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Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
cause_n	aaron_n	bishop_n	king_n	27	3	3.3732	3	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A87841	An epitome or briefe discoverie, from the beginning to the ending, of the many and great troubles that Dr. Leighton suffered in his body, estate, and family, for the space of twelve years and upwards. Wherein is laid down the cause of those sufferings; namely that book called Sions plea against the prelacie, together with the warrantable call that he had to the work: and also, the hard and heavie passage of the prelates proceedings against him, in the high Commission, and Star-Chamber. And lastly, their invective speeches in the said Court of Star-Chamber; from the impeachment whereof, and the accusations charged upon him, he vindicates himself by a just defence.	Leighton, Alexander, 1568-1649.; England and Wales. Court of Star Chamber.	1646 (1646)	Wing L1024; Thomason E354_2; ESTC R201091	74,578	102

them since the Lord called me but I protested and that truely it was not out of hatred to their persons though I and mine had suffered by them nor out of envie to their places whence their wealth honour and case might acrue but first because their Places and Authoritie are not of God Secondly because in executing of their Places they take more upon them then either the Law of God or Man alloweth them to the prejudice and abusing of the Kings graunts the heavie detriment of the Subject and the highly indangering of themselves and this I offered to make good and as for their persons I told them I wished them as well as my selfe What said Sir Henry Martin if it bee so we are all mistaken doe you not thinke that they are of God Nothing lesse said I neither thinke I that they thinke themselves so if they will impartially examine their owne hearts for they know those thoughts to bee contrary to the Word of God the current of Humane Writers and to their owne Peremptory Assertions in their owne Workes written by them for their defence Yea said Sir Henrie Martin but I will prove it thus is there not superioritie in a Civill state and was there not superiority in the State Ecclesiasticall under the Jewes Witnesse Aaron● superiority over the Priests so that he reasoned thus in effect Aaron was over all the Leviticall Priests Ergo Bishops by Divine Right should be over Ministers For all my pressures I smiled to heare their Champion for the time beat the braines out of their cause with a beame of their owne making or of the Popes withall I told Sir Henry that his Anticedent and Consequent were of so deepe distance that all the Learning in the World could never make them meet Yet he set a face to prove it by a connex Proposition If Aaron were over the Priests Then Bishops should be over Ministers c. I denyed the Connexion and told him that all the learning amongst them could not advance that Argument one foot nor no more they did but being at a stand I told Sir Henry Martin that he could not of all the Quiver have chosen a deadlier shaft against themselves as should appeare by the retorting of the Argument thus Aarons Priest-hood was superiour to the rest under the Law Ergo No Superiority in Ministeriall function should have place under the Gospel The sequell I prove thus That which was in forme of a Type of Christ under the Law must have no place under the Gospell because it is done away But not onely the Priest-hood but also the superioritie of Priest-hood or Ministeriall Function was in forme of a Type under the Law Ergo Superiority in the Ministeriall Function must have no place under the Gospel The Major I cleared both from proofe and reason as Collos 2. vers 17. Yea the Author to the Hebrewes speakes particularly to the point as in Hebr. 7.11 12. The Minor as it is undeniable so he had granted it by way of quere yea the Papists themselves grant both in expresse termes in the fore-quoted place to the Hebrewes That the Leviticall office in Aaron and other things were figures of Christs death and to bee ended and accomplished in the same I shewed how I could make good the Argument from the testimonies of the Fathers as Cyprian speakes punctually to it citing the words of the Apostle Let a man so account of us as of the Ministers of Christ and Stewards of the Mysteries of God 1 Cor. 4.1 Paulus Apostolus saith the Father aequales habere voluit Sacerdotes cum dicit sic nos existimet c. The Apostle Paul will have all Ministers to be equall when he saith Let a man esteeme of us c. Doctor Willet useth the like Argument by way of retortion against the Papists bringing Aaron and his ornaments for a warrant of their Masse Church-Musique Vestments and the like because saith he these were in Gods worship then therefore they should not be now The premises being thus invincibly proved Sir Henry for a while was silent but at last brake out to his Fellow-Commissioners in this sort Gentlemen I can goe no further and I assure you if it be thus you may burne all your Bookes The three Deanes or Parsons or what they were with the Doctor sate still mute as Fish not answering one word By Gods mercy truth thus prevailing Sir Henry began to touch on an old Callumnie Doctor saith he you are a great Conventicle-keeper as they say To which I replyed Sir Henry you know in your conscience I am no Conventicle-keeper and as I hate the thoughts and occasions of impious and illegall contrivements so if the Law were granted me upon any Subject that should thus charge me hee might smart for it Hereof it shall not be amisse according to my simple knowledge to say something for the clearing of Gods people and good duties First against Gods people for the performance of such duties there is no Law Statute or Command Sect. and where there i● Law there is no transgression Secondly it is both contumely and injury against God and the duties and a wresting of the Law against Conventicles to urge it against the said performances since it is against the extent of the Law and the intent of the Law-giver witnesse both the Commission of Peace giving power to inquire of Conventicles which are said to be against the Peace and also divers Statutes made against Conventicles containing the punishments of offendors therein as 1o. Mar. cap. 12. 1o. Eliza. cap. 17. these are called Vnlawfull and Rebellious Assemblies including all Ron●s Riots or other confederacies whether sine armis or vi armata The former Statutes and many other speake fully against them under these names and divers * 13. Hen. 4º cap. 2.2 Hen 5o. cap 8.19 Hen. 7o. cap. 23. other where they are called Rebellious Insurrections and Rebellious Assemblies with these I might cite divers Authors as Dallison * 2. H. 5o. cap 9.15 Ric. 2. cap. 2. Marrow c. in all these we shall not finde the performance of any such duties called by the name of Vnlawfull Rebellious Assemblies or Insurrections and if they had beene so termed by Popish Princes and Statutes made againe them no doubt Professing Princes would have repealed them as they did other Statutes against Protestants Secondly the Matter of Conventicles doth cleare those duties from the Name Sect. Lambert for the subject-matter of every Conventicle must as the learned in the Law observe be an unlawful act done or intended but no law with us saith so of Fasting and praying and more particularly in every Conventicle there is a manifest disturbance of the peace in a greater or lesser degree as threatning speach turbulent gesture shew of Armes or expression of Violence but by the contrary Fasting and Praying are the maine preservers of Peace Thirdly the end of a Conventicle is ever or for the most

more materiall things whereof I will but touch To his first Quere concerning the Book I told him salvo meliori judicio that I had rather cause to enquire why I had suffered so much and so long without any cause knowne then first to put such heavy things upon me and then to examine the cause for I knew nothing by my self neither had they for any thing I knew any just matter of such usage against me As for the Book I told him if any man could charge either with Book or any other thing wherein I had transgressed I was willing to satisfie the Law In the meane time I desired as one yet cleer in Law to goe upon sufficient Baile and so to come to my Answer he confessed the Answer was reasonable but in that he told me the King was very desirous to know the Author and that not for any evill to him and if I would discover what I knew it would be acceptable to the King or in his very words the King would take it well yea if it intrenched upon my selfe I should finde as much favour as I could wish To which I answered if it were a thing so pleasing unto his Majestie and if he would be pleased to lay a particular command upon me I would discover what I knew by my selfe in that yea if I knew guilt by my selfe which indeed I did not He being well content with this and in words regreeting my distresse he went away and withall making offer c. And the next time returned with the Kings particular command as he said for in my second Examination it was thus set downe Vpon the Kings Majesties particular command c. I acknowledge my selfe to be the whole and sole Author and composer of the Book c. For this in effect was the summe of my second confession concerning my Book As we were upon discourse he told me that it was given out that I should deny the Kings supremacy I answered that it was an unjust aspersion for I was never put to it juridice so I told him in effect some passages between Sir Henry Martin and my self by way of discourse and how his answer was in effect my tenet and I desired in my heart in regard of Loyalty not to come short of any subject Well said he you shall doe well also to expresse your selfe by me in that particular that if any such aspersion be laid upon you by giving the King satisfaction it may be prevented I told him I was very willing and desired him to write my expressions which I delivered in these words or to this effect I acknowledge ex animo as much dominion and soveraignty to belong unto our King over all his dominions and therein over all his Subjects and causes as any of the Kings of Judah or Israel had over their dominions and the premises therein save onely in those things wherein they were Types of Christ or had a particular warrant This he told me at his returne he had shewed to the King and that it gave him not only good content for it is all he could desire but he said he had not heard that case so well cleared but for all this I had no release neither favour afforded for being or well-being only my Wife permitted to come to me The third approach of Mr. Atturney was nerve transverso with a crosse sinew namely to examine me who were my partners and abettors in the worke for they conceived I had not done it without the helping hand of the most judicious Divines and Lawyers in the Land To this demand I replyed that it was besides my Covenant yet being willing to satisfie all demands so far as I could without prejudice to others I professed as I have also answered to the information that no living soule had any hand in composing Page or Line of that Book except my selfe For I told him as I was not so ambitious as to derogate from other men if any thing in it were praise-worthy so I was not so Prodigall of my selfe as to suffer by taking other mens workes upon my selfe Then he asked me whether I was moved to it by some other or if it came of my selfe I told him I was moved by some well-affected people to frame a draught of their desires to the Parliament then being which all the Kings leige people might doe but they differing for a time upon the Subject matter at length it was concluded to desire the removall of the Hierarchy and their Appendices as the maine root of all our bitternesse and the establishing of Christs Ordinances in their power and beauty together with the grounds of these our desires for reason doth convince and experience teacheth that toto sublato non officiunt partes take away the whole and the parts will doe no hurt And where diverse Petitions had been put up for Reformation of divers parts with little or no successe it were as good without mincing by shewing the extent of their desires to heave at all as the Proverbe is cum pulvisculo yea the Scripture teacheth us the best way to sweeten waters is to begin at the fountaines * 2 Kings ● 21 head Whereupon I framed those Ten Positions set downe in the Booke the proofes whereof being exceedingly desired I drew a scantling of them which being by serious view perused it had the approbation and hands of many excellent good people so that I may safely say I ran not unsent about the businesse The Atturney urged me to give up the names of those Approvers with many faire promises of liberty and what not I answered that in my judgement there was neither Law nor Conscience for it For what had the people done but that which good subjects might safely doe Secondly though there was no danger in the Act yet the re-vailing of them might endanger them which I would be loth to doe Thirdly as it was done in time of Parliament when every subject might without impeachment unfold a publique grievance so if that high Court were in being and should call them to it they should either avouch the act or I would deliver both their names and hands He replyed that though I was somewhat vers'd in the Law yet it was not my faculty I answered true yet I stood in need of so much as to square my wayes by and if he being a great Lawyer could give me any ground for that he required from the Law of God or Man I would satisfie him forthwith and every man should beare his owne burthen To this I received no answer but after a pause hee told me that the King would take it ill for the deniall of such a thing was an Argument that I loved him not I replyed that I would not for a Kingdome give him just cause of offence but obedience must be ruled and for my love to his Majesty let my actions and sufferings witnesse to the would for if I had not loved my

to be Servers of Christ by coming to the Church c. though nothing lesse Let such an one I say be noted for a Schismatique and avoided The third thing S●ct he taxeth me with is Treason against the King For branding me unjustly with the other two Namely Blasphemy and Schisme his ignorance in tearms of that nature might seem in tanto though not in toto to excuse him For I take him as P●racess●●● spake of Quacks to be Iulia●●m Theologum But to put Treason upon m●e must either evince that he hath never throughly perased my Book nor weighed my Cause in a true Skale which a man of his place should do before he judge or otherwise it must appear that ded●ta opera he accused me of that for which he hath not the least appearance of ground First Is it likely that I standing out this thirty years against my world●● preform●nt the advancing of my Childrens good and that in tendernesse of Conscience should at last wrap up all the rejoycing of my Sufferings in the Black and ignominious Veile of horrible and damnable Treason I might answer him in the words of Secrates to a Persian Ambassador folliciting him to Treason in the behalf of their King When he was eating Cabbage to his Dinner * Audite inquit an hoc prandium proditorem facit Valer. Max. lib. 7. observe saith he if this kind of Diet can make a Traytor Traytors are fatte● in the Rib then I and look for greater matters then I doe Secondly my heart beareth me witnesse and God himself who is greater then my heart Sect. that I have ever accounted and do account the Kings Majesty the Annointed of the Lord the very Bre●th of our N●str●●s and as I have often protested I esteem the least particular conducing to his Being or Well-being better then my life and the life of all mine and many thousands and so I hope it shall appeare against all opposition when Truth by Time shall manifest it self Thirdly Let the Book be tryed by judicious men Sect. though partiall to the Cause if either vola or ves●●●gi●m of Treason be found in it I desire besides what I have suffered to dy the most shameful and bitter death that could be thought on against any Traytor Fourthly and lastly If I be a Traytor against the King Sect. why did they not proceed against me as a Traytor according to the Lawes of God and of the Nation As Treason is a Sinne of the highest name * 2 Tim. 3.4 whether it be immediatly against God as Idolatry or against the Kings Person and other Appendices So there be condigne Penalties both by Divine and Humane Lawes inflicted upon it Witnesse Amaziahs dealing with those that killed his Father * 2 Chr. 23.5 and also the Peoples exact revenge taken upon the Murtherers of Amon * Cap. 33.25 witnesse also the Lawes of all Nations of ours in particular against such Imma●e and prodigious Persons with their severall Penalties instance for all that exact and duly deserved Justice that was done upon the bloody Regi-cides and Pari-cides upon that thrice learned Majestick King King Iames the first of Scotland of which Aeneas Silvius afterward Pope Pius the second was an Eye witnesse being there for the time who much commended the Nations Wit in devising such exquisite and answerable torments and their love in inflicting them to a haire If any happily reply that it was the Kings mercy to alter the case and that I should suffer in this sort in stead of punishment due to Treason To which I answer as I did in publique presence that if I might have but a due Tryall at Common-Law and if I perished that way I would think it in favour howsoever So in this case I may say with Seneca * Beneficiam in vito non datur A forced Benefit is no Benefit when a man may not chuse especially in two Evils it is a poor Benefit Secondly I am perswaded that herein his Majesty is abused For how can they change the Guilt and Punishment before the Guilt be known and how can it be known before the Law try it And further where the favours of Kings are free and Accumalative But this kind of Commutation is into a Punishment more bitter then death and for shame and ignominy what more can be If it were not the glory of the Lord that resteth upon the Cause and so turnes the shame of the suffering into glory Lastly if I had dyed I could have forfeited no more then I had But to the rest of my sufferings they added that wherein I could not ●uffer Namely they fined me ten thousand pounds though the Judge said he thought in his Conscience the Sneak was not worth so much And was not this Proportia asimetra I am sure it was neither Gramatrica nor Arith●●●tica or to speak In Law was it Salvo Conten●m●●to but to leave Suppositions and Probabilities Let his Lordship give me leave to deal with him obsigu●●is ●abulis all the Statutes against Treason cleer me of that Crime First am I guilty of attempting any thing against the King or Queens Person or the Persons of their Princely Issue Levying of Forces counterfeiting either of the Seales bringing in of counterfeit Coyn killing a Judge fitting in his place as the Butcher would have done forging the signe Mann●ll clipping of Coyn have I prejudiced the Kings honour Have I entred on any Castle or Ship c. Have I concealed Treason or any Bull from Rome Have I set any at liberty committed for Treason by the Kings Commandement No verily Heaven and Earth shall cleer me of all Then not guilty of Treason or misprision of Treason for those are all the severall kinds in Effect that are condemned by the Statutes here quoted * 25 Edw. 3.2 1 Mar. 6.1 2. P. M. 3.14 Eliz. 11.3 Edw. 6.11 c. But to come close unto the Particulars concerning words spoken against the Soveraign for the time being There be two Statutes especially remarkable the one of which is that ●3 Eliz. c. 2. in hoc ver●a If any man shall advisedly and with a ●●l●●ious intent devise Writs c. any manner of Book Writing c. containing false seditious and slanderous matter to the defamation of the Queens Majesty or to the encouraging stirring or moving of Rebellion or Insurrection within this Realm he shall suffer or forfeit as a Fellon Before this Statute enacted words of this nature were not Fel●ony as appeareth by the Censure of Mr. Stubs of Lincolns-Inne upon the oc●●sion of whose Fact this Statute was made no terrifie men from writing slanderously of their Soveraign Let my Book be laid to the Statute in the strictest kind of Tryall so it be true it shall evidently appear that neither for matter nor manner I do infringe the Statute and so am no Fellon much lesse a Traytor The other Statute is conce●●ing words of

an higher ●●●ure uttered against the Queen of King for the time being Namely ●●●ing him or Her Heretic c. 1● Eliz. c. 1. It is enacted that whosoever shall publish that her High●esse is a● Heretic S●●●smatic Tyrant c. shall be punished as a Traytor This Stature hath relation to the former which was made as it seemeth to protect the Soveraign Majesty from petty or lesser slanders as Iu●●mperancie Vncleannesse c. The latter was to prevent such grand grosse slanders as foul mouths might cast upon the Persons of Soveraignty as Heresie Schisme Tyrannie The transgression of the former Fellony or the latter Treason Now as I am cleer of all the aforesaid fore-quoted Statutes made against Treasō against the least King So it is cleer as the Sun that I come not within the touch of the compasse of this Statute yea I protest not in thought How then came I to be made a Traytor without the breach of any Law Let the Judge shew me * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 my transgression of the Law and I shall willingly acknowledge the Law to be the just Coertion or Castigation of mine Offence or Offences But I am so farre from Guilt by the Law that I challenge all the Law he hath to bring me within the Compasse of Treason ex consequente by Inferrence or directly although he knoweth very well that the Law is not so farre to be stretched against any Subject Delinquent or non-Delinquent in Case of Life or Blood For every poenall Law concerning those is strictly and literally according to the Grammaticall sence to be expounded and delivered Witnesse the Papists calling of Protestants Hereticks by the Law of Universals including particulars they call the King Heretic and so by consequent in so speaking are Traytors by that fore-said Statute 13. Eliz. c. 7. Yet the Law layeth not hold on them as Traytors for this speech And so I might instance in other things which I note the rather for my just defence that if he or any other there did plead any Law against me by way of Consequence which must needs be enforced by the true intent of the Law it was null Thus all men may see mine integrity to be a quitted from Treason by the Laws For where the St●tute-Law cl●●●eth no Principle of Common-Law nor Case nor Comment d●●h condemns But it is 〈◊〉 wonder that I am thus traytored it hath been thus with by Betters as a Learned Divine hath it It is a s●ole Imputation of Ages to Be-traytor Gods Servants when they stand for their Master H●m●n accused Morde●ai and the Jewes of Treason to King Ahashu●r●sh * Mr. Samuell ward in his coale c. when any thing is amisse Elijah must be the Traytor * Hest 3.8 and by Tertullus the mouth of Gods Enemies * 1 King 18.17 18. Paul is accused to be a plagy Fellow and a tumultuous Traytor * Act. 24.5 yea Christ himself the harmlesse and spotlesse one escapes not this branding Imputation * Luk. 23.2 where they falsly alleadge that they found him over-turning the State for so is the word and also hindering the Revenue of the Crown The Disciples must not look to be better used then their Master It is an old dawbing trick of corrupt times to slurry and soy●e the fairest Excellencies with the fowlest Names to make the things more odious and to vayle and varnish the fowlest Exorbitances under the fairest Names as for example Holinesse must be called H●pocrisie or Puritanisme Zeal fury truly strict and sincere obedience no better then Treason But on the contrary fowlest Exorbitancies must be masked with the fairest Names State-subverting principles and practise must be called by the name of Policy Rotten pollution of Gods VVorship by mens Devises Orders and Dece●●i● Pleading impudently for a bad Cause ability in Law giving away or selling mens Estates at pleasure and imprisoning their persons Equity condemning the innocent and absolving the Guilty nothing but Iustice and this the wronged Parties must acknowledge or perish Treacherous cunning to make bare the King and State for making their own Nests in the Cedars must be tearmed wise and frugall guiding halting betweene God and B●●● ●●dera●e d●f●retion harbo●●●g and mainraining openly Tray●ors against God and the King a point of State-mystery But God weigheth not things by their Names but by their Nature Yet as the Phylosopher saith * Nomi●● 〈…〉 cons●●tian● Pl●● 〈◊〉 sap let Names and the nature of things agree together God in the Creation and Man in his Integrity put fitting names upon all the Creatures truly expressing their Natures But to invert this Institution is to subvert the order of nature and to sin highly against the God of Nature Cursed be they therfore th●● call Good Evill and Evill Good saith the Spirit But to hold to the particular and so to close it up there be so many Traytors the Apostle sheweth us in the last dayes what perillous times shall be and that through the abundance of monstrously wicked men of all sorts amongst whom he reckoneth Traytors * 2 Tim. 3.4 All Idolators or such as serve other Gods are Traytors immediatly against God As all offences in a Common-Wealth are against the King because they are against his Lawes and he is the head of the Politick Body But those that are immediatly against his Person are of an higher nature especially the seeking of his life or to dethrone him which are high Treason So Idolatry intrencheth upon the Throne of Gods Dominion and striketh at the very Root of his Being and therefore is high Treason against him * Tantum est aliquod peccatum gravius quanto longius peripsum ho mo a deo ec epit A sinne is so much the more grievous as it removes a man the further from God As Traytors are in greatest distance from the King so Idolators from God and therefore Moses calleth it the great finne * Aquin. 22.3 ●●tic 3. Idolator are also Traytors against the State because Idolatry brings desolation upon it Witnesse the same place of Exod. Where GOD putteth many to the sword and had slain the rest if Moses had not stood up in the Gap and turned away his wrath * Exod. 32.7 As learned Calvin saith it brings utter destruction * Accersit vltimam cladem These are held to be Traytors to the State who being in place as Eye and hands to the Kinge and state see and doe only for themselves to the undoing of both the former and not onely so but they also divert by corrupt suggestions the Kings favour from his Subiects and by deading of their spirits do weaken the love of the Subiect to the King That such Courses are Treason there is Expresse Testimony for it in a worke of that judicious and Learned Erasinus * De Institut princip si capito ple●titur qui principi● monetam viti●●it quanto dignior est eo supplicio

enim maligando so called from brinding to obedience and how can they love or obey that which they have not * Nihilaema● tum nisi cognitum A second Reason from the nature of the Law * Lex est regula● mensura actuum agendorum vel ammittendorum Thom. prima The Law as the School-man saith is the rule or measure of things to be done or left undone Now how can any man high or low square his actions by that which he knoweth not A third Reason is from that common Interest that all have in the Law as the greatest good that they can lay claime unto * Lex enim populi salus suprema The Law is the highest pitch of the Peoples safety And how should they esteeme so highly of it without some knowledge of it Yet notwithstanding all this there is not a like knowledge required of every man but according to his Place and A staires And as for my self if I were so ignorant First why did he passe so cruell a censure upon me * Cum caecit as sit pars innocentiae since Ignorance is some part of Innocency especially where there is no evill intent Secondly why did he not demonstr●tively convince me either of forging Authority or of misconstruing of the Law Neither of which I hope he was able to do yea be it spoken without Arrogancy I have not only read the Statutes but also I can give some account that I have perused the best Common-Lawyers and Civilians and some Canonists that are extant and to abuse mine own knowledge or a State upon any by end which I have not I account it impious But to be brief if Vox populi be true hee was not guilty of much Law But for his Learning all must give him his due Egregius homo usque ad Dover Further for his invective speeches as they were very violent and unbeseeming a Judge So of them I will say no more but this according to that experimentall rule of Hypocrates * lib 5. Ep. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the mans tongue cast his water Now I come to the last passage of his speech Sect. containing the sad Castrophae or shutting up with an heavy and bloody Censure which made the standers by to shudder as my relator speaketh of himself Yet his hope was it should never be put in execution and indeed I hoped no lesse till the Hierarch● made way for the Execution and the Writ was out For I conceive that men could not so farre ex ver● homines cast of humanity as to inflict harder things upon a man and his family then death it self But as it was a shuddering Sentence so it was as cruelly executed of which more hereafter I insisted the longer in this tongue-assault because it took up a great part of the time Divers others said somewhat being drawn to it rather by the Prelates grandure than out of any stomack they had to it CHAP. V. SEcretary Cook fell upon the Point of Iure Divino and citing Lane sius his Agency for the Pope in the Councel of Trent against that Tenet he was forced by the truth as the hearers said to acquit the defence of Iure Divine I will passe the rest and come to the declamations or rather exclamations of the two Prelates Dr. Laud and Dr. Neile from whom and by whom the whole hu●●nesse was driven along To begin with Dr. Laud then B. of London the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or great and angry B. indeed with a dangerous sting After the Judges and others had spoken hee fell on with a discourse of almost two houres long with which as some said all the Hearers were wearied But passing the Particulars of his Apologetick Preface and also the bitterest of his invective Charge against me and my Book wherein he invented much choller and little truth I will onely point at such particulars of his Charge as at the very relation wherof truth shall be ready to acquit me in the judgment of all ingenuity In generall he said it was the most false seditious and inhumane Pamphlet that he had ever seen comparing it with others of that kind as he called them Further he accused me of Blasphemy of High Treason and other Nominals none of which he could prove of all which I have quit my self sufficiently I hope in my Answer to I. R. his Accusation and also in mine Answer to the Information He told the Court of another Book done by me called the Looking-Glasse of the Holy where which he confessed was somewhat milder yet notwithstanding his late Majesty King Iames would have hanged him said he if he could have been found And that I went over the house top with a naked sword in mine hand * lib. 3. de Rep. Plate giveth way to Physitians to lye for their Patients good But for one that will be a B. falsly to accuse it is very soule It is true I wrote that Book in the behalf of the late King and Queen of Bohemia and without Ostentation be it spoken it hath found respect from many Nations It cost me indeed the on-setting by-charge paines and sufferigns For by the suggestion of the Co●d●marian and Prelaticall Faction the Stationers entred my house took away my goods carryed my wife and divers of my Family to prison only my wife fainted by the way they left my young Children in the channell● and all this they did without Warrant or Officer appointed which manifest wrong I hope the high Court of Parliament will redresse But for his late Majesties indignation against me it was a meer suggestion for His Royall Majesty was my onely refuge in whose presence and sight I was frequently in the height of my Troubles He was graciously pleased to peruse the Book and out of his gracious favour to give order that neither Prelates nor others should trouble me any further And that the equity of my Cause and the grosnesse of my Wrongs put upon me may the better appeare the first high Court of Parliament called by our Soveraign Lord King Charles did promise that I should have a speciall hearing and iust redresse He taxed me with Ignoran●e and bare pretence of Learning affirming the Book not to be of my doing for all the rare wits saith he of the Land for Law and Divinity have been at the making of it If I made the Book as indeed I did then hath not his Lord●hip Learning enough to keep himself from a contradiction It seemes the commendation of the Book was Reflexive upon himself that he might seem at least to confute such an universall piece But it hath stood ●●rme yet against him and all his Archers I thank my God who with the little Learning given me● hath inabled me to make good what I hold which he cannot doe if with Moses he were vers'd in all the Learning of the Egyptians The Learning and Place of a B. indeed should rather have used