restitution of all that he had wrongfully wrasted from theÌ When the king could get no other answere of the Monks neither could moue the Archb. to release the sentence of their suspension vnles they would confesse and knowledge theyr fault he so parting from them passed ouer into Fraunce Not long after this came a messenger froÌ Rome bringing letters from Pope Vrbanus to the Archb. wherin the pope considering tendering as he sayd the enorme greuaunces done against the Monkes straightly enioined commaunded him within x dayes after the receiuing therof to release the sentence of his suspension against that Prior and other of the sayd Couent and also to retract restore agayne to the Monkes whatsoeuer he plucked from them since the time of their appeale first made Who in case he should deny or forslack the doing hereof commission was geuen to 3. Abbots of Bartaile of Feuersham of S. Austens with ample authority to performe the same c. The Archb. receiuing these letters brought to him by a Monk of the foresayd house first made his excuse that the Pope was misinformed But the Monkes not contented wyth that excuse when they would needs know what answere he would make to the Popes nuncio his answere was that he had yet x dayes geuen him of the pope In which mean time the Archb. went to LoÌdon and there in the church of S. Paul consecrated his holy oyle creame making one of the Popes 7. Sacraments which was grieuously takeÌ in the church of Cant. At last the x. daics being ended wheÌ the Archb. refused to accoÌplish that was in the popes letter enioyned him the 3. Abbots aforesayd to execute the Popes commaundement came at their day assigned to Cant. and there assoyled all such as the Archb. before had suspeÌded and in the end certified pope Vrbane by letters what they had done The Archb. hearing this within 4. dayes after sent 2. of his Clerks which appealed the 3. Abbots aforesayd vp to Rome and he himselfe in the mean time prepared busily for the building vp of his church sending to al churches in England vpon releasement of their sinnes to confer to the same and to make the more haste for lack of free stone he made vp his building with timber and such other stuff as he could get The prior Honorius all this while remayned still at yâ court of Rome geuing attendaunce vpon the Pope who hauing intelligeÌce of the archbishops doings procured an other letter of Pope Vrbane to the whole clergy of England straightly enioyning them that none should confer to the new fraternity of Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury To these letters the Archbish. shewed such reuerence that where before he had planted his chappell of wood and boordes now he prouided the same to be builded of lyme and stone By this time Petrus Blesensis with other messengers of the Archb. seing Honorius the Prior to be gone from the court to Fraunce resorted to the court of Rome bringing with them letters of credite from the king from the Archb. also froÌ other Bishops of the realme but the pope reading onely the kings letters the archbishops the residue he cast into a window by saying he would read theÌ at further leisure TheÌ the pope geuing audience in his coÌsistory to heare their cause first came in Petrus Blensensis with the agents of the Archb. exhibiting their letters and propounding their requests to the Pope which were that restitution should be made by the Monkes to the Archb.
Norwich Thus was Stephen Langton in the high Church of Uiterby by the popes hand made archbishop of Canterbury From thenceforth therefore sayth Mathew Paris the pope could do no lesse but mightily defend him from al vexation and daunger considering that he was his owne deare deareling and a childe of his owne creation Upon this occasion king Iohn conceiued an exceding displeasure against the Clergie and Monkes of Canterb. as he had good cause they doing so many euils against his Princely prerogatiue Without his licence they elected their Archb. and put by the Bishop of Norwich whome he had apointed They wasted a great part of his treasure for the warres and to bring all to the deuil they made Stephen Langton their high Metropolitane whom he tooke for a greuous enemy vnto the whole realm being alwais so familiar with the French king Wherefore in his anger hee banished them out of the laÌd to the number of 64. for this their contumacie and contempt of his regall power â The monkes of Canterburie thus being expulsed the king forthwith sendeth messengers to the Pope wyth his letters wherin he doth sharply and expressely expostulate with the Pope First for that so vncourteously he repulsed the election of the bishop of Norwich and set vp one Stephen Langton a man vnknowne to him and brought vp amongest hys ennemies a long time in the kingdome of Fraunce consecrating him Archb. of Cant. and letting the other goe Also which is more it redoundeth to the subuersion and derogatioÌ of the liberties appertaining to his crowne for notwithstaÌding his consent past being before of the monks not made priuy which should so haue done yet he rashly presumed to promote and preferre another Wherfore he can not maruaile he sayth enough that neither the sayd Pope nor the Court of Rome doth consider and reuolue with themselues how necessary his loue and fauour hath bene alwayes hetherto to the sea of Rome that they consider not what great profite and reuenewes hath proceeded hetherto to them out of the realme of EnlaÌd the like wherof hath not ben receiued out of any other countrey besides on this side the Alpes He addeth moreouer and sayth that for his liberties he wil stande if neede be vnto death neither can he be so remooued and shaken of from the election of the B. of Norwich which hee seeth to be so commodious to him and profitable Finally hee thus concludeth saying that in no case in this his request he be not heard hee will so prouide by the seas that there shal be no such gadding coursing any more ouer to rome suffring the riches of the lande no more to be transported ouer whereby he shoulde be himselfe the lesse able to resist his enemies And seing he hath of his own at home archbishops bishops other prelates of the Churche both of English men of other sufficiently prouided instructed in all kinde of knowledge therfore he shal not nede greatly to seeke for iudgement and iustice farther abroad When these came to the Popes intelligeÌce he directeth letters to tââ king againe in this forme INnocentius P. seruant of the seruants of God to our welbeloued sonne in Christ the king of England health Apostolicall blessing Where as we haue written to you heretofore exhorting and entreating you after an humble diligent and geÌtle sort concerning the Church of Cant. you haue written to vs againe after a threatning sort and vpbraiding manner both spitefully and also frowardly And where as we more and aboue that oure right and duety required haue borne and gâuen to you you againe for your part haue geuen to vs not so much as by right duety you are bound to do And though your deuotion as you say hath ben to vs very necessary yet consider againe that ours also is not a litle opportune expedient for you And where as we in such like cases haue not shewed at any time the like honor to any prince as we haue vnto you you againe haue so much derogated our honor as no prince els hath presumed to do besides you alone pretending certaine friuolous causes occasions I caÌnot tel what why you would not condescend to the election of Steuen Langton Cardinall of S. Chrysogono chosen by the Monkes of Cant for that the said StepheÌ as you say hath ben coÌuersant brought vp amongst your enemies and his person to you vnknowne But you knowe what is the prouerbe of Salomon the net is cast but in vaine in the sight of the flying birdes c. With much other matter in the same Epistle wherein he falleth into the commendation of Steuen Langton his Cardinall declaring howe learned he was in the liberall artes and in diuinitie in so muche he was pâebendated at Paris also come of an honest stocke and an Englishman borne and not vnknowen to the king seeing the king had written his letters thrise to him before Declaring moreouer in the said letter how the messengers of the King had specified to him an other cause which was for the the moÌks of Cant. which had to doe in the election came not to hym before for his coÌsent declaring moreouer in the said letter how the said messengers of the king intreated in the kings behalfe that for so much as the popes letters wherein the king was commaunded to send his proctors to Rome for the same matter came not to the kings hande neither did the Monkes direct any such letters or message to the king to haue his consent therefore the Pope considering the same woulde graunt so much for the regarde of the kings honor that the monkes of Cant. should not procede without the kings assent therein And for as much as that hath not bene done as yet therefore they desired some delay therein to be geuen sufficient for the doing therof whereunto he said that he had graunted fulfilled their request in sending hys letters and messengers once or twise to the king for the same purpose although he sayd it was not the maner of the sea Apostolique who had the fulnesse of power ouer the Church of Cant. to waite for Princes consents in such elections who then could not be suffered to do that which they came for wherefore in knitting vp his letter he thus concludeth in these wordes And therfore seeing the matter so standeth we see no cause why we should require or tary for the kings fauour or consent any more therein but intend so to procede in this matter neither enclining on the right hand nor on the left according as the canonicall ordinances of the holy fathers shall direct vs that is that al impediments delaies set aside so to prouide that the church of Canterburie be no longer destitute of her pastour Wherefore be it knowne to your discretion or kingly prudence that for so much as this election of Stephen Langhton hath orderly concordely thus proceeded without fraud or disceit
you the Church the king and the kingdome from that miserable yoke of seruitude that you doe not intermedle or take any part concerning such exactions or rentes to be required or geuen to the sayd Romaynes Letting you to vnderstand for trueth that in case you shall which God forbid be found culpable herein not onely your goodes and possessions shall be in daunger of burning but also in your persons shall incurre the same perill and punishmeÌt as shall the sayd Romish oppressors themselues Thus fare ye well ¶ Thus much I thought here to insert and notifie coÌcerning this matter for that not onely the greedy and auaritious gredines of the Romish church might the more euidently vnto al Englishmen appeare but that they may learne by this example how worthy they be so to be serued plagued with their owne rod which before would take no part with their naturall king agaynst forreine power of whom now they are scourged To make the story more playne In the raygne of thys Henry the third who succeding as is said after king Iohn his father raygned sixe and fifty yeares came diuers Legates from Rome to Englande First Cardinall Otho sent from the Pope with letters to the king lyke as other letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money The king opening the letters and perceiuing the contentes aunswered that he alone coulde say nothing in the matter which concerned all the clergye and commons of the whole Realme Not long after a Councell was called at Westminster where the letters beyng opened the forme was this Petimus imprimis ab omnibus Ecclesijs Cathedralibus duas nobis praebendas exhiberi vnam de portione Episcopi alteram de capitulo Et similiter de Coenobijs vbi diuersae sunt portiones Abbatis conuentus a conuentibus quantum pertinet ad vnum Monachum aequali facta distributione honorum suorum ab Abbate tantundem That is We require to be geuen vnto vs first of all Cathedrall Churches two Prebendes one for the Byshops part one other for the Chapter And likewise of Monasteryes where be diuers portions one for the Abbot an other for the Couent Of yâ Couent so much as appertayneth to one Monke yâ portion of the goods beyng proportionly deuided Of the Abbot likewise as muche The cause why he required these prehendes was this It hath bene sayth he an old slaunder and a great complaynt agaynst the Church of Rome to be noted of insatiable couetousnes which as ye knowe is the roote of all mischiefe and al by reason that causes be wont commonly not to be handeled nor to proceed in the Church of Rome without great giftes and expense of mony Wherof seyng the pouerty of the Churche is the cause and why it is so slaundered and ill spoken of it is therefore conuenient that you as naturall children should succour your mother For vnlesse we should receaue of you and of other good men as you are we shoulde then lacke necessaryes for our lyfe whiche were a great dishonour to our dignitie c. When those petitions and causes of the Legate were propounded in the foresayde assembly at Westminster on the Popes behalfe the Bishops Prelates of the realme beyng present aunswere was made by the mouth of maister Iohn Bedford on this wise that the matter there proponed by the Lord Legate in especiall concerning the kyng of England but in generall it touched all the archbishops with their Suffraganes the Byshops and al the prelates of the realm Wherfore seing both the king by reason of his sickenes is absent and the Archbishop of Caunterbury with diuers other Bishops also were not there therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter neyther could they so doe without preiudice of theÌ which were lacking And so the assembly for that tyme brake vp Not long after the sayd Otho Cardinall De carcere Tulliano comming agayne from Rome cum autentico plenariae potestatis indicted an other Councell at London caused all Prelates Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors and other of the clergy to be warned vnto the same Councell to be had in the Church of S. Paules at London about the feast of S. Martin the pretence of whiche Councell was for redresse of matters concerning benefices and religion but the chiefe principal was to hunt for money For putting them in feare and in hope some to lose some to obtein spirituall promotioÌs at hys hand he thought gayn would rise thereby and so it did For in the meane time as Parisiensis in vita Henrici 3. writeth diuers pretious rewardes were offered him in Palfreis in rich plate and iewels in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred in coyne in vitals c. In so much that onely the bishop of Wintchester as the story reporteth hearing that he woulde winter at London sent him L. fat Oxen an C. come of pure wheat 8. tunne of chosen wine toward hys house keeping Likewise other byshops also for their part offred vnto the Cardinals boxe after their habilitie The time of the Councell drawing nye the Cardinall commanded at the West end of Paules Churche an high soleÌne throne to be prepared rising vp with a glorious scaffold vpon mighty and substantiall stages strongly builded and of a great height Thus agaynst yâ day assigned came the sayd archbishops Bishops Abbotes and other of the prelacy both farre and neare throughout al England weried and vexed with the winters iorny bringing their letters procuratory Who being together assembled the Cardinall beginneth his sermon But before we come to yâ sermon there happened a great discord betweene the 2. archbishops of Caunterbury and of Yorke for sitting at the right hand and left hand of the glorious Cardinal for the which the one appealed agaynst the other The Cardinall to pacifie the strife betwene theÌ both so that he would not derogate from eyther of them brought forth a certayne Bull of the Pope in the middest of which Bull was pictured the figure of the crosse On the right side of the crosse stoode the image of S. Paule and on the left side S. Peter Loe saith the Cardinall holding open the Bull with the crosse here you see S. Peter on the left hand of the crosse and S. Paul on the right side and yet is there betwene these two no coÌtention For both are of equall glory And yet S. Peter for the prerogatiue of his keyes for the preheminence of his Apostleship and Cathedral dignitie seemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side But yet because S. Paul beleued on Christ when he saw him not therfore hath he the right hand of the Crosse for blessed be they sayth Christ which beleue and see not c. And from that tyme forth the Archbishop of Canterbury inioyed the right hand the archbishop of Yorke the left Wherein yet this Cardinall is more to be
and of theÌ to obtaine the other part of his commissioÌ which was in deed to obtein of euery cathedral church 2. prebendships one for the bish the other for the chapter And in monasteries also after that like sort where the Abbot and the Couent had diuers and seueral portions to require two churches one for the Abbot the other for the couent keeping this proportion that how much should suffice for the liuing of one Monk so much the whole couent should find for their part and as much the Abbot likewise for his And for so muche as he would not seeme to demauÌd this without some color of cause his reason was this that because the Courte of Rome had long bene blotted with the note of auarice whiche is mother of all euil for that no man could come to Rome for any busines but he must solfe for the expedition of the same therfore for the remouing away of the occasioÌ of that slaunder the publike helpe of the Churche therefore must necessarily be required c. The proctors and parties thus sent home by the Legates merueiling with themselues why the Bishops Abbots should be stayd they sent home suspecting no les but as the matter was in deed conferred their counsailes together deuised with themselues to send certain vnto him in the behalfe of all the cathedrall conuentuall Churches in Fraunce sent to the sayd Legate the message to signifie vnto him That they were credibly informed that he came with special letters from the court of Rome for the obteining of certein prebendaries wtin euery cathedrall and conueÌtuall church Which being so they much merueiled that he would not in the publike counsaile make manifest to theÌ those letters which specially coÌcerned theÌ as much as the others Wherfore their request was to him in yâ Lord that no such offensiue matter might rise by him in that FreÌch church knowing this that the thing which he enterpriseth could not be brought to effect without great offence taken and inestimable damage to the Churche of Fraunce For graunt sayde they that certayne will assent vnto you yet their assent standeth in no effect concerning such matters as touch the whole especially seeyng both the states of the Realme with all the inferior subiectes yea and the king himselfe they are sure will withstand the same to the venture noÌt onely of their honour but of their lyfe also considering the case to be suche as vpon the offence whereof standeth the subuersion both of the realme publike and of the whole Church in generall Declaring moreouer the cause of this feare to rise hereof for that in other realmes such communicatioÌ hath bene with byshops prelates for the procuring of such prebendships where as neither the prince nor the subiectes were made anye thing priuy therto In conclusion when the matter came to debating with the Legate the obiections of the inferior parties agaynst the cruell exaction were these in briefe effect as is in Parisiens noted First they alledged their great damagâs and expences whiche they were like to sustayne thereby by reason of the continuall procurators of the Pope whiche in euery diocesse must liue not of their owne but must be susteined vpon the charges of the cathedrall Churges and other churches also and many times they being but procurators wil be found as Legates Item by that meanes they sayd great perturbations might ensue to the couentes and Chapters of Cathedrall churches in their elections for so muche as the Popes agents and factors being in euery cathedrall church chapter house percase the pope woulde commaund hym in hys person to be present at their elections and so might trouble the same in delaying and deferring till it might fall to the court of Rome to gene And so shoulde be placed moe of the Popes clientele in the churches of Fraunce then of the proper inhabitance of the land Item by this meanes they affirmed that al they in the court of Rome should be richer and shoulde receiue more for their proportion then the king of the realme by reason of whiche aboundaunce of riches it was like to come to passe that as the worm of rich men is pride so by the meanes of this their riches the court of Rome would delay driue of great suites and scarce would take any paynes with small causes the experiment whereof is euident for that now also they vse to delay their matters wheÌ they come with their giftes and being in assuraunce to receiue And thus should iustice stand aside and poore suters dye at the gates of the court of Rome thus flowing and triumphing in ful aboundance of all treasure and riches Item for somuch as it is mete and conuenient to haue friendes in the court of Rome for the better speeding of their causes therefore they thought to keepe them needy whereby their giftes may be the sweeter and their causes sooner dispatched Item when as it is impossible the fountaine of greedy desire to be stopped it was to be feared that eyther they would do that by other which they were wont to doe by themselues or els they should be enforced to geue greater rewardes then before For smal giftes in the sight of great rich men are not looked vpon Item where he alledged the remouing awaye of the slaÌder which goeth on the court of Rome By this means rather the contrary were to be feared wherein they alleaged the sentence of the verse that great riches stop not the taking of much but a mynde contented with a little Quòd virtus reddit non copia sufficientem Et non paupertas sed mentis hiatus agentem Farther they alledged that great riches woulde make the Romaines mad and so might kindle among theÌ sides and partes taking so that by great possessions sedition might follow to the ruine and destructioÌ of the city wherof some experiment they had already Item they added that although they woulde condescend and oblige themselues to that contribution yet their successors would not so be bound nor yet ratifie the bond of theirs Lastly thus they conclude the matter desiring him that the zeale of the vniuersall Churche and of the Churche of Rome would moue him For if this oppression of the church should be vniuersall it were to be doubted least any vniuersall departing might follow from the Church of Rome which God forbid say they should happen The Legate hearing these words being therwith somthing moued as seemed thus excused himself that he being in the court neuer agreed in this exaction And that that letters hereof came not to hym before he was in Fraunce whereat he sayd was greatly sory Adding this withall that the words of his precept included this secret meaning in them thus to be vnderstand and taken so farre forth as the Empire and other realmes would agree vnto the same And as for hym he would stirre no more in the matter before it were
sute and petition herein At Dominus Papa sayth Pariens qui rebellem Imperatorem super omnia aestuabat deijcere tantis promissionibus exhileratus trahitur ad consensum That is But the pope sayeth the author which boyled with desire aboue all measure to haue the Emperour his ennemie cast downe being cheared wyth so great promises graunted his consent to them who sitting then in his consistorie had these wordes as here followe There hath come a late to our intelligence the election of a certaine Monke named Walter to be Archb. of Cant. whereupon after that we hard and aduised as wel those things which the said Monke hath saide for himselfe and for his election as also on the contrary side the obiections exceptions of the bishops of England alleaging against him and against his election Namely of the bishop of Chester the bishop of Rochester and Iohn Archdeacon of Bedforde We vpon the same committed the examination touching the person of the man vnto our reuerende brethren Lorde Cardinall Albany L. Cardinall Thomas de Sabina and master Peter And when the foresaid elect comming before them was asked of them first concerning the Lordes descending into hel whether he descended in flesh or without his flesh he aunswered not well Item being asked touching the making of the body of Christ on the aultar he answered likewise not soundly Being asked moreouer howe Rachell wept for her children shee being deade before hee aunswered not well Item being asked concerning the sentence of excommunication denounced against the order of law he answered not well Againe being required of matrimonie if one of the maried parties be an infidel and do depart he answered therto not well Vpon these articles he was as is sayd diligently examined of the Cardinals to the which we say he aunswered not only not well but also very ill For so much therefore as the Church of Cant. is a noble churche and requireth a noble prelate a man discrete and modest and such as ought to be taken out of the bosome of the church of Rome and forasmuch as this new elect whom not onely here we pronounce to be vnworthy but also should say more of him if we would proceede with hym by the rigour of the law is so insufficient that he ought not to be admitted to such a roume we do vtterly infringe annihilate and euacuate his election alwaies referuing to our selues the prouision of the sayd church Haec ex Math. Paris ad verbum Thus the election of Walter being frustrate and dissolued the kings procurators bringing forth the letters of the king and of the suffraganes of the Church of Cant. presented the same vnto the pope for the ratification of Richarde Chancellor of Lincolne to be appoynted Archb. of Cant. whome they with great commendation of woordes did set forth to be a man of profound learning and knowledge of an honest coÌuersation which was greatest of al that he was a man much for the profite of the church of Rome as also for the realme of England And thus the saide Richard being commended to the Pope by the letters procuratorie of the king and of the bishops had the consent of the pope and of the Cardinals and so was made Bishop of Cant. before he was elected Whereupon the said pope Gregory in his behalfe directeth downe his letters to all and singular suffraganes of the church of Cant. declaring thus and beginning first with a lie that for so much as by the fulnes of ecclesiastical power the charge of pastorall office is committed to him in general vpon al churches he therefore for the sollicitude he beareth as wel to all other churches in generall as in speciall to the Metropolitan church of Cant. repudiating and disanulling the former election of Walter the Monke vpon iust causes hath prouided for that See a man as in all other good giftes perfect and excellent by the report of them that know him so for that function very fit and commodious and willeth and commaÌdeth them and all other by his authority Apostolicall with all deuout reuerence to receiue him and humbly to obey him c. which was An. 1229. Ex Paris These things thus finished at Rome the pope not forgetting the sweete promises made of the English siluer which he so greedily gaped for omitting neither time nor diligence in all spedy wise sendeth to the king of England M. Stephen his own chaplein trusty Legate to require collect the foresaide tithes of all the moueable goods both of England Ireland and Wales which were promised to him before therew t to maintaine his warre against Fredericke the Emperor And to the intent he might inflame all christeÌ realmes wyth the like hatred which he bare against Frederike the Emperor sendeth also with the sayde Stephen special letters ful of manifold complaints and greuous accusations against the said Emperor whereof more Christ graunting shall be shewed hereafter Upon the comming of this Stephen the legate the king assembled all his erles and barons wyth the Archbishops byshops abbots priors templaries hospitalers parsons vicares and other such as held of him in capite to appear before him at Westminster to heare and to common of the matter In the assembly of whome the Popes patent letters were brought forth and red wherin he required the tenths of all the moueables in England Wales and Ireland as wel of the clergy as of the laitie to maintaine his expedition against the foresaid Frederike the Emperor The which expedition as he pretended to atchieue to take in hande for the cause of the vniuersall Church and happely had begon the matter already and for so much as the richesse of the Apostolicke See did not suffice for the accomplishing of so great an enterprise he therfore enforced by mere necessity did implore the aide and helpe of all the true obedient and natural chickens of the church of Rome least the members thereof together with the head should be subuerted These letters of the Pope to this effect being openly recited and explaned by the Popes chaplaine which hee with much more allegation and perswasion of words did amplifie to his vttermost the king sayth mine author in whoÌ al men did hope an helpe to their defence became then as a staffe of reede For as much as he had obliged himselfe to the same before for the election of his archb now could say nothing against it but held his peace The Earles Barons all the laitie vtterly refused so to bind their Baronies to the Church of Rome but the Bishoppes Abbots Priors wyth other Prelates of the Church first requiring space and respite to deliberate for 3. or 4. dayes at length for feare of the popes cursse although they durst not vtterly wythstande had brought to passe to haue concluded for a summe of money much lesse had not Stephen Segraue one of the kings counsailers âraftily conuented
preseÌted or els themselues to place fit men in their churches as neede required So did the Emperours of Constantinople receiuing the order and maner from Constantine the great vse and geue the right of Ecclesiasticall function with the consent both of the people and ecclesiastical persons long so retayned they the same As Honorious the Emperor vnto Boniface canon 8. dist 79. canon 2. dist 97. Also of Pelagius and Gregorius Magnus of the whiche one in the raigne of Justinian the Emperour and Totila gouerning Italy the other in the tyme of Mauritius the Emperour when the Lombardes possessed Italy were appoynted Byshops to the Church of Rome can 15.21 24. And where as Bratianus in the beginning of the 96. and 97. distinction doth declare that the rescript of Honorius the Emperour is voyde and of none effect for that he determined the election of the bishop of Rome coÌtrary to the authoritie of the holy canons when as yet neither to that ciuill magistrate nor to any of the ecclesiasticall order caÌbe read of any licence geuen them for to dispence withal each man may playnly see and discerne his great foly and want of vnderstanding As though at that tyme any decrees were made which shoulde debarre Emperours for the consritituring of that ecclesiasticall ministers Or that it were doubtfull whether the Emperours at that time had past any coÌstitutions touching the causes of Ecclesiasticall discipline and the same lawes then put in vre when that contrary most manifestly both by the lawes histories of that age and time as well of the church as of the Empire may appeare And that we need not seek farre for the matter this thing is sufficiently proued by these titles De sacrosanctis Ecclesijs Episcopis Clericis besides other eccclesiasticall chapters matters touching religion All which are to be seene in the bookes of the principall and chiefest constitutions collected and set forth by Iustinian Amongst the whiche many of the chapiters are said to be accepted and allowed of Honorius Theodosius So in like case the 21. can in the 63. distinction doth declare that the Grecian Emperours that next insued after Iustinian did obserue that maner of ordeining and election of the Bishop of Rome although theÌ at that tyme interpellatum erat it was somewhat sporned at Amongst whom mention is made of Constantinus the fourth which was surnamed Pogonatus Carolus Magnus in like maner followed theyr steps and maner in the same as in the 22. canon and the same distinctioÌ is declared And farther it was at a Synodal couÌcell in Laterane Adrian beyng hygh Bishop where were conuented and assembled 153. other Bishops decreed that the power and authoritie of creating the bishop of Rome and ordayning of all other prelates ecclesiasticall orders should be in the power and will of Carolus Magnus as well in Italy as other his dominions and prouinces and that whosoeuer was not promoted allowed by him should not be consecrated of any And that those which repugned and disobeyed this decree should incurre the most sharpe paine of proscription and publication of law The worthy example hereof is extaÌt in the 18. can and 18. title Yet notwithstanding Stephanus the 4. author of this rescript agaynst the sayd decree and wtout the Emperours consent was made Bishop of Rome who to the intent he might delude the decreed solemnised penalty therby to excuse himselfe went into Fraunce to Ludouicus Pius the sonne of Carolus Magnus at Rheimis crowned he him with the Imperiall diademe Neither could this Byshop here stay himselfe but spying the great lenitie of the Emperour assayed to make frustrate the foresayd constitution For hys purpose was so brought it to passe as in the 27. canon and the lame distinction appeareth that it might be lawful for the Ecclesiasticall order with the people and senate of Rome without the authoritie of the Emperour to chuse the Byshop of Rome reseruing that he shoulde not be consecrated without the will and consent of the Emperour Thus is it manifest that the Byshops of Rome themselues not regarding but despising the straite penalty and sanction of the foresayd decree of the Laterane Councell were not onely the first that brake the same but also by contrary rescriptes and constitutions laboured endeuoured to extoll set vp themselues aboue al other Whereupon Lotharius afterward being Emperor and nephew to Carolus Magnus comming into Italy there to dissolue the coÌspiracy and confederacy of Leo the fourth about the translation of the Empire renewed stablished agayne the Synodal decree of Laterane touching the iurisdiction of the Emperour for the election of the Byshop of Rome and other ecclesiasticall persons And hereof it came that those Epistles were written of Leo in the 16. 17. canon and the same distinction which also as in the 9. canon and x. distinction made a profession that the same Imperiall preceptes should be kept in all ages This Leo when he was reproued of treason and other euils pleaded his cause before Ludouicus the 2. Emperoure of Rome and sonne of Lotharius aboue recited 2. q. 7. canon 40. But after this as tyme grew on the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires Otho the first Emperour of that name depriued and put from the sea of Rome that most filthy and wicked Bishop Iohn the xiij both for diuers and sundry wicked and haynous acts by him committed as also for his great treasons conspiracies agaynst his royall person and did substitute in hys place Leo. the 5. who calling a Synode at Laterane in the same temple and place where the other before was keptâ did promulgate a new constitution with consent of the Senate people of Rome concerning the Emperours iurisdiction in the foresayd election whiche in the 23. canon is contained and 63. distinction Whereby the old right and power of the Emperour in the election of the Byshop of Rome and other ecclesiasticall prelates was agayne with more sharper and straighter sanctioÌ confirmed ratified Agayn Iohn the 18 whoÌ Cressentius the Romayn vsurping that Imperiall crowne had made bishop by the conseÌt of the people of Rome the Ecclesiasticall order hauing his nose cut off hys eyes put out so thrust out of the capitoll was agayn of Otho 3. established and made Byshop But when as yet notwithstanding the Byshops of Rome would not alter their olde accustomed disposition but with all their industry indeuoured to abrogate that iurisdiction of the Emperor ouer the bishop of Rome as people loth to be vnder subiection Henry the 3. then Leo the 9 beyng constituted byshop did once agayne ratifie that same and caused the byshop which extolled himself before al his fellow bishops to stoup and geue place to Moguntinus So after the death of Henry the 3. Emperor Nicholas the 2. although in hys decree whiche in the first canon and
any such thing vrging vnto so great wickednesse so odible detestable and abhominable to our Lord Iesus Christ and also so pernitious to mankinde For this should be a great defection corruption and abuse of the sayd seat and fulnesse of power and an vtter separation from the glorious throne of our Lord Iesus Christ and a neare neighborhood vnto the two most principall princes of darcknes sitting in the chaire of pestilence prepared to the paynes of hell Neither can any maÌ which is subiect and faythfull to the sayd sea and not cut away from the body of Christ and from the sayd holy sea with sincere and vnspotted conscience obeâ such maner of precepts and coÌmaundementes ãâã what soâuer other attemptes proceeding yea though from the high order of aungels themselues but rather ought of necessity with all their strength to withstand rebell against the same Wherfore my reuerend Lorde I like an obedient childe vpon my bound duty of obedience fidelity which I owe to botâ the parentes of this holy Apostolicke sea and partly for loue of vnity in the body of Christ ioyned with the sayd sea doe not obey but withstand and vtterly rebell agaynst these things in the said letter contained especially which vrge and tend to the foresayd wickednes so abhominable to the Lorde Iesus Christ so repugnant to the holines of the holy Apostolick sea so coÌtrary to the vnity of the catholick âaith Neither for this cause can your discretioÌ determine any extremity vnto me because al my doing and gaynsaying in this matter is no resistaunce nor rebellion but a childly obedience to the diuine precept and honour due both to Father and Mother Briefly therefore repeating my wordes I say that this holy Apostolicke sea cannot do any thing but to edification and nothing at all to destruction For this is the fulnes of power to be able to do all thinges to edification But these which you call prouisions be not to edification but to manifest destruction The holy Apostolicke sea therfore cannot nor ought to attempt any such thing because that flesh and bloud which caÌnot enter into the kingdome of God hath reuealed the same and not the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ which is in heauen Then followeth it in the story both of Mathaeus ParisieÌsis and of Florilegus in these words That when this Epistle came to the knowledge of the Pope he fuming fretâing with anger and indignation answered with a fierce looke and proud minde sayng what olde doting franticke wretch is this so boldely rashly to iudge of my doinges By sweet S. Peter and Paule were it not but that vpon our own clemency and good nature we are restrayned we would hurle him down to such confusion that we would make him a fable a gasing stock an example and wonderment to all the world For is not the king of England our vassall and to say more our mansiple or page to vse the very wordes of mine author which may at our pleasure becke both hamper him and imprison him and put him to vtter shame This when the Pope in his great fury and rage had vttered amoÌgst his bââthren the Cardinals who were scarce able to appease the furious violence of the pope with milde moderatioÌ of words they sayd vnto him that it was not expedieÌt for theÌ to proceed agaynst that bishop in such rigârous mâner For sayd they to confesse the truth to your holynes it is but very truth that he affirmeth neither can we condemn him therfore He is a catholick man yea also a holy man more holy also religious theÌ we our selues a man of excellent wit and excellent life so as it is thought among all the Prelats he hath not his better nor yet his like This is not yet vnknowne both to the french English clergy vniuersally neither can our coÌtradictioÌ preuail against him The truth of this his epistle perhaps is knowne now to many shall stir vp many against vs for he hath the name to be a great Philosopher and singularly seene in all the tounges both Greeke Latine Hebrue zelous in iustice a reader of diuinity in the scholes â preacher amongst the people a louer of Chastity a persecutor of Simony These words spake L. âiles a Spanish Cardinall to the Pope and other mo moued by theyr coÌscience to speak And this couÌsell they gaue to the Pope that he should dissemble and wincke at these thinges as one not seing or regarding them least otherwise perhaps some tumult might rise and spring thereof Especially seing this is manifest and known to all men that once must needes come a defection and parting from the Church of Rome Not long after this about the canicular dayes thys reuerend godly Robert bishop of Lincolne lying at his manor place in Bugden fell greuously sicke and therupon within few dayes departed In the time of his sickenes he called to him a certayne Frier of the preaching order named M. Iohn Giles a man expert cunning both in phisick Diuinity partly to receiue of him some coÌfort of his body and partly to confer with him in spirituall matters Thus vpoÌ a certeine day the said B. coÌferring with the foresayd M. Iohn riciting to him the doings procedings of the Pope did greuously rebuke reprehend his fellow brethren the preaching Friers and the other order also of the Minorites That for so much as their order being plaÌted in wilfull pouerty of the spirit to the inteÌt they should more frely carpe and reproue the vices of the mighty not to flatter or spare them but sharply to rebuke reprehend the same The said Friers contrary to theyr profession did not boldly enough cry out and inuey against the abuses of their superiors and men of power nor did vncouer nor detect their faults and wickednes And therfore sayd the Bishop I iudge them to be no better theÌ manifest hereticks And addeth moreouer demaunding of M. Iohn what is heresy and that he should geue him the true difinition therof wherat when the Frier did stay and pause not remembring the solemne difinition of that matter the Byshop therupon inferreth geuing this difinition in Latine by the true interpretation of the Greek word Heresis Graece electio Latine est sententia humano sensu electa Scripturae sacrae contraria palam docta pertinaciter defensa That is âeresy is a sentence taken and chosen of mans owne brayne contrary to holy Scripture openly mayntained and stifly defended And this difinitioÌ geuen consequently he inferred sharpely reprehending the Prelates of the church but especially the Romaines which commit the charge of soules vnto their kinsfolks being both in age vnworthy and in learning vnsufficient To geue sayth he the charge of soules to a boy is a sentence of a prelate chosen and taken of mans own head onely for carnall and earthly respect also is
of our auncestors which doubted not to shedde their owne bloud for the encrease and defence of the Churches liberty and the faith and coueting to prouide for the puritie of faith and the state of the Church as also to auoid the hurt of the generall slaunder being not able to passe ouer any longer the premisses with wincking and dissembling and my conscience driuing to the same seeing this estimate opinion of him in these matters is not rashly of vs conceiued but vehemently and plainly increased by many and continuall cryings of credible men and great authoritie oft and oftentimes beaten vnto vs fearing moreouer the destruction of the faith both of vs and of al other subiects and specially of kings and princes of the world which ought to reproue negligence which acknowledge that we haue receiued power geuen vs from the Lord to the promoting and increasement of it we agree to your requestes in this behalfe and to the calling and assembling a councell for the glory of God sauing the honour and reuerence that is due to the holy Romish church in all thinges whereby the trueth may appeare in the premisses and all errour auoided that the state of the vniuersall Church and all Christianitie and the matters of faith and the holy land may be prouided for the slauÌders ieoperdies haÌging ouer vs may be withstanded we be ready offer our selues gladly as much as in vs is to bestowe our labour and diligent paine therabouts Earnestly requiring and beseeching in the mercifull bowels of Iesu Christ you Archbishops and other Prelates here present as children of the Church and pillers of faith called of the Lorde to the promoting encrease and preseruing thereof to care for the same that with all diligence ye wold geue heede as becommeth you and effectually you would labor by al wayes and fit meanes to the calling and assembling of this councel in which we intend to be personally present And left the said Boniface which hath boldly and wrongfully many times threatned to proceede against vs stopping and hindring our purposes and intent ââast any of his workes of darkenesse if there be any should come to light directly or indirectly hindering the calling and gathering of this councel or least any state being in the same realme that wil in dede procede against vs or our state churches Prelates Barons other faithfull vassals our subiects our lands or our realme and the state of the realme by abusing any spirituall sworde in excommunicating suspending or otherwais by any meanes for vs and our welwillers and them that will followe vs we prouoke appeale in wryting to the foresayd general councell which we instantly desire to be called and to one lawâull chiefe Bishop that shall be or to any other to whome we shoulde appeale and yet not going from the appellation made by M. William of Nagareta to whom we sticked then and also yet sticke requiring earnestly a witnes of our appellation of you Prelates Notaries expressedly to renue such prouocation and appellation when and afore whome it shal be thought meete to you Then the Archbishops within wrytten byshops Abbots and Priors aunswered the premisses as it is founde in the actes prouoked and appealed agreed to and protested and made prouocation and appellation agreement and protestation as is contained more fully in a certaine paper there openly and plainely red whose tenor followeth with these wordes We Archbishoppes of Nicosen Remen Senoren Narbonen Turonen and bishops of Landuiren Belnacen Catolacen Antisiodorem Meldimen Nurmen Carnotem Aurelianen Ambiauen Morinen Silanen Andeganen Abricen Constant Ebroicen Lexonicen Sagien Caloromont Lemonicen Auicen Masticoren And we Abbots of Cluniac promostraten of the greater monasterie of the court of S. Dionise in Fraunce Camped S. Victors S. Genoueue S. Marten Landmoen Figiacem Bellicem in Lemociuio and Frier Hugh visiter of the houses of the order of knights of S. Iohn in Ierusalem in Fraunce and the father Priour of S. Martine in the fieldes hearing these things which were sayd propounded and obiected yesterday to day by you the Lords Earles and William aforesaide against the Lorde Boniface the 8. and Pope being mooued with suche sayings purposes assertations and your othes your request and other lawfull causes and were compelled by need considering that the matter of our faith which is Christes is handled in the premisses Wee that be called to part of this care to the defence and maintenaunce of the faith of soules of the realme although vnworthy yet coueting to with stande the ieoperdies that hang ouer vs by reason of the premisses and other causes thinking the calling gathering of the sayd Councell profitable necessary that the innocencie of the Lord Boniface himself may clearely be discussed as we desire our coÌsciences bearing witnesse that it may be determined on him by the Councell touching such things as are laide against him and that may be done which they decree according to the Canons We aunswere you our Lord king and you our Lordes Earles and William that the honor reuerence of the holy Romish church salued in all poyntes wee agree to your due requestes in this behalfe for the calling of the Councell and are ready to geue helpe and diligent labour to the calling and gathering of the said CouÌcell according to the decrees of the holy fathers and to the lawfull orders of the Canons not intending by any meanes to make parties of this matter nor to sticke to any that maketh parties Yet least the sayde Boniface being mooued or prouoked by these things as wee feare by likely coniectures and threatnings made against vs for the foresayde things that he will proceede against our parish Churches and our subiectes by some meanes or cause to proceede against vs by some authoritie of his owne or others by excommunication suspension interditing deposing depriuing or by some other meanes and colour sought to some impeachment or trouble of the sayd Councell and that we may sitte in the same Councell to iudge and do al other things that belong to the office of Prelates that our frends that sticke to vs would sticke to vs in all thinges may remaine safe for our selues our parish Churches our subiectes and them that sticke to vs or would sticke to vs in this behalfe we prouoke and appeale in wryting to the foresayde Councell that is to be gathered and to him that shall be the true and lawfull highest Bishop and to him or them to whome of right we shoulde appeale too and earnestly require our appellations committing vs our parish churches our subiectes friendes and them that sticke to vs our state and theirs our right goodes to the godly defence of the foresaide councell and of him that shall be the true and lawfull highest bishop and we protest to renewe this appellation where when and afore whome it shal be thought meete This was done at Paris at Lupara in the chamber of the sayd Lord
desired of her father to marry with her Whereunto the king her father would not agree vnles he promised to be a Christian. Notwithstanding the other being stroÌger in power and threatning to get her by warre the king at length was forced to agree In conclusion it happened that the childe being borne betwixt them was ouergrowen all rough with hayre like the skin of a Beare Which childe being brought to the father he commaunded it to be thrown in the fire burned But the mother desiring first to haue the childe baptised caused all things therunto to be prepared The infant being 3. times in water plunged after the Sacrament of holy baptisme receiued incontinent was altered and turned from all his hairy roughnes and sene as fayre and smooth skinned as any other The which thing after the Father saw and beheld was Christened himselfe and all hys house c. In the raigne of this king Walter Merton Bishop of Rochester builded Merton colledge in Oxford In whose raigne also liued Henricus de Gaudano Arnoldus de villa noua Dante 's and other mo And Scotus called Duns Who in his 4. booke of Sent Dist. 18. complayneth of the abuse of excommunication of the Popes keies Where as before excommunication was not vsed but vpon great and iust causes therefore was feared now sayth he it is brought forth for euery trifling matter as for not paying yâ Priestes wages c. therefore sayth he it groweth in conteÌpt Under the same king about the beginning of hys raygn was the yeare so hoat and so drye that from the month of May vntill the month nere of SepteÌber fell no rayn in so much that many dyed for heat the vulgar people in their reckning of yeares did count the time from the sayd dry yeare long after After P. Benedictus aboue mentioned succeded Pope Clement the 5. who translated the Popes court to Auinion in Fraunce where it remayned the terme of 74. yeares after At the coronation of this ClemeÌt was present Philip king of Fraunce Charles his sonne and Duke Iohn Duke of Britany with a great number of other men of state and Nobility At which coronation they being in the middle of the pompe or processioÌ a great wall brake down and fell vpon theÌ by the fall wherof Duke Iohn with 12. other were slayne king Philip hurt wounded the Pope stroken from his horse lost out from his mitre vpon his head a Carbuncle esteemed to the value of 6000. florence Plat. de vit Pont. By this ClemeÌt was ordeined that the Emperor though he might be called king of the Romains before yet he might not enioy the title right of the Emperor before he was by him confirmed And that the Emperors seat being vacant the Pope should raigne as Emperor till a new Emperor was choseÌ By him the orders of the TeÌplaries who at that time were too abhominable was put downe at the Counsell of Uienne as hereafter Christ willing shal be declared He also ordeined and coÌfirmed the feast of Corpus Christi assigning indulgences to such as heard the seruice therof And as pope Bonifacius afore heaped vp the book of Decretals called Sextus Decretalium so this Clement compiled the 7. booke of the decretals called of the same Clement the Clementines In the time of this Pope HeÌricus the 6. of that name Emperor was poysoned in receiuing the Sacrament by a false dissembling Monke called Bernard that feined himselfe to be his familiar frend which was thought to be done not without the consent of the Popes legate The Emperour perceiuing himselfe poysoned warned him to flee escape away for els the Germaines would sure haue slaine him who although he escaped himselfe yet diuers of his order after that with fire and sword were slayne As this Pope Clement the 5. had well prouided now as he haue heard agaynst the Empire of Rome to bring it vnder his girdle insomuch that without the Popes benediction no Emperor might take the state vpon him c. Now he procedeth farther to intermeddle with the Empire of Constantinople Where he first exerciseth his tyranny power of excommunicatioÌ agaynst Andronicus Palcologus Emperor of Constantinople an 1327. declaring him as a schismaticke and hereticke because he neither would nor durst suffer the GreciaÌs to make their appeale from the Greeke Church to the Pope neither would acknowledge him for his superior c. Whereby it may appeare that the Greek Church did not admitte the Popes superiority as yet nor at any time before Saue onely about the tyme of Pope Innocent the 3. an 1202. at what time the Frenche men with their Captain Baldwinus Earle of FlauÌders ioyned together with the Uenecians were set against the Grecians to place Alexius to the right of the Empire of Constantinople vpoÌ conditioÌ as writeth Platina to subdue the Greeke church vnder the church of Rome Which Alexius being restored and shortly after slayne the empire came to the FrenchmeÌ with whom it remained the space of 58. yeares till the comming of Michael Paleologus in the dayes of Pope Gregory the 9. Who restored the Empire froÌ the Frenchmen vnto his pristine state again During all which time of the French Emperors the Greeke church was subiect to Rome as by the decretals of Pope Gregory the 9. may appere Then folowed after this that the foresayd Michael Emperor of Constantinople beyng called vp to a councell at Lions by Pope Gregory the 10. about the controuersy of proceeding of the holy Ghost as is aboue specified and obedience to the Church of Rome there because the sayd Michael the Emperor did submitte himselfe the Grecians to the subiection of Rome as testifieth Baptist Egnat He thereby procured to himselfe such grudge and hatred among the Greeke Monkes and Priestes that after his death they denyed him the due honor place of buriall The sonne of this Andronicus was Michael Paleologus aboue mentioned who as ye haue heard before because he was constrayned by the Grecians not to admit any apellation to the Bishop of Rome was accursed by the popes ceÌsures for an heretick Wherby appereth that the Grecians recouering their state agayn refused all subiection at this time vnto the church of Rome which was the yeare of our Lord. 1327. c. After this ClemeÌt the 5. folowed Pope Iohn the 22. with whom Ludouike the Emperour had much trouble After whom next in course succeded Pope Benedict the 12. Which Benedict vpoÌ a time being desired to make certayn new Cardinals to this answereth agayne that he would gladly so do if he also could make a new world For this world sayd he is for these Cardinals that be made already Ex scripto Engethusensis And thus much of the Popes now to returne alitle backe to the kinges story agayne In the yeare of our Lord 1307. Which was 34. of the reigne of this king in the
gouernement of both the states as well secular as also ecclesiasticall The king therfore not suffering the excessiue proceedinges of Pope Clement the 5. aboue specified directeth his letters mandatory to the Prelates and Barons of the realme of FrauÌce to conneÌt assemble themselues together at Paris about the beginning of December the yeare aboue prefixed The tenor of which letters of the king directed to the Prelates followeth in this forme and maner ¶ The Sommons of a Parliament by Philip the French king PHilip by the grace of God king of Fraunce to our welbeloued Bishop of Eduens greeting and salutation Reuerend Father in God right trusty and welbeloued we greete you well The more sight and knowledge you haue in diuinitye and the holye Scriptures of God with the practise and experience of other good qualityes and vertues you know the better a great deale how that the Clergy and layty of this our Realme as members of one body ought to cleaue and sticke together and how by theyr helping hand vnity and peace should bee maynetayned of all and the contrary eschued and auoyded euery state conteÌting it selfe not incroching one vpon another And because we are aduertised how that our Barons and officers as well in time past as of late haue diuersly in diuers poyntes iniuried you as semblably you and yours in many causes haue wrongfullye damaged them by occasion wherof the knot of vnitie and concord which ought to haue florished among you is quite loosed and vndone To the end therefore by Gods grace some good reformation and redresse may be had herein We most studious of vnity and concord requere you and by these our letters commauÌd you to appeare personally before vs at Paris the 15. day of DeceÌber next ensuing the dare hereof and there before vs to make relation of such wrong as ye haue receiued at the laities haÌds And wee likewise straightly charge and commaund you our Barons Bailiffes and officers not to fayle but to make your personall appearaunces before vs the day and place aboue written there to exhibite before vs a bill of such complayntes wherewith you burden our Prelats and Clergy with their officials that we with our counsell consulting thereupon with due regard may see redresse therin wherby perpetuall loue and charity may euer hereafter raigne and remayne among them for euer Geuen at Paris the first day of September an 1329. At the day in the letters aboue specified the Prelates and Clergy assembled themselues before the King at hys palace in Paris that is to witte The L. Baturicen the L. of Auxitan the L. Turonen the L. Rothom and the L. Senon all Archbishops The L. Beluaren the L. Cathalan the L. Laudun the L. of Paris the L. Nousonon the L. Carnoten the L. Constan the L. Andegauen the L. Pictauen the L. Melden the L. of Cameracen the L. of S. Feri the L. Brioce the L. of Cabition the L. of Eduen all Byshops Where after due reuerence done vnto the Kinges grace there sitting in his owne person wyth his Barons and counsell about him a certayne noble and wise person Lord Peter de Cugnerijs being one of the kinges counsell rose vp and openly in the Parliament house spake in the kinges behalfe on this wise taking for hys Theame Reddite quae sunt Caesaris Caesari quae sunt Dei Deo which is to say geue and render vnto Cesar whiche is his and vnto God which is Gods which he uery artificially prosecuted and applyed deuiding it into 2. partes First that obedience and reuerence is due vnto the king Secondly that there ought to be a difference betweene the iurisdiction of the clergy and laity so that spirituall matters should be defined and ordered by the Prelats and spirituall men and temporall causes ruled and determined by the king his Barons and temporall men Which all he proued by many reasoÌs both of fact and law as more fully appeareth beneath in the answere of the Byshop of Eduen finally he concluded that the Clergy ought onely to deale and haue to doe with spirituall matters in defence whereof the kings highnes would stand their good Lord and maintayner His Oration being ended he repeated certayn wordes in the French toung which imported that the kinges will and pleasure was in some poyntes to renew the temporall state and iurisdiction therewith exhibited a certaine bill in French whereof also he gaue a copy to the Prelates contayning certaine pointes and articles vnder writteÌ the contentes wherof he affirmed not to appertaine to the order iurisdiction of the spiritualty but onely to the temporalty complayning that the Clergy had wroÌgfully proceeded in yâ same But notwithstanding the premisses for all this his complaint he sayd that yâ Prelates should haue time to consult and deliberate thereupoÌ with the king The copy of which articles with answers ensuing vpon the same and the grieuaunces of the kingdome of Fraunce wrought by the clergy and exhibited to the king hereafter foloweth 1. First the cognition of causes reall whether they touch possession or their propriety or not by commoÌ law apperteineth to yâ iurisdicion temporall But the Prelates wyth their officials to yâ end to infringe the teÌporall iurisdiction take vpon them the determination of such causes reall especially concerning possession and all other interdictes 2. Item when a temporall man is sued by any Clerke or spirituall man for the possession of his land obtayning an adiornament of the secular power in the cause of nouite or otherwise The prelates officials stopping hereby the teÌporall iurisdiction at the instaunce of the Clerke calleth by proces before them both the secular iudge and the party inhibiting them to proceed any farther in the cause vnder payne of excommunication and forfeiture of a certayne summe 3. Item although the secular iudge haue the cognition of all lay mens matters except in spirituall causes yet wil yâ Bishops Officials at the instaunce of any partye call such before them And if the teÌporall meÌ do except against their iurisdiction alleadging the incompitency of the iudge or els if they require the cause to be remitted to them vnder whom they are as the right iudges yet doth the Officials refuse this to do yea and by excommunication compell the parties to proceed before them 4. Item the Byshoppes Officials at the instaunce of the clerks alledging that they are iniuried in matters of inheritance by a lay man call by proces the laity And if it be alledged that those causes stand vpoÌ reality being so indeed for that consideration the cause to be remitted to the teÌporall law This notwithstanding the Officials prohibit them vnder payne of excommunication or some great forfeit not to proceed but before them 5. Item the Bishops Officials take vpon them to heare the plea of such contractes as either be conceiued in writings or made by word of mouth in the temporall law
seÌding out their monition of excommunication against theÌ that stand bound concerning the same contractes 6. Item the Byshoppes and Prelates decree prouinciall couÌcels and Sinodall Statuts enacting ordering therin many thinges to the high great preiudice of the temporall iurisdiction wherin they ought to haue no cognitioÌ at all neither to intermeddle themselues therwith 7. Item the foresayd Officials take vpon theÌ before Notaries to sweare persons for performance of contractes bargaynes made by them in places vnder the iurisdiction temporal concerning the sale of inheritance or otherwise incroching thereby vpon their iurisdiction when verelye they haue nothing to do with any contracts and obligations but with such as are made and agreed vpon within the compasse of their owne seat and iurisdiction 8. Item the sayd Officials of ther meere office call before them the laity to aunswere to such matters of correctioÌ as shal be layd to theyr charge the cognition where of as they say doth appertayn vnto them And when the sayd persoÌs do appeare before them deny the crime obiected against them the Officials deteyne them and put them in prison although in such cases they are to be released and that imprisonment appertaineth onely to the temporall power not to them 9. Item in the cases aforesayd although by making of their purgations and other the proces therein they be fouÌd cleare of that which is layd to theyr charge and are acquitted these yet the said officials will in no wise discharge and dismisse theÌ before they haue to the vttermost payd for the writings and proces in that behalfe a good piece of mony when by law it ought to be done gratis and for nothing 10. Item it must not be forgotten to talke of the senteÌce of excoÌmunication which is decreed by vertue of one only citation so often times as a man sayleth in his appearance 11. Item mentioÌ is to be made of those kinde of obligatioÌs De nisi whereby a man is excommunicated by and by if he make not payment at the day prefixed although he be not able so to do 12. Item whosoeuer by vertue of excommunicatioÌ in the Bishops court is excommunicate and he ââ excoÌmunicate do not satisfy the summe due about the excommunication by by the summ is doubled And the secular power charged by the bishops or their officials that they vnder paine of excoÌmmunication compell the excoÌmunicate by attaching their goods to pay the sayd summe and not to misse a iote which monitioÌ if the layry refuseth to put in executioÌ they themselues are then excommunicate in no wise to be absolued before they disburse that mony the which the principall excommunicate person should haue payd 13. Item if the Balifes Hedborowes or other the kings officers and iudges of the temporaltye receiuing the foresayd monitions do put the same in execution finde those that be excoÌmunicate to be beggerlye and nothing worth the sayd officers are bound at their owne proper costs and charges to resort to the Bishops sea or consistory where soeuer it is there to take a corporall oath that the partyes excoÌmunicate are nothing worth This if they fayle those officers are sure to be excommunicate and therby inforced to disburse the due of the first excommunicate persons 14. IteÌ if two lay men be in sute together before a temporall iudge about an action either reall or personall one of theÌ after contestation of law and great proces therin do appeale vnto an ecclesiasticall iudge he will presume then to deteine before him the plea of such cases actions both reall personal causing by vertue of his monitions authority the temporall iudge to cease leaue of from medling therein which if the secular iudge obeyeth not he is pronounced excommunicate compelled to make satisfaction by occasions wherof the teÌporal iurisdiction is much annoyed and cleane loseth the prerogatiue thereof because by law no man may appeale from a spirituall iudge to the temporall law 15. Item if a lay man inhabiter of any the kings townes procureth his debter being also a lay man to be arested by vertue of secular iustice in that place he which is so arrested appealeth causeth also his creditor to be arrested the officials will take vpoÌ them to heare this matter And if any thing be atteÌpted concerning the appeale they misse not to demauÌd cost and satisfaction both of the iustice and also of him to whom the arrest was made And if any of the Princes retinne compelleth them to resist this iniury they are straight wayes pronounced excommunicate 16. Item if the sayd Bishops haue a number of Officials vnder them whom they terme Deanes of the clergy which vsually causeth all sorts of people through the kinges dominions onely by word of mouth to come afore theÌ that sometime without commissioÌ when that in euery Dioces there ought onely to be but one seat or Consistory wherââ matters should be heard and decided And hereby it hapneth diuers times that many are wrongfully without cause cited to the end that they may pay mony enough to rid themselues thereof which is to the no small preiudice of the Kinges Maiestyes subiectes and the temporall iurisdiction 17. Item the sayd rulers of the clerks sealeth vp the houses of their clergy which are situate in the kinges townes and other of his noble mens villagyes to the preindice of the kinges maiestyes iurisdiction other of his nobility for that in such kinde of places the Bishops haue no suche kinde of iurisdiction 18. Item the sayd Prelates or their officials doe presume to seale vp the moueable goods of maryed Clerkes and of marchaunts where in such cases the order thereof apperteineth to the temporall law 19. Item they compel the laity to put in surety to answere clerkes before them in the spirituall court yea and chiefly the kinges owne seruitures 20. Item they presume to heare and haue the cognition of actions which are reall or at leastwise mixt that is both reall and personall 21. Item the sayd prelates go about to haue cognition of such temporall mens matters as dwel in hospitals almes houses the kings peculiars and in villagies of his subiectes although the plea thereof apperteineth to the King himselfe and his subiects forbidding vnder payne of excoÌmunication great forfeits no man so hardy to commeÌce any sute agaynst any of them but before theÌselues in pain of a great summe of mony 22. Item to the end the Clergye and Ecclesiasticall rule should be multiplied they conferre a number of Tonsures to children vnder age some of them being sonnes of bondmen other some bastardes borne yea and to many more maried folkes insufficient vnable and vnlearned 23. Item they do cause by the gouernors of their clerkes widow women to be inforced defiled and will haue the discussing therof as in like maner they will determine the matters
of Pupilles applying their goods wheÌ they died as they do the goodes of them which dye intestate to theyr owne vse the cognition wherof belongeth to the king him selfe because those kinde of persons with their goods are ward to the kind and vnder his tuition 24. Item they procure through the sayd Deanes of the clergy of malice temporall men of the kings dominioÌs or other where without all order of law to be apprehended obiecting agaynst them that they haue strayed from some article of christian fayth therewith shut them vp when that theyr imprisonment appertaineth to the king while they be conuicted therof 25. Item they exercise their iurisdiction in all places hauing no regard neither to the kings peculiar townes nor yet to his subiects but runneth in euery hole wheÌ by law they ought to haue no iurisdiction without their owne limits and precinct 26. Item when these Prelates or their officials by vertue of their monitions do charge the kinges officers his iustices to execute any thing if they doe not performe that which is prescribed vnto them the forfet which the monition conteyneth is taken yea and excommunication denounced And this is a new inuention sprong vp of late amongst them much to the preiudice of the King and his subiectes 27. Item when the Bishops or their oâârals do prosecute a matter of office before themselues against any temporall man and haue no proofe therof They compell many of the laity to be deposed therin what they know hauing no respect whether they be the kinges burgesses or no or what they be and yet will they not allow any charges expeÌses for their paynes taken in that behalfe But if they appeare not at theyr day they are sure to be excommunicate 28. Item if malefactours be apprehended by any of the kinges iustices and indicted of thest and he whose goods they were which were stollen commeth before the kyngs Sheriffes and proueth theÌ to be his and therfore the matter to be ordered by theÌ if afterward the Bishops or theyr officiall affirme the sayd selon or malefactor to be a Clerke they will by vertue of their decrees or monitions compell the Kinges Sheriffes to restore and bring in the stollen goodes and if they doe it not they are pronounced excommunicated 29. Item if it happeÌ the kings Shiriffe or Baylife to take an offender for his defence and he affirmeth himselfe to be a clerke although he neuer tooke any kinde of tonsures or orders wearing no habite apertaining thereunto Yet the Bishops or their Officials will cause the detayners of theÌ by their censures to deliuer vnto them the sayd malefactor as their clerke 30. Item if it happen the kinges Shiriffe or other his iustices to take a theefe or murderer which beareth a clerkes mark and tonsure and therfore deliuereth him to the clergy to be ordered It shall not be long before he be acquited by them although he afterward recognise his fact yea notwithstanding his felowes and parteners of that offeÌce being mere temporall receiued iustice for the same and appeacheth him therof And so the like malefactors to be incouraged therby to commit after the like 31. Item if any complayneth and sayth that he is spoyled by and by the Officials will decree a monitioÌ agaynst the spoyler by vertue whereof some one of the Deanes of the clergy shall monish him to restore the thinges comprised in the monition also minister to him an oath whether he hath not spoyled the plaintife of such thinges as he sayth he was spoyled of But if he refuse to take an oath before him then the Deane will straightwayes seale vp the monition excommunicate him and by no meanes shal be absolued before he restore and satisfy the contents in the monition wherof the playntif sayd first he was spoyled of 32. Item if any for his offence be cast into prison by the secular power although at the time of his taking he were teÌporall habite and was in no orders but all the dayes of his life liued like a temporall man yet if he shall auouch vow himselfe to be a clerke to the intent to haue more expedition at the clergyes hands and to escape vnpunished The clergy wil incontinent geue to the laity in commauÌdement to restore vnto them the malefactor or els suspeÌsion to be denouÌced throughout the whole township where the said malefactor shal be so imprisoned And for auoiding the ieopardy which might arise of the sayd seasement the secular iudge of necessity is compelled to deliuer them the offeÌder to the great preiudice of the kings temporall iurisdiction to whom the cognition thereof might appertaine in case of resort and prerogatiue 33. Item when any offender is deliuered by the temporal Magistrates to the clergy as their clerke his frendes wil make sute to the Bishops Officials for him and compouÌd with them by reason wherof they demisse them vnpunished and so doe worse and worse although theyr fact was neuer so notorious 34. IteÌ so soone as any maryed clerke being a marchant or of whatsoeuer other science he be of for any his offence by him committed is called before he secular iudge The sayd clerk obtayneth of the Officials a monition bringing with them some priest who doth inhibit the secular iudge vnder payne of 100. or 200. Markes yea and of excommunication to not to proceede farther nor to meddle in such causes and not to molest such parties neither in body nor in goods But if the iudges obey not they shall be suspended froÌ hearing of Masse in that place although the matter concerneth the fact of marchaundise 35. Item the sayd Officials graunt citations without nuÌber agaynst the laity in cases of warranties personally to ascite before theÌ persons vnknown But if they be known it is contained in the citation that in no wise and that vnder a great payn he cause his aduersary to be called before a secular iudge during the returne of the citation 36. Item when one is excommunicated in any place the Officials graunt out personall citations agaynst them which do perticipate and are conuersant with the excommunicate causing a whole country by the space of 8. miles about to be cited together And further the frendes and acquaintaunce of the party so excommunicate sometime by 40. somtime 60. yea and sometime by 100. at once are compelled to make theyr purgation before them that they doe not participate nor keepe company with their frendes the excommunicates Wherby ensueth that many honest olde and auncient men for auoyding of troubles and expenses do pay some 12. d. some 2. s. By occasion wherof many vines are vnlooked to much ground vntilled yea and many good men constrayned to lay the key vnder the doore and runne away 37. Item the sayd Officials doe burden many persons of good name and fame to be vsurers whereby they are constrained to agree with them for auoiding the infamy that thereby might ensue
proceeded betwene the Earles sister and the foresayde Peter albeit sore against the Earles mind Gaueston thus restored and dignified was so surprised in pride and exaltation more then euer before that he disdained derided al other whose rule power more more encreased In somuch that he hauing the guiding of all the kings iewels treasure coÌueied out of the kings iewell house at Westminster a table a paire of tressels of gold vnto certain marchants beyoÌd the sea with other iewels âo to his behoofe to the great impouerishing both of the king Quene and of the land And ouer all that brought the king by meane of his wanton conditions to manifold vices as aduoutrie and suche other like Wherfore the Lords seing the mischief that daily increased by occasion of this vnhappie man tooke theyr couÌsell together at Lyncolne and there concluded to voide him again out of England so that shortly after he was exiled againe and went into Flaunders for in Fraunce or hys owne country he durst not appeare for feare of Philip the French king to whoÌ the Queene of England hys daughter had sent ouer great complaintes of the sayd Gaueston who had so impouerished her the whole Court that she had not wherewith to maintaine her state Uppon whych complaint the French king through al his dominioÌs layd strait watch to apprehend the sayd Gaueston but he not vnwarned thereof secretly coasted into Flaunders from wheÌce it was not long but he was fet againe by the king as in further processe followeth so much was the kinges hart infatuated by this wicked person About this yeare or the next before came in first the crowched Friers And also began first the knightes of the order of S. Iohn Baptist otherwise called the knights of Rhodes for that they by manly knighthood put out the Turkes from the Isle of Rhodes In the history of king Edward this kinges father before precedent mention was made of Pope ClemeÌt the 5. who succeeded after Benedict also of putting down of the templaries which in this yeare hapned by the meanes of the French king who as he caused to be burned in the City of Paris this yeare 54. TeÌplaries with the great maister of the same order so by his procurement the foresayd Pope Clement called a Councell at Uienna where the whole order and sect of Templaries being coÌdemned was shortly after by the consent of all Christen kinges deposed all in one day After whome the Frenche king thought to make his sonne king of Ierusalem and to conuert to hym all the landes of the sayd Templaries But Clement the Pope would thereto not agree transferring all their lands to the order of hospitulers for the great summe of money geuen for the same The cause why these impious Templaries were put downe was so abhominable and filthy that for the reuerence of chaste eares it were better not told if it be true that some write An other matter worthy to be noted of like abhomination I thought here to inserte touching a certayne Noonery in Fraunce called Prouines within the which at the clensing and casting of a fishpond were found many bones of young children and the bodyes also of some infantes as yet whole vnconsumed vpon occasion whereof diuers of the Nunnes of the sayd Nunnery to the nuÌber of 27. were had to Paris and there imprisoned what became of them afterward I finde not in mine author Arpontacus Burdegalensis In the the same Counsell also was decreed by the sayd Clement that all religious orders exempted shold be subiect vnder the common lawes as other were But Cistercian Monkes with mony and great giftes redeemed their priuileges and exemption of the pope and so had them grauÌted Tho. Wals. These Cistercians sped better herein then did the Minorites of FranciscaÌs in theyr suite Of the whiche Franciscans when certayne of them had offered vnto the sayd Pope Clement 40. thousand florences of gold beside other siluer that the Pope woulde dispence with them to haue landes and possessions agaynst their rule the Pope asked them where was that money They aunswered in the marchant mens hands So the space of three dayes being geuen theÌ to bring forth these marchants the P. absolued the marchaunts of their bond made to the Fryers and commaunded all that money to be imployed and reuerted to hys vse Declaring to the Fryers that he would not infringe or violate the rule of S. Frauncis lately canonised neither ought he to do it for any money And thus the beggerly riche Fryers lost both their money and theyr indulgence Ex eodem autore Concerning this pope Clement the 5. Sabellicus writeth that he excommunicated the Uenecians for ayding and preferring of Azoda vnto the estate of Ferrary and wrote his letters throughout all Europe condemning them as enemies of the Church and geuing their goods as a lawfull pray vnto all men which caused them to sustaine great harme But Frauncis Dandulus a Noble man of Uenice being Embassadour from the Uenecians to the sayd Clement for the obtayning of their absolution and safegard of their Citty and country and for the pacifying of the popes fury toward them was fayne so to humble himselfe before this proud tyrannicall Prelate that hee suffered a chaine of yron to be tyed about hys neck and so he lye down flat before his table and so to catch the bones fragmentes that fell from his table as it had bene a dog till the Popes fury was toward them asswaged So that after that he in reproche because he so humbled himselfe for the behalfe and helping of his country was of some called a dog But the Citty of Uenice shewed themselues not vnkinde agayn to Dandulus for hys gentle good will declared to his country For as he had abased himselfe before the vile and ignominious condition of a dog for his Countries sake so they extolled him with as muche glory agayne being returned home decking and adourning him after the best aray with the chiefe princely ornamentes of the Citty to make him amendes for his former reproch receaued Sabel Ennead 9. li. 7 Concerning the Constitutions of this pope Clement and of his decretals and Clementines and how Henricus the Emperour in his dayes was poysoned in receauing of the Sacrament ye haue heard before About this tyme Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury whoÌ thys kinges father had banished before was released and returned home from Rome Those thinges thus declared let vs proceede by the Lordes grace to the next yeare which is of the Lord. 1311. the fifth yeare after this kings raygne In the which yeare compting the yeare from Michelmasse to the same feast agayne as then the vsage of the Realme was Peter Gaueston who had wandred the countryes about could finde no safe resting place notwithstanding he was vtterly banished vpon forfeiting life and goodes out of the realm yet trusting vpon the kinges
Of whom onely Thomas Earle of Lancaster for the nobility of his bloud was beheaded All the other Lords and Barons were hanged drawn quartered c. which bloudy vnmercifulnes of the king toward his naturall subiects not only to him procured great dishonor within the realme but also turned afterward to his much more greater harm hinderance in his forreine warres agaynst the Scots And finally wrought his vtter confusion and ouerthrow of his seat royall as in the sequell of his end appeared and worthely After the ruine of these noble personages the king as though he had gotteÌ a great coÌquest who then in deed began first to be ouercomen and conquere himself when he so oppressed and cut of the strength and sinews of his chiualrye began to triumph not a litle with his Spensers And to couÌt himselfe sure as though he were in heauen to exercise more sharpe seuerity vpon his subiectes trusting and committing all to the counsell onely of the foresayd Spensers in so much that both the Queene and the residue of yâ other nobles could litle be regarded Who as they grew euer in more contempt with the king so they encreased in more hatred agaynst the Spensers but strength hability lacked to worke ther will The next yeare the king being at York after he had made Sir Hugh Spencer Erle and Syr Iohn Baldocke a man of euill same to be Chauncellour of England he theÌ areared a mighty host agaynst the Scottes But for lack of skilfull guiding expert Captaynes and for want specially of due prouision of vitayles necessary for such an army the great multitude to the number reckoned of an hundreth thousand wandring through Scotland from whence the Scots had conuayed all theyr goods and cattell into moutaynes and marches were so pynched and sterued with famyne that a great part of the army there presently perished and they that returned home as soone as they tasted of in eates escaped not The king neither hauing resistance of his enemies and seing such a destruction of his subiects was forced without anye acte done to retyre But in his retiring Sir Iames Duglas and the Scottes hauing knowledge therof pursued him in such wise that they clue many Englishe men and had well neare taken the kyng himselfe After whiche distresse the king thus beaten and wearyed with the Scottes woulde fayne haue ioyned in âruce with the Scottes but because they stoode excommunicate by the pope he standing in feare therof desireth liceÌce to entreate with them of peace the sayd excommunication notwithstanding whiche licence beyng obtayned a treaty was appoynted by commissioners on both parts at Newcastle at the feast of Sainct Nicholas next ensuing and so truce was taken for 12. yeares whereupon this is to be noted by the way gentle reader not vnworthy of obseruation that wheras in former tymes and especially of the late king Edward the first so long as the Scottes were vnder the popes blessing and we in displeasure with his holines for dealing with them so long we preuayled mightely agaynst them euen to the vtter subuersion in manour of their whole estate But nowe so soone as the Pope tooke our part the Scots were vnder his curse and excommunication Then gat they greater victories against vs then any time either before or sithence in somuch as being before not able to defend them selues agaynst vs they nowe pursued vs into the bowels of our owne country The king purposing to erect a house of Fryers Augustines within the towne of Boston in Lincolneshyre first prayed the popes licence in that behalfe Polidorius Virgilius among other histories of our English nation which he intermedleth withall prosecuting also the actes and life of this present King and comming to write of the Queenes goyng ouer into Fraunce inferreth much varietie and diuersitie of autours and story writers concerning the cause thereof Otherwise be geueth hymself no true certainty of that matter neyther yet toucheth he yâ which was the cause in deede By reason partly that he being an Italian and a foreiner coulde not vnderstand our English toung And partly agayne being but one maÌ neyther coulde he alone come to the sight of all our Latine autours One I am sure came not to his perusing an old ancient Latine history fayre written in patchment but without name belonging to the library of William Cary Citizen of London In which story the truth of this matter âout all ambiguitie is there fully and with all circumstaunces expressed as here briefly is excerpted The king of England had bene diuers sundry tymes cited vpp to the Courte of Fraunce to doe homage to the French king for the Dukedome of Aquitane other lands which the king then helde of Fraunce Whiche homage because the king of England refused to tender the French K. began to enter at such possessions as the king then did hold in Fraunce Whereupon great contention and confirtes there were on both sides At length in this yeare now present a Parliament was called at London Where after much altercation at last it was determined that certayne should be sent ouer to witte the Bishops of Winchester and Norwich and the Earle of Richmond to make agreement betwixt the two kinges For the better help and fortification of which agreement it was thought good afterward that Queene Isabell sister to Charles then the FreÌch king shold be sent ouer Where is to be noted first that the Queenes landes possessions and castles a little before vpon the breach betweene the Frenche king and the Kyng of Englande were seised into the kinges handes and the Queene put to her pension c. Thus the Queene beyng sent ouer with a few to attend vpon her onely Syr Iohn Cromwell Baron and 4. knightes tooke theyr passage into Fraunce by whose mediation it was there concluded that the king of England if he would not himselfe come to do his homage he should geue to his sonne Edward the Dukedome of Aquitanie and the Earledome of Pontine and so he to come to make his homage to the king and to podesle the same This being in Fraunce concluded was sent ouer by message to the king of England with the kings letters patentes adioyned for the sate conduct of him or of his sonne Upon this deliberation was taken in the counsalle of England But the two Spensers fearing to take the Seas eyther with the king or els without the king to remayne behinde for scare of the nobles so appoynted that Prince Edward the kings sonne was sent whiche happened after to theyr vtter desolation as it followed For all thinges being quieted ordered according to the agreement in Fraunce K. Edward of England soone after Michaelmas sendeth for his wife and his sonne agayne out of Fraunce But the sending home most part of her family reinseth her selfâ to returne For what cause it is not fully certayne whether for indignation that her possessions
is now lately dead and the maister here of the Dominike Friers is not now present Wherfore we dare not determine in such a weighty cause touching the priuileges of our order without the presence of them And ther fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to holde vs therin excused and not to be so lightly stirred against vs for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity c. The next day being the 8. day of the same moneth whithe is also dedicate to the conception of our Ladye vpon which day it was determined likewise that one of the dominicke Friers should preach in the Church of the Franciscane or gray Friers and so he did tending to the same end as the other frier in the other church had done before Whereby it may seeme the prouerb well aunswered vnto whereof we read in the Gospell Facti sunt amici Herodes Pilatus in ipsa die It was not long after that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle folowed in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uniuersity againe were warned the third day after to congregate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time Which being done and the assembly meeting together an other SermoÌ was made by a Diuine of the Uniuersity whose theame was Prope est Dominus omnibus inuocantibus eum in veritate c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued agaynst them that woulde not be obedient vnto theyr Prelats c. The sermon being ended then rose vp againe the Bishop Ambianensis who prosecuting the rest of the Theame and comming to the word in veritate deuided it in three parts according to the common glose of the decretals Est verum vitae doctrinae iusticiaeque Primum semper habe duo propter scandala linque Shewing and declaring by many authorities both of canonicall scriptures and out of the law and by euideÌt demonstratioÌ of experience that the Friers first had no verity of life because they were full of hypocrisy neither had they verity of doctrine because in their hart they bare gall and in theyr toung hony neither verity of iustice because they vsurped other mens offices And thus concluding with the same caused agayn to be read the sayd priuileges with the constitution aboue specified And so expouÌding place by place did argue and proue that the sayd constitution in no part was euacuat or infringed by that priuilegies aforesayd Which thing being declared he added moreouer that where as the Friers say sayd he that I should be present in the obteining of the priuileges I graunt it to be true when word came to me thrise thereof I went to the Pope reclayming requiring the sayd priuileges to be renoked But the next day after it so pleased the Pope to send me out abroad vpon weighty affayres so that then the matter had no end After that we sent also other messengers with our letters for the same cause vnto the Court of Rome whom the Friers say not to haue preuailed but they lye therein For the sayd messengers agayne brought vs letters from the chief of the court of Rome sealed with their seales which letters we haue diuers times presented to our king wil shortly shew them vnto you all In the which letters the Lord Pope hath promised the sayd priuiledges either to be vtterly abrogate or els to be mitigated with some more playnely interpretation of the which we trust shortly to haue the publicke Bulle or writ from the Pope At last the sayd Bishop required desired of all there of what Dioces or countrey so euer they were that they would copy out the foresayd priuiledges and send them abroad into their couÌtries that all men might see what they were and how far they did exteÌd In fine the matter comming into open disputation it was coÌcluded by M. Giles one of the Austine Friers who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers in this wise that after his sentence the Prelates were in the truer part c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis ¶ Concerning this wrangling contention betwene the Uniuersity and Friers of Fraunce heretofore mentioned whereof partly the original cause there may be vnderstand by that which hath bene sayd to rise vpon certaine priuilegies grauÌted by popes to the Friers to intermedle in matters of Parish churches As to heare confessioÌs to preach and teach with power there to annexed to gather for theyr labor to bury within their houses and to receiue impropriations c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances therof also because the sayd contention dyd endure a long time not onely in frauÌce but also came ouer to englaÌd The whole discourse therof more ample Christ willing shal be declared in the beginning of the next booke folowing when we come to the story of Armachanus About what time yere this brawle was in the Uniniuersity of Paris betwene the Friers and Prelats there as hath bene declared the like conteÌtion happened also in the vniuersity of Oxford in the yeare aboue prefixed 1354. saue onely that the strife amoÌg the maisters of Paris as it rose vpon Frierly ceremonies so it went no farther then brawling wordes and matter of excoÌmunication but this tumult rising of a dronken cause proceeded further vnto bloudy stripes The first originall wherof began in a tauerne betwene a scholer the good man of the house Who falling together in altercatioÌ grew to such heat of words that the student contra ius hospitij poured the wine vpon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot Upon this occasion geuen estsoones parts began to be taken betwene townes men the scholers In somuch that a grieuous sedition conflict folowed vpoÌ the same wherin many of the townes men were wounded to the number of 20. slayn Diuers also of the scolers grieuously hurt The space of 2. dayes this hurly burly continued Vpon the second day certain religious and deuout persoÌs ordeined a solemne processioÌ general to pray for peace Yet notwithstanding all that procession as holy as it was it would not bring peace In the which procession the skirmish stil waxing hoat one of the studentes being hardly pursued by the townesmen for succour in his flight came running to the Priest or Frier which caried about as the maner was the pixe thinking to finde refuge at the preseÌce of the transubstaÌtiated God of the aultar there caried inboxed Notwithstanding the God there not preseÌt or els not seing him or els peradueÌture being a sleepe the scholer fouÌd there small helpe For the townesmen in the heate of the chase forgetting belike the vertue of the popes transubstaÌtiation folowed him so hard that in the preseÌce of the pixe they brake his head wouÌded him greuously This done at length some peace or truce for that day was taken The
Aluredus whiche in the order of Archbishops I left out in the end of the 3. booke pag. 170. This Lanffancus was an Italian and a stout Champion of the Pope After his stubberne dissention with Thomas Archbishop of Yorke he wrot against Berengarius intitulyng hys Booke Opus Scintillarum pag. 172. Also the same Lancfranke builded the newe Churche at Canterbury and pluckt downe the olde By him was builded the Church of S. Gregorye At length he was expulsed by king Wil. Rufus 35. Anselmus 20. Of this Anselmus and the strife betwene him and the king looke in the pag. 184. 36. Radulphus 8. Under Rad. the order of Cisternians began 37. Guilielmus Curboil 13. By this W. the newe worke of the Church of S. Martines at Douer was builded 38. Theobaldus 24. By this Theobald Monkes were first brought into that church of Douer He was expulsed by king Stephen In his time the church of S. Gregory was burned at Cant. 39. Tho. Becket 9. Of the life and death of thys Becket see the pag. 205. 39. Tho. Becket 9. Ex Crikeladensi Magnates in Anglia interdixerunt ne quis martyrem Thomam nominaret ne quis eius miracula praedicaret interminantes minas mortis seu maximarum poenarum omnibus consitentibus eum fuisse martyrem miracula eius praedicantibus c. 40. Richardus 10. This Richard was a Monk in his time Christes Church at Canterbury was burned 41. Baldwinus 7. Betweene this Baldwine the Monkes was great discord He suspended the Prior from his Priorship and 22. Monkes from all seruice He caused the Subprior with all his adhereÌts to be excommunicate through al Kent 42. Hubertus 14. In the time of thys Hubert the Chappell of Lamheth was pluckt downe Also the Church of Douer was burned 43. Stephanus Langhton 22. This Stephen with the Monkes of Caunterbury were expulsed by king Iohn This Stephen intending to geue orders in the Chappell of Lamheth was stopped by the Monkes of Cant. through their appeale and prohibition Wherfore he required Eustace Bishop of London to minister the same orders in the Church of Saynct Paule In his time fell great variaunce betweene the Monkes of Rochester and the Monkes of Canterb. for the election of their B. which election the Monkes of Cant. would not admitte before the Rochester Monkes had presented the Byshops staffe in the Church of Cant. so that both the Churches sent their messengers to the court of Rome 44. Richardus Magnus 4. At the consecration of this Richarde contention rose betwene the Bishop of Rochester and bishop of Bath who should consecrate him Item betwene the sayd Richard and the Monkes of Canterbury fell a greuons discord about certayne libertyes belonging to the Archb. The sayd Archbishop for certayne quarels agaynst the king went vp to Rome who dyed in Tuscia After this Richard the election of 3. Archbish. was castate at Rome of Rodulphus de noua villa of Iohn Prior of Cant. Iohn Blund 45. Edmund of Abenden 7. This Edmund was called S. Edmund At whose election the Prior of Douer thinking to be present as at the mariage of his Mother was not permitted by the Monkes of Canterbury For the which iniurye he appealed and went to Rome to complayne not against the elect but agaynst the election where he obteined of the Pope for all the Priors and successors of Douer to haue full interest in the election of the Archbi besides other priuiledgies which he obteined percase not without some good store of mony Afterward yâ Monkes of Cant. accused him to the Archbishoppe as though he stood agaynst the person of the elect so obtayned of the Archbi being angrye with him to haue brought him vnder the chapter of Canter there to be punished Whereupon the Prior seing him so destitute of all helpe of Lawyers was constrayned in the foresayd chapter to crye peccaui Then being suspended from his Priorship was at leÌgth seÌt home to Douer being compelled first to set his hand to a certayn composition betwene him the foresayd Monkes The sayd EdmuÌd Archb. also hauyng some quarell agaynst the king went vp to Rome and dyed before his comming home 46. Bonifacius 25. In the time of this Boniface Pope Gregory wickedly grauÌted to king Henry 3. for the getting of the kingdome of Sicile whiche belonged not to him to geue nor to the other to take tenthes of goodes temporall and spirituall for fiue yeares Item all the first yeares fruites of churches that should be vacant for 5. yeares Item halfe of all the goodes of beneficed men not resident at their benefices Item all Legaces not distinctly geuen And yet the kingdome of Sicile neuer came to his hands whiche belonged to Manfredus sonne of Fredericke Emperour Strife betweene thys Boniface and the prior of Cant. Item betwene him and bishop of Ross. Item betweene him the Chapter of Lincolne all which was after agreed Chro. Douerens fol. 20. pag. 2. Strife in Winchester about chusing the bishop after yâ death of Ayonarus that kings Brother Strife in the Conuocation whiche Boniface did holde at Lambheth In the which councell were recited the statutes of Octobonus and other new statutes made Agaynst whiche I. Hemelingforde the Kynges Chaplaine with other moe and prince Edward on the Kynges behalfe did appeale Chro. Douer fol. 21. Under this Boniface Archb. Tunbridge Hadlo first came vnder the custody of the Archb. of Cant. Maister Iohn of Exeter bought the Bishoprick of Winchester for 6000. marks which being known he was fayne to pay the same summe agayne to the Pope and so was sent home Boniface the Archb. being in the partes of Sebaudia an 1262 fell an other alteration betwene the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury on the one part and the Prior and Chapter of Douer on the other part Which two houses almost were neuer in quiet and all about certayne liberties and Priuilegies as for making the subprior for receiuing in of monkes and for visitations of the Church of Douer An. 1268. Boniface Archb. interdicted the Cittye of London because in the same Cittye the Archb. of Yorke did holde vp his Crosse the Archbishoppe of Cant. being there present the king holding then hys Parliament at Westminster This Archb. died in the partes of Sebaudia  Iohn Prior of Canterbury was elected by the Monkes agaynst the kinges minde but by the Pope refused  Adam Chilinden was elect but he resigned his electioÌ to the Pope 47. Robert Kilwarby Frier 6. In the time of this Robert Kilwarby appeale was taken agaynst the Chapter of Canterbury by the Bishop of Winchester of Worcester and Exceter for the which cause the sayd Byshops weÌt vp to Rome to prosecute the appeale The matter was because they did not theyr obedience to the Monkes of Caunterbury the see beyng empty Walter Gissard Archb. of Yorke going toward the generall counsell bare vp his crosse through the middle of Kent in the time of this
began greatly to multiply and spread vnto whome this Bakenthorpe was euer a great enemye Whose steppes the scholler also following began to do the like Such was the capacitie and dexteritie of this Fizraf that he being commended to king Edward the 3. was promoted to him first to be Archdeacon of Lichfield then to be the commissary of the vniuersitie of Oxford At length to be Archbishop of Armach in Ireland He being Archbishop vppon a time had cause to come vp to London At what time here in the said citty of London was contention betweene the Friers and the clergie about preaching and hearing confessions c. Whereupon this Armachanus being requested to preach made 7. or 8. sermons Wherein he propounded 9. conclusions agaynst the Friers for the which he was cited vp by the Friers before this pope Innocent the 6. to appeare And so he did who before the face of the pope valiantly defended both in preaching in writing the same conclusions therein stood constantly vnto the death as the wordes of Iohn Wickliffe in his Trialogo do well testifie in this wise Ab Anglorum Episcopis conductus Armachanus nouem in Auinione conclusiones coram Innocentio 6. suorum Cerdinalium coetu contra fratrum mendicitatem audacter publicauit verbóque ac scriptis ad mortem vsque defendit The like also testifieth of him Waldenus in fasciso zizianniorum Also Volateranus reporteth the same Gulielmus Botonerus testifying of him in like maner saith that Armachanus first reproued begging Friers for hearing the confessions of professed nonnes without licence of their superiours and also of maryed women without knowledge of their husbandes What daungers and troubles he susteyned by his persecutors and howe miraculously the Lord deliuered him from their handes In so muche that they meeting him in the open streetes and in cleare day light yet had no power to see him nor to apprehend hym In what perill of theeues and searchers he was in and yet the Lord deliuered him yea and caused his mony being take from him to be restored againe to him by portions in time of his necessitie and famine Also from what dangers of the kinges officers which comming with the kings letters layd all the hauens for him yet howe the Lord Iesus deliuered him shewing him by what wayes how to escape them Moreouer what appeales were layd agaynst hym to the number of 16. and yet how the Lord gaue him to triumph ouer al his enemies How the Lord also taught him brought him out of the profound vanities of Aristotles subtlety to the study of the Scriptures of God All this with muche more he himselfe expresseth in a certaine prayer or confession made to Christ Iesus our Lord in which he describeth almost the whole history of his owne life Whiche prayer I haue to shewe in old written hand and hereafter Christ willing inteÌd as time serueth to publish the same The beginning of the prayer in latin is this Tibi laus tibi gloria tibi gratiarum actio Iesu pijssime Iesu potentissime Iesu dulcissime qui dixisti Ego sum via veritas vita Via sine deuio veritas sine nubilo vita sine termino Quod tute viam mihi oftendisti Tute veritatem me docuiste Et tute vitaÌ mihi promisisti Via eras mihi in exilio Veritas eras in consilio Et vita eris mihi in premio With the rest that followeth in the foresayd prayer Thus what were the troubles of this good man and how he was cited vp by the Friers to the P. you haue partly heard Nowe what were his reasons and argumentes wherwith he defendeth his cause in the popes presence followeth to be declared For the tractation whereof firste I must put the reader in remeÌbrauce of the controuersie meÌtioned before in the story of Guliel de sancto de Amore. Pag. 322. Also in the story of the vniuersitie of Paris contending against the Friers pag. 392. For so long did this controuersie continue in the Churche from the yeare 1240. wheÌ the Oxford men began fiesâ to stand against the Fryers to the time of this Armachanus that is to the yeare 1360. and after this time yet more encreased So it pleased the secret prouidence of God for what cause he best knoweth to suffer his Churche to be entangled and exercised sometimes with matters and controuersies of no great importance Eyther to keepe the vanitie of mens wits thus occupyed froÌ idlenes or els to prepare their mindes by these smaller matters to the consideration and searching out of other thinges more graue and weighty Like as nowe in these our Queenes dayes we see what tragidies be raysed vp in EnglaÌd about formes fashions of ministers wearinges what troubles grow what placing and displacing there is about the same Euen so at this time happened the like stirre about the liberties and priuilegies of the Friers which not a little troubled and occupied al the churches Diuines almost through Christendome The whiche controuersie to the intent it may better be vnderstanded all the circumstances therof being explayned we will first begyn from the originall and foundation of the matter to declare by order and course of yeres vpon what occasion this variance first rising in continuance of time increased multiplide in gathering more matter and brast out at length to this tumultuous contention among learned men Concerning therfore this present matter first it is to be vnderstand that in the yeare of our Lord. 1215. vnder pope Innocent the 3. was called a generall couÌcell at Laterane mentioned before Pag. 253. in the dayes of king Iohn Iu the which councell among many other thinges was constituted a certaine law or Canon beginning Omnis vtriusque sexus c. the tenour of which canon in English is thus Be it decreed that euery faythfull Christian both man and woman comming to the yeares of discretion shall confesse hymselfe alone of all his sinnes to the priest of hys own proper parish once in the yeare at least and that he shall endeuour by hys owne self to fulfil the penance wheÌsoeuer he receiueth the sacrament of Eucharistie at least at the time of Easter Vnlesse by the assent of his Minister vpon some reasonable cause to abstayne for the time Otherwise dooing let him both lacke the communion of the Churche being aliue and Christian buriall when he is dead Wherefore be it decreed that this wholesome constitution shal be published accustomably in Churches to the end that no man of ignorance or of blindnes make to himselfe a cloke of excuse And if any shall confesse himselfe to any other priest then of his owne parishe vpon any iust cause let him aske and obtayne first licence of his owne priest Other els the Priest to haue no power to hinde him or to loose him c. In the time of this Innocentius and of this Laterane councell
statute of prouision and premunire made in the 25. yeare of thys kynges dayes And let hym read in the statutes made in the parliamentes holden the 27 yeare and 38. yeare of hys raigne And vnder the same title of prouision and premunire shall finde the popes primacie and iurisdiction wythin this Realme more nearely touched and much of hys papall power restrayned In so much that who soeuer for any cause or controuersy in law either spirituall or temporal the same being determinable in any of the kyngs courts as all matters were whether they were personall or reall citations or other or should eyther appeale or consent to any appellation to be made out of the realme to the pope or see of Rome should incurve the sayd penaltie and daunger of premunire Diuers other matters wherein the Pope is restrained of his vsurped power authoritie iurisdiction within this realme of England are in the sayd titles and statutes expressed at large set forth who euer list to peruse the same which for breuities sake I omitte hastening to other matters About this tyme being the yeare of our Lorde 1370. lyued holy Brigit whom the Church of Rome hath canonised not onely for a saint but also for a Prophetesse who notwithstanding in her booke of reuelations which hath bene oft times imprinted was a great rebuker of the pope and of the filth of his clergie callyng him a murtherer of soules a spiller and a pyller of the flocke of Christ more abhominable then Iewes more crueller theÌ Iudas more vniust then Pilate worse then Lucifer hymselfe The see of the Pope she prophesieth shal be throwne down into the deepe lyke a mylstone And that his assister shall burne with brimstone Affirmyng that the prelates byshops priests are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is neglected and almost extincted And that the clergie haue turned the ten commaundementes of God into two wordes to wyt Da pecuniam that is Geue money It were long and tedious to declare all that she against them writeth Among the rest which I omytte let this suffice for all where as the sayde Briget affirmeth in her reuelations that when the holy Uirgine should say to her sonne howe Rome was a fruitfull and fertile field yea sayd hee but of weedes onely and cockle c. To thys Briget I will ioyne also Catherina Senensis an holy virgin which lyued much about the same tyme ann 1379. Of whome writeth Antoninus part historiae 3. Thys Katherine hauyng the spirite of prophesie was woÌt much to complaine of the corrupt state of the church namely of the prelates of the court of Rome of the pope prophesying before of the great schisme which then folowed in the Church of Rome and dured to the Councell of Constance the space of xxxix yeares Also of the great warres ano tribulation which ensued vpon the same And moreouer declared before and foretold of this so excelleÌt reformation of religion in the Church now present The words of Antoninus be these After this Uirgine in her going to Rome had tolde her brother of the warres and tumultes that should rise in the couÌtries about Rome after yâ schisme of the two Popes I then curious to know of thinges to come knowing that she vnderstood by reuelation what should happen demaunded of her I pray you good mother sayd I and what shall befall after these troubles in the Church of God And she sayd By these tribulations and afflictions after a secret maner vnknowne vnto man God shall purge his holy Church and stirre vp the spirit of his elect And after these thinges shall follow suche a reformation of the holy Churche of God and suche a renouation of holye Pastors that the onelye cogitation and remembraunce thereof maketh my spirit to reioyce in the Lord And as I haue oftentimes tolde you heretofore the spouse which now is all deformed and ragged shall be adorned and deckt with most rich and precious ouches and brouches And all the faythfull shall be glad and reioyce to see themselues so beautified with so holy shepheards Yea and also the Infidels then allured by the sweet sauour of Christ shall returne to the catholicke folde and be conuerted to the true Bishop and shepheard of their soules Geue thankes therefore to God for after this storme he will geue to his a great calme And after she had thus spoken she stayd and sayd no more Beside these aforenamed the Lord which neuer ceaseth to worke in his Church styrred vp agaynst the malignant church of Rome the spirites of diuers other good godly teachers as Matthias Parisiensis a Bohemian borne who about the yeare of our Lord 1370. wrote a large book of Antechrist and proueth him already come and noteth the Pope to be the same Which booke one Illiricus a writer in these our dayes hath promiseth to put it in print In this booke he doth greatly inuey against the wickednesse and filthines of the Clergy and agaynst the neglecting of theyr duety in gouerning the church The Locustes mentioned in the Apocalips he sayth be the hypocrites raigning in the church The workes of Antechrist he sayth be these the fables and inuentions of men raigning in the Church the Images fained reliques that are worshipped euery where IteÌ that men do worship euery one his proper Saint and Sauior beside Christ so that euery maÌ and City almost hath his diuers and peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed moreouer that godlines true worship of God are not bouÌd to place persons or times to be heard more in this place theÌ in an other at this time more theÌ at an other c. He argueth also agaynst the cloisterers which leauing the onely and true Sauior set vp to them selues theyr Franciscanes theyr Dominickes and suche other and haue them for theyr Sauiors glorying and triumphing in them and fayning many forged lyes vpon them He was greatly and much offended with Monks friers for neglecting or rather burying the word of Christ and in stead of him for celebrating setting vp theyr own rules and canons affirming it to be much hurtfull to true godlines for that Priestes Monkes and Nunnes do account themselues onely spirituall and all other to be lay secular attributing onely to themselues the opinion of holynes contemning other men with al theyr politick administration the office as prophane in coÌparison of theyr owne He further writeth that Antechrist hath seduced all Uniuersities Colleges of learned men so that they teach no sincere doctrine neither geue any light to the ChristiaÌs with theyr teaching Finally he forewarneth that it will come to passe that God yet once againe will raise vp godly teachers who being feruent in the spirite and zeale of Helias shall disclose and refute the errors of Antechrist and Antechrist himselfe openly to the whole world This Mathias in the sayd booke of
treasure to the wasting of ecclesiastical liuings to the withdrawing of diuine seruice almose hospitalitie and other acceptable workes and to the daily increase of all mischiefes Wherfore in person and by hys owne month the king required the whole estate to prouide here of due remedy To be noted finally in thys parliament of the 38. yere that the Acte of prouisors brought in thys parliament although in the printed copy cap. 1.2.3.4 doth agree with the recorde in maner yet in the saide recordes vnprinted are moe biting wordes against the Pope a mysterie not to be knowen of all men Notes of the 40. yeare of king Edward the third IT followeth moreouer in the sayd Acts of king Edward the 3. and in the 40. yere of his raigne an other Parliament was called at Westminster the 3. of May. An. 1366. the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chauncelour and speaker Who in the 2. day of the sayd assembly in the presence of the King Lordes and commons declared howe the day before generally they vnderstoode the cause of thys their assembly and now more particularly shuld vnderstand the same specially howe that the king vnderstode yâ the Pope for the homage which K. Iohn made to the sea of Rome for the Realmes of EnglaÌd Ireland and for the tribute by him granted ment by proces to cite the king of Rome to aunswere thereto Wherein the king required their aduises what were best for him to do if any such thing were attempted The Byshops by their selues required respite of answere vntill the next day So did the Lordes commons euery of them by their selues The same next day the whole estates reassembled together by common consent enacted in effect following vz. For asmuch as neither K. Iohn nor any other kyng coulde bring his realme people in such thraldome subiection but by common assent of Parliament the whyche was not done and therefore done against his othe at hys coronation besides many other causes If therefore the Pope should attempt any thing against the King by processe or other matter in deede That the king shall his subiects should withall their force and power resist the same Here moreouer is not to be omitted howe in the sayd present Parliament the Uniuersities of Oxford Cambridge on the one side and the Friers of the foure orders meÌdicants in the said vniuersities on the other side Made long complaintes the one against the other to the kyng in Parliament and in the ende submitted themselues to the kings order After which the king vpon full digesting of the whole matter by assent of Parliament tooke order that as well the Chancelour scholers as the friers of those orders in the sayd Uniuersities should in al graces and other schole exercises vse eche other in frendly wise wythout any rumor as before That none of those orders shoulde receyue any scholers into theyr sayde orders being vnder the age of 18. yeares That the said Friers shall take no aduantage ne procure Bulles or other processe from Rome against the said vniuersities or procede therein And that the kyng haue power to redresse all controuersies betweene them from thence foorth And the offenders to be punished at the pleasure of the King and of the counsaile Notes of the 50. yeare of king Edward the third IN processe of the foresayd Actes and Rolles it followeth more that in the 50. yeare of the reigne of king Edward the 3. the yeare of our Lorde 1376. an other great Parliament was assembled at Westminster the xxiiij of Aprill Where Syr Iohn Knyuet being Lorde Chauncelour of England a certaine long Bill was put vp against the vsurpatioÌs of the Pope as being the cause of all yâ plagues murrions famine and pouerty of the realme so as thereby was not left the third person or other coÌmodity within the realme that lately was 2. That the taxes payed to the Pope of Rome for Ecclesiasticall dignities doe amount to fiue fold as much as the taxe of al profites as apperteine to the king by the yeare of his whole Realme And that for some one Byshoprike or other dignitie the Pope by way of translation and death hath 3.4 or 5. seuerall taxes 3. That the brokers of that sinfull Citie for money promote many caitifes being altogether vnlearned and vnworthy to a 1000. markes lyuing by yeare where the learned and worthy can hardly obteine 20. marks wherelearning decayeth 4. That aliens enemyes to this land who neuer saw ne care not to se their parishioners haue those liuings wherby they despise Gods seruice conuey away the treasure and are worse then Iewes or Sarasens 5. Also it was put vp in the said Bill to be considered that the lawes of the church would such liuings to be bestowed for charitie onely without praying or paying 6. That reason woulde that liuings geuen of deuotion should be bestowed in hospitality 7. That God had committed his sheepe to the Pope to be pastured and not shoren or shauen 8. That lay patrones perceiuing the couetousnes and simony of the pope do therby learne to sell their benefices to beasts none otherwise then Christ was sold to the Iewes 9. That there is none so rich a Prince in Christendome that hath the fourth part of so much treasure as the Pope hath out of this realme for churches most sinfully 10. Ouer and besides in the sayd Bill repeting againe the tendering zeale for the honor of the Church was declared and particularly named all the plagues whych haue iustly fallen vpon this realme for suffering the same church to be so defaced wyth declaration that it will daily encrease wythout redresse 11. Wherupon with much persuasion this was desired to helpe to reedifie the same and the rather for that this was the yeare of Iubiley the 50. yeare of the kynges reigne the yeare of ioy and gladnesse then the whych there could be no greater 12. The meanes howe to begyn this was to wryte 2. letters to the Pope the one in Latine vnder the kyngs scale the other in French vnder the seales of the nobles importing their particularities requiring redres of the which letter of the Lordes the effect may be seene in a like letter mentioned before pag. 479. 13. And for a further accomplishment hereof to enact that no money were caried foorth of the realme by letter of LuÌbardy or otherwise or paine of forfaiture and imprisonment and to enact the articles hereafter ensuing 14. The king hath heretofore by statute prouided sufficieÌt remedy and otherwise pursueth the same with the holy father the Pope so mindeth to do from time to time vntill he hath obteined aswel for the matters before as for the articles ensuing being in a maner all one 15. That the popes collector other straungers the kings enemies and onely lyger spies for English dignities and disclosing of the secretes of the realme may be
his speciall maintainers As yeares and time grew on king Edward the third which had reigned nowe about 51. yeares after the decease of prince Edwarde his sonne who departed the yeare before was stroken in great age in such feblenes withall that he was vnweldy through lacke of streÌgth to gouerne the affairs of the realm Wherfore a parliament being called the yeare before his death it was there put vp by the knights other the burgesses of the Parliament because of the misgouernment of the realme by certain gredy persons about the king raking all to themselues without seing any iustice done that 12. sage and discrete Lordes and Pieres such as were free from note of all auarice shuld be placed as tutours about the Kyng to haue the doing and disposing vnder him 6. at one time and in their absence 6. at an other of matters pertinent to the publike regiment Here by the way I omit to speake of Alice Perris the wicked harlot which as the story geueth had bewitched the kings hart gouerned all and sate vpon canses herself through the diuelish help of a Frier Dominick who by the duke of Lancaster was caused to be take and was conuicted should haue suffred for the same had not the Archb. of Cant. and the Friers more regarding the liberty of their Churche then the punishing of vice reclaimed hym for their own prisoner This Alice Perrys notwithstanding she was banished by this Parliament from the king yet afterward she came againe left him not til at hys death shee tooke all his rings vpon his fingers and other iewels froÌ him and so fled away like an harlot But thys of her by the way These 12. gouernours by the parliament aforesayd being appoynted to haue the tuition of the king to attend to the publike affaires of the realme remained for a certaine space about him till afterward it so fel out that they being againe remoued all the regiment of the realme next vnder the King was committed to the Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne For as yet Richard the sonne of prince Edward lately departed was very yong and vnder age This Duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceiued a certaine displeasure against the popish clergy whether for corrupt and impure doctrine ioyned with lyke abhominable excesse of life or for what some other cause it is not precisely expressed Onely by story the cause thereof may be gessed to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester The matter is thys The Bishop of Winchester as the saying went then was reported to affirme that the foresaid Ihon of Gaunt duke of LaÌcaster was not the sonne of king Edward nor of the Quene Who being in trauel at GauÌt had no sonne as he sayd but a daughter which the same time by lying vppon of the mother in the bedde was there smothered Whereupon the Quene fearing the kings displeasure caused a certaine manchilde of a woman of Flaunders borne the very same time to be conueyed and brought vnto her in stead of her daughter aforesayde And so brought vp the child whom she bare not who now is called duke of Lancaster And this said the Bishop did the Queene tell him lying in extremes on her death bed vnder seale of confession charging hym if the sayde Duke should euer aspire to get the crowne or if the kingdome by any meanes should fall vnto hym he then should manifest the same declare it to the worlde that the sayde Duke of Lancaster was no part of the kings bloud but a false heire of the king This slaunderous report of the wicked Byshop as it sauoureth of a contumelious lie so seemeth it to proceede of a subtile zeale toward the Popes religion meaning falshoode For that the foresayd Duke by fauouring of Wickliff declared hymselfe to be a professed enemy against the Popes profession Whych thing was then not vnknowen neyther vnmarked of the Prelates and Byshops then in Englande But the sequele of the story thus followed Thys slanderous vilany of the Byshops report being blased abroad and comming to the Dukes eare he therw t being not a litle discontented as no maruell was sought againe by what meanes he coulde to be reuenged of thys forenamed Bishop In conclusion the Duke hauing now al the gouernment of the realm vnder the king his father in hys own hand so pursued the byshop of Winchester that by acte of parliament he was condemned and depriued of al his temporal goods which goods wer assigned to prince Rich. of Burdeur the next inheritour of the crowne after the king and furthermore inhibited the said bishop not to approch nere to the court by 20. miles Further as touching thys bishop the story thus procedeth Not loÌg after in the yeare of our Lord. 1377. a Parliament was called by the meanes of the Duke of Lancaster vpon certaine causes respects in which parliament great request and sute was made by the cleargy for the deliueraunce of the B. of Winchester At length wheÌ a subsidie was asked in the kyngs name of the clergy and request also made in the kings behalfe for spedy expedition to be made for the dissoluing of the parliament the Archb. therfore accordingly conuented the bishops for the tractation thereof To whoÌ the B. with great lamentation coÌplained for lack of their felow and brother B. of Wint. Whose iniury said they did derogate to the liberties of the whole church And therfore denied to ioyne themselues in tractation of any such matters before al the members together were vnited with the head And seing the matter touched them altogether in common as well him as theÌ would not otherwise do And seemed moreouer to be moued against the Archb. for that he was not more stout in the cause but suffered him so to be cited of the duke The Archb. although hauing sufficient cause to excuse himselfe wherefore not to send for him as also he dyd because of the perils which might ensue therof yet being enforced persuaded therunto by the importunitie of the bishops directed downe his letters to the foresaid bishop of wintch willing hym to resort vnto the conuocation of the clergy Who being glad to obey the same was receyued with great ioy of the other bishops And at length by that meanes of Alice Perris the kings paramor aboue meÌtioned geuing to her a good quantity of mony the sayd Winchester was restored to his temporalities againe As the Bishops had thus sent for wintch the Duke in the meane time had sent for Iohn Wickliffe who as is saide was then the diuinity reader in Oxford and had coÌmenced in sondry actes and disputations contrary to the forme and teaching of the Popes church in many things who also for the same had bene depriued of his benefice as hath bene afore touched The opinions which he began in Oxford first in his lectures and sermoÌs to entreat of and
if that you shall apprehend by personall citation the sayd Nicholas and Phillip or either of them or whither they shall be absent and hide themselues as of euery thing els which in this behalfe you shall thinke meete to be done that betweene this and the feast of S Laurence you clerely certifie vs by your letters patentes contayning the effect of these thinges Fare ye well At our Manour of Lambeth the 13. day of Iuly the yeare of our Lord. 1382. and first yeare of our translation * The names of the Doctours and Fryers assistentes at this sitting Seculars M. William Blankpayne M. Wil. Barton Friers Carmelits Robert Euery prior Iohn Reningham prior and Iohn Lunne Friors Minors William Barnwel Iohn Ryddin and William Brunscombe Friers Augustines Iohn Court Patrington Tomson and Reepes Against this blind excommunication of the said archb the parties excommunicate commeÌced and exhibited their appeale vnto the bishop of Rome Which appeale of theirs as insufficient or rather to him vnpleasaunt the said archbishop vtterly reiected as might ofteÌtimes ouercommeth right proceeding in his preconceaued excommunication against theÌ and writing moreouer his letters to hym that should preach next at Paules crosse as is aforesaid to denounce and to publishe openly the said Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington to be excommunicate for that not appearing and theyr terme assigned Which was in the 13. day of the month of Iuly Which archbishop moreouer the said yeare month and day aforesaid sent also an other letter to M. Rigge Commissary of Oxford straightly enioyning and charging him not onely to denounce the sayd sentence of excommunication and to geue out publique citation against them but also to make dilligent search and inquisition through all Oxford for them to haue them apprehended and sent vp to him personally before him to appeare at a certain day prescribed for the same Wherby may appeare howe busie this Bish. was in disquieting persecuting these poremeÌ whoÌ rather he should haue nourished and cherished vs his brethren But as his labour is past so his reward will follow at what day the great Archbishop of our soules shall iudicially appeare in his tribunall seat to iudge both the quick and the dead The archb yet not contented with this doth moreouer by all meanes possible sollicite the king to ioyne withall the power of his temporall sword for that he well perceaued that hitherto as yet the popishe Clergy had no authoritie sufficient by any publique law or Statute of thys land to proceede vnto death against anye person whatsoeuer in case of Religion but onely by the vsurped tyranny and example of the court of Rome Where note gentle reader for thy better vnderstanding the practise of the romish prelates in seeking the kinges help to further their bloudy purpose against the good saintes of God Which king being but young and vnder yeares of ripe iudgement partly enduced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresayd Archbishop partly also eyther for feare of the Bishoppes for kings cannot alwayes doe in their realmes what they will or els perhaps entised by some hope of subsidie to be gathered by the Clergy was contented to adioyne his priuate assent such as it was to the setting downe of an ordinaunce which was in deede the very first lawe that is to be found made against Religion and the professors thereof bearing the name of an Acre made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Anno. 5. Rich. 2. where among sundry other Statutes then published and yet remayning in the printed bookes of Statutes this supposed Statute is to be found Cap. 5. vltimo as followeth Item forasmuch as it is openly knowne that there be diuerse euill persons within the realme going from county to countie and from Towne to Towne in certayne habites vnder dissimulation of great holinesse and without the licence of the ordinaries of the places or other sufficient authoritie preaching dayly not onely in Churches churchyardes but also in markets fayres and other open places where a great congregation of people is diuers sermons contayning heresies and notorious errours to the great emblemishing of Christen fayth and destruction of the lawes and of the estate of holy Churche to the great perill of the soules of the people and of all the realme of England as more plainly is found and sufficiently proued before the reuerend father in God the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the bishops and other prelates maisters of Diuinitie and doctors of Canon of ciuil law and a great part of the clergy of the said Realme specially assembled for this great cause which persons do also preach diuers matters of slander to engender discorde and discention betwixt diuers estates of the said realme as well spirituall as temporall in exciting of the people to the great perill of all the Realme which preachers cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places thereto aunswere of that whereof they be impeached they will not obey to their sommons commandementes nor care not for their monitions nor censures of the holy Church but expressely despise them And moreouer by their subtile and ingenious wordes doe drawe the people to heare theire Sermons and doe mayntayne them in their errours by strong hand and by great rowtes It is ordayned assented in this present parliament that the kinges commissions be made and directed to the Sheriffes and other ministers of our soueraigne Lord the king or other sufficieÌt persons learned and according to the certifications of the prelates therof to be made in the Chauncery from time to time to arest all such preachers and also their fautours mayntaynours and abbertours and doe hold them in arrest and strong prison till they wil iustify to them according to the law and reason of holy Church And the king will and commaund that the Chauncellour make such commissions at all times that he by the Prelates or any of them shal bee certified and thereof required as is aforesaid An examination of the foresayd supposed Statute and of the inualiditie therof WHich supposed statute for as muche as it was the principall ground whereuppon proceeded all the persecution of that time it is therefore not impertinent to examine the same more perticularly wherby shall appeare that as the same was fraudulently and vnduly deuised by the Prelates onely so was it in like maner most iniuriously and vnorderly executed by them For immediately vpon the publishing of this lawe without further warrant eyther from the king or his councell commissions vnder the great seale of England were made in this forme Richard by the grace of God c. vt patet act pag. 541. Witnesse my self at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the sixt yeare of our raigne Without more wordes of warrant vnder written such as in like cases are both vsuall and requisite Viz. per ipsum Regem per Regem Concilium or per breue de priuato
knowledge mee guiltie so as I knew no errour in theÌ of which I should be guilty therfore the Byshop sate in dome in mine abseÌce and deemed me an heriticke a schismaticke and a teacher of errours and denounced me accursed that I come not to correction of the Church And therefore for this vnrightfull iugement I appeale to the kinges Iustices for many other causes One cause is for the kynges Court in such matter is aboue the Byshops court For after that the Byshop has accursed he may no feare by his law but theÌ mote he sech succour of the kinges law and by a writ of Significauit put a man in prison The second cause is for in cause of heresie there liggeth iudgement of death that dome may not be geuen without the kinges Iustices For the Byshop will say Nobis non licet interficere quenquam That is It is not lawfull for vs to kill anye man as they sayden to Pilate when Christ should be deemed And for I thinke that no Iustice wil geue sodenly vntrue dome as the Byshop did and therfore openly I appeale to hem and send my conclusioÌs to the Knightes of the Parliament to be shewed to the Lordes and to be taken to the Iustices to be wel auiset or that they geuen dome The thirde cause is for it was a false dome for no man is an hereticke but he that maisterfully defends his error or heresie and stifly maintaines it And mine auÌswere has ben alway coÌditional as the people openly knows for euer I say yet say alway will that if they caânen shew me by Gods law that I haue erret I wil gladly ben ameÌdet and reuoke mine errours and so I am no hereticke ne neuer more in Gods grace will ben en no wise The fourth cause is For the Bishops lawe that they deme men by is full of errours and heresies contrary to the truth of Christes law of the Gospell For there as Christs law biddes vs loue our enemies the Popes law geues vs leaue to hate them to sley them and grauntes men pardon to werren againe heatheÌ men and sley hem And there as Christes lawe teache vs to be mercifull the Bishops lawe teaches to be wretchfull For death is the greatest wretch that meÌ mowen done on him that guilty is There as Christes law teaches vs to blessen him that diseazen vs and to pray for him the popes law teacheth to curse them and in theyr great sentence that they vsen they presume to damne hem to hell that they cursen And this is a foule heresy of blaspheme there as Christes law byddes vs be patient the Popes law iustifies two swords that wherwith he smiteth the sheepe of the Church And he has made Lordes and Kings to sweare to defend him and his Church There as Christes law forbiddeth vs lecheây the popes law iustifies the abhominable whoredome of coÌmon women and the Bishops in some place haue a great tribute or rent of whoredome There as Christes lawe byddes to minister spirituall thynges freely to the people the Pope with his law selles for mony after the quaÌtity of the gift as pardons orders blessing and Sacraments prayers benefices preaching to the people as it is knowne amongest them There as Christes law teaches peace the Pope wyth his law assoyles meÌ for mony to gader the people priests and other to fight for his cause There as Christes law forbids swearing The popes law iustifieth swearing and compels men therto Wheras Christes law teacheth his Priests to be poore the Pope with his law iustifies and mayntaynes Priests to be Lordes And yet the 5 cause is for the Popes law that byshops demen men by is the same vnrightfull law that Christ was demet by of the Byshops with the Scribes and with the Pharises For right as at that time they gauen more credens to the 2. false witnesses that witnessed agaynst Christ then they deden to al the people that witnesseden to his true preaching and his miracles so the Bishops of the Popes law geuen more leuen by their law to two hereticks Apostats or two comen wymen that woulden witnesseden agaynes a man in the cause of heresy than to thousands of people that were trew and good And for the Pope is thys Antechrist and his law contrary to Christ his lawe fully I forsake this law and so I reed all Christen menne For thus by an other poynt of this law they mighten coÌquere much of this world For whan they can by this law preseÌt a man an hereticke his goods shulen be forfet from him froÌ his heyres and so might they lightly haue 2. or 3. false witnesses to recorde an heresye agayne what true man so hem liked Herefore me thinkes that whatsoeuer that I am a christen man I may lawfull appeale froÌ a false dome of the law to be righteouslye demet by the trouth of Gods law And if this appeale will not serue I appeale opeÌly to my Lord Iesu Christ that shall deme all the world for he I wot well will not spare for no man to deeme a trouth And therfore I pray GOD almighty with Dauid in the Sauter booke Deus iudicium tuum regi da iustitiam tuam filio regis Iudicare populum tuum in iustitia pauperes tuos in iudicio That is O God geue they iudgement to the king and thy iustice to the kings sonne to iudge thy people in iustice and thy poore ones in iudgement c. ¶ A letter sent to the Nobles and Burgesies of the Parliament by M. William Swinderby IEsu that art both God and man help thy people that louen thy law and make knowne through thy grace thy teachinge to all christen men Deare sirs so as we seen by many tokens that this world drawes to an end all that euer haue bene forth brought of Adams kinde into this world shuleÌ come togeder at domesday riche and poore ichone to geue accompt and receiue after hys deedes ioy or paynen for euermore Therfore make we our werks good ye while that God of mercy abides and be yee stable and true to God and ye shulen see hys helpe about you Constantes estore videbitis auxilium Domini super vos This land is full of Ghostly cowardes in Ghostly battayle few dare stand But Christ the comforter of all that falleth to that his hart barst for our loue agaynst the fiend the doughty Duke comforteth vs thus Estote fortes in bello c. Be ye strong in battell he sayes and fight ye with the olde adder State in fide viriliter agite c. Wake ye pray ye stond ye in beleue do ye manly and be ye comfortet and let all your thinges be done with charity For Saynt Paule bidds thus in his Epistle that saw the preuetyes of God in heauen Euigilate iusti c. Awake ye that bene righteous men bee yee stable
charge of the realme because it was prooued in a certaine booke which the king hath that a hundreth houses of almes are sufficient for the whole realme And thereby might peraduenture greater increase and profite come vnto the temporalitie The 8. conclusion needefull to tel the people beguiled is that pilgrimages praiers and oblations made vnto blinde crosses or roodes or to deafe images made eyther of woode or stone are very neare of kinde vnto Idolatry and farre different froÌ almes And albeit that these thyngs which are forbidden and imagined are the booke of errour vnto the common people notwithstanding the vsual and common image of the Trinity is most especially abhominable This conclusion God himselfe doeth openly manyfest commaunding almes to be geuen to the poore needy man for he is the image of God in more perfite similitude and likenesse then any blocke or stone For God did not say let vs make a blocke or stone vnto our likenes and image but let vs make man for so muche as the supreme highest honor which the clergy calleth Latria pertaineth only to the Godhead the inferior honour which clergy call Dulia pertaineth vnto men and angels and to none other inferior creature The corolarie is the the seruice of the crosse celebrate twise euery yere in our church is ful of idolatry For if roode tree nailes and speare ought so profoundly to be honoured and worshipped then were Iudas lippes if any man could get them a marueilous goodly relique But thou Pilgrime we pray thee tell vs when thou doest offer to the bones of the Saintes and holy men whych are layd vp in any place whether dost thou relieue therby the holy man which is already in ioy or that almes house that is so well endowed whereas they are canonised the Lord knoweth howe and to speake more plaine euery faithfull Christian may well iudge and suppose that the strokes of that same man whom they calls Thomas were no came of Martyrdome nor yet be The 9. conclusion that keepeth the people low is that auricular confession which is said to be so necessary for saluation the fained power of absolution exalteth and setteth vp the pride of priests and geueth them oportunity of other secrete talkes which we will not at thys tune talke of for so much as both Lordes and Ladies doe witnes that for feare of their confessors they dare not speake the truth and in time of confession is good oportunitie ministred of wooing or to play the baudes or to make other secret conuentions to deadly sinne They affirme and say that they are commissaries sent of God to iudge discerne of al maner sinne to pardone and clense what so euer please them They say also that they haue the keyes of heauen and hell that they can excommunicate curse and blesse binde and loose at theyr owne will and pleasure in so muche that for a small rewarde or for 12. d. they will sell the blessyng of heauen by charter and clause of warrantes sealed by theyr commoÌ seale This conclusion is so common in vse that it nedeth not any probation The corolarie hereof is that the Pope of Rome whych fained himselfe to be the profounde treasurer of the whole Church hauing that same woorthy iewell which is the treasure of the passion of Christ in hys owne keping and custody together with the merites of all the saintes in heauen wherby he geueth fained indulgences and pardons a poena culpa Hee is a treasurer almost banished out of chariti wherby he may deliuer al captiues being in purgatory at hys pleasure and make them not to come there But heere euery faithfull Christian may easily perceiue that there is much falshode hid in our church The 10. that manslaughter either by warre or by any pretensed law of iustice for any temporall cause or spirituall reuelation is expresly contrary vnto the newe TestameÌt which is the law of grace full of mercy This conclusion is euidently proued by the examples of the preachyng of Christ heere in earth who chiefly teacheth euery man to loue his enemies and haue compassioÌ vpon them and not to kill and murther them The reason is this that for the most part when as men do fight after the first stroke charity is broken and whosoeuer dieth without charity goth the right way to hell And beside that we doe well vnderstand know that none of the clergy neither by any other lawfull reason can deliuer any man from the punishment of death for one deadly sinne and not for an other but the law of mercy which is the new Testament forbiddeth all maner of murther For in the Gospell it is spoken vnto our forefathers thou shalt not kil The corolary is It is a very robbing of the people when Lordes purchase indulgences and pardons a poena culpa vnto such as do helpe their armies to kil and murther the christian people in soreine countreys for temporal gaine as we do see certaine souldiors which do runne amongst the Heathen people to get themselues fame renowme by the murther slaughter of men Much more doe they deserue euil thanks at the hands of the king of peace for so much as by humility and peace our faith is multiplied increased for murtherers and manquellers Christ doeth hate and manaseth he that striketh with the sword shall perish with the sword The 11. conclusion is whyche is shame to tell that the vow of chastity made in our church by women whych are fraile and vnperfite in nature is the cause of brynging in many great and horrible offences and vices incident vnto the nature of man For albeit the murther of their children borne before their time and before they are christened and the destruction of their nature by medicine are filthy foule sinnes yet they accompanying amongest themselues or with vnreasonable beastes or with any creature not hauing life doe passe to such an vnseemelinesse that they are punished by infernal torments The corolarie is that widowes such as take the mantell and the ring delitiously fed we would that they were maried because that we can not excuse them from priuate offence of sinne The 12. that the multitude of artes not necessary vsed in this our Church causeth much sinne offence in waste curiosity and disguising in curious apparell experience reason partly doth shewe the same for so muche as nature with a few actes is sufficient for mans vse and necessity This is the whole tenor of our ambassade which Christ hath commanded vs to prosecute at this time most fit and conuenient for many causes And albeit that these matters be heere briefly noted and touched yet notwithstandyng they are more at large declared in another boke with many other more in our owne proper tounge which we would should be common to all Christian people Wherefore we earnestly desire and beseeche God for his great
sayd Archb. commaunded a copy of such articles or conclusions to be deliuered then and thereunto the sayd syr William assigning the Thursday then next ensiting to him to deliberate and make aunswere in When Thursday the sayd day of apparance was come Maister Nicholas Rishton auditour of the causes and busines belonging to the sayd archbishop then beyng in the Parliament house at Westminster otherwise let coÌtinued the sayd conuocation with all matters rising depending and appartinent thereunto by commaundement of the sayd Byshop vntill the next morrow at eight of the clocke When the morow came being Friday The foresaid sir William Sautre in the chapter house before the sayd bishop and hys counsayle prouinciall then and there assembled making his personall appearaunce exhibited a certayne scrole contayning the aunsweres vnto certayne articles or conclusions geuen vnto him as is aforesaid by the said Bishop and sayd that vnto the foresayd Archbyshop he deliuered the same as his answere in that behalfe vnder the tenour of such wordes as follow I William Sautre priest vnworthy say and aunswere that I will not nor intend not to worship the crosse wheron Christ was crucified but onely Christ that suffered vpon the crosse so vnderstanding me that I will not worship the materiall crosse for the grosse corporall matter yet notwithstanding I will worship the same as a signe token and memoriall of the passion of Christ Adoratione vicaria And that I will rather worship a temporall Kyng then the foresayd wooden crosse as the materiall substance of the same And that I will rather worship the bodyes of Saintes then the very crosse of Christ whereon he hong with this addition that if the very same Crosse were afore me as touching the materiall substaunce And also that I will rather worship a man truely confessed and penitent then the crosse on which Christ hong as touching the materiall substaunce And that also I am bound and will rather worship him whom I know to be predestinate truly confessed and contrite then an angell of God for that the one is a man of the same nature with the humanitie of Christ and so is not a blessed aungell Notwithstanding I will worship both of them according as the will of God is I should Also that if any man hath made a vow to visite the shrines of the Apostles Peter and Paule or to goe on pilgrimage vnto S. Thomas tombe or anye whither els to obtayne any temporall benefite or commoditie he is not bound simply to keepe his vow vpon the necessitye of saluation But that he may geue the expences of his vowe in almes amongst the poore by the prudent counsayle of his superiour as I suppose And also I say that euery Deacon and Priest is more bound to preach the word of God then to say the canonicall houres according to the primitiue order of the church Also touching the interrogation of the sacrament of the aulter I say that after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes of the body of Christ there reaseth to be very bread simply but remaineth bread holy true and the bread of life ynd I beleue the sayd sacrament to be the very body of Christ after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes When all these aunsweres were throughly by Maister Robert Hall directly and publikely there read the foresaid Archb. of Cant. inquired of the sayd sir William whither he had abiured the foresayd herefies and errors obiected agaynst him as before is sayd before the Byshop of Norwich or not or els had reuoked and renounced the sayd or such like conclusions or articles or not To which he aunswered and affirmed that he had not And then consequeÌtly all other articles conclusions and aunsweres aboue writen immediately omitted the sayd Archbishop examined the same sir W. Sautre especially vpon the sacrament of the aulter First whether in the sacrament of the aulter after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes remayneth very materiall bread or not Unto which interrogation the same sir W. somewhat waueringly sayd and answered that he knew not that Notwithstanding he sayd that there was very bread because it was the bread of life whiche came downe from heauen After that the sayd Archbishop demaunded of hym whither in the sacrament after the sacramentall woordes rightly pronounced of the Priest the same bread remayneth which did before the wordes pronounced or not And to this question the foresayde William aunswered in like maner as before saying that there was bread holy true and the bread of life c. After that the foresayd Archb. asked him whether the same naturall bread before consecration by the sacramentall woordes of the priest rightly pronounced be transubstantiated from the nature of bread into the very bodye of Christ or not Whereunto sir William sayd that he knewe not what that matter ment And then the sayde Archbish. assigned vnto the said sir William tyme to deliberate and more fully to make hys aunswere till the next day and continued this conuocation then and there till the morow Which morrow to wit the 19. day of February being come the foresayd Archbish. of Cant. in the sayd chapter house of S. Paule in London before hys counsayle prouincial then and there assembled specially asked and examined the same sir William Sautre there personally present vpon the sacrameÌt of the aulter as before And the same Sir William agayne in like maner as before aunswered After this amongst other thinges the sayd Byshop demaunded of the same William if the same materiall bread beyng vpon the aulter after the sacramentall words being of the priest rightly pronounced is transubstantiated into the very body of Christ or not And the sayd sir William sayd he vnderstoode not what he ment Then the sayd archbishop demaunded whether that materiall bread being round and white prepared and disposed for the sacrament of the body of Christ vpon the aulter wanting nothing that is meete and requisite thereunto by the vertue of the sacramentall wordes being of the priest rightly pronounced be altered and chaunged into the very body of Christ and ceaseth any more to be materiall and very bread or not Then the sayd syr William deredingly aunswering sayd he could not tell Then consequently the sayd Archbishop demaunded whether he would stand to the determination of the holye Church or not which affirmeth that in the Sacrament of the aulter after the wordes of consecration being rightly pronounced of the Priest the same bread whiche before in nature was bread ceaseth any more to be bread To this interrogation the sayd sir William sayd that he woulde stand to the determination of the church where such determination was not contrary to the will of God This done he demaunded of him agayne what hys iudgement was concerning the Sacrament of the aulter who sayd and affirmed that after the wordes of consecration by the priest duely pronounced remayned very bread and the same bread which was before the
the crosse he sayd and affirmed that that only body of Christ which did hange vpon the crosse is to be worshipped For so much as that body alone was is yâ crosse which is to be worshipped And being demaunded what honor he would do vnto the Image of the crosse He aunswered by expresse wordes that he would only do it that honor that he would make it clean and lay it vp safe As touching the power and authority of the keyes the Archbishops Bishop and other prelates he sayde that the Pope is very Antichrist that is the head the Archbishops Bishops and other prelates to be his members and the Friers to be his tayle The whiche Pope Archbishops and bishops a man ought not to obey but so far forth as they be followers of Christ of Peter in their life maners conuersation and that he is the successor of Peter whiche is best and purest in life maners Furthermore the said sir Iohn spreading his handes wyth a loude voyce sayd thus to those whiche stoode about hym These men which iudge and would condemne me wil seduce you all themselues and wil lead you vnto hell therfore take heed of them When he had spoken those wordes we agayne as oftentimes before with lamentable countenaunce spake vnto the said sir Iohn exhorting him wyth as gentle wordes as we might that he would returne to that vnity of the church to beleue hold that which the church of Rome doth beleue hold Who expresly aunswered that he would not beleue or holde otherwise then he had before declared Wherefore we perceiuing as it appeared by hym that we coulde not preuayle at the last wyth bitternesse of hart we proceeded to the pronouncing of a definitiue sentence in this maner ¶ In the name of God Amen We Thom. by the permission of God Archb. and humble minister of the holy Church of Cant. primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke see in a certayne cause or matter of heresy vpon certeine articles wherupon sir Iohn Oldcastle knight Lord Cobham before vs in the last coÌuocation of our Clergy of our prouince of Caunterbury holden in the Church of S. Paul in London after diligeÌt inquisition thervpon made was detected accused by our said prouince notoriously and openly defamed At the request of the whole Clergy aforesayd therupon made vnto vs in the said conuocatioÌ with all fauour possible that we might God we take to witnes lawfully proceding agaynst him following the footsteps and example of Christ which woulde not the death of a sinner but rather that he should be conuerted and liue we haue endeuoured by all wayes and meanes we might or could to reforme him and rather reduce him to the vnity of the church declaring vnto him what the holy vniuersall Church of Rome doth teach hold and determine in this behalfe And albeit that we founde him wandring astraye from the Catholicke fayth and so stubberne and stiffenecked that he would not confesse his error or cleare himselfe thereof to detest the same Notwithstanding we fauouring him with a fatherly affection and hartily wishing and desiring his preferuation prefixed him a certayne competent time to deliberate with himself and if he would to repent and reforme himselfe And last of all for so much as we perceiued him to be vnreasonable obseruing chiefly those thinges whiche by the lawe are required in this behalfe with great sorow and bitternes of hart we proceeded to the pronouncing of the definitiue sentence in this maner The name of Christ being called vpon setting him onely before our eyes For so much as by actes enacted signes exhibited euidences and diuers tokens besides sundry kinde of proofes we find the said Sir Iohn to be haue ben an heretick and a folower of heretickes in the fayth and obseruation of the sacred vniuersall Church of Rome and specially as touching the sacraments of the Eucharist and of penaunce And that as the sonne of iniquitye and darckenesse he hath so hardened his hart that he will not vnderstand the voyce of his shepheard neither will be allured with his monitions or conuerted with any fayre speech Hauing first of al searched and sought out and diligently considering the merites of the cause aforesayd and of the sayd Sir Iohn his desertes and faultes aggrauated through his damnable obstinacy Not willing that he that is wicked should become more wicked infect other with his contagion by the counsell and consent of the reuerent men of profound wisedome and discretion our brethren the Lordes Richard bishop of London Henry Byshop of Winchester and Benedict Bishop of Bangor and also of many other doctours of Deuinity the decretals and ciuill law and of many other religious and learned persons our assistantes we haue iudged declared sententiallye and definitiuely condemned the sayde Syr Iohn Oldecastle knight Lord Cobham being conuict in and vpon that most detestable guilt not willing penitently to returne vnto the vnity of the Church and in those things which the sacred vniuersall Church of Rome doth holde teach determine shew forth And specially as one erring in the articles aboue written leauing him from henceforth as an heretick vnto the secular iudgement Moreouer we haue excommunicated and by these writinges do pronounce and excommunicate him as an hereticke and all other which from henceforth in fauour of his errour shall receiue defend or geue him counsell or fauour or helpe him in this behalfe as fauourers defenders and receiuers of heretickes And to the intent that these premises may be knowne vnto all faythfull Christians we charge and commaund you that by your sentence definitiue you do cause the Curates which are vnder you with a loud and audible voyce in their Churches when as moste people is present in theyr mother tongue through all your Cittyes and dioces to publish and declare the sayd Sir Iohn Oldcastle as is before sayd to be by vs condemned as an hereticke schimaticke one erring in the articles aboue sayde and all other which from henceforth in fauour of his errours shall receiue or defend hym geuing him any counsell comfort or fauour in this behalfe to be excommunicate as receiuers fauorers and defenders of heretiks As is more effectually coÌteined in the proces That by such meanes the erroneous opinions of the people which peraduenture hath otherwise conceiued the matter by those declarations of the trueth how the matter is may be cut of The which thing also we will and commaund to be written and signified by you word for word vnto all our fellow brethren that they all may manifest publish and declare throughout all theyr cittyes and dioces the maner and forme of this our proces and also the sentence by vs geuen and all other singular the contentes in the same And likewise cause it to be published by their Curates whiche are vnder them as touching the day of the receipt of these
in person saith Cope but with his mind and with his counsell he was present and addeth this reason saying And therfore he being brought agayn after his escape was conuice both of treason and heresye therfore susteining a double punishmeÌt was both hanged and burnt for the same c. And how is al this proued By Robert Fabian he sayth whereunto briefly I aunswere that Rob. Fabian in that place maketh no such mention of the Lord Cobham assisting or consenting to them either in mind or in counsell His wordes be these That certaine adherentes of Sir Iohn Oldcastle assembled in the fielde neare to S. Biles in great number of whom was sir Roger Acton sir Iohn Browne and Iohn Beuerley The which with 36. mo in number were after conuict of heresy and treason and for the same were hanged and burnt wein the sayd field of S. Byles c. Thus much in Fabian touching the commotion condemnation of these meÌ but that the Lorde Cobham was there present with theÌ inany parte either of consent or counsell as Alanus Copus Anglus pretendeth that is not found in Fabian but is added of his liberall cornu copiae wherof he is so copious and plentifull that he may keep an open shop of such vnwritteÌ vntruethes whiche he maye aforde verye good cheape I thinke being such a plentifull artificer But here will bee obiected agaynst mee the wordes of the statute made the seconde yeare of king Henry the fifte wherupon this aduersary triumphing with no litle glory ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã thinketh himselfe to haue double vauntage against me first in prouinge these foresayd complices adherents of the Lord Cobham to haue made insurrection agaynst the king and so to be traytors Secondly in conuicting that to be vntrue where as in my former booke of Actes and Monumentes I doe reporte how that after the death of sir Roger Acton of Browne Beuerley a Parliament was holden at Leicester where a statute was made to this effect that all and singular suche as wer of Wickliffes learning if they would not geue ouer as in case of felony and other trespasses loosing all theyr goodes to the king shoulde suffer death in two manner of kinds that is they should first be hanged for treasoÌ against the king and then be burned for heresy agaynst God c. Wherupon remaineth now in examining this obiectioÌ and aunswering to the same that I purge both them of treason and my selfe of vntruth so farre as truth and fidelity in Gods cause shal assist me herin Albeit in beginning first my history of Ecclesiastical matters wherin I hauing nothing to do with abatement of causes iudiciall but onely folowing the simple narration of things done and executed neuer suspected that euer any would be so captious with me or so nise nosed as to presse me with such narrow points of the law in trying and discussing euery cause and matter so exactly straining as ye woulde say the bowels of the statute lawe so rigorously agaynst me Yet for so much as I am therunto constrained now by this aduersary I wil first lay open all the whole statute made the second yeare of this foresayd Henry the fift after the death of the foresayd sir Roger Acton and his fellowes at the Parliament holden at Leycester an 1415. That done I will note vpon the words therof so as by the circumstaunces of the same may appeare what is to be coÌcluded either for the defence of theyr innocencye or for the accusation of this aduersary The tenour and purport of the statute here vnder ensueth ¶ The wordes and contentes of the statute made an 2. Henrici 5. cap. 7. FOrasmuch as great rumors congregations and insurrections here in England by diuers of that king his maiesties seege people haue bene made here of late as well by those which were of the sect of heresy called Lolardy as by others of their coÌfederatioÌ excitatioÌs abetmeÌt to the inteÌt to adnulle subuert the christian fayth the law of God within the same Realme as also to destroy our soueraigne Lord the king himselfe and all maner of estates of the same his Realme as well spirituall as temporall and also all maner pollicy the lawes of the land Finally the same our Lord the king to the honor of God in conseruation and fortification of the Christian fayth also in saluation of his royall estate of the estate of all his realme willing to prouide a more open more due punishmeÌt agaynst the malice of such heretickes Lolardes then hath bene had or vsed in that case heretofore so that for the feare of the same lawes and punishment such heresyes and Lolardies may the rather cause in time to come By the aduise and asseÌt aforesayd at the prayer of the sayd commons hath ordeined established that especially the ChauÌcellor the Treasurer the Iustices of the one beÌch and of the other Iustices of Assise Iustices of peace Shiriffes Maiors and Bailiffes of Cityes and Townes and all other officers hauing the gouernement of people either now present or which for the time shal be do make an othe in taking of their charge and offices to extend their whole payne and diligence to put out to do to put out cease destroy all maner of heresyes and errors commonly called Lolardies within the places in which they exercise their charges and offices from time to time with all their power and that they assist fauor and maintaine the ordinaries and their commissaries so often as they or any of them shal be therunto required by the said ordinaries or their coÌmissaryes So that the sayd officers and ministers when they trauell or ride to arest any Lolard or to make any assisteÌce at the instance and request of the ordinaries or their coÌmissaryes by vertue of this statute that the same ordinaries commissaryes do pay for their costs reasonably And that the seruices of the king vnto whoÌ the officers be first sworne be preferred before al other statutes for the liberty of holy Church the ministers of the same And especially for the correction and punishment of hereticks Lolards made before these dayes not repealed but being in theyr force And also that all persons conuict of heresy of whatsoeuer estate condition or degree they be by the sayd ordinaries or their coÌmissaries left vnto the secular power according to the lawes of holy Church shall leese forfayte all theyr lands and tenements which they haue in fee simple in maner and forme as followeth That is to say that the king shall haue all the landes tenementes which the sayd conuictes haue in fee simple which be immediatlye holden of him as forfayted And that the other Lordes of whom the lands tenements of such conuictes be holden immediatly after that the king is therof seised answered of the yeare
haue ordeined a speciall iudgement as they should thinke good yet when hee was before atteinted by the outlawrie they could not lawfully varie from the common iudgemeÌt of âreason At least how could or should the iudgement of Sir Roger Acton Maister Browne and Iohn Beuerley who were iudged in the Buildhall before and without the Parliament vary from the said common iudgement of Traytors if they had truly committed and bene conuicted of such high treason Adde this moreouer to the foresaid Notes that if Sir Iohn Oldcastle after his escape out of prison had bene culpable and so atteinted of that high treason wherby his lands had bene immediately forfait vnto the King by the processe of his outlawry What needed the king then in the second yeare of his raigne in the Parliament after holden at Leycester haue made that prouiso to haue his lands forfaite to him by vertue of Parliament vpon his escape on the day of his arest when as the lands and cattaile of his had bene forfeite before by the processe of the outlawry as is before specified Thus you see Maister Cope how little aduantage you can wrast out of this Commission and inditement against the Lord Cobham and his fellowes to proue them traytors And admit the said Lord Cobham was attainted of treason by the Acte and that the King the Lordes and the Commons assented to the Act yet it hindeth not in such sort as if in deed he were no Traytour that anye man may not by search of the truth vtter and set forth sincerely and iustly the very true cause whereby his death hapt and followed Thus then hauing sufficiently cleared the Lord Cobham and his parteners from all that you can obiect vnto them out of records and statutes let vs now come to your English Chroniclers wherwith you seeme to presse me to oppresse them whome ye name to be Robert Fabian Edward Halle Polydor Virgilius Thomas Cooper Richard Grafton with other briefe Epitomes and Summaries c. Concerning which authors as I haue not to say but to their commendation in this place so if that you had auonched the same to the commendation rather then to the reproofe of other I would better haue commeÌded your nature and beleued your cause But now like a spidercatcher sucking out of euery one what is the worst to make vp your leystall you heape vp a donghill of dirtie Dialogues conteining nothing in them but malicious railing virulent slanders manifest vntruths opprobrious contumelies stinking blasphemies able almost to corrupt infect the aire Such is the maladie cacoethes of your pen the it beginneth to barke before it hath learned well to write Which pen of yours notwithstanding I do not heere reproch nor contemne as neither do I greatly feare the same God of his mercy keepe the sword out of the Papists hand it is not the pen of the papists I greatly passe vpoÌ though xx Copes and so many surplesses were set against the booke of Monuments were I so disuâsed Maister Cope to dally or as the Breckes do say ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and to repay againe as I am prouoked But in despightful railing and in this Satyricall sort of barking I geue you ouer and suffer you therin to passe not only your selfe but also Cerberus himself if ye will the great bandog of Pluto Mildnes and humanitie rather beseemeth and is the grace of the Latine phrase If ye could hit vpon the vaine therof it would win you much more honestie with all honest men But the Lord hereafter may cal you which I beseech him to do and to forgiue you that you haue done In the meaue time seeing this your pratling pen must nedes be walking yet this you might haue lerned of these your own authors whom you aledge more ciuilly to haue reÌpered your fume in exclaiming against theÌ whose cause is to you not perfectly known And now briefly to answer to these your foresaide wryters as witnesses produced against these men there be 2. things as I take it in these chronicle wryters to be coÌsidered First the grouÌds which they follow secondly in what place they serue As touching the order and ground of wryting among these Chronicles ye must consider and caÌnot be ignorant that as none of all these by you forenamed was present at the deede nor witnesse of the fact so haue they nothyng of theÌselues herein certainely to affirme but either must follow publike rumor and hearesay for their autor or els one of them must borrow of another Whereof neither seemeth to me sufficient For as publike rumor is neuer certain so one author may soone deceiue an other By reason whereof it commeth oft to passe that as these story wryters hit many times the truth so againe al is not the gospell that they doe wryte Wherefore great respect is heere to be had either not to credite rashly euery one that wryteth stories or els to see what groundes they haue whome we doe followe Now to demaund M. Cope of you what authoritye or foundation hath your Robert Fabian hathe Polydore Uirgil Edward Hal and other of your authors to prooue these men to be traytors What authority do they auouch what actes what registers what recordes or out of what court do they shewe or what demoÌstration do they make And do you thinke it sufficient because these men doe only affirme it wythout any further probation wyth youre ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã therfore we are bouÌd to beleue it Take me not so M. Cope that I do here diminish any thing or derogate from the credit of those wryters you alledge whose labors haue deserued well and serue to great vtilitie but coÌming now to triall of a matter lying in coÌtrouersie betwene vs we are now forced to seeke out the fountaine and bottome of the truthe where it is not enough to say so it is but the cause is to be shewed why it is so affirmed And what though Robert Fabian Polydore Uirgile and Edwarde Hall should all together as they do not agree in the treason of sir Iohn Oldcastle and of the rest yet neither is this any sufficient surety to prooue them traitors Considering that wryters of stories for most part folowing either blind reporte or els one taking of an other vse commonly all to sound together after one tune tanquam Dodonaei lebetes so that as one sayth all say and if one erre all do erre Wherfore you see M. Cope howe it is not sufficient nor sure to sticke onely to the names and authorities of Chronographers vnlesse the ground be found substantial wherupon they stand themselues Which yet in none of these whome you haue produced doth appeare Secondly in alleaging and wryting of Chronicles is to be considered to what place and effect they serue If yee would shew out of them the order course of times what yeres were of dearth and of pleÌty where kings kept their
neare to the quantitie of three pages And least M. Cope you or any other should thinke me to speake beside my booke be it therefore knowen both to you and to all other by these presentes that the very selfe same first copy of Hall rased and crossed with his owne penne remaineth in my handes to be shewed seene as need shall require The matter which he cancelled out came to this effect Wherein he following the narratioÌ of Polidore began with like wordes to declare how the SacrameÌtaries here in England after the death of Iohn Husse and Hierome of Prage beyng pricked as he sayth with a demoniacall sting first conspired agaynst the Priestes and after against the king hauing to their Captaines sir Iohn Oldcastle the Lord Cobham and Syr Roger Acton Knight with many moe wordes to the like purpose and effect as Polydore other such like Chronicles doe write agaynst him All which matter notwithstandyng the sayd Hall with his penne at the sight of Iohn Bales booke did vtterly extinct and abolish Addyng in the place thereof the wordes of M. Bales booke touchyng the accusation and condemnation of the sayd Lord Cobham before Thomas Arundell Archbyshop of Canterbury taken out of the letter of the sayd Archbyshop as is in his owne story to be sene In vita Henr. 5. pag. 2. lin 30. And thus Edward Hall your author reuoking calling backe all that he had deuised before agaynst the Lord Cobham whereof I haue his owne hand to shew witnes substauÌciall vpoÌ the same in his printed booke recordeth of him no more but onely sheweth the proces betwene the Archbyshop of CaÌterbury and him for matters of religion And so ending with Sir Iohn Oldcastle proceedeth further to the assemble of sir Roger ActoÌ whom he falsely calleth Robert ActoÌ Iohn Browne and Beuerley the narration wherof he handleth in such sort that he neither agreeth with the record of other writers nor yet with truth it selfe For where he excludeth the Lord Cobham out of that assemble he discordeth therein from Polidore and other And where he affirmeth the fact of that conspiracie to be wrought before or at the xij day of December that is manifestly false if the recordes before alledged be true And where he reporteth this assemble to be after the burnyng of Iohn Hus and of Hierome of Prage therein he accordeth with Polydore but not with truth Moreouer so doubtfull he is and ambiguous in declaration of this story that no great certaintie can be gathered of him First as touchyng the confession of them he confesseth himselfe that he saw it not therfore leaueth it at large And as coÌcernyng the causes of their death he leaueth the matter in doubt not daring as doth M. Cope to define or pronouÌce any thing therof but onely reciteth the furmises and myndes of diuers men diuersly some thinkyng it was for coÌueying the Lord CobhaÌ out of the tower some that it was for treason and heresie and here coÌmeth in the meÌtioÌ onely of a record but what record it is neither doth he vtter it nor doth he examine it other some againe aââirming as he sayth that it was for fayned causes surmised by the spiritualtie more of displeasure then trueth And thus your autor Hall hauing recited yâ varietie of mens opinions determineth himselfe no certaine thing thereof but as one indifferent neither bouÌd to the coniectures of al men nor to the wrytings of all men referreth the whole iudgement of the matter free vnto the reader And so concluding his narratioÌ forsomuch as he was neither a witnes of the fact nor present at the dede he ouerpasseth the story therof And what witnes then wil you or can you M. Cope take of Edwarde Halle which denieth himselfe to be a witnesse Will you compell him to say that he sawe not and to witnesse that he can not Wherfore like as Susanna in the storye of Daniel was quite by right iudgement in the case of adultry because her accusers and testes being examined a sonder were found to vary and halt in their tale and not to agree in the two trees So why may not in like case of treason sir Roger Acton sir Iohn Didcastle Browne with the rest claime the same priuiledge seeing among the testes and witnesse produced agaynst them such discorde is found and such halting among them that neyther do they agree in place person yeare day nor moneth For first where Fabian and his fellowes say that they were assembled together in a great company in the fielde neare to S. Gyles the forged inditement aboue alledged sayth they were but riding toward the fielde 2. Secondly where the foresaid inditement and Polydore geue the Lorde Cobham to be present personally in that assemble Halle and Alanus Copus Anglus doe exclude hys personal presence from thence and so doth Fabian also seme to agree speaking onely of the adherentes of Syr Iohn Oldcastle Thirdly where Halle and Polydorus report thys assemble to be after the burning of Iohn Hus and of Hierome at the councel of Constance which was An. 1415. that cannot be but if there were any suche conspiracie in the first yeare of Henry 5. it must needes be An. 1413. And heere-by the way why do certaine of your Epitome wryters speaking of the Lord Cobham committed first to the tower for heresie referre the sayd his imprisonment to the yere 1412. where as by their owne counte reckoning the yeare from the Annunciation it must nedes be an 1413. being done in haruest time Fourthly where Halle with his followers affirme that syr Roger Acton Brown and Beuerley were condemned the 12. day of December the recorde is euident against it which holdeth the fact to be in working the 10. day of Ian. Fiftly where as the foresayde record of the Inditement geueth the Wednesday next after the Epiphany whyche was the 10. day of Ian. that present yeare both the facte to be commytted the same day the Commission also to be graunted and deliuered to the CoÌmissioners the same day The saide Commissioners to sit in Commission the same day The Shriffes of Midlesex to returne a iurie out of the body of Midlesex the same day and the Iurers to find the inditement the same day and yet no iurer in the inditemeÌt named the same day Item the L. Cobham the same day to be founde conspiring to make him selfe Regent when as the king that day and yeare was not yet passed into Fraunce howe all these can concurre and hang together and all in one day I suppose it wil cost you two dayes before you with al your learned counsel wil study it out And wheÌ you in your vnlawfull assembles haue conspired and conferred together all ye can yet wil ye make it as I thinke iij. dayes before you honestly dispatch your handes of the matter And where ye thinke that you haue impressed in me such a foul note of
Emperour nor king nor any mortall man but against the Lord hymselfe euen against your God of your owne making being therein as you say no substance of bread but the very personall body flesh bloud and bone of Christ himself which body notwythstanding the foresayd Pope Gregory the 7. tooke and cast with his owne hands into the burning fire because he would not aunswere him to a certaine doubt or demaund Benn Card. pag. 172. Southly if sir Iohn Oldcastle had taken the body of king Henrye the 5. and throwne him into the fire the facte being so notoriously certaine as thys is I would neuer haue bestowed any worde in hys defence And could thys and so many other hainous treasons passe throughe your fingers M. Cope and no other to sticke in your pen but the Lord Cobham Finally and simply to conclude wyth you M. Cope and not to flatter you what is the whole working the procedings actions practises of your religion or hath bene almost these 500. yeares but a certaine perpetuall kinde of treason to thrust downe your princes and magistrates to derogate from their right and iurisdiction and to aduance your owne maiesties and dominations as hath bene sufficiently aboue proued and laid before your faces in a parliament holden in Fraunce by the Lord Peter de Cugnerijs vide pag. 383. Wherefore if the assemble of these forenamed persons either within or wythout S. Giles field be such a great mote of treason in your eies first loke vpoÌ the great blocks and milstones of your owne traytors at home and wheÌ you haue well discussed the same then after poure out your wallet of your trifeling Dialogues or Trialogues if ye lift against vs and spare vs not Not that I so thincke thys to be a sufficient excuse to purge the treason of these men if your popish Calenders and legeands be found ful of traytours Multitudo enim peccatorum non parit errori patrocinium But thys I thincke that the same cause whyche made them to suffer as traitors hath made you also to rail against them for traitors that is mere hatred only against their Relygion rather then any true affection you haue to your princes and gouernors Who if they had bene as feruent in your Popery and had suffred so much for the holy father of Rome or for the liberties of the holy mother church of Rome I doubt not but they as holy children of Rome had bene rong into your Romish Calendare with a festum duplex or at least with a festum simplex of 9. lessons also with a vigil peraduenture before them Nowe because they were on the contrary profession enemies to your Magna Diana Ephesiorum you playe wyth them as the Ephesian caruers dyd wyth Saint Paule and worse Ye thrust them out as seditious rebels not only out of life and body but also can not abide them to haue any poore harbour in theyr owne friendes houses among our Actes and Monuments to be remembred In the whyche Actes and Monuments and if gentle maister Ireneus with hys fellow Critobulus in your clerkely Dialogues will not suffer them to be numbred for martyrs yet speake a good word for them M. Cope they may stande for testes or witnesse bearers of the trueth And thus muche for defence of them Now to the other part of his accusation wherein this Alanus Copus Anglus in hys ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or sixfolde Dialogues conteÌdeth and chaseth against my former edition to proue me in my history to be a lier forger impudent a misreporter of trueth a deprauer of stories a seducer of the worlde and what els not Whose virulent words and contumelious termes howe wel they become his popish persone I knowe not Certes for my part I neuer deserued thys at his handes wittingly that I do know Maister Cope is a man whome yet I neuer sawe and lesse offended nor euer heard of him before And if hee had not in the fronte of hys booke intituled himself to be an English man by his wryting I would haue iudged hym rather some wilde Irishman lately crept out of S. Patrikes Purgatory so wildely he wryteth so fumishly he fareth But I cease here and temper my selfe considering not what M. Cope deserueth to be sayd vnto nor howe far the pen here could run if it had his scope but coÌsidering what the tractatioÌ rather of suche a serious cause requireth And therfore seriously to say vnto you M. Cope in thys matter wher you charge my history of Acts and Monuments so cruelly to be full of vntruthes false lies impudent forgeries deprauations fraudulent corruptions and fayned tables briefly and in one woord to answere you not as the Lacones answered to the letters of their aduersary wyth si but with osi would God M. Cope that in al the whole booke of Actes and Monumentes from the beginning to the latter end of the same were neuer a true storie but that all were false all were lies all were fables Would God the cruelty of your Catholikes had suffred all them to liue of whose death ye say now that I doe lie Although I deny not but in that booke of actes and monumentes containing such diuersity of matter some thing might ouerscape me yet haue I bestowed my poore diligence My intent was to profit all men to hurt none If you maister Cope or any other can better my rude doings and finde things out more finely or truely with al my hart I shall reioyce with you and the commoÌ wealth taking profit by you In perfectioÌ of wryting of wit cunning dexterity finenes or other induments required in a perfect writer I contend neither with you nor any other I graunt that in a laboured story such as you seeme to require conteyning suche infinite varietie of matter as thys doth much more time would be required but such time as I had that I did bestow if not so laboriously as other could yet as diligently as I might But here partly I heare what you will say I shoulde haue taken more leysure and done it better I graunt and confesse my fault such is my vice I can not sitte all the day M. Cope fining and minsing my letters and coming my head and smoothing my selfe all the day at the glasse of Cicero Yet notwythstanding doing what I can and doing my good will me thinkes I should not be reprehended at least not so much be railed on at maister Copes hand Who if he be so pregnant in finding faulte with other mens labours which is an easy thing to do it were to be wished that hee had enterprised himselfe vppon the matter and so should haue proued what faults might haue bene found in him Not that I herein doe vtterly excuse my selfe yea rather am ready to accuse my selfe but yet notwythstanding thynke my selfe vngently dealt with all at Maister Copes hande Who being mine owne countreyman an English man as he sayeth also of the same
vnto him Adding this in the meane time and by the way that if mayster Cope had bene a Momus anye thing reasonable he had no great cause so to wrangle with me in this matter who as I did commend the Lord Cobham that worthyly for hys valiauÌt standing by the truth of his doctrine before Thomas Arundell the Archbishop so touching the matter of this conspiracie I did not affirm or define any thing therof in my former historie so precisely that he could well take any vauntage of agaynst me who in writing of this conspiracy layd agaynst syr Roger Acton And syr Iohn Oldcastle do but disiuÌctiuely or doubtfully speake thereof not concluding certainly this conspiracie eyther to be true or not true but only prouing the same not to be true at that time as Polydore Virgill and Edward Hall in their histories doe affirme which say that this conspiracie began after the burning of Iohn Husse and Hierome of Prage Which could not be And thereto tendeth my assertion My wordes are playne and are these pag. 174. col 2. line 13. Wherefore it is euident that there was eyther no conspiracie at all agaynst the king or els that it was at some other tyme or done by other Captaynes c. These be my wordes with other moe pag. col and line aboue noted In the which proposition disiunctiue if eyther part be true it is enough for me His part it was to refell both which he hath not done But onely standing fast vpon the one part dissimuleth the other And this is Alanus Copus Anglus who by that he shall come froÌ Rome whether he is nowe gone as I heare say I trust he will returne a better Logician home agayne in suam Angliam But to the truth of our matter as I sayde before so I say agayne whatsoeuer this worthy noble and vertuous knight syr Roger Acton was otherwise this is certaine that he was alwaies of contrary minde and opinion to the bishop of Rome to that kind of people for the which cause he had great enuy and hatred at their hands and could as litle beare it neither do I greatly dissent from them which do suspect or iudge that the Lord Cobham by his friendly helpe escaped out of the Tower and that peraduenture was the cause why he was apprehended and brought to trouble and in the end came to his death Other causes also theyr might be that these good men percase did frequent among themselues some coÌuenticles which conuenticles was made treason by the statute aforesayd either in those Thickets or in some place els for the hearing of Gods word and for publique prayer and therefore had they thys Beuerly theyr preacher with them But to conclude whatsoeuer this sir Roger Acton was this is the truth which I may boldly record as one writing the Actes and thinges done in the Church that he was at length apprehended condemned and put to death or martirdome 3. yeares and more before the Lord Cobham died Likewise M. Iohn Browne and Iohn Beuerly the preacher suffered with him the same kinde of death as some say in the field of S. Giles with other moe to the number of 36. if the storyes be true Whiche was in the month of Ianuary an 1413. after the computation of our English stories counting the yeare from the annunciation but after the Latine writers counting from Christes natiuitie an 1414. according as this picture is specified These men as is said suffered before the Lord Cobham aboot 3. yeares of whose death diuers do write diuersly Some say they were hanged and burnt in S. Gyles field of whom is Fabian with such as follow him Other there be which say that some of them were hanged burnt Polydorus speaking onely of their burning maketh no meÌtioÌ of hanging An other certain english Chronicle I haue in my handes borowed of one M. Bowyer who somewhat differing froÌ the rest recordeth thus of sir Roger Acton that hys iudgement before the iustice was thus to be drawne through London to Tyborne and there to be hanged and so he was naked saue certayne partes of him couered with a clothe c. And when certayn dayes were past sayth the author a Trumpeter of the kinges called Thomas Cliffe gat graunt of the king to take hym downe and to burye hym and so he did c. And thus haue you the storye of syr Roger Acton and hys fellow brethren As touching theyr cause whether it were true or els by error mistaken of the king or by the fetch of the bishops surmised I referre it to the iudgement of him which shal iudge both the quick and dead seculum per ignem To whoÌ also I commit you M. Cope God speed your iorny well to Rome whether I heare say you are going and make you a good man After the decease or martyrdome of these aboue mentioned who are executed in the month of Ianuary an 1414. in the next month following and in the same yere the 20. day of February God tooke away the great enemy of his word and rebell to his king Thom. Arundell Archb. of Cant. Whose death following after the execution of these good men aboue recited by the merueilous stroke of God so sodenly may seeme somewhat to declare their innoceÌcy and that he was also some great procurer of theyr death in that God woulde not suffer him longer to liue striking hym with death incontinently vppon the same But as I dyd the other before so this also I do refer to the secret iudgement of the Lord who once shal iudge all secrets openly ¶ The picture of the burning and hanging of diuers persons counted for Lollardes in the first yeare of the raigne of king Henry the fift In the death of this Archb. first Polydor Virgil is deceiued who in his 22. booke pag. 441. affirmed hys death to be an 1415. and in the second yeare of king Henr. 5. also after the beginning of the Councell of ConstaÌce who in dede neuer reached the beginning therof nor euer saw the secoÌd yeare of that king vnles ye count the first day for a yeare but dyed before an 1414. Feb. 20. Ex hist. S. Albani multis Furthermore concerning the death of this Arundell and the maner therof who had not bene so heauy a troubler of Christes saints in his time because the thing semeth worthy of noting to behold the punishment of God vpon hys enemies this is to report as I haue found it alledged out of Thomas Gascoin in Dictionario Theologico Whose playne wordes be these Anno. 1414. Tho. Arundel Cant. Archiepiscop sic lingua percussus erat vt nec deglutire nec loqui per aliquot dies ante mortem suam potuerit diuitis epulonis exemplo sic tantum obijt Atque multi tunc fieri putabant quia verbum alligasset ne suo tempore praedicaretur c. That is Thomas Arundel archbishop of Cant.
the king Wenselaus who theÌ fauored that pope gaue coÌmaundement that no man should atteÌpt any thing against the sayd Popes indulgeÌces But Hus with his folowers not able to abide the impiety of those pardoÌs began manifestly to speake agaynst them of the which coÌpany were 3. certayn artificers who hearing the priest preaching of these iudulgences did opeÌly speak against them called the pope Antichrist which would set vp the crosse to fight agaynst his euenchristened Wherefore they were brought before the Senate and committed to warde But the people ioyning theÌselues together in armes came to the magistrates requiring theÌ to be let loose The magistrates with geÌtle wordes and fayre promises satisfied the people so that euery man returning home to his own house the tumult was asswaged But the captiues being in prison not withstanding were there beheaded whose names were Iohn Martin and Stascon The death and martirdome of these three being knowne vuto the people they took the bodies of them that were slaine and with great solemnitye brought them vnto the church of Bethlem At whose funerall diuers priestes fauoring that side did sing in this wise These be the Sayntes whiche for the testament of God gaue their bodies c. And so their bodyes were sumptuously interred in the church of Bethlem I. Hus preaching at the same funerall much commending them for theyr constancye and blessing God the father of our Lord Iesus Christ whyche had hidde the way of his verity so from the prudent of this world and had reuealed it to the simple lay people and inferior priestes which chose rather to please God then men Thus this City of Prage was deuided The prelates with the greatest part of the clergy most of the Barons which had any thing to lose did hold with the pope especially Steuen Paletz being the chiefest doer on that side On the contrary part the commons with part of the clergy studentes of the vniuersity went with Iohn Hus. Wenslaus the king fearing least this would grow to a tumult being moued by the doctors and prelates and councell of his barons thought best to remoue Iohn Husse out of the Citty who had bene excommunicated before by the Pope And further to cease this dissention risen in the church committed the matter to the disposition of the doctors and the clergy They coÌsulting together among theÌselues did set forth a decree ratified and confirmed by the senteÌce of the king contayning the summe of 18. articles for the maynteynance of the Pope and the see of Rome agaynst the doctrine of Wickeliffe and Iohn Husse The names of the Doctors of Diuinity were these Steuen Paletz Stanislaus de Znoyma Petrus de Ikoyma Ioannes Heliae Andreas Broda Iohannes Hildesen Mattheus Monachus Hermannus Heremita Georgius Bota Simon Wenda c. Iohn Hus thus departing out of Prage went to his couÌtry where he being protected by the Lord of the Soile continued there preaching to whom resorted a great concourse of people neither yet was he so expelled out of Prage but that sometimes he resorted to his church of Bethleem and there also preached vnto the people Moreouer agaynst the sayde decree of the doctours I. Hus with his companye replied agayne and aunswered to their articles with coÌtrary articles agayn as foloweth The obiections of Iohn Hus and of his part agaynst the decree of the Doctors FIrst the fouÌdation of the Doctors wherupon they fouÌd all their writings and counsels is false which fouÌdatioÌ is this where as they say that part of the clergy in the kingdome of Boheme is pestilent and erroneous and holdeth falsely of the Sacramentes 2. The Doctors hereby do defame the kingdome of Boheme and do rayse vp new discordes 3. Let them shew therefore those persons of the Clergye whom they call pestilent so let them verify theyr report binding themselues to suffer the like paine if they be not able to proue it 4. False it is that they say the Pope the cardinals to be the true manifest successors of Peter of the Apostles neyther that any other successors of Peter or the Apostles can be fouÌd vpon earth besides theÌ WheÌ as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or of fauour And all Byshops and priests be successors of Peter of the Apostles 5. Not the pope but Christ onely is the head and not the Cardinals but all Christes faythfull people be the body of the Catholick church as all holy Scripture and decrees of the holy fathers do testify and affirme 6. And as touching the pope if he be a reprobate it is plain that he is no head no nor member also of the holy Church of God but of the deuill and of his sinagogue 7. The clergy of the gospellers agreeing with the saying of S. Austen which they alledge and according to the sanctions of the fathers and determinations of the holy mother church do say and affirme laudably that the condeÌnation and prohibition of the 45. articles is vnlawful and vniust and rashly done for that not onely because the doctors but also all Bishops and Archbishops in suche great causes namely touching faith as these articles doe haue no authority at all as appearethâ De baptismo et eius effectu cap. Maiores Et in Can. 17. dist cap. Hinc sedi c. 8. The second cause of the discord which they alledge also is most false seing the fayth of whole Christendome coÌcerning the church of Rome is deuided in 3. parts by the reason of 3. popes which now together do raigne And the 4. part is newtrall Neither is it true that we ought to stand in all things to the determination of the pope of the cardinals but so farr forth as they do agree with the holy scripture of the old and new Testament from whence the sanctions of the fathers did first spring as is euident De accusationibus cap. qualiter c. 9. In the 4. Article they brast out into a certayne dotage are contrary to themselues By reason that they doitishly haue repreheÌded the gospellers who in all their doings receiue the holy scripture whith is the law of God the way of trueth and life for their iudge and measure and afterward they themselues doe alleadge the scripture Deut. 17. where all iudges both popes and Cardinals are taught to iudge discern betwene leaper leaper in euery ecclesiasticall cause only after the rule of gods law And so are they coÌtrary vnto their secoÌd article wherin they say that in euery catholicke matter we must runne to the pope which is coÌtrary to the foolish condemnation of the Articles aforesaid 10 Consequently like idiots they doe most fasly alledge for their purpose the Canon vnder the name and authority of Ierome written 24. q. 1. Haec est fides papa c. where they do apply the wordes of Ierome most impertinentlye to the pope of Rome which he writeth to S.
saying to him Thou art Peter vpon this rocke I will build my church c. Mat. 16. And agayne he sayth feede my sheepe Ioan. vlt. That is to say be thou Peter the head ouer thy brethren Tedious it were to recite all the bibblebabble of these doctors in this their long responsall Who so lisâeth to see the bottome of their profounde writing knowledge may resort either to the history of Siluius or els to M. Cochleus in his first booke De hist Hussit Thus then M. Iohn Hus being driuen out of Prage as is afore touched by the motion of these Doctours and moreouer being so excoÌmunicate that no Masse nor other must be sayd there where he was present The people begaÌ mightily to grudge and to cry out agaynst the Prelates other popish priests which were the workers therof accusing theÌ to be Simoniacks couetous whoremaisters adulterers proud sparing not to lay opeÌ their vices to their great ignominy and shame And much crauing a reformation to be had of the clergy The king seing the inclination of the people being also not ignorant of the wickednes of the clergy vnder pretence to reforme the church began to require greater exactions vpon such Priestes and men of the Clergy as were knowne and accused to be wicked liuers Whereupon they on the other part that fauored Iohn Hus taking that occasion present complayned of all accused many and spared none Whomsoeuer they knew to be of the Catholicke faction or enemies to Iohn Hus. By reason wherof the priests of the popish Clergy were brought such as were faultye into great distresse and such as were not faulty into great feare In so much that they were glad to fall in at least not to fall out with the Protestantes being afrayd to displease them By this meanes maister Hus beganne to take some more liberty vnto him to preach in his church at Bethleem none to controll him by the same meanes the people also receiued some comfort and the king much gayne mony by the reason And thus the popish Clergy while they went about to persecute Iohn Hus were in wrapped theÌselues in great tribulation and afflicted on euery side as wel of lay meÌ as of learned men of the clergy In so much that womeÌ also children were agaynst theÌ And by that same reasoÌ wherwith they thought to entangle him they were ouerthrown theÌselues For the Doctors which before condemned this doctrine in Iohn Hus for an intollerable heresye cried out so much agaynst him for teaching the teÌporall Lords might take away teÌporall liuings froÌ the clergy sinning habitualiter that is lying and continuing still in the custome of iniquity now when the king and the Lords temporall began to mearse them and berieue them of their teÌporalties for their transgressions the sayd Doctors did keepe silence durst speake neuer a word Agayne where the foresayd doctors before could not abide in Iohn Hus that tithes wer to be couÌted for pure almes now comming to the Guildhal were faine to entreat for theyr temporall goodes not to be taken from them pleading the same temporalties to be mere almose and deuotion of good men geuen vnto the church Ex Cochleo And thus now did they themselues graunt the thing which before they did condemne The more that the popes clergy was pinched the more grudge hatred redounded to Iohn Hus although he was in no cause therof but onely their owne wicked deseruinges for the which cause Stephen Paletz and Andraeas de Broda being the chiefe champions of that faction though they could not remedy the case yet to ease theyr mindes wrote sharpe and cruell letters to Maister Hus. And to helpe the matter forward the Pope also here must helpe at a pinche who likewise writeth hys letters to Wenceslaus king of Bohemia which was brother to Sigismund Emperor for the suppressing of Iohn Hus of his doctrine Which was in the fifth and last yere of his Popedome an 1414. The tenour of whose letters to king Wenceslaus in this wise proceedeth ¶ The letter of Pope Iohn to K. Wenceslaus IOhn Bishoppe seruaunt of Gods seruanntes to his welbeloued sonne in Christ Wenceslaus King of Romaines and of Boheme greeting and apostolicall benediction Among other desires and delightes of our hart who although vnworthy to represent the roome of Christ here in earth this doth chiefly redounde to our singular comfort fo often as we do heare of the brotherly entreaty of peace and of concord by which concord kingdoms do encrease as contrary by discorde they are deminished which is betweene your honour and our welbeloued in the Lord Sigismund your brother germane cosin for the noble king of the Romans c. And furthermore it foloweth in these words And as we haue cause to ioy at the premisses so likewise agayne the heauy rumors which are here do trouble and dampe our mindes For we heare that in diuers places vnder your dominioÌ there be certain which do folow and leane to the errors of that archhereticke Wickliffe whose bookes haue bene long since condemned in the generall Romain councell to bee erroneous hereticall and swaruing from the catholicke fayth And furthermore whiche is worst of all the sayd persons cleauing to the opinions of the heretickes least they should be corrected of their superior powers for their exces to couer theyr naughtines and stubbernesse in despising the commaundements of the Apostolicall seat do openly teach disobedience and contempt of the keies and ecclesiasticall censure to the subuersion of the Apostolicall dignity setting at nought the decrees of the holy fathers canons Wherefore we do exhort your The description of the Popes councell holden at Rome in which appeared a monstrous Owle to the vtter defacing of the Pope and all his Clergy worship for the mercy of our God as hartely as we may or caÌ that it would please you as we desire hope you will so effectuously to shew forth your regall power both for the glory of God defence of the catholicke fayth which you go about to defend and for the conseruation of your kingly name state and honor for the prosperous safe gouernement of your kingdome and dominions as it becommeth a catholicke prince whereby this blot of heresye which doth so lamentably and miserablye spring and creepe in those partes and doth so infect the mindes of mortall men to the destruction of their soules and doth sequester them from the congregation of the pure and catholick fayth and truth may be rooted out c. Geuen at Bononia in the Ides of Iune in the v. yeare of our popedome c. In this epistle of Pope Iohn aboue prefixed forsomuch as mention is made of a certaine councell before holden at Rome which was 4. yeares before agaynst the articles books of Iohn Wickliffe it shall not be impertineÌt nor out of purpose to repeat a certayn mery history worthy otherwise to
be noted at written by Nicholas Clemangis oâ a certayne spirite which ruled the Popish Councelles hys worde are these The same pope called a CouÌcell at Rome about foure yeares before at the earnest sute of diuers men And a mas of the holy Ghost being sayd at the entraunce into the sayd Councell according to the accustomed maner the Councell being set and the sayde Iohn sitting highest in a chayre prepared for him for that purpose Behold a ougly dread full Owle or as the common prouerbe is the euill signe of some mischaunce of death to followe comming out of the backe halfe of him flew to and fro with her euill fauoured voyce and standing vpon the middle beame of the church cast her staring eyes vpon the Pope sitting the whole coÌpany began to maruell to see the night Crowe whiche is wont to abide no light how she should in the midday come in the face of such a multitude iudged not without cause that it was an illfauored token For beholde sayde they whispering one in on others eare the spirite appereth in the shape of an Owle And as the stoode beholding one an other and aduising the pope scarcely could keep their couÌtenaunce from laughter Iohn himselfe vppon whom the Owle stedfastly looked blushing at the matter beganne to sweate and to fret and fume with himselfe and not finding by what other meanes he might salue the matter being so confused dissoluing the Councell rose vp and departed After that there followed an other session In the whiche the Owle again after the maner aforesayd although as I beleue not called was present looking sâedfastly vpon the bishop whom he beholding to become agayne was more ashamed then he was before and iustly saying he could no longer abide the sight of her commauÌded that she should be driuen away with battes and shottinges but she being aârayde neither with their noyse neither of any thing els would not away vntill that with the strokes of the sticks which were throwne at her she fell downe dead before theÌ all This I learned of a faythfull frend who at the same time came to Rome the which thing I scarsely crediting for the rarenes of the matter he affirmed by his othe that it was most certayn true adding moreouer that all there present were much offeÌded did greatly deride that CouÌcell called for such a purpose and by little and litle the CouÌcel was dissolued nothing done ther as he saith Although it hath not bene alwayes seene that such spirituall Doues haue bene present with Popes and their Councels gouerned theÌ yet their euill doctrine declareth no lesse Read gentle reader the booke of Clemangis and thou shalt not thinke thy labor euill bestowed For he hath both learnedly truely freely and godly bewayled the filthines of Antichrist and his ministers their wickednes impiety and cruelty and the miserable state and face of the Church c. And thus much for Pope Iohn ¶ The Councell of Constance HEre by the way is to be noted and vnderstand that during all this time of Pope Iohn there were 3. Popes raigning together neither was yet the the schisme ceased which so long time had continued the space as I sayde of 29. yeares By the reason wherof a generall Councel was ordeined holden at Constance in the same yeare an 1414. being called by Sigismund the Emperor and Pope Iohn the 23. for the pacifiyng of the foresayd schisme which was then betweene three Popes striuing for the Popedome The first whereof was Iohn whom the Italians set vp The second was Gregory whom the Frenchmen set vp The third was Benedict whom the Spaniardes placed In this schismaticall ambitious conflict euery one defended his Pope to the great disturbans of christian nations This councell endured foure yeares long wherin all their matters were decided most by foure natioÌs to say the English Germaine French Italian nation Out of which âoure nations were apoynted chosen foure Presidentes to iudge and determine the matters of the Councell The names of which Presidentes were these Iohn the Patriarke of Antioche for Fraunce Anthony Archbishop of Rigen for Italy Nicholas Archbishoppe of Genesuensis for Germany and Nicholas Bishop of Bathe for England by whom many great and profitable things to the glory of God and publike profit might haue bene concluded if the rotten flesh of the churchmen could haue bidden the salt of the Gospell and if they had loued the truth but as Gregogorius Nazienzenus writeth there lightly come few generall Councels but they end more with disturbance then tranquility So it happened in this councell for wheras Iohn the 13. in the first Session exhorteth them by these wordes taken out of the 8. of Zachary Viritatem diligite that is to say Lone the truth further monishing them and specially the Deuines euery man to do his endeuour for the vnitye of the Church and to speake their minde freely but howe soone this his exhortation was forgotteÌ it appeared shortly after by the despising of the Prophetes and persecuting of Christ in his meÌbers as by the grace of Christ shall appeare hereafter in the processe of this story First this Iohn did resigne his Papacy the Emperor geuing him thankes kissed his feet Afterward the sayd Iohn repenting him that he had so done sought meanes to flee whereunto Fredericke Duke of Austrich did assist him for he chaunging his garments fled by night with a small coÌpany And when he was now come vnto Schaffe house to goe into Italy the Emperour pursuing tooke him and proclaymed Fredericke traytour for that cause tooke away certayne Cittyes from him At the last the matter was appeased vnder this coÌdition that Fredericke should require grace of the Emperour and resigne all his possessions vnto him WherupoÌ the Emperor receiued him againe into fauor restored him to his dukedome This pope being thus deposed was committed vnto the County Pallatine and by him caried to the Castle of Manheime where he was kept prisoner by the space of 3. yeares Afterward he was agayne by Pope Martine admitted to the number of Cardinals This Pope Iohn was deposed by the decree of yâ couÌcell more then 40. most greuous and haynous crimes being obiected and proued agaynst him as that he had hyred Marcilus Permensis a Phâsition to poyson Alexander his predecessour Further that he was an heretick a simoniake a lyer an hipocrite a murderer an inchauÌter a dice-player an adulterer and a sodomite finally what crime is it that he was not infected withall And now to returne vnto the councell first we wil declare the order of their Sessions with things therin concluded in generall then we will Christ willing adioyne the speciall tractation of such matters as perteyne to the story of the Bohemians and Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prage who in the same vngodlye councell were condemned and burned This councell therfore of Constance which was
reuerences that you will decree most graciously consent that this our petition and supplication may be drawen out againe by your Notarie and reduced into a publicke forme and order After this supplication was read before the deputies of the 4. nations the Patriarche of Antioch answered in the name of them all vnto euery article of the sayd supplication but it was done in few wordes First as touching the protestation of Iohn Hus whether it be true or false it shal be made euident in the processe of his cause Moreouer wheras they say that the aduersaries of Iohn Hus hath peruersly drawen certaine thinges out of his bookes that also the matter it selfe shall declare in the end Where as if it shal be found decreed that Iohn Hus is vniustly vntruly accused that theÌ it shal come to passe that his aduersaries shall incurre perpetuall ignominy and slaunder But as touching sureties albeit there might be a thousand put in or bouÌd yet can it not by any meanes be that the deputies of the Councell with a safe conscience may receiue or take them in this mans cause vnto whome there is no faith or credite to be geueÌ Howbeit thus much they wil do vpon the 5. day of Iune next Iohn Hus shall be brought againe vnto Constance and there haue free libertie to speake his minde before the Councell that they wold louingly and gently heare him but the matter in the ende fell out farre contrary to thys promise The same day the saide Barons and Lordes presented a supplication of thys tenour vnto the Emperor Vnto the most highe and mighty Prince the Lorde Sigismund king of the Romaines alwaies Augustus king of Hungarie Croatia and Dalmatia our most gracious Lord faithful true seruice in al things and at all times Most noble Prince and gracious Lord we signifie vnto your worthinesse that we all together with one minde consent and accord haue deliuered vp vnto the reuerend fathers and Lordes the deputies of the 4 nations and to the whole sacred Councel of Constance this our supplication here vnder wrytten as reasonable iust and worthy of consideration the tenour wherof here followeth word by word and is this ¶ The copie of the supplication which was presented vnto the deputies of the councel is before written whereunto this which followeth was annexed WHerefore we most humbly require and desire your princely maiestie that both for the loue of iustice and also of the fame and renowme of that moste famous kingdome of Boheme whereof wee acknowledge you vndoubtedly the true Lorde and heire successour and also foreseeing vnto the liberty of your safe-conduct that you wil with your fauourable countenance beholding these most reasonable and iust supplications which we haue put vp to the Lordes aforesayd put to your helping hand toward the sayd most reuerend fathers and Lordes that they will effectually heare vs in this our most iust petition which we haue offered vp to them as is aforesaide least that the enemie of the renowme and honour of the famous kingdome of Boheme and such as oure slaunderers also hereafter may detracte and sclaunder vs that wee should make vnreasonable and vnlawfull requests vnto the sayde reuerend fathers and Lordes and therefore we required and desired of them that it would please them to decre by setting to their publicke hand seale to authorise our said supplication Likewise we do most hartily require your highnes that you would vouchsafe in like maner to geue vs your testimonie of the premises But what answere the Emperor made heereunto we could neuer vnderstand or know but by the processe of the matter a man may easily iudge that thys good Emperour was brought and lead euen vnto thys poynt through the obstinate mischiefe of the cardinals and bishops to breake and falsify his promise and faith whych hee had made and promised and this was their reason whereby he was driuenthereunto that no defence coulde or might be geuen either by safe conducte or by any other meane vnto hym whych was suspected or iudged to be an hereticke But by the Epistles and letters of Iohn Hus a man may easily iudge what the kings minde was Now we will procede in the historie The 5. day of Iune the Cardinals Byshops and the rest of the priests al that were almost in Constance assembled to a great number at the Couent of the Franciscanes in Constance and there it was commaunded that before Iohn Hus shoulde be brought foorth in hys absence they should rehearse the witnesses and articles which they had slaunderously gathered out of his bookes the whych articles with Iohn Husses answer we will hereafter repeate By chance there was then present a certaine Notary named Peter Mladoniewitz the whych bare great loue and amity vnto the said Hus who assoone as he perceiued that the Bishops and cardinals were already determined and appoynted to condemne the sayde articles in the absence of Iohn Hus hee went withall speede vnto maister Wencelate de Duba and Iohn of Clum tolde them al the matter who incontinent made report therof to the Emperour Who vnderstanding their intent sent Lewes the Countie Palantine of Heydelberge and the Lord Frederick Burgraue of Nuremberge to signify vnto them whych ruled the councel that nothing should be resolued or done in the case of Iohn Hus before that it wer first heard with equity and that they should send him all such articles as were said against the sayd Hus which were either false or hereticall he would do so much that the said articles shoulde be examined by good and learned men Then according to the Emperors will the iudgement of the principals of the Councell was suspended vntill suche time as Iohn Hus were present In the meane season these gentlemen master of Dube and of Clum did geue vnto the two Princes whych the Emperor had sent certaine smal treatises which the sayde Hus had made out of the which they had drawn certain articles to present vnto them which ruled the councel vnder this condition that they would render them againe when they should demand them The intent meaning of these Barons was that by thys meanes the aduersaries of Iohn Hus might the more easily be reproued the which of a naughty and corrupt conscience had picked out corrupt senteÌces out of the said bookes of Iohn Hus. The bookes were deliuered vnto the Cardinals and Byshops and that done Iohn Hus was brought forth and the Princes whiche were sent by the Emperour departed backe agayne After they shewed the bookes vnto Iohn Hus and he coÌfessed openly before the whole assembly that hee had made them that he was ready if there were any fault in theÌ to amend the same Now harken a litle to the holy proceedynges of these reuereÌd fathers for here happened a straunge shamefull matter With much a do they had scarsly read one article brought forth a
which were spoken of a litle before who euery maÌ for himselfe affirmed with an othe that which he had said Amongest whom Iohn Protyway parishe priest of S. ClemeÌts in Prage wheÌ he should come to confirme his testimony added more that Iohn Hus should say that S. Gregory was but a rimer wheÌ he did alleadge his athoritie against him Unto whoÌ Iohn Hus answered that in this point they did him great iniury for somuch as he alwaies esteemed and reputed S. Gregory for a most holy doctor of the Church These contentions and disputations being somewhat appeased the Cardinall of Florence turned himselfe toward Iohn Hus said Maister you know well inough that it is written that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all witnes is firme and stable and heere you see nowe almost 20. witnesses against you men of authority worthy of credite amongst the whych some haue hearde you teach these things themselues the other by report common brute or voice do testify of your doctrine and altogether generally bring firme reasons proofes of theyr witnesse vnto the which wee are forced constrained to geue credite and for my part I see not howe you can maintaine defend your cause against so many notable wel learned men Unto whom Iohn Hus answered in this maner I take God and my conscience to witnes that I neuer taught any thing neither was it euer in my minde or fantasie to teach in such sort or maner as these men here haue not feared to witnesse against me that which they neuer hearde And albeit they were as many more in nuÌber as they are for all that I do much more esteme yea and wtout comparison regard the witnes of my Lord God before the wytnes and iudgement of al mine aduersaries vpon whom I do in no poynt stay my selfe Then sayde the Cardinall againe vnto him it is not lawfull for vs to iudge according to your conscience for we can not chuse but that wee must nedes stay our selues vpon the firme euident witnes of these men heere For it is not for any displeasure or hatred that these men do witnes thys against you as you doe alleadge for they alleadge and bring foorth suche reasons of their witnesse that there is no man that can perceyue any hatred in them or that we can in any case be in dout thereof And as touching M. Steuen Paletz whereas you say you do suspect him that he hath craftly deceitfully drawen out certaine poyntes or articles out of your books for to betray them afterward It semeth that in this point you do hym great wrong for in myne aduise he hath vsed and shewed a great fidelitie and amitie towarde you in that he hathe alleuiated and moderated many of your articles much more then they are in your owne bookes I vnderstand also that you haue like opinion of diuers other notable men and specially you haue sayd that you do suspect M. Chauncellour of Paris then whome there is no more excellent and Christian man in all the whole world Then was there read a certayne article of accusation in the which it was alledged that Iohn Hus had taught obstinately defended certayne erroneous Articles of Wicliffes in Boheme Whereunto Hus answered that he neuer taught any erroures of Iohn Wickliffes or of anye other mans Wherefore if it be so that Wickliffe haue sowed any errours in England let the English men look to the themselues But to confirme theyr article there was alleaged that Iohn Husse did withstande the condemnation of Wickliffes articles the which was first condemned at Rome afterward also wheÌ the Archb. Swinco with other learned men held a conuocation at Prage for the same matter when as they should haue bene there condemned for this cause that none of them were agreeing to the Catholicke faith or doctrine but were either hereticall erroneous or offensiue he aunswered that he durst not agree thereunto for offending hys conscience and specially for these Articles that Siluester the pope and CoÌstantine dyd erre in bestowing those gret gifts rewards vpoÌ the church Also that the pope or Priest being in mortall sinne can not consecrate nor baptise This article said he I haue thus determined as if I should say that he doth vnworthely consecrate or Baptise when as he is in deadly sinne and that he is an vnworthy minister of the Sacramentes of God Here his accusers with their witnesses were earnest and instant that the article of Wickliffe was written by the very same wordes in the treatise which Iohn Husse made agaynst Stephen Paletz Uerely said Iohn Husse I feare not to submit my selfe euen vnder the daunger of death if you shall not find it so as I haue sayd When the book was brought forth they founde it written as Iohn Husse had sayd He added also moreouer that he durst not agree vnto them which had condemned Wickliffes articles for this Article the tenthes were pure almes Here the Cardinal of Florence obiected vnto him this argument as touching the almes it is required that it shold be geueÌ freely without bond or duety But tenthes are not geuen freely without bond or duety therefore are they no almes Iohn Hus denying the Maior of this Sillogismus brought this reason agaynst him For somuch as rich men are bounden vnder the payne of eternall damnation vnto the fulfilling of the 6. works of mercy which Christ repeteth in the 25. chap. of Mathew and these workes are pure almes Ergo almes is also geuen by bond duety Then an Archbishop of EnglaÌd stepping vp sayd if we all be bouÌd vnto those 6. workes of mercy it doth followe that poore men which haue nothing at al to geue should be damned I answere sayd Husse vnto your antecedent that I spake distinctly of rich men and of those which had where withall to doe those workes they I say were bound to geue almes vnder payne of damnation He answered moreouer vnto the Minor of the first argument that tenthes were at first geuen freely and afterward made a bond and duetie And when as he woulde haue declared it more at large he could not be suffered He declared also diuers other causes why he coulde not with safe conscience consent vnto the condemnatioÌ of Wickliffes articles But how soeuer the matter went he did affirme say that he did neuer obstinately confirme any Articles of Wickleffes but only that he did not alow and consent that Wickliffes Articles should be condemned before that sufficient reasons were alleadged out of the holy Scripture for theyr condemnation of the same minde saith Iohn Hus are a great many other Doctors and maysters of the Uniuersitie of Prage For when as Swinco the archbishop commanded all Wickliffes bookes to be gathered together in the whole City of Prage and to be brought vnto him I my self brought also certayn books of Wickliffes which I
gaue vnto that Archbishop desiring him that if he found any error or heresie in them that he would note and mark theÌ and I myselfe would publish them openly But the archbishop albeit that he shewed me no errour nor heresie in them burned my bookes together with those that were brought vnto him notwtstanding that he had no such commaundement from Pope Alexander the fifth of that name But notwithstanding by a certaine pollicie he obtayned a Bull from the sayd Pope by meanes of Iaroslaus Bishop of Sarepte of the order of Franciscanes that all Wickleffâs books for the manifold errours contayned in them wherof there was none named should be taken out of all mens handes The archb vsing the authoritie of this Bull thought he should bring to passe that the king of Boheme and the Nobles shold consent to the condemnation of Wickliffes bookes but therein he was deceiued Yet neuerthelesse he calling together certayn deuines gaue them in coÌmissioÌ to sit vpon Wickliffes bookes and to proceede agaynst them by a diffinitiue sentence in the Canon law These men by a generall sentence iudged all those books worthy to be burned The which when the Doctors Maysters and Shollers of the vniuersitie heard report of they altogether with one consent accord none excepted but onely they which before were chosen by the Archbishop to sit in iudgement determined to make supplication vnto the king to stay the matter The king graunting their request sent by and by certain vnto the Archbishop to examine the matter There he denyed that he woulde decree anye thing as touchinge Wickleffes bookes contrary vnto the kinges will pleasure Wherupon albeit that he had determined to burn theÌ the next day after yet for feare of the king the matter was passed ouer In the meane tyme Pope Alexander the fifth beyng dead the Archbishop fearing least the Bull whiche he had receiued of the pope would be no longer of any force or effect priuily calling vnto him hys adherentes and shutting the gates of hys Court round about him being garded with a number of armed souldiors he consumed and burned all Wickliffes bookes Beside this great iniurie the Archbyshop by meanes of his Bull aforesayd committed an other lesse tollerable For he gaue out commaundement that no man after that time vnder payne of excoÌmunication shold teach any more in Chappels Wherunto I did appeale vnto the Pope who being dead and the cause of my matter remayning vndetermined I appealed likewise vnto his successor Iohn 23. Before whom when as by the space of 2. yeres I could not be admitted by my aduocates to defend my cause I appealed vnto the high Iudge Christ. When I. Hus had spoken these wordes it was demaunded of hym whether he had receiued absolution of the pope or no he aunswered no. Then agayne whether it were lawfull for him to appeale vnto Christ or no. Whereunto Iohn Hus answered Uerely I doe affirme here afore you all that there is no more iust or effectuall appeale then that appeale which is made vnto Christ for asmuch as the law doth determine that to appeale is no other thinge then in a cause of griefe or wrong done by an inferior iudge to implore and require ayde and remedy at a higher Iudges hand Who is then an higher Iudge then Christ Who I say caÌ know or iudge the matter more iustly or with more equitie when as in him there is found no deceit neyther can he be deceiued or who can better helpe the miserable oppressed theÌ he While Iohn Hus with a deuout and sober countenaunce was speaking and pronouncing those words he was derided and mocked of all the whole councell Then was there rehearsed an other Article of his accusation in this maner that Iohn Hus for to confirme the heresie which he had taught the common and simple people out of Wickleffes bookes sayd openly these wordes that at what time a great number of Monkes and Friers and other learned men were gathered together in EnglaÌd in a certayne Church to dispute agaynst Iohn Wickliffe could by no meanes vanquishe him or geue him the foyle sodenly the church doore was broken open with lightning so that with much a doe Wickleffes enemies hardly scaped without hurt He added moreouer that he wished his soule to be in the same place where Iohn Wickleffes soule was Whereunto Iohn Hus answered that a douscine yeares before that any bookes of Diuinitie of Iohn Wickleffes were in Boheme he did see certayne workes of Philosophie of hys the which he sayd did merueilous delite and please hym And when he vnderstoode the good and godly life of the sayd Wickleffe he spake these wordes I trust sayde he that Wickleffe is saued and albeit that I doubt whether he be damned or no yet with a good hope I wish that my soule were in the same place where Iohn Wickleffes is Then agayne did all the company iest and laugh at hym It is also in hys accusation that Iohn Hus did counsaile the people according to the example of Moyses to resist with the sword agaynst all such as did gaynsay his doctrine And the next day after he had preached the same there were found openly in diuers places certaine intimations that euery man being armed with hys sword about him should stoutly proceede and that brother shoulde not spare brother neyther one neighbor an other Iohn Husse aunswered that all these thinges were falsly layd vnto hys charge by his aduersaries for he at all times when he preached did dilligently admonishe and warne the people that they should all arme themselues to defend the truth of the Gospell according to the saying of the Apostle with the helmet and sworde of saluation and that he neuer spake of any material sword but of that which is the word of God And as touching intimations or Moyses sword he neuer had nothing to doe withall It is moreouer affirmed in hys accusation and witnes that many offences are sprong vp by the doctrine of Hus. For first of all he sowed discord betweene the Ecclesiastical and the politick state whereupon folowed the persecution spoiling and robbery of the Clergie Bishops And more ouer that he through his dissention dissolued the vniuersitie of Prage Hereunto Iohn Hus briefly aunswered that these thinges had not happened by hys meanes or default For the first dissention that was betweene the Ecclesiasticall and politicke state sprang and grew vpon this cause that pope Gregory the 12. of that name promised at his election that at all times at the wil and pleasure of the Cardinals he would depart from and geue ouer hys seate agayne for vnder that condition he was electe and chosen This man contrary and against Winceslaus king of Boheme who was then also king of the Romaynes made Lewes Duke of Bauaria Emperour A few yeares after it happened that when as P. Gregory would not refuse and geue ouer
thinges shall come to passe and be brought by little and little in order of times dispensed of God for the same purpose And this God doth and will do for his owne goodnes and mercy and for the riches of his great longanimity and pacience geuing time and space of repeÌtance to them that haue loÌg line in theyr sins to amend and flye from the face of the Lordes fury whyle that in like manner the carnall people and carnal priestes successiuely and in time shall fall awaye and be consumed as with the moth c. ¶ An other letter of Iohn Husse MAister Martin my deare brother in Christ I exhorte you in the Lord that you feare God keepe hys commaundementes and flee the company of women and beware of hearing their confessions least by the hipocrisie of women Sathan deceiue you trust not their deuotion You know how I haue detested the auarice and the inordinate life of the Clergy wherefore through the grace of God I suffer now persecution which shortly shal be consummate in me neither doe I feare to haue my hart powred out for the name of Christ Iesus I desire you hartely be not greedy in seeking after benefices And yet if you shal be called to anye cure in the country let the honour of God the saluation of soules and the trauaile therof moue you therunto and not the hauing of the lining or the commodities thereof And if you shall be placed in any such benefice beware you haue no yong womaÌ for your cook or seruant least you edifie and encrease more your house then your soule See that you be a builder of your spirituall house being gentle to the poore and humble of mind and waste not your goodes in great fare I feare also if you do not amend your life ceasing from your costly and superfluous apparell least you shal be greuously chastised as I also wretched maÌ shal be punished which haue vsed the like being seduced by custome of euill men and wordly glory wherby I haue bene wounded agaynst God wyth the spirite of pride And because you haue notably knowne both my preaching and outward conuersation euen from my youth I haue no neede to write many thinges vnto you but to desire you for the mercy of Iesus Christ that you do not followe me in anye such leuitie and lightnes whiche you haue in seene in me You knew how before my priesthoode whiche greueth me nowe I haue delighted to playe oftentimes at chesse and haue neglected my time and thereby haue vnhappily prouoked both my self and other to anger many times by that play Wherfore besides other my innumerable faultes for thys also I desire you to inuocate the mercy of the Lord that he will pardon me and so directe my life that hauing ouercome the wickednes of this present life the flesh the world and the deuill I may finde place in the heauenly country at the least in the day of iudgement Fare ye well in Christ Iesus with all them which keepe hys law My gray coate if you will keepe to your selfe for my remembraunce but I thinke you are ashamed to wear that gray colour therfore you may geue it to whoÌ you shall thinke good My white coate you shall geue the minister N. my scholer To George or els to Zuzikon 60. groates or els my gray coate for he hath faythfully serued me ¶ The superscription I pray you that you doe not open this letter before you be sure and certayne of my death The consolation of Mayster Hierome to Mayster Hus. MY maister in those thinges which you haue both written hetherto and also preached after the law of God agaynst the pride auarice an other inordinate vices of the Priestes goe forward be constant and strong And if I shall know that you are oppressed in the cause and if neede shal so require of myne own accorde I will folow after to helpe you as much as I can BY the lyfe actes and letters of Iohn Hus hetherto rehearsed it is euident and playne that he was condemned not for any errour of doctrine which they coulde well proue in hym who neyther denyed their popishe transubstantiation neither spake against the authoritie of the church of Rome if it were well gouerned nor yet the 7. Sacraments also sayd masse himself and almost in al their popish opinions was a papist with them but onely of euil wil was accused of his malicious aduersaries because he spake agaynst the pompe pride and auarice other wicked enormities of the pope Cardinals Prelates of that Church and because he could not abide the high dignities liuings of the Churche and thought the doinges of the pope to be Antichristlike For this cause he procured so many enemies false witnesses agaynst him Who strayning and picking matter out of hys bookes and writinges hauing no one iust article of doctrine to lay vnto him yet they made hym an hereticke whether he would or no and brought him to hys condemnation This can hatred and malice do where the charitie of Christ hath no place Whiche being so as thy charitie good reader may easely vnderstand in perusing the whol course of hys story I beseech thee theÌ what cause had Iohn Cochleus to write his 12. bookes agaynst Iohn Hus and Hussites In which bookes how bitterly inteÌperately he misuseth hys penne by these few words in hys second booke thou mayst take a little tast which wordes I thought here briefly to place in English to the ende that all English men may iudge thereby with what spirite and truth these Catholickes he caryed Hys wordes be these Lib. 2. Hist. Dico igitur Ioan Huss neque sanctum neque beatum habendum esse sed impium potius c. That is I say therfore Iohn Husse is neither to be counted holy nor blessed but rather wicked and eternally wretched insomuche that in the day of iudgement it shal be more easie not onely with the infidell Pagans Turks Tartarians and Iewes but also with the most sinfull Sodomites the abhominable Persians which most filthily doe lye with their daughters sisters or mothers yea also with most impious Cain killer of hys owne brother with Thyestes killer of hys own mother and the Lestrygones other Andropophagi which deuour mans flesh yea more easie with those infamous murderers of infants Pharao Herode then with him c. These be the words of Cochleus Whose rayling books although they deserue neyther to be read nor aunswered yet if it pleased God it were to be wished that the Lord would stir vp some towardly yong man that hath so much leasure to defend the simplicitie of thys Iohn Hus whiche cannot now aunswere for himselfe In the meane tyme something to satisfie or stay the readers mynde agaynst thys immoderate hyperbole of Cochleus in like fewe wordes I wyll bryng out Iohn Hus to speake and to cleare hymselfe agaynst this slaunder whose wordes in
one of them as S. Ambrose Hierom Augustin do affirme and likewise others For the teaching hereof by a playne example I described as it were a certayne triangle forme or figure the which I cald the shield of fayth Therfore vtterly to exclude and take away the erroneous and wicked vnderstanding therof the which peradueÌ tture some men may gather thereby I do say affirme declare that I neuer made the sayd figure neither named it the shield of faith to that intent or purpose that I woulde extoll or preferre the opinion of vniuersalities aboue or before the contrary opinion in such sort as though that were the shield of faith that without the affirmation therof the Catholicke faith coulde not be defended or maintained when as I my selfe would not obstinately sticke thereunto But this I said because I had put example in the description of the Triangle or form that one diuine essence consisted in three subiectes or persons in themselues distinct that is to saye the father the sonne and the holy Ghost The article of the which Trinitie is the chiefe shield of fayth and foundation of the Catholicke truth Furthermore that it may be euident vnto all meÌ what the causes were for the whiche I was reputed thought to stick to and fauour some time I. Hus. I signifie vnto all men by these presentes that when as I heard him oftentimes both in his sermons and also in the schooles I beleleued that he was a very good man neither that he dyd in any poynt gaynsay the traditions of our holy mother the Church or holy doctors in somuch as when I was lately in this Citty and the articles which I affirmed were shewed vnto me whiche were also condemned by the sacred Councell at the first sight of them I did not beleeue that they were hys at the least not in that forme But when as I had further vnderstood by certayn famous Doctours maysters of Diuinitie that they were hys articles required for my further information and satisfaction to haue the bookes of hys own hand writing shewed vnto me wherin it was sayd those articles were contayned The which books when they were shewed vnto me written with his owne hand which I did know as well as mine owne I found all and euery one of those articles therein written in like forme as they are condemned Wherfore I do worthely iudge and thinke him and his doctrine with his adherents to be condemned and reproued by this sacred couÌcell as hereticall and without reason Al which the premisses with a pure minde and conscience I do heare pronounce speake being now fully and sufficiently informed of the foresaid sentences and iudgementes geuen by the sacred councell agaynst the doctrines of the sayd Iohn Wickleffe and Iohn Hus and agaynst their own persons vnto the which iudgement as a deuout Catholike in all thinges I doe most humbly consent and agree Also I the foresayd Hierom which before the reuerend fathers the Lordes Cardinals and reuerend Lordes Prelates and Doctours and other worshipful persons of this sacred Councell in this same place did heretofore frely and willingly declare and expound myne intent and purpose amongest other thinges speaking of the Churche did deuide the same into three partes And as I did perceaue afterward it was vnderstanded by some the I would affirme that in the triumphant Church there was fayth Whereas I do firmly beleue that there is the blessed sight and beholding of God excluding all darke vnderstanding knowledge And now also I do say affirm declare that it was neuer my intent and purpose to proue that there sholde be fayth speaking of fayth as fayth is commonly defined but knowledge farre exceeding fayth And generally whatsoeuer I sayd eyther there or at any time before I do referre and most humbly submit my selfe vnto the determination of this sacred Councell of Constance Moreouer I do sweare both by the holy Trinitie and also by the most holy Gospell that I will for euermore remayne and perseuere without all doubt in the truth of the Catholicke Churche And all such as by their doctrine and teaching shall impugne this fayth I iudge them worthy together with their doctrines of eternall curse And if I my selfe at any time which God forbid I should doe presume to preach or teach contrary thereunto I will submit my self vnto the seueritie of the Canons and be bound vnto eternall payn and punishment Wherupon I do deliuer vp this my coÌfession and tenour of my profession willingly before this sacred generall councell and haue subscribed and written all these thinges with myne owne hand AFter all this they caused hym to be caryed agayn vnto the same prison but not so straightly chayned bound as he was before notwithstanding kept euery day wyth souldiors and armed men And when as afterward his enemies which were appoynted agaynst him as Michaell de causis wicked Palletz with other their companions in these affayres vnderstood knew by the words talke of M. Hierome and by other certayn tokens that he made the same abiuration recantation not of a sincere pure minde but onely to the intent thereby to scape their hands they together with certayne Friers of Prage of the order of Carmelites then comming in put vp new accusations agaynst the sayd M. Hierome and drew the same into Articles being very instant and earnest that he shoulde answere thereunto And forsomuch as his iudges certaine Cardinals as the Cardinall of Cambray the Cardinal de Vrsinis the Cardinall of Aquilegia and of Florence considering the malice of the enemies of M. Hierome dyd see the great iniurie that was done vnto him they laboured before the whole Councell for hys deliuery It happened vpon a certayn day as they were labouring in the Councell for the deliuery of the sayd M. Hierome that the Germaynes and Bohemians his enemies with al force and power resisted against it crying out that he should in no case be dismissed Then start vp one called Doctor Naso which said vnto the Cardinalles we maruaile much of you most reuerend fathers that your reuerences will make intercession for such a wicked hereticke for whose sake we in Boheme with the whole clergy haue suffered much trouble mischiefe and peraduenture your fatherhoodes shall suffer and I greatly feare least that you haue receiued some rewardes eyther of the king of Boheme or of these heretickes When as the Cardinalles were thus rebuked they discharged themselues of mayster Hieromes cause and matter Then his enemies aforesaid obtayned to haue other iudges appointed as the Patriarcke of Constantinople a Germayne doctour forsomuch as they did knowe that the Patriarch was a greeuous enemy vnto M. Hierome because he being before appoynted iudge by the Councell had condemned Iohn Hus vnto death But M. Hierome would not aunswere them in prison requiring to haue open audience because he woulde there finally
declare vnto them hys minde neyther would he by any meanes consent vnto those priuate iudges Wherupon the Presidents of the Councell thinking that the sayd M. Hierome woulde renue hys recantation before the sayd audieuce and confirme the same did graunt him open audieÌce In the yeare of our Lord. 1416. the 25. day of May which was the Saterday before the Ascenâion of our Lord the sayd M. Hierom was brought vnto open audience before the whole Councell to the great Cathedrall church of Constance whereas by the Commissioners of the Councell in the behalfe of hys foresayd enemies there was laid agaynst him of new C. and vii Articles to the intent that he should not scape the snare of death which they prouided and layd for him in so much as the iudges had before declared that by the saying of the witnesses it was already concluded in the same audience The day aforesayd from morning vntill noone he aunswered vnto more then 40. Articles most subtletie obiected agaynst him denying that he held or mayntayned any such articles as were either hurtfull or false affirming the those witnesses had deposed theÌ agaynst him falsly and slaunderously as his most cruel and mortall enemies In the same Session they had not yet proceeded vnto death because that the noone time drew so fast on that he could not answere vnto the Articles Wherfore for lacke of time sufficient to aunswere vnto the residue of the Articles there was an other time appoynted which was the third day after the foresaid Saterday before the Ascention of our Lord at whiche time againe early in the morning hee was brought vnto the sayde Cathedrall Church to answere vnto all the residue the Articles In all which articles as well those which he had aunswered vnto the Saterday before as in the residue he cleared himselfe very learnedly refelling his aduersaries who had no cause but onely of malice displeasure were set agaynst him did him great wrong in suche sort that they were themselues astonyed at his oration and refutation of their testimonies brought agaynst him and with shame enough were put to silence As when one of them had demanded of him what he thought by the sacrament of the aultar He answered before consecration sayd he it is bread wine after the consecration it is the true body and bloud of Christ adding withall moe wordes according to theyr catholicke fayth Then an other rising vp Hierome sayde he there goeth a great rumor of thee that thou shouldest hold bread to remain vpon the aultar To whom he pleasantly answered saying that he beleued bread to be at the Bakers At which wordes being spoken one of the Dominicke Friers fumishly tooke on and sayd what doest thou deny that no man doubteth of Whose peuishe sausines Hierome with these words did well represse holde thy peace said he thou monke thou hipocrite And thus the monke being nipped in the head sate downe dumme After whom started vp an other who with a loude voyce cryed out I sweare sayd he by my conscience that to be true that thou doest deny To whom sayd Hierome agayne speaking in latine Heus inquit sic iurare per conscientiam tutissima fallendi via est That is thus to sweare by your conscience is the next way to deceiue An other there was a spitefull and a bitter enemy of his whom he called by no other name then dogge or asse After he had thus refuted them one after an other that they could finde no crime against him neyther in this matter nor in anye other they were all driuen to keepe silence This done then were the witnesses called for who coÌming in presence gaue testimony vnto the Articles before produced By reason wherof the innocent cause of Hierome was oppressed and began in the councell to be concluded Then Hierome rising vp begaÌ to speak forsomuch sayth he as you haue heard mine aduersaries so diligeÌtly hether to conuenient it is that you should also nowe heare me to speake for my selfe Whereupon with much difficultie at last audience was geueÌ in the Councell for hym to say his mind Which being granted he from morning to noon continuyng entreated of diuers and sondry matters with great learning and eloqueÌce Who first beginning with his praier to God be sought him to geue him spirite habilitie and vtterance which might most tend to the profite saluation of his own soule And so entring into hys Oration I Know sayth he reuerend Lords that there haue bene many excelleÌt men which haue suffered much otherwise theÌ they haue deserued being oppressed with false witnesses condemned with wrong iudgementes And so beginning with Socrates he declared howe hee was vniustly condemned of hys countrimen neither woulde he escape when hee might taking from vs the feare of two thinges whiche seeme most bitter to men to wit of prisonment and death Then he inferred the captiuitie of Plato the banishment of Anaxagoras and the tormentes of Zeno. Moreouer he brought in the wrongfull condemnation of many gentiles as the banishment of Rupilius reciting also the vnworthy death of Boetius and of others whom Boetius himselfe doth write of From thence he came to the examples of the Hebrues and first began with Moyses the deliuerer of the people the law geuer how he was oftentimes slaundered of hys people as being a seducer and contemner of the people Ioseph also sayth he for enuy was sold of hys brethren and for false suspicion of whoredome was cast into bandes Besides these he reciteth Esayas Daniell and almost all the Prophetes who as contemners of god and seditious persons were oppressed with wrongfull condemnation FroÌ thence he proceeded to the iudgement of Susanna and of diuers other besides who being good and holy men yet were they vniustly cast away with wrongfull sentence At the length he came to Iohn Baptist and so in long processe he descended vnto our sauiour declaring how it was euident to all men by what false witnesses both he and Iohn Baptist were condemned Moreouer how Stephen was slayne by the Colledge of the priestes and how all the Apostles were condemned to death not as good men but as seditious styrrers vp of the people and contemners of the Gods and euil doers It is vniust sayth he vniustly to be condemned one priest of an other and yet he proued that the same hath so happened most vniustly in that Councell of Priestes These thinges did he discourse at large with marueilous eloqueÌce and with singuler admiration of all that heard hym And forasmuch as all the whol summe of the cause dyd rest only in the witnesses by many reasons he proued that no credite was to be geuen vnto them especially seing they spake all thinges of no truth but onely of hatred malice enuy And so prosecuting the matter so liuely and expressely he opened vnto them the causes of their hatred
Arragon were twise present your self in the chapter house and disputed twise most subtilly and twise declared your minde what you thought in that matter What do you desire any more Also out of the territory of that Duke of Millaine there was present the Archbish. of Millaine who albeit he be no Ambassador yet howe famous a Prelate he is you are not ignorant When he had spoken these words the Archbishop being somewhat mooued sayd vnto him My Lord Cardinal you supply the roume of a president no better then I doe the place of a Dukes Oratour and began to taunt him wyth many words But the Cardinall as he was a man moste pacient and woulde not be prouoked to anger by no meanes sayd this is it that I euen now desired For if the Archb. be an Ambassador then hath the Duke no cause to complaine which had his Oratour present at the discussing of those matters I passe ouer other Princes because they doe not complaine Notwythstanding the most Christian Kynge of Fraunce had there the Byshop of Lyons a graue and sober man his Ambassadour at the disputation As for other princes I see no cause why they shuld be taried for which knowing the councel to be congregate for such matters as pertaine vnto faith do not thinke it absurd that the doutfull matters of fayth shoulde be declared in the Councell Whereunto if they had bene willing to come they would haue bene present or this Why this matter should neede so much discussing as some will haue I doe not vnderstand For if I be wel remembred Panormitane and also Ludouicus haue oftentimes affirmed in this place eueÌ the very same thing which the conclusions signifie And if any of them now will go about to gaynsay it it will happen vnto them as it did vnto Didimus To whom when as on a time hee repugned agaynst a certayne historye as vayne and friuolous hys own book was deliuered vnto him wherin the same was written So likewise these two men meaning Panormitane Ludouicus the Prothonotary Although they be excellently learned eloquent yet may they be confuted by their owne writinges Besides this there are Synodall Epistles and decrees of this Councell whiche are full of such coÌclusions What is it then whereupon any difficultie can be raysed What is it that may be impugned Shal we now bring that againe in doubt whiche hath so often bene declared affirmed and decreed But say they the princes Ambassadours are absent whiche are byshops by whose presence the decrees should be of more authority Wel they are not onely absent which are gone to Mentz but almost an infinite number of others dispersed throughout the whol world whoÌ if we should tary to looke for nothing at any tyme should be decreed They are al called vnto the councel they might haue come if they would To those that are present power is geuen and they ought to debate these matters If any man will say that they which are absent are about the affayres of the common wealth truely we sent them not thither but they went rather agaynst the will of the Councell then with the consent therof And admit that they had bene sent by the Councel yet were not our power so much restrayned but that we might reforme the Church for otherwise there should neuer any thing be done in the Councell for somuch as alwayes some are sent out by the Councell and some are alwayes to be looked and taryed for and therfore we must eyther do nothing at all or sende out no Prelates from the Councell Where as he sayd that Prelates and specially Bishops are coÌtemned that is most far from the truth for they haue the chiefe and first places They speake first and geue their voices first of all vnto all thinges and if so be they do speake learnedly and truely all the inferiors without any gaynesaying did soone follow their mynde Neither peraduenture shall it be founde vntrue that there was neuer any Synode which dyd more amplifie the power authoritie of Byshops then this For what haue the Byshoppes bene in our dayes but onely shadowes Might they not well haue bene called shepheardes wtout the sheep What had they more theÌ their miter and their staffe when as they could determine nothing ouer their subiects Uerely in the primitiue Church the Byshops had the greatest power authoritie but now was it come to that poynt that they exceeded the coÌmon sort of priestes onely in theyr habite and reuenewes But we haue restored them agayn to their old state we haue reduced the colation of benefices agayn vnto theÌ we haue restored vnto theÌ the confirmation of elections we haue brought agayn the causes of the subiectes to be heard into their handes haue made them bishops which were none before What cause is there then that the Byshops should say they are contemned of the Councel Or what iniurious thing haue we at anye time done vnto them But Parnormitan sayth that forsomuch as most bishops are on hys parte and few agaynst hym the conclusion is not to be determined by the multitude of the inferiours but let Panormitan remember himself that this is no new kinde of proceeding This order of proceeding the Councell ordeined from the beginning neither hath it bene chaunged at any tyme since And this order Panormitan in times past hath pleased you well enough when as the multitude did followe your minde But now because they do not followe your mynd they do displease you But the decrees of the Councels are not so mutable as the wils of meÌ Know ye moreouer that the very same bishops which doe consent with you in word and do not consent with you in minde neither spake the same secretly which they now do openly They do fear that which you told them at home in their country that except they would follow your minde they shoulde displease the king They feare the power of the Prince to be spoyled of theyr temporalties neither haue they free libertye to speak as is requisite in Councels Albeit if they were true Bishops true pastors of soules they woulde not doubt to put their liues in venture for their sheepe neither be afeard to shed their bloud for their mother the Church But at this present the more is the pittie it is to rare to finde a Prelate in this world whiche doth not preferre hys temporalities before hys spiritualties with the loue wherof they are so withdrawne that they study rather to please Princes then God and confesse God in corners but Princes they will opeÌly confesse Of whome the Lord speaketh in hys Gospell Euery one sayth he that confesseth me before men I will confesse him before my father which is in heauen And contrariwise the Lord will not confesse him before his father which is afeard to confesse the Lord before men Neither is it true which Panormitan sayth most bishops to be on
to be admitted with the bishops to the deciding of hard doubtfull matters Neither ought we to be ashamed to follow the example of that most sacred and great Councell which also followeth the examples of the Councell of Pisa and the great Councell at Lateran wherein it is not to be doubted but that the Priestes did ioyntly iudge together with the byshops Moreouer if Abbotes as we do see it obserued in all Councels haue a determining voice which notwithstanding were not instituted by Christ why should not priests haue the same whose order Christ ordayned by hys Apostles Hereupon also if one byshops shoulde haue a determining voice nothing should be done but what pleased that Italian nation the whith alone doth exceed all other nations or at the least is equall with them in number of byshops And howsoeuer it be I iudge it in this behalf to be a work of God that the inferiours shold be admitted to the determinations for God hath nowe reuealed that vnto little ones which he hath hidden from the wise Behold you do see the zeale constancy vprightnes and magnanimitie of these inferiours Where should the councell now be if onely bishops and Cardinals shoulde haue their voice Where should the authoritie of the Councels be Where should the Catholicke fayth be Where shoulde the decrees and reformation be For all things haue now a long time bene vnder the will of Eugenius and he had now obtained hys wicked naughty purpose except these inferiours whome you now contemne had withstaÌd him These are they which haue contemned the priuation made by Eugenius These I say are they which haue not regarded hys threatninges spoyle and persecution These are they which being takeÌ imprisoned tormented haue not fered to defend the trueth of the Councell yea euen these are they who albeit they were by Eugenius deliuered ouer for a pray yet would they still continue in the sacred couÌcell and feared not to to suffer warre famine most cruel pestilence and finally what thing is it that these men haue not willingly suffered for the right and equity of the councel you might haue heard this inferior sort euen in the midst of their tribulations with a loud voycr cry out and say albeit that all men become obedient vnto that subuerter of the Church Eugenius and that euery man do depart from the veritie of the fayth and constitutions of the fathers conseÌting vnto the commaundementes of Eugeneus yet we our brethren will be constant and doubt not to dye for the truth and traditions of the holy fathers the which in deed they haue done Neither could they be feared with threatnings or discouraged with any spoyles neither could any feare or hope turne them from their most blessed purpose and to speake somewhat of mine own order whether any Cardinals haue done the like or no that iudge you As for Byshops whoÌ Panormitane alone wold haue to determine you see how few of them are on our part euen they which are here present are not able by vertue to ouercome iniquitie they feare the terrene power and commit offence with their hast Haue ye not heard how they al sayd they would consent vnto the kinges will and pleasure But the inferiors are they which haue had truth righteousnes god himselfe before their eyes they are greatly to be commended for shewing themselues such men vnto the Church of God But why do I defend that cause of these inferiours When as some will also exclude those byshops which are but byshops by name and title and haue no possession of the Church from our company not vnderstanding that whilest they go about to put backe those meÌ they do condemne Peter and the other Apostles who as it is euident were long without any great flocke neither was Rome vnto Peter nor Ierusalem vnto Iames at anye tyme wholy obedient for at that tyme no great number of people but a small flocke beleued in Christ. For I pray you what is that we shold require of these byshops They haue no flocke but that is not their fault They haue no reuenues but money maketh not a byshop and as the Lord sayth Beati pauperes spiritu i. Blessed are yâ poore in spirite Neither was there anye rich Byshops in the primitiue Church neither did the auncient Church reiect Dionysius Byshop of Millayne Eusebius Bishop of Uercelles or Hillary Byshop of Pictauia although they were neuer so poore and banished without a flocke But if we will graunt the truth the poore are more apte to geue iudgement then the rich because that riches bringeth feare and their pouertie causeth libertie For the poore men doe not feare tyranny as our rich men do whiche being geuen ouer vnto all kinde of vanities idlenes and sloth will rather deny Christ then lacke theyr accustomed pleasures whom not theyr flock but theyr reuenues make bishops deliting so muche in riches that they iudge all poore men vnhappy But as Cicero sayth nothing can happen better vnto a wise man then mediocritie of substaunce Wherupon it is written in the Gospel It is easiar for a Cammel to passe through a needle eye then for a riche man to enter into the kingdome of heauen But now to returne to a more full declaration of Panormitans words I determine to passe ouer two poynts which he pronounced in the beginning of hys OratioÌ that is Qui petant cur petant i. who maketh the petition and for what cause they make their petition We graunt the they are great men men of power and as he doth affirme the they haue deserued good of the church neither do I doubt but that they are moued thereunto with a sincere affectioÌ But whether it be a small matter that is required or that the same effectes would ryse thereupon which he spake of it is now to be enquired A delay sayth he is required a delay for a few dayes A small matter a matter of no importaunce a matter easy to be graunted Notwithstanding let Panormitane here marke well that he requireth a delay in a matter of faith The verities are already declared they be already discussed and determined If now there shoulde be but a little delay it would grow to a long delay for ofteÌ times the delay of one momeÌt is the losse of a whole yere here of we haue many examples Hanniball wheÌ he had obteined his victory at Cannas if he had gone strayght vnto Rome by all mens iudgementes he had takeÌ the city But for so much as he did deferre it vntill the next day the Romaines hauing recouered theyr force agayne he was shutt out and deserued to heare this opprobry Vincere scis Hannibal vti victoria nescis Hannibal thou knowest victory to get But how to vse it thou knowest not yet Likewise the French men after they had taken Rome and besieged the Capitoll whiles that they gredely sought to haue great summes
of mony delayed the time in making of their truce Camillus coÌming vpon them did most shamefully driue them out againe But what need I to rehearse old histories when as our own examples are sufficient for vs Ye know your selues how often these delayes haue bene hurtfull vnto you how ofteÌ the delay of a few dayes hath growne to a long tracte of tyme. For now this is the 8. yeare that you haue spent in delayes you haue seene that alwayes of one delay an other hath sprong and risen Wherfore I do require that Panormitan shuld consider that the conclusion being this day disturbed we know not whether it will be brought to passe hereafter againe or no. Many impedimentes or lets may rise Neither doth Panormitan say that this delay being obtayned he wold afterward consent with his fellowes vnto the conclusioÌs for he denyeth that he hath any commaundement therunto which is more to be considered he sayth that the Ambassadours at their returne from Mentz may bring such newes wherby these conclusions may be omitted as though any thyng were more excellent then the truth The which thing doth manifestly declare that they do not seeke delayes for the better examination of the matter but for to impugne the conclusions the more strongly Neither do I agree with Panormitan as touching the effects which he sayd should ryse eyther of the denyall or graunting of the requests For I see no cause why the Princes should so greatly require any delay There are no letters of anye Prince come vnto vs as touching such request neyther is there any man lately come from them neyther is it greatly materiall vnto them but that the matters of faith shoulde be determined But this is a most pernicious conclusion which Panormitane hath made and not to be looked for at the handes of those most godly princes wheras he saith if we do please them they will take our part If contrariwise they will decline vnto Eugenius and wholy resist rebell agaynst vs. This is a meruailous word a wonderfull conclusion altogether vnworthye to be spoken of such a man The decrees of the Councell of Constance are that all maner of men of what state or condition soeuer they be are bound to the ordinaunces and decrees of the generall Councels But Panormitanes wordes do not tend to that effect for he would not haue the Princes obedient vnto the Councel but that councell to be obedient vnto that princes Alas most reuerend Fathers alas what times daies what maners and conditioÌs are these Into what misery are we now brought How shall we at anye time bring to passe that the Pope being Christes Uicare and as they say an other Christ in earth should be subiect vnto the couÌcell of Christians if the Councell it selfe ought to obey wordly Princes But I pray you look for no such things at the Princes handes Do not beleeue that they will forsake theyr mother the Church Do not thinke them so farr alienate froÌ the truth that they would haue iustice suppressed The conclusions whereupon the controuersie is are most true most holy most allowable If the princes do refuse them they do not resist agaynst vs but against the holy Scriptures yea and agaynst Christ himselfe which you ought neither to beleue neither was it comely for Panormitane so to say Panormitan by your liceÌce be it spoken you haue vttered most cruell words neyther do you seeme to go about any other matter then to inculcate terrour and feare into the mindes of the Fathers for you haue rehearsed great perils and daungers except we submitt our selues vnto the princes But you most reuerend fathers shall not be afearde of them which kill the body the soule they cannot kill neyshal ye forsake the truth although you should shedde your bloud for the same Neither ought we to be any whit more slacke in the quarrell of our mother the church and the Catholicke fayth then those most holy Martyrs whiche haue established the Church with theyr bloud For why should it be anye greeuous matter vnto vs to suffer for Christ which for our sakes hath suffered so cruel greuous death Who when he was an immortall God voyd of all passioÌs toke vpoÌ him the shape of a mortal man feared not for our redemption to suffer tormentes vpon the crosse Set before your eyes the Prince of the Apostles Peter Paule Andrew Iames and Barthelmew and not to speake onely of Bishops Marke what Stephen Laurence Sebastian Fabian did Some were hanged some headed some stoned to death other some burned and others tormented with most cruell and grieuous tormentes suffered for Christes sake I pray you for Gods sake let vs follow the example of these men If we will be byshops and succeed in honour let vs not feare Martyrdome Alas what effeminate harts haue we Alas what faynt harted people are we They in tymes past by the contempt of death conuerted the whole world which was full of gentilitie and idolatrye and we through our sluggishnes desire of life do bring the Christian Religion out of the whole world into one corner I feare greatly least that little also which is left we shall lose through our cowardlines if that by following Panormitanes minde we do commit the whole gouernaunce defence of the Church vnto the princes But nowe play the stout and valiaunt men in this time of tribulation feare not to suffer death for the Churche whiche Curtius feared not to doe for the cittie of Rome which Menchotheus for Thebes Codrus for Athens willingly took vpon them Not onely the martyrs but also the Gentiles might moue and stirre vs to cast of all the feare of death What is to be sayd of Theremens the Athemen With how ioyfull hart and minde and pleasaunt countenaunce did he drink the poyson What say you vnto the Socrates that most excellent Philosopher did he eyther weepe or sigh when he supped vp the poyson They hoped for that whiche we are most certayne of Not by dying to dye but to chaunge this present life for a better Truly we ought to be ashamed being admonished by so many examples instructed with so great learning yea and redeemed with the precious bloud of Christ so greatly to feare death Cato writeth not of one or two men but of whole legions which haue chearfully couragiously gone vnto those places froÌ whence they knew they shuld not return Wyth like courage did the LacedemoniaÌs geue theÌselues to death at Thermopilis of whom Simonides writeth thus Dic hospes Spartanos te hic vidisse iacentes Dum sanctis patriae legibus obsequimur Report thou straunger the Spartaines here to lye Whiles that their couÌtry lawes they obeyed willingly Neither iudge the contrary but that the Lacedemonians went euen of purpose vnto death vnto whome theyr Captayne Leonidas sayd O ye Lacedemonians goe forward couragiously for this day we shal sup together
spoken the order and course of times requireth to intermixt withall the residue pertaining to the matters concluded betweene this Councell and the Bohemians declaring the whole circumstances of the Ambassade their Articles disputations and answeres which they had first in the said Councel then in their own countrey with the Councels Ambassadours also with theyr petitions and answeres vnto the same Touching the story of the Bohemians how they being sent for came vp to the Councell of Basill how they appeared and what was there concluded and agreed partly before hath bin expressed pag. 675. Now as leisure serueth froÌ other matters to returne againe vnto the same it remaineth to prosecute the rest that lacketh so farre as both breuitie may be obserued and yet the reader not defrauded of such things principally worthy in the same to be noted and knowne The Bohemians then as is before declared hauing alwaies the vpper haÌd albeit they were accused by the new Bishop Eugenius yet it was thought good that they should be called vnto Basill where as the Councell was appointed Wherupon Cardinall Iulian sent thether before Iohn Pullumair Doctour of the law Iohn de Ragulio a Diuine Who coÌming vnto Basill in the moneth of August anno 1431. called by their letters vnto the Councell Iohn Abbot of Mulbrun and Iohn Belhusius Monke of the same cloister which men for the dexteritie of their wit and experience and knowledge of countreis were very meete and necessary for Ambassades Within a few daies after Iulianus also came thether as he had promised and immediatly sent out Iohn Belhusius and Hammon Offenbourg a Senatour of Basill first vnto the Emperour Sigismund being at Felokirch and afterward vnto Friderike Duke of Austrich for the appealing of the wars betweene him Phillip Duke of Burgony This done to the intent that peace being had not onely the Ecclesiasticall Prelates but also the Marchants might haue safe accesse vnto Basill and so bring in all things necessary for sustentation They going on this Ambassade receiued letters from the Sinode to be deliuered vnto the Emperour SigismuÌd whereby the Bohemians and Morauians were called vnto the Councell These letters he by and by caused to be carried vnto Boheme But for so much as he hymselfe went into Italy to receiue the Imperiall Crowne of the Bishop he left William Duke of Bauaria as his Deputy to be protectour vnto that Councell Furthermore when as the Synode vnderstood that our men would take a peace with the Bohemians after their most shamefull flighte they sent Iohn Niderius a Diuine Iohn Belhusius to comfort the people which ioined vpon Boheme and earnestly to moue the Morauians Bohemians which were before called to come vnto the Councell They departing from Basill about the end of October tooke their iourney toward Monacum a towne of Bauaria Where after they had saluted WilliaÌ Duke of Bauaria and his brother Ernestus and Albert the sonne of Ernestus and had declared the CoÌmission of their Ambassade and had shewed vnto Duke WilliaÌ how that as soone as he should come vnto Basill the protection of the Councel should be committed vnto him by the Emperour they exhorted Fridericke Marques of Brandenberg and Iohn Duke of Bauaria the Senate of Noremberg and other Princes and Lords partly by letters from the Councell and partly by wordes of mouth that they should by no meanes take any truce with the Bohemians for that it might be hurtfull vnto the Church and said they should haue ayd out of hand They desired them also in the name of the Councell that if the Bohemians would sende their Ambassadours vnto Basill they would guide them euery man through his countrey in safety which they promised to do It is incredible how all men reioiced that the Bohemians was sent for After this when as they counselled with the Senate of Noremberg touching the sending of the Councels letters vnto Boheme it seemed best first of al to inquire of the rulers of Egra whether the BohemiaÌs had made any answer to the former letters of the couÌcell which they had sent The rulers of Egra being aduertised by these letters sent him which caried the Councels letters into Boheme vnto Noremberg He reported how reuereÌtly the Councel of the greater city of Prage receiued yâ letters and how he was rewarded Wherupon they conceiued great hope of the good successe of the Ambassade Therefore the Ambassadours vsing the Councel of the Senate of Noremberg and diuers others sent the messenger backe agayne vnto Egra wyth theyr owne priuate letters and with letters of the Councell for there was no better meane to send the letters vnto Boheme Much trauaile was taken by them of Egra Friderike Marques of Brandenberg and Iohn Duke of Bauaria in this matter for that they were very desirous that peace might be had amongst all Christians The copy of those letters whereby the Synode did call the Bohemians vnto the Councell and other letters exhortatorie of the Ambassadours and the Bohemians answere vnto the same for breuities cause we haue heere pretermitted The Bohemians not in all points trusting vnto the Ambassadours required by their letters that the Councels Ambassadours with the other Princes would come vnto Egra whereas their Ambassadours shoulde also be present to intreate vpon the safe conduict and other matters The day was appointed for the meeting the Sonday after Easter which was the xxvij day of Aprill Then came the Ambassadours of the Councell vnto Egra with the noble Princes Friderike Marques of Brandenberg and Iohn Duke of Bauaria with other nobles almost to the number of 252. horsse But none of the Bohemians were present because the inhabitants of Pilsana and the Lord Swambergius had not sent their safe conduict When they vnderstood this by their letters they brought to passe that the Ambassadours of the BohemiaÌs Nicolaus Hunpeltzius secretary of the greater Citie of Prage and Mathew Clumpezane President of Piesta should be brought forth by them of Egra and the Elenbogenses and so they came vnto Egra with xix horse the viij day of May. The next day after Henry Tocgye receaued the Bohemian Ambassadours before the Marques with an eloquent Oration taking this part of the Gospell for his Theame Pax vobis i. Peace be with you Then they propounded what great iniuries they had hetherto receiued at their hands which was the cause of so many great slaughters on either partie and that they were glad that yet now at the length there was some hope that they should be heard After this they conferred as touching the safeconduict The BohemiaÌs required pledges and that not of the common sort but Princes nobles Which thing for so much as it did not content the Ambassadours and that the matter should so be put of the common people of Egra began to cry out that it was long of the Ecclesiasticall Princes that a concord was not made with the Bohemians Then
sette downe to be seene The copie of an Epistle which Iulian Cardinall of S. Angen and the Popes ambassadour into Germanie wrote marueilous boldly and frely vnto Eugenius B. of Rome for that he went about to dissolue the couÌcel of Basil. Most blessed father after the deuout kisses of your blessed fete NOw shall the whole worlde vnderstande and know whether that your holines haue in you the bowels of fatherly loue charity and the zeale of the house of God whether you be sent to make peace or discord to congregate or disperse or whether you be that good shepheard which geueth hys life for his sheepe Beholde the doore beginneth now to be opened whereby the lost sheepe may returne againe vnto their owne folde nowe is there good hope euen at hand of the reconciliation of the Bohemians If that your holinesse as it is your duety do helpe and further the same you shall obtaine greate glory bothe in heauen and earthe But if peraduenture you goe about to lette the same whiche is not to be hoped for at your handes all menne will reprooue you of impietie Heauen and earth will conspire againste you all men will forsake you For how is he to be folowed wich wyth one worde may restore peace and quietnes to the church and refuseth to do it But I coÌceiue a better hope in you how that your holines without any excuse wil with your whole hart mind fauor this most sacred couÌcel giue thankes vnto almighty God this great goodnesse that this congregatiou hath not departed Behold the ambassadors of this sacred councell are returned with great ioy and gladnes from Egra reporting how that thorow the grace of the holy Ghost they haue firmly concluded with the ambassadors of the Bohemians that is to say of the Prages Orphants and Thaborites amongs whome was also present the captaines of their ennemies and specially Procopius That a solempne ambassade of all the states of the realme should come vnto the councell of Basill After that a safe conduite is sent vnto them by the sayde councel in fourme conditioned which shall be done with speede This sacred congregation is marueâlously exhilerate and ioyfull For those our ambassadours affirme that all things were handled with such charitie at Egra that they did see such things amoÌgs the Bohemians that not without cause they doe conceiue great hope of their reconciliation And at the last gentlely imbrasing one another eueÌ with teares of gladnesse they departed from Egra The Bohemians requiring our ambassadors that the matter might be ended wyth all expedition They reporte also that manie thinges happened in that Treatie whyche if any manne hearde and didde not weepe for ioy he might well thinke him self to be but smally affectioned vnto Christ. As for 3 of the 4. articles they seeme not to make any great difficulty vpon As touching the 4. that is of the communion vnder both kindes there is good hope that they wil followe the iudgement of the councel Who is it then that dare councell your holines to perseuere any loÌger in the purpose of dissolution for if the councell had not ben appoynted at all for so great hope and necessity it ought to haue ben appoynted in this place How worthy prase and commendation should your holines doe if that you woulde leaue Italy and all other affaires and come hether in your owne person Although you shoulde neede to be caried in a wagon or litter The keping defence of the temporal patrimony of the church may well be disposed and done by legates and vicares This is the true patrimonie of the church to winne soules For the church is not a heap of stones and walles Christ hath not made you a keper of castles fortes but a pastor of soules Therfore you shuld do that in your owne person which is most necessary and acceptable vnto Christ and al other things be your substitutes For so did the Apostles which to the inteÌt they might the more frely intend to the preaching of the word of God did institute 7. to serue the tables and for the ministration of other inferior things I heare that by the grace of God your holinesse doth daily recouer and amend â if âo be as it is said you do visit some churches on fore ye may also come hether on horsebacke for you can not go vnto any thing more profitable or coÌcordant to your office then to go vnto that place whereas innumerable benefits and goodnes may spring Let your holines vnderstand and consider wherin Christ whose vicar you are and S. Peter whose successor you are and the apostles and holy bishops did exercise occupy themselues and as you do succede them in office so succede them in maners But if per aduenture your holines can not come hither I doe councell you that for so great a benefite you would send the more part of the reuerend Lords Cardinals of the court of Rome and command al other prelates to come hether doe not let or hinder them that are willing to come as it is reported you do but rather allure them to come hither Your holines may beleue me that only charity mooueth me to councell you in this sort be ye not seperate from your members nourish your children as the henne doeth her chickens vnder her wings And if so be that you will doe nothing els yet speake this only word Placet That is to say that it pleaseth you that the couÌcel of Basil shuld go forward For a few daies past there came newes hither for the which your holines ought alltogether to cease from your dissolution The reuerend father the Archb. of Lyons hath wrytten vnto the councell and vnto me also howe that the Prelates of France haue assembled togither in the city of Beturia and there after long and exacte examination haue concluded that the councel is lawfully coÌgregate in this place And that it is necessary that it shuld be holden and celebrate here at this present and how the Prelates of France shuld come vnto it he also directed hither the cause which moued them so to conclude the copye whereof I suppose is sent vnto your holinesse by some other Wherupon then doth your holines stay You haue gone about as much as in you lay by your messengers letters diners meanes to draw backe the Prelates and haue laboured with al your endeuor to dissolue the councell yet notwithstanding as you do see it is increased day by day And the more it is forbidden the more is all mens minds inflamed to the contrary is not this then to resist the wil of God Why do ye prouoke the church to anger Why do ye stirre vp the Christian people vouch safe I pray you so to doe that ye may gât the loue and fauor of the people not the hatred for all nations are greatly offended when they heare these your doings Suffer not your holines to be seduced
vsing al celeritie to meete them before they came to London gathered a power such as hee could make about LoÌdon and first coÌmeth to Abyngdon from thence to Marlebridge hearing that the Queene was at Bathe thinking to encounter with them before they diuerted into Wales to the Earle of Pembroke whether he thought as they in deede intended that they woulde take But the Queene vnderstanding the king to be so nie remoueth from Bathe to Bristow sending word in the meane while to the citizens of Gloucester that they would graunt her leaue safely to passe by their Citie Which wheÌ it could not be obteined with her army she departeth froÌ Bristow to Teukesbery where the D. of Somerset knowing king Edward to be at hand at his very backe willed the Queene there to stay in no wise to flie backward for certaine doubts that might be cast Although this couÌsaile was against the consent of many other captaines who thought it best rather to draw aside while the Earle of Pembroke with his army were with them associate yet the mind of the Duke preuailed The place was prefixed the field pitched the time of battaile came the King was loked for who being within one mile of Tewkesbury with like industry policy as his enemies had done disposed his army likewise in their aray This celeritie of the King taking the time was to him great aduantage who otherwise if he had differed till they had conioined with the Earle of Pembroke had put the matter in great hazard Such a matter it is to take a thing in time Of this battayle Hall this reporteth adding more then Polidore that the D. of Somerset although he was stroÌgly intrenched yet through the occasion or policie of the Duke of Gloucâster which had the fore ward of the kings part a little reculing back followed the chase supposing that the Lord Wenlock who had the middle ward would haue followed hard at his backe The duke of Glocester whether for shame rather then of policie espieng his aduaÌtage sodenly turned face to his enemies Whereupon the coÌtrary part was estsoones discomfited and so much the more because they were separate froÌ their company Tho Duke of Somerset not a litle aggyeued at this so vnfortunate case returneth to the middle ward where he seeing the L. Wenlocke abiding still reuileth him and calleth him traytour and with his are striketh the braine out of his head Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydor but sheweth not his author where he had it Polydore writing of this conflict writeth no more but this that the Queenes army being ouerset with the number and multitude of their enemies and she hauing no fresh souldiours to furnish the field was at last ouermatched and for that most part slaine or taken In which battaile were named to be slaine that Earle or Deuonshire the Lord Wenlocke Lord Iohn Duke of Somerset his brother beside other Among theÌ that were taken was Queene Margaret fouÌd in her chariot almost dead for sorow Prince Edward Edmund D. of Somerset Iohn Prior of S. Iohns with xx other knightes all which were beheaded within ij dayes after the Queene only and the yong prince excepted Which prince Edward being then brought to the Kings presence was demaunded of him how he durst be so bold to stand in battaile against him To this Edward Hall addeth more and saith that after the field was finished the King made Proclamation that whosoeuer would bring Prince Edward to him should haue annuitie of an C. li. during his life and the Princes life to be saued Whereupon sir Rich. Croftes not mistrusting the kings promise brought forth his prisoner c. And so the king demanding of the Prince as is said how he durst so presumptuously enter this Realme with his banner displayed against him he answered sayeng that he came to recouer his fathers kingdome and inheritance from his grandfather and father to him descending whereat said Polydor the King with his hande disdainingly thrust him from him Other say that the king stroake him on the face with his gauntlet At the speaking of these words was present George Duke of Clarence Richarde Duke of Gloucester and the Earle Lord William Hastings Who vpon the same vncourteously falling vpon the Prince did slaye hym Queene Margaret being brought prisoner to London was afterwarde raunsomed of hir father Duke of Angeow for a great summe of money which he borrowed of the French King and for the paiment therof was faine to yeeld vnto him the title of the kingdome of Sicile and Naples c. King Edward for these prosperous warres rendred to God his hartie thanks and caused publikely through his realme solemne processions to be kepte three daies together And thus much and too much touchyng the warres of King Edward the fourth which was done anno 1471. Ex Polid. alijs The same yeare and about the same tyme vppon the Ascension euen king Henry being prisoner in the Tower departed after he had reigned in all xxxviij yeares and vi moneths Polydore and Hall folowing him affirme that he was slaine with a dagger by Rich. Duke of Glocester the Kings brother for the more quiet and sauegard of the King his brother In the history intituled Scala mundi I finde these words Quod in turri in vigilia Ascensionis Dominicae ibidem feliciter moriens per Thamesiam nauicula vsque ad Abbathiam de Chertesey deductus ibi sepultus est That is that king Henry being in the Tower vpon the Ascension euen there happely or quietly departing was brought by Thames in a boate to the Abbey of Chertesey and there buried Polydore after he hath described the vertues of thys king recordeth that king Henry the seuenth did afterwarde translate the corps of him froÌ Chertesey to Windsore and addeth moreouer that by him certayne myracles were wrought For the which cause the sayde King Henry the seauenth sayth he laboured with Pope Iulius to haue him canonised for a Saint but the death of the king was the let why that matter proceeded not Edward Hall writing of this matter addeth more declaring the cause why king Henries sancting went not forward to be this for that the fees of canonising of a King were of so great a quantitie at Rome more then of another Bishop or prelaâe that the said king thought it better to keepe the money in his chestes then with the empouerishing of the realme to buy so deare pay so much for a new holy day of sainct Henry in the Calender c. Ex Hallo which if it be true it might be replied then to the Pope Iulius that if Popes be higher then kings in the earth and especially in heaueÌ why then is a Pope Saint so cheape in the market place of Rome and a King Saint so deare Againe if the valuation of things in all markets and buries be according to the
written in his boke intituled Rapularium where as hee wryteth that in the Councell of Basill An. 1536. the Archbyshop of Lions did declare that in the time of Pope Martine there came out of France to the court of Rome 9. millions of golde which was gathered of the Byshops and Prelates besides those whych could not be counted of the poore clergy which daily without number runne vnto the court of Rome carying with them all their whole substance The archbishop of Turonne sayde also at Basil in the yeare of our Lord 1439. that three millions of gold came vnto Rome in his time within the space of 14. yeres from the prelates prelacies wherof no accompt could be made beside the poore cleargy which daily run to that court Let the man which feareth God iudge what a deuouring gulf this is A million containeth x. C.M. And what made Pope Pius the 2. to labor so earnestly to Lewes the 11. the French Kinge who as is aforesayde was a great enemy to the house of Burgoin that he wold according to his former promise abolishe vtterly extinct the constitution established before at the Counsell of Bitures by king Charles the 7. his predecessour called Pragmatica Sanctio but onely the ambition of that sea which had no measure and their auarice which had no ende the storie is this King Charles 7. the French king willing to obey and folow the councel of Basil did sommon a Parliament at Bitures Where by the full consent of all the states in Fraunce both spiritual and temporal a certain constitution was decreed and published called Pragmatica Sanctio wherein was comprehended briefly the pith and effect of all the Canons and decrees coÌcluded in the councel of Basil The which constitution the saide king Charles willed and commaunded through all his realme inuiolably to be obserued and ratified for the honor and increase of Christian religion for euer This was An. 1438. It followed that after the decease of thys foresayde Charles the 7. succeded king Lewys 11. who had promised before being Dolphine to Pope Pius that if he euer came to the crowne the foresayd Sanctio Pragmatica should be abolished Wherupon Pope Pius hearing him to be crowned did send vnto him Iohn Balueus a Cardinall wyth hys great letterg patent willing him to be mindful of hys promise made The king eyther willing or els pretending a will to performe and accomplish what he had promised directed the Popes letters pateÌt wyth the sayd Cardinal to the counsaile of Paris requiring them to consult vpon the cause Thus the matter beyng brought and proposed in the Parliament house the kings Atturney named Ioannes Romanus a man wel spoken singularly witted and wel reasoned stepping foorth with great eloquence and no les boldnes prooued the sayd Sanction to be profitable holy and necessary for the wealth of the realme and in no case to be abolished Unto whose sentence the Uniuersity of Paris adioyning their consent did appeal from the attempts of the Pope to the next generall Councell The Cardinall vnderstanding this toke no litle indignation thereat fretting and fuming and threatning many terrible things against them but al his minatory words notwithstanding he returned againe to the king hys purpose not obtained An. 1438. Ex Ioan. Mario Thus the Popes purpose in France was disappoynted which also in Germanie had come to the like effect if Fredericke the Emperor had there done his part lykewise toward the Germaines Who at the same time bewailing their miserable estate weÌt about wyth humble sute to perswade the Emperor that he should no longer be vnder the subiection of the Popes of Rome except they had first obtained certaine things of them as touching the Charter of Appeales declaring their estate to be far worse although vndeserued then the Frenchmen or Italians whose seruants and especially of the Italians they are worthely to be called except that their estate were altered The nobles comminalty of Germanie did instantly intreate with most waighty reasons examples both for the vtilitie and profite of the Empire to haue the Emperours aide and helpe therin for that which he was bound vnto them by an oth alledging also the great dishonor ignominie in that they alone had not the vse of their owne lawes declaring how the French natioÌ had not made their sute vnto their king in vaine against the exactions of Popes by whom they were defended whych also prouided decrees and ordinances for the liberty of his people caused the same to be obserued the which thing the Emperor ought to foresee within hys Empire to prouide for hys people and states of his empire as well as other Kings doe For what shall come to passe therby if that forreine nations hauing recourse vnto their kings being relieued and defended by them from the said exactions and the Germains states of the Empyre flying vnto theyr Emperour be by him forsaken or rather betraied depriued of their owne lawes and decrees The Emperor being mooued partly ouercome by theyr perswasions promised that he wold prouide no lesse for them then the king of Fraunce had done for the Frenchmen and to make decrees in that behalfe but the graue authoritie of Aeneas Syluius as Platina wryteth in the history of Pius the second brake of the matter who by his subtile and pestiserous perswasions did so bewitche the Emperour that hee contemning the equall iust and necessary requestes of hys subiects chose the sayd Aeneas to be hys Ambassadour vnto Calixtus then newly chosen Pope to sweare vnto hym in his name to promise the absolute obedience of al Germany as the only couÌtry as they call it of obedience neglecting the ordinances decrees of their country as before he had done vnto Eugenius the 4. being Ambassadour for the sayd Fredcrike promising that he all the Germaines would be obedient vnto him from heÌceforth in al matters as well spirituall as temporall Thus twise Friderike of Austrich contemned and derided the Germaines frustrating them of their natiue decrees and ordinances brought them vnder subiection and bondage of the Pope whych partly was the cause that 7. yeres before his death he caused his sonne MaximiliaÌ not only to be chosen but also crowned king of Romains and did associate hym to the ministration of the Empire least after hys death as it came to passe the Empire shoulde bee transported into an other family suspecting the Germains whom he had twise coÌtrary to his lawes made subiect and in bondage vnto the Popes exactions first be fore he was crowned in the time of Eugenius the 4. and again the second time after hys coronation and death of Pope Nicholas the 5. denying their requests Wherupon Germany being in this miserable pouerty and greuous subiection vnder the Popes tiranny and polling with teares and sighs lamenting their estate continued so almost vnto Luthers time as the hystories
theÌ to circumcise and to take them away being yong from the sight of theyr pareÌts to far places to be brought vp for the Turkes wars so that they may not returne to them agayne but first are taught to forget Christ then theyr parents so that if they come agayne amongst theÌ yet are they not able to know theyr kinsfolkes and parents This misery passing all other miseries no man is able w e toung to vtter or with words to expresse What weping teares what sorow and lamentatioÌ what groning sighes and deep dolor doth teare rent a sonder the woefull harts of the sely parents at the plucking away of their babes and children to see theyr sonnes theyr own childreÌ whoÌ they haue borne and bred vp to the seruice of Christ Iesus the sonne of God now to be drawn away violeÌtly froÌ theÌ to the warfare of Satan and to fight agaynst Christ to see theyr babes borne of christiaÌ bloud of christiaÌs to be made turks and so to be pluckt out of their armes and out of their sight without hope euer to returne to them agayne to liue perpetually with aliens barbarous blasphemous Turkes and so to become of the number of them which are called fatherles and motherles Albeit the same childreÌ afterward do greatly degenerate from the fayth of Christ yet very many of them haue priuily about them the gospell written of S. Iohn In principioÌ erat verbum c. Which for a token of remembraunce of theyr christian fayth they cary vnder theyr arme hole writen in greek and araby Who greatly desire and long looke for the reuenging sword of the Christians to come deliuer them out of theyr dolorous thraldome and captiuity according as the Turkes themselues haue a prophecy greatly stand in feare of the same Wherof more shal be said Christ willing in the chapter folowing ¶ And thus haue ye heard the lameÌtable afflictioÌs of our christian brethren vnder the cruell tyranny captiuity of the turks passing all other captiuityes that euer haue bene to Gods people either vnder Pharao in Egipt or vnder Nabuchodonoser in BabiloÌ or vnder Antiochus in the tyme of the Machabees Vnder the which captiuity if it so please the Lord to haue his spouse the church to be nurtered hys good will be done and obeyed But if this misery come by the negligence discorde of one christian guides leaders then haue we to pray and cry to our Lord God âyther to geue better harts to out guiders and rulers or els better guides and rulers to his flocke And these reoubles and afflictions of our Christen brethren suffered by the Turkes I thought good and profitable for our countrey people here of Englande to knowe for so much as by the ignoraunce of these and such like hystoryes worthy of consideration I see much inconneneÌce doth folow Whereby it commeth to passe that because we English men being far of from these countryes and little knowing what misery is a broad are the lesse moued with zeale compassion to tender theyr greuaunces and to pray for them whose troubles we know not WhereupoÌ also foloweth that we not coÌsidering the miserable state of other are the les gratefull to God when any tranquility by hym to vs is graunted And if any-title cloud of pertârhation arise vpon vs be it neuer so âile as pouerty lesse of liuing or a litle banishment out of our countrey for the Lordes cause we make a great matter the reat and all because wee going no further then onâ own country and onely feeling our own crosse do not compare that which we fâele with the great crosses where unto the Churches of Christ commonly in other places abroad are subiect Which if we dyd rightly vnderstand earnestly consider and poÌder in our mindes neither would we so excessiuely forgette our selues in time of our prosperity geuen vs of God nor yet so impatieÌtly be troubled as we are in time of our aduersity and all because either we heare not or els we poÌder not the terrible crosses which the Lord layeth vpon our other brethren abroad in other nations as by this present story here prefixed may appeare NOw consequently remayneth as I haue shewed hitherto what tyranny hath bene vsed of the Turkes agaynst Christes people so to declare likewise how far this tyranny of the Turkes hath extended and spread it selfe describing as in a table to the ChristeÌ Reader what landes countryes and kingdomes the Turkes haue wonne and got from Christendome to the intent that when Christen princes shal behold the greatnes of the Turks dominions spread almost through al the world and how litle a part of Christianity remayneth behinde they may thereby vnderstand the better howe it is time now for them to bestyrre them if euer they thinke to do any good in Gods Church And therefore to make a coÌpendious draught as in a briefe table of such countryes kingdomes and dominions gott from vs by the Turkes we will first beginne with Asia describing what tractes countryes cityes and Churches the Turke hath surprised and violently pluckt away from the society of Christian dominions taking onely suche as be most principall and chiefely them that be in Scripture conteyned for that it were to long to discourse all and singular such places by name as the Turke hath vnder hys subiection The world being deuided commonly into three parts Asia Africa and Europa Asia is counted to be the greatest in compas conteining as much as both the other and is deuided into 2. portions the one called Asia Maior the other called Asia minor And although the Empery of the Turke extendeth vnto them both yet especially his dominion standeth in the other Asia which is called Asia Minor which reacheth from the coastes of Europa vnto Armenia Maior beyond the riuer Euphrates and comprehendeth these regions and Cityes vnder written ¶ The deuision of Asia Minor called Cheronesus with the particular Countryes and Cityes belonging to the same Countryes Cityes Pontus Act. 2. Nicea Chalcedon Heraclea Prursa or Bursa Bithinia Act. 16. Nicomedia Apamea ¶ Natolia or Anatolia conteyneth diuers countryes with theyr Cities as foloweth Countryes Cityes Mysia Minor Act. 16 Cyzicus Parium Lampsacus Dardanum Callipolis Phrygia Minor Act. 2 Abydus Alexandria or Troias Act. 16 Toras Act. 20 Ilium Assus Act. 20 Mysia Maior Act. 16 Scepsis Adramitium Act. 27 Phrygia Maior Act. 2 Hierapolis Col. 4 Pitane Apollonia Myrina Lydia Esay 66 Phocoea Smyrna Apoc. 2 Erythrae Aeolis Laodicea Apoc. 3 Carura Thatyra Apoc 2 Ionia Philadelphia Apoc. 3 Pergamus Apoc. 2 Cuma Caria 1. Mac. 15 Ephesus Apoc. 2 Sardis Apoc. 3. Halicarnassus Mach. 15 Doris Miletus Act. 20 ¶ Thus farre reacheth the compasse of Natolia Countryes Cityes Lycia Act 27 Colossae Col. 1 Patara Act. 21 Pinara Zanthus Andriaco Myra Act. 13 Galactavel Gellogrâcia Act. 16 Ancyra Gordium Tharma Pessenus Paphlagonia Amisus Sinope
the Tartarians who breaking into Asia by the portes of Caspius subdued diuers partes of Asia namely about Comana Colchis Iberia Albania c. These Tartarians as they had got many captiues in their warres so for gaine vsed to shippe them ouer customably to Alexandria in Egypt to be solde whych seruantes and captiues Melechsala the great Sultane was gladde to buy to serue him in his warres Which captiues seruaunts after they had continued a certaine space in Egypte and through their valiant seruice grew in fauour and estimation with the sayd Melechsala and began more to increase in number and strength at lengthe they slue him and tooke to themselues the name and kingdome of the Sultane And thus ceased the stocke of Saracon Saladinus afore mentioned which continued in Egypt about the space as is sayd of 100 yeres An. 1240. After the death of Melechsala the army of these foresaide rascals and captiues set vp to themselues a king of theyr owne coÌpany whome they called Turquemenius Who to fill vp the nomber of theyr company that it should not diminish deuised this order to get or to buy christeÌ mens children taken yong froÌ their parents and the mothers lap whom they vsed so to bryng vp to make them to denye Christ and to be circumcised and instructed in Mahumetes law afterward to be trained in the feates of warre and these were called Malaluchi Among whome this was their order that none might be aduaunced to be king but out of their own number or els chosen by them neither that any shoulde be made knights or horsemen but only the children of christians which should deny Christ before called Mamaluchi Also it was among them prouided that to thys dignity neither Saracens nor Iewes should be admitted Item that the succession therof shoulde not descend to the children and offpring of these Mamaluchi Also that the succession of the crowne should not descend to the childreÌ of the foresayd Sultanes but shoulde goe by voyce and election The Tartarians wyth Turquemenius their king aboute thys time obtained Turquia that is Asia minor from the Turkes and wythin 2. yeres after preuailing againste the Turkes expelled them from theyr kingdome and so continued these Mamaluchi reigning ouer Egypt a great part of Asia till the time of Tomumbeius theyr last Kyng whych was destroyed and hanged at the gates of Memphis by Zelymus the Turke father to this Solymannus as in hys historye is declared Those Mamaluchi continued the space of An. 1245. These Tartarians raÌging thorough the countreis of the Georgians and all Armenia came as far as IconiuÌ which was then the imperiall city of the Turkes An. 1289. The Soldane of Egypt Babilon got from the christiaÌs Tripolis Tyrus Sydon and Gerithus in Syria An. 1291. Lastly Ptoloââais which also is called Akers was surprised by the sayd Soldan rased and cast downe to the ground all the Christians therein whych were not many left were slaine And this was the last citye which the Christians had in Asia So that nowe the Christians haue not one foot as is sayd before left in al Asia Thus the Egyptian Soldanes and the Tartarians reigned and ranged ouer the most part of Asia aboue the Turkes till the raigne of Ottomannus the great Turke aboute the space of 80 yeres ¶ And thus haue ye the whole discourse of the Turkish story with theyr names countryes townes dominions also with theyr times continuance interruptions and alterations in order described and in yeares distincted which otherwise in most authors and writers be so confused that it is heard to know distinctly what difference is betwene the Saracens Turkes Tartarians the Sultans or Soldans Mamuluches or Ianizarites What is theyr Calipha their Seriphes their Sultan or Bassa in what times they began and how long and in what order of yeres they reigned Al which in thys present table manifestly to thine eye may appeare ¶ Wherein this thou hast moreouer gentle Reader to coÌsider which is worthy the noting how the B. of Rome all this season froÌ the first beginning of the Turks reigne hath not ceased from time to time continually calling vpon Christen princes and subiectes to take the crosse and to warre against the Turkes wherupon so many great viages haue bene made to the holy lande so many battailes sought against the Turke and Soldan for winning the holy crosse and yet no luckie successe hath followed thereof hetherto nor euer came it prosperously forward whatsoeuer through the exciting of that Bishop hath beene attempted against that great enemy of the Lorde In somuch that the Christians haue lost not onely all that they had in Asia but also vnneth are able to defende that little they haue in Europe against his violence What the cause is of thys harde lucke of the Byshops doings it is hard for man to define Let men muse as their minde leadeth and as the Gospell sayth he that hath eyes to see let him see This is certaine that as there hath lacked no care nor diligence in the B. of Rome to stirre men vp to that business so on the Princes behalfe there hath lacked no courage nor strength of men no contribution of expenses no supportation of charges no furniture or abilement of warre onely the blessyng of God semeth to haue lacked The reason and cause whereof I would were to easy to be reformed as it may be quickly construed For what man beholding the life of vs Christians wil greatly maruell why the Lord goeth not with our army to fight against the Turks And if my verdit might here haue place for me to adde my censure there appeareth to me an other cause in this matter yet greater then thys aforesaid which to make plaine and cuidet in ful discourse of wordes laisure no we doth not permit Briefly to touch what I conceiue my opinioÌ is thys that if the sincere doctrine of Christen faith deliuered left vnto vs in the word of God had not hen so corrupted in the church of Rome or if the B. of Rome would yet reclame his impure idolatry and prophanations and admit Christe the Lambe of God to stande alone without our unpure additions to be our onely Iustification according to the free promise of Gods grace I nothing doubt but the power of this faith grounding onely vpon Christ the sonne of God had both framed our liues into a better disposition and also soone would or yet wil bring downe the pride of that proude Dolofernes But otherwise if the Bish. of Rome will not gently geue place to the milde voyce of Gods word I thinke not contrary but he shal be compelled at last to giue place roume to the Turke whether he will or not And yet notwythstanding when both the Turk the Pope shal do against it what they can the trueth and grace of Gods Testament shall fructify increase by such meanes as the Lorde shall worke which
Decretal De transl Episâ cap. Quanto Do you not see there manifestly expressed how not man but God alone seperateth that which the bishop of Rome doth dissolue and seperate Wherfore if those thinges that I do be sayd to be done not of man but of God What can you make me but God Agayne if Prelates of that churche be called and counted of Constantinus for Gods I then being aboue all prelates seeme by this reason to be aboue all Gods Wherefore no maruell if it bee in my power to chaunge time and times to alter abrogate lawes to dispense with all thinges yea with yâ preceptes of Christ For where Christ biddeth Peter put vp hys sword monished his Disciples not to vse any outward force in reuenging themselues Do not I Pope Nicholaus writing to the byshops of Fraunce exhort them to drawe out theyr materiall swordes in pursuing theyr enemies and recouering their possessions setting against the precepte of Christ the Prophet saying Dissolue colligationes impietatis c Item where Christ was present himselfe at the maryage in Cana Galilea do not I pope Martinus in my distinction inhibite the spiritual clergy to be present at mariage feastes and also to mary themselues Item where matrimony by Christ cannot be losed but onely for whore dome do not I pope Gregorius Iunior writing ad Bonifacium permitte the same to be broken for impotencie or infirmitie of body Item agaynst the expresse caution of the Gospell doth not Innocentius the 4. permitte vim vi repellere Likewise against the old testament I do dispeÌce in not geuing tythes IteÌ against that new testament in swearing and that in these 6. causes Pax fama fides reuerentia cautio damni Defectus veri poscunt sibi magna caueri Wherein two kindes of othes are to be noted Whereof some be promissoria some be assertoria c. Item in vowes and that ex toto voto where as other Prelates cannot dispense ex toto a voto I can deliuer ex toto a voto lyke God himself IteÌ in periury if I absolue my absolutioÌ standeth Where also note that in al swearing alwaies the authority of the superiour is excepted Moreouer where Christ biddeth to lend without hope of gain vp not I Pope Martinus geue dipensation for the same notwithstanding the Councell of Thuron enacted the contrary yet with two Bustes I disanulled that decrement What should I speake of murder making it no murder nor homicide to slay them that be excommunicate Likewise agaynst the law of nature Item against the Apostle Also agaynst the Canons of the Apostles I can and do despense For where they in theyr Canon commaund a Priest for fornication to be deposed I thorough the authoritie of Siluester do alter the rigour of that constitution considering the mindes and bodyes also of men now to be weaker then they were then Briefly agaynst the vniuersal state of that Church I haue dispensation scilicet quando status ecclesiae non decoloratur And for mariage in the second degree of consanguinitie and affinitie In collateralibus aequali linea that is betweene the brethrens children although not in aequali linea so that the vncle may not mary hys nice vnles for an vrgent and weighty cause As for all such contractes betwixt party and party where that matrimonie is not yet consummate by carnall copulation it is but a small matter for me to dispense withall In summa if ye lyst briefly to heare the whole number of all such cases as properly do apertayne to my Papall dispensation which come to the number of one and fifty poyntes that no man may meddle with all but onely I my selfe alone I will recite them first in Latin then in Englishe as they be set forth in my Canonicall Doctours Casus Papales 51. apud Fratrem Aste sanum siue de Ast. Doctorem solemnem in summa confessionis Item apud Hostiensem De offic legat reperti his versibus comprehensi SI sit Catholicus Papam non iudicat vllus Erigit subdit Cathedras Diuidit vnit Mutat vota crucis i. votam terrae sanctae Restituit i. degradatos Eximit i. episcopos alios Ad se Maiores causae referuntur Legitimatque Promouet i. insufficientes Appellare vetat i. intrantes religionem Prohibet profiteri Deponit transsert suppletque i. defectum regi vacante regno Renunciat illi Praeful Symonia Iuramentum Excommunicatio á Papa facta exemptus Simon Iurans Anathema Vel proprium vel legati vel lex vtriusque tam Papa quam legati Tum neque participans i. soluitur papa Etsi quam sponte salutat Quem Canon damnat sibi soli quando reseruat Soluitur a Papa nec non quem regula damnat qui irrelugaritatem incurrit Addas suspensum Causam scilicet addas cum fertur ad ipsum Rescriptum i. addas fidei dubium i. pluralitatem beneficiorum Confert bona plura Irritat infectum Legem condit generalem Approbat imperium i. imperatorem firmat deponit vngit Consilium generale facit Sacrat quoque canonizat Sanctos Ens non esse facit de aliquo facit nihil non ens fore de nihilo aliquid Pallia semper Portat Concedit Legi non subiacet vlli Appellatur ad hunc medio sine i. immediate Iudiciumque Est pro lege suum de monacho non monachum facit Monachum reuocat renuentem Maius adulterio soluit generaliter i. incestum c. Arctat Et laxat quicquid sponsis nocet i. impedimentum matrimoniale Ordinat extra Tempora dando sacrum i. extra 4. tempora Promotum promouet idem Ordinat atque die qua consecratur ipse Viuentisque i. sacerdotium confert nondum vacans locum concedit Iureque priuat In signit in signia Episcopalia concedit Laico sacro donat i. decimis eximit Chrisma ministro i. praesbytero concedit infantes vngere Summa sede sedet plenusque vicarius extat Si sit Catholicus Papam non iudicat vllus Cases Papale to the number of one and fiftie wherin the Pope hath power onely to dispense and none els besides except by speciall licence from hym FIrst the determination of doubts and questions beloÌging to faith Translation of a bishop electe or confirmed Likewise of Abbots exempted Deposition of Bishops The taking of resignation of Bishops Exemptions of Bishops not to be vnder Archbyshops Restitution of such as be deposed from theyr order The iudiciall definition or interpretation of his owne priueledges Chaunging of Byshoprickes or dimission of Couentes c. New correction of Bishops seates or institutioÌ of new Religions Subiection or diuision of one Byshopricke vnder an other Dispensation for vowing to go to the holy land Dispensation for the vow of chastitie or of Religion or of holy
Rome Pope Iohn had his eyes put out and so put to death Pope Gregory restored Vii electours of themperors ordayned in Germany and who they be Ex Chronico Martini King Egelred Anno. 979. The life of Egelred Anno. 981. The coronation of Egelred The prophecie of Dunstane as monkishe storyes geue it The Danes recoursed to England Houeden lib. continuationum London coÌsumed with fire The king warred against the Byshop of Rochester An. 990. The bloudy flixe and hote feuers reigned in this land The death of Dunstane Ethelgarus Elfricus Siricius Elphegus Archb. of Canterb. An. 995. The Byshops sea of Dyrham London besieged of the Danes The Dane spoyled the land Great tribute leuied of the Englishmen Danegelt The sorrowfull affliction of the English nation What disseÌtion and discorde doth amoÌg the nobles in a realme The pride and wretchednes of the Danes toward the Englishmen Lord Dane Lurdaine Anno. 1000. Henrie Archidiat lib. 6. The first ioyning betweene the Norm and Englishe men King Egelred marieth Emma the Dukes daughter of Normandy Richard Duke of Normandy The Danes by secret coÌmission slayne in euery towne of England Suanus K. of Denmarke ariueth in England Exeter beat down Norwiche spoyled and wasted by the Danes Anno. 1004. A tribute payd to the Danes of xxx M. pound to haue peace The persecution of Turkillus a Dane Euill counsell about a king what hurt it doth The second returne of Suanus into England The persecution of Suanus king of Danes Caunterbury besieged Treason of a false Deacon Caunterbury takeÌ and brent The tything of the Monkes of Caunterbury A cruell murther of the Danes Elphegus the Archb. of CauÌt stoned to death Anno. 1013. King Egelred driuen ãâ¦ã I le of Wigââ from then ãâã Normandy The vertue of Christen mens prayer The death and end of Suanus The Abbey of S. Edmundelburie builded King Egelred returneth into England Canutus cutteth of the noses and handes of hys pledges Canutus taketh Westsaxon A lessen for all Iudges and Iustices Brybes Euill Iudges worse in a common wealth then bloudy enemies Wicked officers Agaynst wicked Iudges A wicked Iudge deposed and depriued by the king Anno. 1016. Edmund Ironside sunne of Egelred king Canutus sonne of Swanus king The battayles betweene Edmundus and Canutus A witty oration to stay bloud betweene 2. armyes Two ãâã fight ãâã to hand The ãâã murtherd king Edmund Two soâne of Edmund Yâonside Flattery ãâã fidelity ãâã vntrueth in English Lordes False vnfaythfulnes and vnconstant mobilitie in Englishe Lordes and rewarded Duke Edrike the false traytor and murtherer of ãâã king worthely rewarded for hys wicked falshode The end of pernicious traytours The brother of Edmund Yronside banished reconciled and lastly slayne Edmund and Edward two sonnes of Edmund Yronside sent out to be slayne Canutus K. of Denmarke Canutus maryeth Emma wife before of Egelred Lawes of K. Edgar Hârold Harefoot K. of EnglaÌd a Dane Anno. 1039. Hardecknout king last of the Danes that reigned in England Erle Godwyn The miserable wretchednes of Godwyn agaynst the Normands The Normandes tythed and yet the tenthes retithed agayn Alfredus sonne of Egelred right heyre of the crowne tormented with cruell death The cause expended why God suffered this land to be conquered by the Normandes Example of Gods righteous iudgement The death of K. Hardeknout The sonnes of Erle Godwyn The story of Alfred repeated Taken out of the english story or chronicle compiled of certayne englishe Clerkes Alfred of Alâred sonne of K. Egelred Ex historia ignati autoriâ Gunilda wife to Henricus the Emperour Canutus went to Rome The hospitall builde at Rome for English pââgrimes Rome shote confirmed by Canutus The Cathedral Churche of Wintchest inritched by Canutus S. Benets in Norfolke builded Bury Abbey turned to Monkes Flatterers and clawbackes about Princes Canutus chargeth the sea to stand backe but it would not be A lesson notable for kinges and Princes God onely the king of all kings and Lord of Lordes The kinges crowne put on a roode Kinges of England haue as much right in causes spirituall as temporall Certaine lawes of K. Canutus for the ordering of matters ecclesiasticall Adultresse woman to loose their eares and noses Anno. 104â King Edward the conâellour England aâflicted by the Danes the space of 255. yeares K. Edward crowned Holy king Edward a virgine iâ maryage Methe iâ Greeke signifieth drâkennes Aceasation of the Archbish. against Emma the kinges mother False accusation purged by hote yron A straunge thing if it were true and without false conueyance Great snow and mortalitie in England Variaunce betweene the king and Godwyn Godwyn with hys v. sonnes outlawed Godwyn reconciled to the king vpon pledges geuen William D. of Normandy came into England to king Edward Marianus Scotus wheÌ he liued The end and death of vngodly Godwyn Ex lorna Malmesberiensi Polydor. Fabiano alijs Gods iust punishment vpon Godwyn for the murthering of Alphred Periurie plagued Edward the outlawe sonne of Edmund Yronside sent for to England Anno. 1056. The death of Edward sonne of Edmond Yronside William Duke of Normandy admitted heyre to the crowne The enuy and discorde of brethren Vngracious children of a wicked father A place of Polydorus Virg. examined Harold taken of the Normands Harold promiseth Duke William to marry hys daughter and to keepe the realme for hys behoofe Erle Leofricus euer true and faythfull to hys prince How Couentry was made free Godina wife to Leofricus The Abby of Couentry builded by Leofricus Edward the outlaw Edgar Edeling Margaret Queene of Scottes Matilde Queene of England Dauid King of Scots The death of King Edward Westminster repayred Guliel Malmesber Ex lornalen Ex Historia Richardi 2. iussu composita The lawes of K. Edward Ex Mathaeo pariensi William Conquerour sworne to K. Edwardes lawes yet went from it Ex libro Reg. antiquorum in praetorio Londinensi The office of a king described in the lawes of K. Edward A king the vicare of God in earth The limits of the kingdome of England how farre they doe extend The office of a king farther described ãâ¦ã and ãâã king ãâã to haue ãâ¦ã iecâion Anno. 1066. Harold ãâã K. of Saxons Harold king of Denmarke and Tostius slayne The Pope sendeth a banner to Duke W. vpon bone vâage into England Duke William landeth at Hâstinges Three causes why Duke William entred England Three conditions offered to Harold by D. William The fight betweene Harold and Duke William K. Harold slayne The consanguinitie betweene K. Edward and William Conquerour Murther iustly recompensed Archbishops of Caunterb Liningus Egelmothus Robertus Stigandus The decay of the Church Pope Siluester 2. Siluester the. 2 a soule sorcerer Ioannes Stella Platina Petrus Praemostratensis Nancleâus Antoninus Robertus Barnus Ioannes Baleus Ex Ioan Stella An admonition for sorcerers and wicked coniuâers The feast of all soules brouâht into the church Benedictus the 9. Gregorius the 6. A constitution no pope to be chosen but by the
fruites for 2. yeares graunted to the kyng Ex vetusto Chronico Albanensi A parliament in Fraunce assembled wherein is discussed the iurisdiction ecclesiastical how farre it extendeth Anno. 1329. The letter of Philip king of Fraunce to the byshops prelates The Parliament conuented Lord Peter speakes in the Parliament The theaâe of his oration The oration deuided in two partes Obedience to the kyng Difference betweene the iurisdiction of the state temporall and ecclesiasticall Articles in the Parliament propounded contayning the iust complaints of the laitie against the clergie Causes real Prelates intermedle in temporall mens matters Ex Officio Imprisonment pertaineth not to the Clergie Action reall personall No maÌ may appeale froÌ a spirituall iudge to the temporall law by the Popes diuinitie Deanes of the Clergie Maryed clear Gynnes to gââ money Resortum The clergie preiudiciall to common iustice Ex Officio Vsury craftely obiected by the clergie against laye men The prelates make the church a denne of theeues Note the practise of officials to get money B. Eduen and Archb. of Seâââ elect Prolocutor for prelates Repetition of the L. Peters oration aboue touched page 358. Luke 22. Math. 17. Two gifts giue Priesthood Empyre Prouerb 22. Dif 10. 1. Peter 2. Actes 5. 2. Mach 7. 11. quast 1. Feare of God staÌdeth in three pointes Num. 18. 1. Paral. cap. vlt. What benefite commeth by geuing to the church Luke 6. Time of warre 1. Mach. 3. Exod. 17. 2. Mach. Time of peace Prouerb 16. 1. Esdras 6. Eccle. 2. The 2. part of fearing God Hebr. 12. Honouring of spirituâââ fathers 4. Keg 6. Luke 10. 1. Thess. 4. 11. q. cap. â Sacerdâââbus Exod. 22. Malach. 2. Honour to be giuen to priestes Two powers temporall and spirituall and what difference betwene them both De mai obed cap. Solit. Double subiection vpon merite of vertue and vpon duetie of necessitie The authoritie of a byshop and a king compared The pride of the prelacye Siâupekings Eccle. 4. Eccle. 4. The third part of fearing God Eccle. 18. A thing made myne diuers wayes 6. Proofes 1. Diuine lawe 2. by the law of nature 3. by canon lawe 4. by ciuill lawe 5. by custom 6. by priuiledge Formes being dislike not contrary may be compatible in one subiect Proofes out of the olde Testament Melchisedech was both kyng and Priest Ergo the P. may haue both iurisdictions Gene. 14. Deut. 17. Samuell was iudge in temporall matters Ergo the Pope may haue both iurisdictions 1. Mach. â Ierem. 1. Proofes taken out of the new Testament Apoc. 19. Christ by his humaine nature had both powers Psal. 8. Hebr. 2. Phil. 2. Act. 10. Acts. 5. Math. 8. Omnia terminus distributiuus Luke 22. 1. Cor. 6. 22. q. 1. cap. futuram Esay 13. Probation by ciuil lawe and reason 1. Peter 2. Probation by the Canon lawe Custome Iudicium contradictorium Three things pertayning to prescription 1. Titulus 2. bonafides 3. TemporiÌs continuatio Ius fisci The church not subiect to the kyng Obiection Answere The French ãâã more blessed then other in 3 thinges 1. Faith to God 2 Honour to the Church 3. Iustice to the people 5. thinges doth nobilate the realme of Fraunce The bloud of Fraunce came out of Priamus king of Troy 1. Reg. 2.1 Daniel 5. Ambrose in case denieth to obey the Emperour 3. Reg. 21. Nabaoth denyeth to the kyng his Vineyard Gene. 48. Math. 17. Offence how it ought to be auoyded Rom. 14. Math. 16. The 3. note of the feare of God Eccle. 15. Honour of the kyng Eccle. 10. Two kinde of honour Math. 17. Double honour with lippes and with heart A prince ââther to be beloued ãâã feared Seneca de clementia ad Gerââââ A sentence Prouerb 22 In alteration what is to be coÌsidered 3. Reg. 11. Math. 20. 25. Quaestâââ cap. Si. Marke here a fable A dreaming fable Iohn 8. Eccle. 4. Rom. 11. Who honoreth the K. Prouer. 22. Conscience and good name Eccle. 4. 24. q. 5 cap. Regnum Eccle. 37. Eccle. 3. The 4. honoring of the kyng Mat. 6. 1. Reg. 15. The oth of the French kinges Aâg by the possessions of the church many brethren and kinsmen of the nobles be maintayned Ergo such possessions are not to be grudged at To beleeue in the Church is not in our faith 1. Reg. 21. To the bill of articles exhibited An other dayes sitting in the parliament Bishop of Eduen againe speaketh Math. 12. Marke 12. 11. q. 1. cap. 1. 2. 22. q. 4. cap. Si vero Math. 26. Why Christ payd tribute 16. Dist. cap. Constantiâââ 35. Dist. cap. ab exordio Eccle. 6. Speciall answeres to the articles premised by B. Eduen An other dayes sitting in the Parliament ââ Dist. cap. sum ad vetum Shauing of Priestes crownes wherefore 11. quest 2. The B. findeth fault with the kings answere The gentle answere of the king to Bishope The finall answere of the kyng to the Prelates Notes vpon the bishops answerâ Pag. 36â col 2. Feare of God consisting in three thinges 1. In geuing 2. In honoring 3. In restoring Honour to the kyng double In word flattering in deede effectuall Honour effectuall standeth in foure pointes 1. in maintayning the kings loue 2. in maintayning his dignitie 3. in maintayning his good name 4. in maintayning his conscience Pag. 361. col 2. Pag. 361. col 2. Religio peperit diuitias nunc filia deuorauit matrem 4. incommodities that come in geuing to the church Pag. 361. col 2. 3. Things to be noted in offering to God and to the church Rom. 12. Pag. 361. col 1. Pag. 362. col 1. 1. Tim. 5. 2. Things ââ be noted â geuing honour whââin consiâââ honour geuing to Priestes 1. Tim. 5. Titus 2. Qui benè praesunt How far honour giuen to priestes extendeth Marke 7. Pag. 362. col 1. Tit. 2. Pag. 362. col 1. 2. formes not contrary maybe compatible in one subiect Pag. 363. col 1. Rom. 13. Pag. 363. col 1. Noe was a priest and had both iurisdiction in the Arke Pag. 363. col 1. A. Pag. 363. col B. Page 363. col 1. C. Pag. 363. col 1. D. E. Pag. 363. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Anno. 1307. The sicknes and death of K Edward Godly lessoÌs and precepts geuen to the yong prince The kyng coÌmaundeth his bones to be caryed in the field against the Scottes The fatherly care of kyng Edward in excluding wicked coÌpany froÌ his sonne A rashe vow of kyng Edward The kyngs heart to be carâed to the holy land The Epitaph of kyng Edward King Edward the second Anno. 1308. King Edward led by wicked counsaile Peter Gaueston or Gauerston a wicked doer about the kyng Anno. 1310. Peter Gaueston The vnordinate affection of the kyng to Peter Gaueston The pride of Peter Gaueston Peter Gaueston spoileth the kynges treasure The queene complaineth to the freÌch kyng her Father of Peter Gaueston Gaueston againe
the old lawe which be not obserued nowe Many thinges vnlawful in the old law which be lawful now How Christ did loose and not loose the lawe Free iustification by fayth onely Grace that is free fauour mercy goodnes of God Rom. 5. Hebrews 9. Christ entreth not into the temple made by man but to very heauen The sacrifice of Christ not many tymes offered but once for all Hebrew 10. All shadowes ought to cease among Christians Hebrewes 7. Where the priesthood is remoued there also the law is remoued * ãâ¦ã God ãâ¦ã not ãâã but no ãâã the ãâã by ãâ¦ã and not by the old law The ãâã ceasing the effect also ceaseth He meaââââ that neceââtie of tithe which âââdeth by the neceââââ the old âââ to cease If tithes be claymed by force of the ólde law by the same law priestes are boundâ to haue ââ temporalties He proueth not coÌtâââ but the ãâã thes be ãâã by the positiue law of man Although not by the ceremoniall law of Moses Circumciââ ceaseth Ergo the ceremonies doe cease Galat. 4. Chrisââ libertie from the bondage of the lawe Bounde in one thing hee meaneth bound in all Either beââ to all or to none * Here hee expresseth his meaning plainly The one is disalowed the other is not commaunded Priestes wrest religion to theyr owne profit Tithes not expreslye commanded a newe by Christ in the Gospell Math. 6. 1. Tim. 6. Tythes not required in the primitiue church Tithes due to be payde by the positiue lawe of men The doctrine of Christ whether it be contrary to the traditions of the pope or not Math. 5. The doctrine of Christ and of the P. compared The glose of Gratianus vpon the cap. Paratus 23. q. 1. disproued Christ in aunswering to his striker did not breake his rule of patience outwardly The precept of Christ to turne the other cheek hath a priuy comparison as if ye would say rather be you content to suffer two blows then to reuenge one This article of Brute must haue a relation euer to the doctrine of the clergie The case here againe of Christ was priuate and his doctrine is to be vnderstanded in priuate cases Warre in case allowed of W. Brute He meaneth resistance for priuate cause or for worldly goods Pacience commanded in priuate causes among Christen brethren The inconuenience of priuate resistance amoÌg Christen brethren Paule being striken did not breake the rule of Christen patience neither made any bodely resistance The fact either of Paul or of any other doeth not derogate to the doctrine of our Sauiour Rom. 12. Rules of Christen patience 1. Cor. 5. He meaneth such warres of ChristiaÌs as the pope aloweth rising rather of priuate reuenge of princes for worldly glory or affection theÌ for any publike necessitie Ephe 6. Corporall wars in the old Testament be figures of the spirituall warres in the new Testament against sin and the deuill What be the wars most proper to Christians All this taketh not away the lawfulnes of warres in case of publike necessitie but onely in priuate case for temporall goods * Note this word without charitie Such kynde of wars that is suche kinde as be for priuate reuenge of temporall goods How Iohn Baptist alowed war They that be lesse in the kingdom of heauen greater then Iohn Baptist expounded He meaneth at those wars against ãâã sur ãâã and procured by ââ pope vpââ blind superstition to fight for the âoây lande ãâã taâââ by prinâââ in the ââessary âââsence of âââselues ââ of their ââântrey Obiection Answere âegibus aââdum non exemplis True miracles here of holy men be ââ disproued but speaââng vniuersity the ââple doctrine and worde of God is the âââe rule for men to followe â Reg. 22. Acâs deâââed by âââse prophets Iere. 23. Prophets must be tryed by doctrine Marke 13. 1. Cor. 11. False prophets Apoc. 13. Myracles are to be tryed Math. 7. The seruauntes of Christ discerned by working not of miracles but of vertues Men or women are not rashly to be iudged Saintes This propositioÌ of Walter Bruit concerning the war of Christians not to be lawfull is not to bee taken vniuersally but in particular case as he meaneth which is this that such wars alowed of the pope not for the necessary defence of publike peace libertie and sauegard of our countries or against publike iniuries offered but onely to go kill the infidels because they beleeue not hauing no other cause those warres of the pope hee lyketh not Doctrine of Christian mercy declared Math. 5. Math. 6. Math. 7. Math. 18. Mercy and pitie commended among Christians Mercy and compassion necessary to all Christians The pope contrary to Christ in shewing mercy 23.9.5 The foundation of the foresayde 5. quest caus 23. in the popes decrees taken onely out of the old Testament and nothing out of the newe The makers of the popes law follow not the perfect rule Iohn 1. Iohn 8. Heere is mât to be vnderstand not what publike nâ gistrates may doe in cases of ââgh teousnes but what ecclesiastical persons according to the office of their profession should doe in not reuenging by death as they doe by offices Whether the iudiciall law of Moises fullye now after the coÌming of Christ standeth in force or not The law of Moses of all lawes most iustest * His marcell is not so much why theeues are put to deth but why the Iudiciall lawe of Moses in this point is broken in other points is straightly kept Mark his meaning * Take his meaning wisely gentle reader his mind is not so that no magistrate being not without sin may punish a transgressioâs but he speaketh against such churchmeÌ whoÌ professing the rule of mercy shew no mercy at all but ââ rigor by their law ex officââ * ãâã meaââ of the ãâã and of ââlergic ââ speketh ãâã the ãâã of reâââ not ãâã the ââcution ââcesiary ãâã done by ââââtrates ââe dreame ââââuchoââour âââerning ââââge ââââded â Damel The Iudaiââll necessitie of those âââes hee âeaneth to âââse notwithstanââg Chriâân princes âââ borrow ââth out of ãâã âââes and out of al ãâã what ãâã thinke ââââ exâââent for ãâã comâââ weale His purpose is not thaâ no euill doer should be punished in a common welth but his relation is to the 23. q. 5. asoresaid noting causes of religion which the Pope and his prelates are wont to punish with death taking many times for Tares that which in deed is pure wheate 1. Cor. 5. Hereby it appeareth that all his relation in this matter toucheth onely the cases of heresie and opinions in religion By this it appeareth againe that his respect is onely to the pope and his prelates of the church and not to ciuill magistrates The example of Peter slaying Ananias and Saphira falsly wrasted of the papists Peter not the cause of the death of Ananias and Saphyra The wedding garment what it is The death of Ananias and his wife what information
remissioÌ where no earnest repentaunce is sene before to number remission by dayes yeares to dispense with thynges expressely in the word forbiddeÌ or to restrayne that which the word maketh free to deuide Religion into Religions to binde and burthen consciences with constitutions of men to excommunicate for worldly matters as for breakyng of parkes for not ringyng bels at the Byshops commyng for not bringyng litter for their horse for not paying their fees and reÌtes for withholding the church goods for holding on their princes side in princely cases for not going at the Popes commaundement for not agreeyng to the Popes electioÌ in an other princes Realme with other such thyngs mo more vayne then these c. Agayne although the Scripture geueth leaue and authoritie to the Byshop and Churche of Rome to minister Sacraments yet it geueth no authoritie to make Sacramentes much lesse to worshyp Sacraments And though their authoritie serueth to baptise meÌ yet it extendeth not to Christen bels neither haue they authoritie by any word of God to adde to the word of God or take from the same to set vp vnwritten verities vnder payne of damnation to make other articles of belief to institute straunge worship otherwise theÌ he hath prescribed which hath told vs how he would be worshipped c. The third abuse of the Popes iurisdiction standeth in this that as in spirituall iurisdiction they haue vehemeÌtly exceeded the bouÌdes of Scripture so they haue impudeÌtly intermedled them selues in temporall iurisdictioÌ wherein they haue nothing to do In so much that they haue traÌslated the Empire they haue deposed Emperours Kyngs Princes rulers Senatours of Rome set vp other or the same agayne at their pleasure they haue proclaymed warres haue warred them selues And where as Emperours in auÌcient tyme haue dignified theÌ in titles haue enlarged theÌ with donations they receauyng their confirmation by the Emperours haue like ingratfull clients to such benefactors afterward stampte vpon their neckes haue made theÌ to hold their sâurrup some to hold the bridle of their horse haue caused them to seeke their confirmation at their hand yea haue bene Emperours theÌselues Sede vacante in discordia electionis and also haue bene Senators of the Citie Moreouer haue extorted into their owne handes the plenary fulnes of power iurisdiction of both the swordes especially since the tyme of Pope Hildebrand which Hildebrand deposing Henricus the iiij Emperour made him geue attendance at his Citie gate And after him Pope Bonifacius the viij shewed him selfe vnto the people on the first day like a Byshop with his keyes before him the next day in his robes Imperiall hauyng a naked sword borne before him like an Emperour an 1298. And for so much as this inordinate iurisdiction hath not onely bene vsed of theÌ but also to this day is mainteined in Rome let vs therefore now compare the vsage hereof to the old maner in tymes past meanyng the primitiue and first age of the Church of the Romaines Wherein the old Byshops of Rome in those dayes as they were then subiect to their Emperours so were other Byshops in like maner of other nations subiect euery one to his Kyng Prince acknowledgyng them for their Lordes were ordered by their authoritie obeyed their lawes and that not onely in causes ciuile but also in regiment Ecclesiasticall as appeareth Dist. 10. cap. 1. 2. Dist. 97. cap. De illicita Also 24. q. 3. So was Gregorius surnamed Magnus subiect to Maââitius and to Phocas although a wicked Emperour So also both Pope people of Rome tooke their lawes of the Emperours of Constantinople were submitted to theÌ not onely in the time of Honorius an huÌdreth yeares after Constantine the great but also in the tyme of Martianus an 1451. so further vnto the tyme of Iustinian of Carolus Magnus and also after the dayes of them In all which coÌtinuance of tyme it is manifest that the Emperiall law of Martiane did rule bynde in Rome both in the days of Iustinian an 150. yeres after til the tyme of the Empire beyng translated from Grece vnto FrauÌce Whereby it may appeare false that the Citie of Rome was geueÌ by Constantine the first vnto the bishop of Rome to gouerne for that Pope ãâã the first writyng to the Emperour Honorius câââeth in the same place Rome the Emperours Citie Dist. 97. cap. 1. And Lotharius also Emperour appointed Magistrates and lawes in Rome as is aboue mentioned Moreouer for further probation hereof that both the Byshop of Rome all other Ecclesiasticall persons were in former tyme and ought to be subiect to their Emperours and lawfull Magistrates in causes as well spirituall as ciuile by many euidences may appeare takeÌ out both of Gods law and mans law And first by Gods law we haue exaÌple of godly kyng Dauid who numbred all the Priestes and Leuites disposed theÌ into xxiiij orders or courses appointyng theÌ coÌtinually to serue in the ministery euery one in his proper order turne as came about which institution of the Clergy also good king Ezechias afterward renued of whoÌ it is written he did that was right in the sight of the Lord accordyng to all things as his father Dauid had done before he tooke away the high groues and brake downe Images c. 4. Reg. 8. The sayd Ezechias also reduced the Priests Leuites into their orders prescribed by Dauid before to serue euery one in his office of ministratioÌ .2 Paralip 30.31 And this order froÌ Dauid still continued till the time of Zachary at the coÌmyng of Christ our Lord beyng of Abias course which was the viij order of the Priestes appointed to serue in the tabernacle Luc. 1. To passe ouer other lighter offices translated from the Priestes to the Kyngs authoritie as coÌcernyng the orderyng of oblations in the Temple and reparations of the Lordes house kyng Salomon displaced Abiathar the high Priest by his kyngly power and placed Sadoch in his stede 3. Reg. cap. 6 Also dedicatyng the temple of the Lord with all the people blessed the whole congregation of Israell 3. Reg. 8. Iudas Machabeus also elected Priestes such as beyng without spot had a zeale to the law of the Lord to purge the Temple which the Idolatrous Gentiles had before prophaned 1. Machab. 4. Also kyng Alexander writyng to Ionathas appointed him chief Priest in his couÌtrey 1. Mac. 10. Demetrius ordeined Simon Alchinus in the like office of Priesthood Iosaphat likewise as in the whole laÌd did set Iudges so also in Hierusalem he appointed Leuites Priestes and heades of families to haue the hearyng of causes and to minister Iudgement ouer the people 2 Paral. 19. By these many other is to be sene the Kynges Princes in the old tyme as well when Priestes were borne Priestes as wheÌ they were made by election had the dealyng also
in Ecclesiasticall matters as in callyng the people to Gods seruice in cutting down groues in destroying images in gathering tithes into the Lordes house in dedicating the teÌple in blessing the people in castyng downe the brasen SerpeÌt within the teÌple in correcting deposing Priestes in coÌstituting the order offices of Priestes in commaundyng such thynges as pertained to the seruice worshyp of God in punishyng the contrary c. And in the new Testament what meaneth the exaÌple of Christ himselfe both geuing teaching tribute to be geuen to Caesar to Caesar I say not to the high Priest What meaneth his wordes to Pilate not denying power to be geuen to him from aboue And agayne declaryng the kynges of nations to haue dominioÌ ouer theÌ willing his Disciples not so to do geuyng vs to vnderstaÌd the difference betwene the regimeÌt of his spirituall kingdome of the kingdome of this world willyng all worldly states to be subiect vnder the superiour rulers Magistrates in whose regiment is dominioÌ and subiectioÌ not in the other Whereunto accordeth also the doctrine of S. Paule where it is written let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers vnder whose obedience neither Pope Cardinall Patriarch Byshop Priest Frier nor Monke is excepted nor exempted as Theophilactus expouÌdyng the same place declareth sayth Vniuersos erudit siue sacerdos sit ille siue monachus siue Apostolus vt se principibus subdant that is he teacheth all sortes whether he bee Priest or Monke or els Apostle that they should submit themselues vnder their Princes c. And S. Augustine writyng ad Bonifacium sayth in much like sort Quicunque autem legibus imperatoris quae pro Dei veritate feruntur obtemperare non vult acquirit grande supplicium that is whosoeuer refuseth to obey the lawes of the Emperor which make for the veritie of God incurreth the daunger of great punishmeÌt c. Also in an other place writyng coÌâra Cresconium hath these words In hoc enim reges sicut eis diuiniâus praecipitur Deo seruiunt in quantum reges si in suo regno bona iubeant mala prohibeant non solùm quae pertinent ad humanam sâcietarem verumetiam quae ad diuinam religioné c. that is Kynges accordyng as it is inioyned them of God do serue God in that they are kynges if they in their kyngdome commaunde those thynges that be good forbid thynges that be euill such as appertaine not onely to humaine societie but also to Gods Religion c. And yet to come more neare to the Popes owne Doctours Thomas Aquine not much discrepant from the iniunction of the Apostle aboue alledged thus describeth the office of a kyng Hoc inquit officium rex se suscepisse cognoscat vt sit in regno sicut in corpore anima sicut Deus in mundo c. Let a kyng sayth he vnderstand that he hath taken this office vpon him to be as the soule within the body and as God in the world In like agreemeÌt with the holy Apostle S. Paule ioyneth also S. Peter be you subiect sayth he to euery humaine creature whether it be to the king as most preeminent or to other set ouer you c. Where the common Glose addeth thereto to obey the same whether they be good or euill These places rightly pondered let any maÌ now iudge whether the Pope hath done open wrong to the Emperour in surprising aboue the iurisdiction of his lawfull Prince and Magistrat notwithstaÌdyng whatsoeuer his owne Canon law sayth to the contrary And as it is sufficiently hetherto proued by Gods law that all Ecclesiasticall persons owe their due subiection to their lawfull Princes in matters as well teÌporall as spirituall so no lesse euideÌces may also be inferred out of maÌs law and examples of the oldest fathers to proue the same And first to begyn with the example of Gregory the great who in his Epistle to Mauritius writeth thus Dominus meus fuisti quando adhuc Dominus omnium non eras Ecce per me seruum vltimum suum vestrum respondebit Christus c. that is You were theÌ my Lord wheÌ you were not the Lord of the whole Empire behold Christ him selfe shall make you auÌswere by me which am his most simplest seruauÌt and yours c. And before him Eleutherius his predecessour Byshop of Rome writyng to Lucius kyng of this Realme calleth him by the name of Christes Uicare But what needeth much confirmation of this matter wheÌ the Popes decrees Canons be full of recordes hereof testifiyng how the auncient Church of Rome not onely receaued but also required of the Emperours lawes coÌstitutions to be made touchyng not onely such causes but also such persons as were Ecclesiasticall And here to omit by the way the chap. Principes seculi also cap. Administratores 23. q. 5. with diuers other beside I will recite out of the Epistle of Boniface the 1. to the Emperour Honorius so much as serueth for our purpose written dist 92. cap. Ecclesiae cap. Victor Where it is mentioned that the sayd Bonifacius Byshop of Rome sent an huÌble supplication to the forenamed Emperour desiryng him by his authoritie to prouide some remedy against the ambitious coÌtentions of the clergie concerning the bishoprike of Rome Which Emperor Honorius incontinent at his request directed stablished a law that none should be made Byshop of Rome through ambitioÌ charging all Ecclesiasticall Ministers to surcease froÌ ambition appointyng moreouer that if two were elected together neither of them both should be takeÌ but the election to proceed further to an other to be chosen by a full consent of voyces as is expressed Dist. 79. cap. Si duo To this I adioyne also the law constitution of Iustinian the Emperour ratified and renued afterward in the counsell of Paris in tyme of king Ludouicus Pius Where all Byshops Priestes be expresly forbiddeÌ not to excommunicate any maÌ before his cause was knowen proued to be such as for the whiche the auncient Canons of the Church would him to be excoÌmunicate And if any should otherwise proceede coÌtrary to the same theÌ the excoÌmunicate person to be absolued by the authoritie of an higher degree the excoÌmunicate to be sequestred froÌ the communioÌ so long as should seeme conuenieÌt to him that had the executioÌ therof as is expressed 24. q. 3. De illicita The same Iustinian moreouer in his lawes coÌstitutions how many thynges did he dispose ordeine in Church matters as to haue a determinate number of Churchmen or Clerkes in Churches coÌst 3. Also coÌcerning Monasteries MoÌkes const 5. how Byshops Priestes should be ordeined coÌst 6. concerning remouyng of Ecclesiasticall persons froÌ one Church to an other Also concernyng the constitution of the Churches in Affrike And that the holy misteries should not
fauour and the good will of the Earle of Gloucester whose sister he had maried secretly returning into England with a certain company of strauÌgers presented himselfe to the kinges sight At the beholding of whom the king for ioy ran to him and imbracinge him did not onely retayne him but also for hys sake vndid all such actes as had bene in the Parliament before enacted The Queene and the whole Court seeing this doting of the king made an heauy Christenmas After this return of Gaueston was noysed among the commons the Pieres and Nobles of the Realme were not a little styrred casting with themselues what way were best to take If he were suffered stil they saw not onely themselues reiected but also that the Queene coulde not enioy the loue of the King neither could there be any quietnes in the Realme Again to stir vp warre in the land it were not the best to vexe or disquiet the king also they were afrayd But for asmuch as they could not abide all the nobilitie so to be thrust out and vilepended for the loue of one straunger also the realme so to be spoyled and impouerished by the same This way they took that Thomas Earle of Lancaster shoulde be elected among them the chieftayn and chiefe doer in that busines to whom all other Earles and Barons and prelats also did concordly condescend consent except onely walter Byshop of Couentry whome Robert the Archbishop therfore afterward did excommunicate which Thomas of Lancaster by the publike assent of the rest sent to the King lying then at Yorke humble petions in the name aswell of the whole Nobilitie as of the commons Desiring his grace to geue the foresayd Gaueston vnto them or els according to the ordinance of the Realme that the land might be auoyded of him But the tyrannious king who set more by the amour of one straunger then by his whole realme beside neither would harken to theyr counsayle nor geue place to theyr supplications But in al hasty fury remoued from Yorke to Newcastle where he remayned almost till midsommer In the meane season the Barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able souldiours comming toward Newcastell not intending any molestation against the king but onely the execution of the lawes vpon wicked Gaueston The king not hauing wherwith to resist theyr power remoueth in all speedy manner to Thinmouth where the Queene lay And hearing there that Newcastle was taken taketh shipping and sayleth from thence notwithstaÌding the Queene there being great with childe with weeping teares and all instaunce desireth him to tary with her as safely he might but he nothing relenting to her tooke Peter his compiere with him and coasted ouer to the Castle of Scarbrough where he leauing Peter Gaueston to the safe keeping of hys men himselfe iournieth toward the coast beside warwike The Lordes hearing where Peter was bendeth thether al theyr power so that at length Gaueston seing no remedy but he must needes come into their hands yeldeth and submitteth himself requiring none other condition but onely that he might talke but a few words with the king in his presence Thus Gaueston being apprehended the king hearing therof sendeth vnto the Lordes requiring his life to be spared and that he might be brought to his speech and so promised that in so doing he would satisfie their mindes and requestes whatsoeuer About this aduisement was taken but then the Earle of Penbroke hearing the kinges promise perswaded the Barons to graunt vnto his petition promising himself vpon loosing all his landes to take theyr charge vpon him to be brought vnto the kinges speach and so to be recommitted to theÌ agayne Which when he had obtained he taketh Peter Gaueston with him to bring him where the king lay And so comming to Dedington not farre from Warwike leaueth him in the keeping of his souldiours while he that night went to hys wife being from thence not farre of The same night it chaunced Guido the Earle of Warwike to come to the same place where Gaueston was left who taking him out of the handes of hys keepers caryeth him to the Castle of Warwike where incontinent they woulde haue put him to death but doubting and fearing the kings displeasure a little they stayed At what time one of the company a man of sage and wise counsayle as myne author writeth standing vp among them with his graue Oration declareth the nature of the man the wickednes of his own condition the realme by him so greatly endamaged the nobles despised and reiected the pride and ambition of the man intollerable the ruine of things like to ensue by him and the great charges and expences they had beene at in so long puâââing and getting of him And now being gotten and in theyr handes he exhorteth them so to vse and take the occasion now present that hereafter being out of their handes they afterward might seeke and should not finde it Briefly in such sort he perswaded the hearers that forthwith he was brought out and by common agreement beheaded in a place called Blakelow whiche place in other storyes I finde to be called Gaueshed but that name as I thinke was deriued vpon this occasion afterwarde And thus he that before had called the Earle of Warwicke the blacke dog of Ardeine was thus by the sayd dog worowed as ye haue heard c. His carkas the Dominicke Fryers of Oxford had in their Monastery interred the space of two yeares but after that the king caused the sayd carkas to be taken vpp and buryed within hys owne Mannour of Langley After this great disturbance began to rise betwene the king and the Lords who hauing their power lying about Dunstable sent stout messenge vnto the king at London to haue their former actes confirmed Gilbert Earle of Gloucester the kinges nephew who neyther did holde agaynst the king nor yet agaynst the Nobles with the Byshops and Prelates of the Realme went betweene both parties with great dilligeÌce to make vnitie At which time also came 2. Cardinals from Rome with letters sent vnto them from the Pope The Nobles aunswered to the message of the Cardinals lying then at Saint Albans that as touching themselues they shoulde be at all times welcome to them But as touching their letters forasmuche as they were men vulettered and onely brought vp in warre and feates of armes therefore they cared not for seing the same Then message was sent againe that they would graunt at least but to speake with the popes legates which purposely came for the intent to set quyet and vnitie in the Realme They aunswered agayne that they had bishops both godly and learned by whose counsayle they would be led only and not by any straungers who knewe not the true cause of ther commotion And therefore they sayd precisely that they would no foreiners or alians to be doers in theyr busines and affayres pertaining the
realme Yet notwithkaÌding through the mediation of the Archbishop and of the Erle of Gloucester the matter at length was so takeÌ vp that the Barons should restore to the king or his attourny of S. Albans all the treasure horses and iewels of the foresayd Gaueston taken at Newcastle and so there requestes should be graunted And so was the matter at time composed Shortly vpon the same Isabell the Queene was deliuered of a fayre child at Windsore whoÌ Lewes the French kings sonne the Queenes brother with other FrenchmeÌ there present would to be called by the name of the French king but the English Lordes were contrary willing him to be called by the name of Edward hys father At the birth of whiche Edward great reioysing was through all the land and especially the king his father so much ioyed therat that he begon dayly more and more to forget the sorowe and remembrance of Gauestons death and was after that more agreable to the will of his Nobles Thus peace and concord betwene them began to be in a good toward ones which more and more might haue ben confirmed in wearing out of time had not Sathan the author and sower of discord styrred vp hys instruments certain Frenchmen Titinyllars and makebates about the kyng which ceased not in carping and deprauing the Nobles to inflame the kinges hatred grudge agaynst them By the exciting of whom the old quarrels being renued a fresh the king in his Parliament called vpon the same began to charge the foresayd Barons and Nobles with sedion and rebellion for slaying Peter Gaueston Neither were the nobles lesse stout agayne in defending theyr cause declaring that they in so doing had deserued rather thanke and fauour with the king then any displeasure in vanquishing such a publique enemy of the Realme who not onely had spoyled and wasted the kinges substaunce but also raysed much disturbance in the realme And for asmuch as they had begon with the matter to theyr so great labours expenses they wold proceed further they sayd not ceasing til they saw an end therof To be short great threates there were on both parts and a fowle matter like to haue followed But agayne through the dilligent mediation of the Queene the Prelates and the foresayd Earle of Gloucester the matter was taken vp and brought to reconcilemeÌt vpon these conditions that the Lords and Barons openly in Westminster hall shold humble themselues before the king and aske pardon there of their doinges and euerye man there to receaue a letter of the kings pardon for their indemnitie and assuraunce And so passed ouer that yeare within the whiche yeare died Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury In whose roome Thomas Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to succeede but the Pope cassating that election placed Walter Reynald Bishop of Worceter In the meane tyme the Scots hearing this ciuill discord in the Realme began to be busie and to rebell of new through the meanes of Robert Brius who beyng chased out of ScotlaÌd by king Edward the first as is aboue premised into Norway was now returned again into ScotlaÌd where he demeaned him in such sort to that Lords there that in short processe he was agayne made kyng of the Realme And warred so strongly vppon them that tooke the kinges part that he wanne from them many Castels and strong holds and inuaded the borders of EnglaÌd The K. hearing this assembleth a great power and by water entreth the Realm of Scotland Agaynst whoÌ he encountred Robert de Bruys with hys Scots at Estriuallin where was fought a strong battayle in the end wherof the EnglishmeÌ were discomfited so egerly pursued by the Scots that many of the Noble men were slay ne as the Earle of Gloucester Syr Robert Clifford Syr Edmund Maule with other Lords to the number of 4.2 knights and Barons 227. besides men of name which were taken prisoners of common souldiours 10. thousaÌd or after the Scotish story 50. thousand slayne After which time sir Robert Bruis reigned as king of Scotland About which time and in which yeare dyed Pope Clement who keeping in the realme of Fraunce neuer came to the sea of Rome after whose death the Papacie stoode voyde two yeares The Scots after this exalted with pride and fiercenes inuaded the realme of EnglaÌd so âore killing destroying man and woman and child that they came wyning wasting the Northpartes as farre as to Yorke Besides thys such dearth of victuals and penury of all things so oppressed the whole land suche moraine of sheepe and Oxen as men were fayne to eat horseflesh dogges cattes myse and what els they coulde get Moreouer suche a price of corne followed withall that the king hardly had bread for the sustentation of his own houshold Moreouer some there were that stall children and did eate them and many for lacke of virtuall dyed And yet all this amended not the king of hys euill liuing The cause and origene of this great dearth was partly the warres and dissention betwene them and the Scottes wherby a great part of the land was wasted But the chiefest cause was the vntemperate season of the yeare which contrary to the common course was so moyst with aboundaunce of rayne that the graine layd in the earth could haue no ripyng by heate of the sunne nor grow to any nourishment Wherby they that had to eat could not be satisfied with saturitie but eftsoones were as hungry agayne They that had nothing weve driuen to steale and rob the riche were constrayned to auoyde and diminish theyr housholdes the poore for famine died And not so much the want of vitayle which could not be gotten as the vnwholesomnes of the same when it was taken so consumed the people that the quicke were not suficient to bury the dead For the corruption of the meates by reasoÌ of vnseasonablenes of the grouÌd was so infectious that many dyed of the fâixe many of hote feuers diuers of the pestilence And not onely the bodyes of men thereby were infected but also the beaâes by the putrifaction of the hearbs and grasse fel in as great a morain so farforth as the eating of flesh was suspect thought coÌtagious A quarter of corne and salt from the moneth of Iune to September grew from 30. s. vnto 40. s. The flesh of horses was then precious to the poore Many were driuen to steale fat dogges and to eate them some were sayde in secret corners to eate their owne children Some would steale other mens children to kill them and eate them priuily The prisoners and theeues that were in bandes such as newly were brought in vnto them for hunger fell vpon them and tearing them in pecces did eate them halfe aliue Briefly this extreme pemiry had extincted and consumed as it was thought the greatest part of the people of the land ha d not the king
into his owne handes by whose meanes the sayd Gemes afterwarde was poysoned as is in maner before expressed Unto these poysoned actes of the Pope let vs also adioin his malicious wickednes with like fury exercised vpoÌ Antonius Mancinellus which Mancinellus being a maÌ of excellent learning because he wrote an eloqueÌt oratioÌ against his wicked maners filthy life with other vices he therfore commaunded both his hands his tong to be cut of playing much like with him as Antonius the tirant once did with M. Cicero for writing agaynst his horrible life At length as one poyson requireth another this poysoned Pope as he was sitting with his Cardinals other rych Senatours of Rome at dinner his seruauntes vuwares brought to him a wrong bottell wherewith he was poysoned and his Cardinals about him In the time of this Pope Alexander also it happened whiche is not to bee pretermitted how that the Aungell whiche stood in the high toppe of the Popes Churche was beaten downe with a terrible thunder which thing semed then to declare the ruine and fall of the Popedome After this Pope next succeded Pius the 3. about the yeare of our Lord 1503. After whome came next Iulius the second a man so farre passing all other in iniquity that Wicelius such other of his owne friendes writing of him are compelled to say of him Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuisse that is that he was more geuen to warre and battayle then to Christ. Concerning the madnesse of this man thys is most certaynely knowne that at what time he was going to warre he cast the keyes of S. Peter into the riuer of Tybris sayinge that for as much as the keyes of Peter would not serue him to his purpose he woulde take himselfe to the sword of Paule Wherupon Philip MelancthoÌ amongest many other writing vpon the same maketh this Epigrame Cum contra Gaellos bellum papa Iulius esset Gesturus sicút fama âetusta docet Ingentes martis turmas contraxit ârbem Egâessus saeuas edidit ore minas Iratus'que sacras claues in flumina iecit Tibridis hic ârbi pons âbi iungit aquas Inde manustrictum Gagina diripit ensem Exclamans'que truci talia âocerefert Hic gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste Quandoquidem clauis nil iuuat ista Petri. Whereupon also Gilbert Ducherius maketh this Epigrame In Gallum ââ fama est bellum gesturus acerbum Armatum educit Iulius ârbe manum Accinctus gladio claues in Tibridis amnem Proÿcit soeuus talia âerba faecit Quum Petrinihil efficiant ad praelia claeues Auxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit ¶ The sense of these Epigrammes in English is this When Iulius Pope agaynst the French determined to make warre As fame reportes he gathered vp great troupes of men from farre And to the bridge of Tybur then marching as he were wood His holy keyes he tooke and cast them downe into the floud And afterward into his hand he tooke a naked sword And shaking it brake forth into this fierce and warlike word This sword of Paule quoth he shall now defend vs from our foe Since that this key of Peter doth nothing auay le thereto Of this Iulius it is certaynely reported that partly with his warres partly with his cursinges within the space of 7 yeares as good as 200000. Christians were destroyed Fyrst he besieged Rauenna agaynste the Uenetians then Seruia Imola Fauentia Foroliuium Bononia and other cities which he gate out of Princes handes not with out much bloudshed The Chronicles of Iohn Steban maketh mention that when this Iulius was made Pope he tooke an oathe promising to haue a Councell within two yeares but when he had no leysure thereunto being occupyed with his warres in Italy amoÌg the Uenetians and with the French king and in Ferraria and in other countryes 9. of his Cardinalles departing from him came to Millayne and there appoynted a Councell at the Citty of Pise amongest whome the chiefe were Bernardus Cruceius Gulielmus Prenestinus Franciscus CoÌstantinus with diuers others amongest whome also were adioyned the Procuratours of Maximilian the Emperour and of Charles the French king So the Councell was appoynted the yeare of our Lord 1511. to begin in the Kalendes of September The cause why they did so call this Councell was thus alledged because the Pope had so brokeÌ his oth and all this while he gaue no hope to haue any councell also because there were diuers other crimes whereupoÌ they had to accuse him Theyr purpose was to remoue him out of his seat the which he had procured through bribes and ambition Iulius hearing this geueth out contrary commaundement vnder great payne no man to obey them calleth himselfe another councell agaynst the next yeare to be begon the 19. day of Aprill The French king vnderstading Pope Iulius to ioyne with the Uenetians and so to take theyr part agaynst him couented a councell at Thurin in the month of September in the which councel these questions were proposed Whether it was lawfull for the Pope to moue warre agaynst any prince without cause Whether any Prince in defending himselfe might inuade his aduersary and deny his obedience Unto the which questions it was answered that neither the bishop ought to inuade and also that it was lawfull for the king to defende himselfe Moreouer that the Pragmaticall sanction was to bee obserued thorowe the realme of Fraunce Neyther that any vniust excommunications ought to be feared if they were founde to be vniust After this the king sent vnto Iulius the aunswere of his councell requiring him either to agree to peace or to appoynt a generalll Councell some other where where thys matter myght bee more fully decided Iulius woulde neyther of both these but forthwith accursed Charles the French king with all his kingdome At the lenth at Rauenna in a great war he was ouercome by the freÌch king and at last after much slaughter and great bloudshed and mortall warre this Pope dyed in the yeare of our Lorde 1513. the 21. day of February If it were not that I feare to ouerlay this our volume with heapes of foreigne historyes which haue professed chiefly to entreat of Actes and Monuments here done at home I woulde adioine after these popes aboue rehearsed some discourse also of the Turkes story of theyr rising and cruell persecution of the sayâtes of God to the great anoiance and perill of Christendome yet notwithstanding certayne causes there be which necessarily require the knowledge of theyr order and doinges and of theyr wicked procedings theyr cruell tyranny and bloudy victories the ruine subuersion of so many Christen Churches with the horrycle murders and captiuiâye of infinite Christians to bee made playne and manifest as well to this our countrey of England as also to other nations First for the better explayning of the Prophecies of the new Testament as
in S. Paules Epistle ad Chessall and also in the reuelation of S. Iohn Which Scriptures otherwise without the opening of these historyes can not so perfectly bee vnderstand of the whiche Scriptures we mynde hereafter Christ graunting orderly as the course of matter shall lead vs to make rehearsall An other cause is that we may learne thereby eyther with the publique Churche to lament with our brethren such a great defection and decay of christian fayth through these wicked Turkes or els may feare thereby our owne daunger The thyrd cause that we may poÌder more deeply with our selues the scourge of God for our sinnes and corrupte doctrine which in the sequele hereof more euidently may appeare to our eyes for our better admonition Fourthly the consideration of this horrible persecution of the Turkes rising chiefely by our discord and dissention among our selues may reduce vs agayn from our domesticall wars in killing and burning one of an other to ioyne together in Christian patience and concorde U. but chiefely these great victoryes of the Turkes and vnprosperous speed of our men fighting agaynst theÌ may admonish teach vs folowing the example of the olde Israelites how to seek for greater streÌgth to encounter with these enemyes of Christ then hitherto we haue done First we must coÌsider that the whole power of Sathan the prince of this world goeth with the Turkes Whiche to resist no streÌgth of mans arme is sufficient but onely the name spirite and power of our Lord Iesus the sonne of god going with vs in our battels as among the olde Israelites the Arcke of Gods couenaunt and promise wente with them also fighting agaynst the enemies of God For so are wee taught in Scripture that we christen meÌ haue no strength but in Christ onely Whether we warre agaynst the deuilt or agaynst the Turke it is true that the Scripture sayeth Sine me nihil potestis facere i. without me you ea do nothing Otherwise there is no puissaunce to stand agaynst the deuill or to conquere the world Nisi fides nostra that is our fayth onely all the promises of God touching saluation be annexed beyonde which promises we muste not goe for the worde must be our rule He that presumeth beyond the promises in the word expressed goeth not but wandereth hee can not tell whether Neither must we appoynt God how to saue the worlde but must take that way whiche he hath appointed Let vs not set our God to schoole nor coÌpreheÌd his holy spirite within our sculles He that made vs wtout our counsell did also redeeme vs as pleased hym If he be mercifull let vs be thankefull And if his mercyes surmouÌt our capacity let vs therfore not resist but search his word and thereunto apply our will which if we will doe all but contentious wil soone be at a poynt Let vs therfore search the will of our God in his word and if he will his saluation to stand free to all nations why do we make marchandise thereof If he haue graciously offred his waters to vs without mony or mony worth let vs not hedge in the pleÌtuous springes of his grace geuen vs. And finally if God haue determined his owne sonne onely to stand alone let not vs presume to admixt with his maiesty any of our trumpery He that bringeth S. George or S. Deuise as patrons to the field to fight against the turk leaueth Christ no doubt at home Now how we haue fought these many yeres agaynst the Turke though storyes keep silence yet the successe declareth We fight agaynst a persecutour being no lesse persecutours our selues We wrastle against a bloudy tyraunt and our handes be as full of bloud as his He killeth Christes people with the sword and we burne them with fire He obseruing the works of the law seeketh his iustice by the same the like also do we But neither hee nor we seeke our iustification as we shoulde that is by fayth onely in the sonne of God And what maruell then if our doctrine being as corrupt almost as his and our conuersation worse if Christe fight not with vs fighting agaynst the Turke The Turke hath preuayled so mightely not because Christ is weake but because that Christians be wicked and theyr doctryne impure Our temples with Images our hartes with idolatry are poluted Our priestes stinck before God for adultry being restrayned from lawfull matrimony The name of god is in our mouthes but his fear is not in our harts We warre agaynst the Turke with our workes Masses traditions and ceremonies but we fight not agaynst hym with Christ and with the power of his glory whith if we did the field were wonne Wherfore briefely to conclude saying my iudgement in this behalfe what I suppose this hope I haue do beleue that when the Churche of Christ with the Sacramentes therof shal be so reformed that Christ alone shall be receaued to be our iustifier all other religions merites tradition images patrons and aduocates set a part the sword of the Christians with the strength of Christ shall soone vanquish the Turkes pride and fury But of this more largely in the processe of this story The sixte and last cause why I thinke the knowledge of the Turkes history requisite to be considered is this be cause that many there be which for the they be farther froÌ the Turkes and thinke therfore themselues to be out of dauÌger take little care and studye what happeneth to theyr other brethren Wherefore to the intent to excite theyr zeale and prayer to almighty God in this so lamentable ruin of Christes church I thought it requisite by order of history to geue this our natioÌ also something to vnderstand what hath bene done in other nations by these cruell Turkes and what detriment hath bene and is like more to happen by them to the Church of Christ except we make our earnest inuocatioÌ to almighty God in the name of hys sonne to stop the course of the deuill by these Turkes and to stay this defection of Christians falling daylye vnto them and to reduce them agayn to his fayth which are fallen froÌ him Which the Lorde Iesus of his grace graunt wyth speede Amen Before we enter into this story of the Turks and Saracens first let vs call to remembraunce the Prophecy and forewarning of S. Paule writing to the Thess. in his 2. Epistle in these words Be not moued nor troubled in your myndes eyther by preaching or by writing or by letter froÌ vs as though the day of the Lorde were at hande for the Lord will not come except there come a defection first and the wicked person be reuealed c. Of this defection sundry mindes there be of sundry expositours some thinking this defection to meane a falling away from the Empyre of Rome some from the obedience of the Pope But as S. Paul little passed vpon the outward glory of