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A15400 An harmonie vpon the first booke of Samuel wherein according to the methode obserued in Hexapla vpon Genesis, and Exodus, but more compendiously abridged, these speciall things are obserued vpon euery chapter: the diuers readings compared, doubtfull questions explaned, places of Scripture reconciled, controuersies briefly touched, and morall collections applied. Wherein aboue foure hundred theologicall questions are handled, with great breuitie and much varietie, by the former author of Hexapla on Genesis. Willet, Andrew, 1562-1621. 1607 (1607) STC 25678; ESTC S120031 271,285 362

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for their part for their grosse rudenesse in profaning the Arke and consecrating it as one of their cheife spoiles to their Idol so making the great God inferiour to their abhominable inuention this beeing a breach of the naturall and morall law did not escape vnpunished 2. But the other beeing a ceremoniall law giuen onely to the Israelites not to come neere the Arke or to gaze vpon it was giuen onely vnto them the heathen were ignorant of it and therefore therein the Lord requireth a stricter obedience at the hands of his owne people then of the ignorant Gentiles Pellican 3. And further the Lord accepteth this kinde of reuerence which the Philistims out of their simple knowledge yeelde vnto the Arke not suffering it to goe emptie but bestowing vpon it iewells of gold Pellican as also in making choice of kine neuer vsed to the yoke and of a new cart as best beseeming the holines of the Arke they therein expressed their reuerend regard of it herein following the prescript of Moses law Borr. 7. Quest. v. 18. Of the great stone of Abel 1. Some thinke that Abel is here taken for Eben a stone by the change onely of the last letter as it is called v. 14. eben gedalah the great stone whereon the Bethshemites sacrificed Chal. Sept. Iun. but seeing that Abel is of a farre diuerse signification betokening mourning it can not properly be translated a stone though vnder this name the stone is insinuated 2. Some doe not here retaine Abel as a proper name but read the great stone of mourning Vatab. but it beeing the name of a place it is more fit to make it a proper name as we read of other places so called because of mourning there as Gen. 50. Abel Mizraim the mourning or lamentation of the Egyptians 3. Others thinke that both Eben and Abel were the proper names of this stone that first it was called Eben which signifieth a stone then Abel by reason of the lamentation there Osiand But that Eben was no proper name it may be shewed by the like place c. 14.33 where Saul biddeth them to roule eben gedalah a great stone vnto him 4. Wherefore this seemeth to be the right interpretation that the great Eben 1. stone mentioned v. 14. is called here Abel because there the Betshemites mourned for the great slaughter among them for so it is said in the next verse ijthabela they mourned whence also is the word Abel mourning deriued sic Ar. Pagnin Lat. 5. Some also read vnto the great plaine for so Abel also signifieth in which plaine Bethshemesh was situate Ioseph But the wordes following controule this reading vnto the great stone of Abel whereon they set the Arke but they set the Arke and laid the sacrifice vpon the great stone v. 14. 8. Quest. v. 19. Why the Lord smote the men of Bethshemesh The Bethshemites diuers waies offended 1. In that they receiued not the Arke with greater reuerence and deuotion when they saw it comming but entertained it as it should seeme with shouting and such like signes of ioy which they vsed in time of haruest wherein they then were Pellican 2. They offred in sacrifice the female kind namely the two kine that drew the cart whereas by the law the males onely were to be offered Borr. 3. Some thinke that they offered sacrifice of themselues neither the priests nor Samuel beeing consulted with Pellican But that is not like for seeing it is directly mentioned that the Leuites that is the priests of Levi for Bethshemesh was a citie of the priests of Aaron not of Leuites onely Iosh. 22.16 tooke downe the Arke and before the Arke was taken downe they could not cleaue the cart for wood nor consequently offer their sacrifice therefore it is not like that the Bethshemites did presume to offer sacrifice without their priests 4. The true cause therefore why the Lord did smite them was as is here expressed v. 19. because they looked into the Arke where we neede not imagine with the Hebrewes that they opened the Arke to looke into it but it was contrarie to the law to looke vpon the Arke bare or vncouered Numb 5.20 as the men and citizens of Bethshemesh such as were not priests did gaze vpon the Arke either beeing brought naked by the Philistims or vncouered by them for so it is before shewed v. 13. that they reioyced or tooke delight in beholding the Arke that is in gazing and looking vpon it Iosephus thinketh they did also handle it vnreuerently with their hands but it was sufficient to procure this iudgement that such as were not priests did gaze vpon it The priests also might offend themselues in not approaching and drawing neare with such reuerence as was meete Iun. But it seemeth by the number of them which were smitten that most of them were of the common sort 9. Quest. v. 19. Of the number of the men of Bethshemesh that were slaine 1. Whereas in the Hebrew the number is placed thus seuentie men and fiftie thousand men some expound it thus that seuentie of the chiefe were slaine which were equiualent or worth fiftie thousand as the people said to Dauid that he was worth ten thousand of them 2. Sam. 18. ex Pellican and of this opinion seemeth Iosephus to be who onely maketh mention of seuentie that were slaine But this is not like for they are said to be smitten of the people that is of the common sort 2. Some therefore thinke that the seuentie were of the Elders and better sort and the fiftie thousand of the people so the Chalde But by the same reason also this interpretation is refused for it is saide he smote among the people seuentie men c. 3. Iunius in his former edition had this conceit that these were of the Philistims that were smitten and so in stead of among or of the people he readeth of them but the word is baham of the people not bahem of them and whereas he obiecteth that there were not so many in all the tract and region of Bethshemesh and beside that it was a citie of Priests for whome it was lawfull to come neere the Arke it may be answered that the people of other townes came flocking together to see the Arke and that the greatest number that was smitten was of them 4. But Iunius himselfe in his latter editions reuerseth this opinion and thinketh that this number of fiftie thousand and seuentie men was partly of such of the Israelites as came flocking from all parts to see the Arke partly of those which kept their garrisons and stations to defend their coasts from the inuasion of the Philistims so also Osiander Therefore it is directly mentioned and expressed in the text that the Lord smote of the men of Bethshemesh and among the people 70. men and 50. thousand mē so that we must not suppose thē all to be of Bethshemesh CHAP. VII 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the hill where Abinadabs house was 1. SOme
fatuum hoc videtur non enim valet quispiam Dei effugere manum This seemeth a foolish part for no man can escape Gods hand Ecclesiasticall histories make mention that in that great and contagious pestilence vnder Galienus and afterward vnder Maximinus the Emperours the Gentiles and Christians were of farre vnlike behauiour for the Gentiles left their dearest friends halfe dead and aliue and suffered them to lie vnburied and fledde away but the Christians staied performing all duties of charitie not onely to themselues but euen to the Gentiles which were forsaken of their nearest friends Nicephor lib. 6. c. 20. c. 28. Euseb. lib. 9. c. 8. Cyprian vpon this occasion as it seemeth writ his booke de mortilitate perswading Christians not to be afraid of the plague and among other he vseth these three most notable perswasions First Mortalitas ista vt Christi hostibus pestis est ita Dei servis salutaris excessus est this mortalitie as it is a plague to the enemies of Christ so it is an wholesome departure vnto the seruants of God It skilleth not if a man be prepared what death he dieth of for he is sure howsoeuer he dieth that he goeth vnto rest Againe saith he mentes humani generis examinat c. it examineth mens hearts and trieth their charitie whether masters will forsake their seruants one kinsman an other the physicians the sicke God sendeth the pestilence to take triall of mens charitie and faithfulnesse in their seuerall callings which if the plague doe fray them from a greater plague remaineth for them Thirdly Exercitia sunt nobis ista non funera contemptu mortis praeparant ad coronam these are not dead corses but liuely experiments vnto vs by the contempt of death preparing vs to the crowne of martyrdome By such and the like perswasions that holy Martyr dealt with the Christians not for feare of the pestilence to forsake their duties and calling Therefore vpon the former reason it appeareth that the plague or pestilence is no sufficient impulsiue to driue the Pastor from his charge and calling But whether the Minister is bound in particular personally to visit all which are infected it is an other question wherein I incline rather to thinke that he is not so bound 1. because he is the Minister of the whole congregation which is to be attended vpon which he cannot doe without great daunger if he goe to euery infected house 2. he is to respect his owne family and not to bring them into daunger which if he should be carelesse of to prouide for the safetie and good of his family herein he should come farre short of the very Infidels and be much worse herein then they as the Apostle insinuateth 1. Timoth. 5. 3. vnlesse God haue giuen vnto him such an especiall confidence and assurance whereby he feeleth himselfe as it were called to this extraordinarie worke of charitie as some I confesse haue had and may yet haue it is presumption for a man to offer himselfe to the stroke of Gods Angel seeing Balaams asse declined the way where the Angel stoode with a drawne sword which sheweth that where our speciall calling and dutie holdeth vs not we may safely decline all occasions of danger 3. A third 〈◊〉 of absence is that a man may haue diuers cures and so can not yeeld his corporall presence and attendance vnto them all but this allegation may be retorted for the hauing of many cures and Churches doth not excuse the Pastors absence but for the same cause it is vnlawfull to possesse many Churches because the Pastor can not be present to doe his dutie to all which reason was vsed in a Synod of Mentz c. 64. Cum vnus pluribus ecclesiis curam impendere necessariam nequeat seeing one can not sufficiently care for many Churches But such will aske what Scripture we haue against them I would therefore that these texts were diligently considered as first Esech 34.4 from whence this argument may be enforced they are no good shepheards that doe not strengthen the weake nor heale the sicke nor bind vp the broken nor seeke that which was lost but such as hold many Churches and attend not vpon the flocke can not performe these duties for how can they beeing absent confirme the weake restore the bruised in conscience and bring home them that are seduced Againe they are no good shepheards which feede themselues and feede not the flocke Esech 34.8 which liue of the tithes and offerings of the people but giue them not spirituall foode againe but such are they which yerely receiue an hundred two hundred or more pounds out of a parish and scarce giue them once a quarter a sermon what is this els but negotiationis turpis luchri proprium a kind of merchandise and gaine as it is called Nicen. concil 2. c. 15. If such should examine their conscience they will finde that it is not the loue of Christ or of the flocke but the loue of lucre and commoditie and a meere couetous minde that maketh them hunt for so many Churches they are not my wordes but vttered in the Laterane Councell held vnder Alexander part 1. cap. 13. in very corrupt times Quia nonnulli modum avaritiae non ponentes c. plures ecclesias nituntur acquirere c. because some finding no measure of their couetousnesse doe seeke to get many Churches Further seeing in Scripture Ministers are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eph. 4.11 Pastors shepheards the very name sheweth how vnfit yea vnpossible a thing it is for one to watch ouer many Churches seeing one shepheard can not feede or keepe more then one flocke Lastly Ministers professing the Gospel should be ashamed herein to come short of that care which the superstitious Romanists haue professed as in the Synod of Colen vnder Adolphus Medium 3. c. 9. thus it was decreed Prohibendum est otiosum illud insatiabile studium coacervandi multa beneficia c. That idle and vnsatiable desire of heaping together many benefices hauing cure of soules is to be restrained And then these reasons are added Vndo populus fidelis graviter scandalizatur spoliantur Ecclesiae debitis ministerijs fundatorum frustratur voluntas qui laborare in Ecclesia volunt excluduntur c. Whereupon the faithfull people is grieuously scandalized the Churches spoiled of the due seruices the minde of the founders is frustrate and they which would labour in the Church are excluded These fowre great inconueniences or rather annoiances do accompanie follow non residencie and pluralities 1. The offence and scandall of the people of God who are much grieued to see how greedie many are to eate the milke of the flocke and yet are carelesse to feede them againe but the Apostle would haue vs to giue no offence to the Church of God 1. Cor. 10.32 and our Sauiour Christ pronounceth woe vnto those by whome offence commeth Matth. 18.7 2. By this meanes the
from so great a death and doth deliuer vs in whome we trust that yet hereafter he will deliuer vs 2. Cor. 1.10 though alwaies without some speciall assurance we cannot resolue of euery particular daunger 19. Quest. v. 36. Of Dauids words This vncircumcised Philistim whether Dauids circumcision were a sufficient warrant vnto him 1. As Dauid holdeth the Philistim to be without defense beeing vncircumcised so he doth encourage himselfe because he was circumcised and so within Gods couenant Osiand 2. But he looketh not vnto the bare circumcision but as it had relation vnto the couenant for otherwise there were many circumcised carnally that belonged not to the couenant and many vncircumcised which were the seruants of God Mart. as appeareth in Iob. 3. As circumcision then was a marke and cognizance of Gods people so is baptisme now as Dauids circumcision did defend him from Goliath so baptisme doth now shend vs from Sathan Osiand but not the washing onely of the flesh but as it is a seale of the couenant of grace in Christ as S. Peter teacheth that baptisme prefigured in the Arke of Noah now saueth vs not the putting away of the filth of the flesh but in that a good conscience maketh request vnto God 1. Pet. 3.21 It is faith then whereby being iustified we are at peace with God Rom. 5.1 which is sealed and confirmed by baptisme which is the victorie of the world 1. Ioh. 5.4 and consequently of Sathan 20. Quest. v. 37. Whether Saul did well in suffering Dauid to goe and fight with Goliath 1. Some thinke that Saul did rashly hauing neither the word of God to warrant him nor the direction of the spirit to suffer Dauid beeing a young man to encounter with such a puissant gyant Mar. 2. Osiander thinketh that he spake not this ex fide vel pietate sed ex consuetudine of faith or pietie but of custome 3. I rather approoue their iudgement which neither thinke that Saul herein did rashly neither that he spake onely of custome but that he saw euidently by the examples by Dauid alleadged that God was with him Genevens and so though not of faith yet beeing conuinced by the euidence of the fact and of a zeale to the people of Israel as was said of him in an other case 2. Sam. 21.2 did encourage Dauid to goe on in this enterprise Saul was not ouerseene in admitting Dauid to this combate he had rather sinned if he had inhibited him to proceede in this exploit If Saul had staied Dauid from going forward he had sinned he sinned not therefore in giuing him leaue to vndertake this seruice neither did Saul speake this to Dauid goe and the Lord be with thee of custome but though himselfe were destitute of the spirit of God he doth see the euident power thereof in Dauid and therefore so he speaketh vnto him this suddaine change in Saul beeing before vnwilling and now very forward in this seruice sheweth that Saul saw now more then he did before and spake out of some iudgement though not from a true faith 21. Quest. v. 38. Whether Dauid put on Sauls armour 1. They which translate madav his armour thinke that it was Dauids armour made fit for him which Saul had giuen him because otherwise Sauls armour who was a very tall man and Dauid but a youth was not meete for Dauid Iun. But this is not like that the armour was fit for Dauid because as he saith he was neuer accustomed vnto armour before and vpon the sudden it is not like it could be fitted to him 2. Osiander thinketh that this armour was not that which Saul vsed to weare himselfe but it was brought out of his armorie or storehouse so also Martyr But as c. 18.4 Ionathan is said to haue giuen David madav his attire that is which he did weare so is it to be taken here 3. Others thinke that Dauid might be now well growne that Sauls armour might very neare fit him Pellican but it is euident in this chapter that Dauid was but a very youth as Saul calleth him v. 33. 4. Againe Pellicane thinketh that in those daies armour was not made so fit or apt for the bodie as it is now a daies and therefore a great mans armour might serue a lesse but it had beene to combersome for souldiers to weare armour not fit for their bodies for so it would rather haue beene an hindrance and impediment vnto them then an helpe and furtherance 5. Therefore I rather approoue their reading that translate madav vesture or raiment B.G.A.P.C. but it was not Sauls ordinarie raiment but his souldiers attire not the stiffe armour but some other robes and ornaments which might serue Dauids bodie such as Ionathan afterward bestowed vpon Dauid c. 18.4 so Iosephus thinketh that Saul put vpon him his own brigandine or brestplate which might be of the fashion of Goliaths which was of male kaskasim like vnto fishes skales which might very well serue for a lesse bodie then Sauls 22. Quest. v. 39. How Dauid saith he was not accustomed to weare armour seeing he was Sauls armour bearer 1. If Iunius opinion and iudgement be receiued who thinketh that Dauid was not receiued into Sauls seruice nor made his armour bearer till he had done this exploit against Goliath and so the historie to be transposed then the solution of this doubt is easie that it was no maruell that Dauid beeing brought vp among sheepe had neuer tried to go with armour but herein I must needes dissent from that reuerent learned writer as hath beene partly shewed before qu. 7. and shall be further discussed toward the ende of this chapter qu. 30. for immediately after this victorie Saul hated Dauid and suffered him no more to returne c. 18.2.8 but at the first entertainment of Dauid Saul loued Dauid c. 16.21 and he returned againe to his father c. 17.15 2. Therefore the better answer is that though Dauid had beene afore appointed to be Sauls armour bearer yet it seemeth that he had neuer gone with him to any battell before he returned to keepe his fathers sheepe and so had no cause to vse any armour himselfe Osiand 23. Quest. v. 39. Why Dauid put off Sauls armour and weapons 1. Dauid would haue vsed them if they had beene meete for him but perceiuing that they would be rather an impediment vnto him then an helpe he laieth them aside wherein appeareth Gods prouidence that would not haue Dauid vse any externall defense that the glorie of the victorie might onely redound vnto God Martyr 2. And further as there was a difference betweene the spirits of Dauid and Saul wherewith they were ledde so also their armour was diuers Saul trusting to his helmet and brestplate but Dauid reposing his confidence vpon God Borr. 3. Herein Dauid was a figure of Christ who not by outward pompe worldly power but by spirituall weapons conquered Sathan Osiand 4. This example of Dauid is no warrant to the phantasticall
such an image be kept in the house and laid aside beeing of no vse And further I thinke it cannot be shewed that teraphim is otherwise taken in the Scripture then in the wurse part for an image or idol of superstition as c. 15.23 to transgresse is as superstition and idols the word is teraphim The same name is giuen to the images which Rachel stole from her father 2. Iosephus taketh it not to haue beene an image but the heart of a goate which lay panting vnder the cloathes but beside that this is contrarie to the text so small a thing could not be taken for the bodie of a man 3. Therefore the more probable opinion is that this teraphim was some superstitious relique which Michal vsed secretly without Dauids priuitie as Rachel kept hers Iaakob not knowing and others in his house as appeareth Gen. 35.2 4. Mercer ibid. for though Saul were an enemie to idolatrie and so Michal learned no such thing frō him yet shee might els where see such superstition as there were witches in Israel though Saul publikely did inhibite them thus both the Lat. and Chald. here read simulachrum but more euidently the Sept. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vaine images all which thinke it was a superstitious image which seemeth the more likely because Michal shewed her selfe afterward a skorner and derider of zeale and religion in Dauid 2. Sam. 6. But this example no more serueth either the Papists turne for the adoration or the Lutherans for toleration of images then the like president in Rachel whose images together with the rest Iaakob buried vnder an oake Gen. 35.4 See more of teraphim Hexapl. Gen. c. 31. qu. 6. 4. Quest. v. 17. Of Michals excuse vnto Saul that Dauid threatned to kill her 1. In some things Michal is to be commended in seeking to deliuer Dauid from danger in preseruing his life therein shewing the neare coniunction betweene man and wife preferring her husbands safetie before the displeasure of her father according to the first institution for this cause shall a man leaue father and mother and cleaue to his wife Gen. 2. and so the wife is to cleaue to her husband Mart. 2. In some things Michal is to be excused as in vsing such meanes whereby to keepe Sauls messengers in suspense and in protracting of time that her husband might escape as in pretending he was sicke in laying in an image into the bed in these things shee is to be excused these pretenses tending to no hurt to any but rather proceeding from matrimoniall loue and dutie Pellican 3. But in some things shee neither deserueth commendation nor yet can be excused as in laying such an imputation vpon her husband as though he threatned to kill her for shee here three waies offended 1. in telling an vntruth 2. in raising a slaunder vpon Dauid which might breede a great offence and scandall 3. in her feare and timorousnesse which was the cause of all this wherein shee should rather haue imitated Ionathan to haue spoken boldly to her father euen to his face in the defence of her husbands innocencie It is written of Dyonisius the tyrant who gaue his sister in marriage to one Polixenus that when he beeing accused of treason was fled into Italie the tyrant expostulated with his sister why shee did not giue notice vnto him of his flying then shee made this confident answer An ita me degenerem putas vt si scissem virum fugiturum non fuissem vna fugitura Doe you thinke me so vndutifull and out of kind that if I had known my husband would haue fled away that I would not haue fled away with him Michal herein came short of the example of this heathen woman Mart. 5. Quest. v. 18. Whether Samuel did well in receiuing Dauid whome the king pursued as his enemie 1. Such as are indeede traytours to the King and state and doe malitiously practise or conspire against either are not to be rescued and succoured for such are worthely by the lawes of all nations held to be no better then traytours themselues that shall giue entertainment vnto such vnlesse it be with such an intent as Iael receiued Sifera not in that particular to lay hand of them but in generall to deliuer such persons vp vnto the state 2. But there is an other reason and respect of those which are without cause held to be traytours which neither are enemies to God nor the King as Dauid bare no malice vnto Saul nor entended any mischiefe against him but suffered him to escape out of his hands when he might haue killed him Samuel therefore vnderstanding of Dauids innocencie and of Sauls vniust vexation of him doubteth not to receiue him So Rahab gaue entertainment to the spies hidde them when they were searched for and preserued their liues so Ionathan and Ahimaaz were hid which were sent as messengers vnto Dauid 2. Sam. 17.19 And now in many places Protestants and true professours are held as heretikes vnto the state who notwithstanding such cruell edicts and vniust sentence are to be releeued and succoured Martyr 6. Quest. v. 18. Of Naioth whether Samuel brought Dauid 1. This Naioth which is said to be Ramah Samuels citie was not farre from Ramah situate in the fields or territorie thereof Vatabl. the worde properly signifieth a solitarie place in the pastures and fieldes where the schoole of the Prophets was which was fittest for studie and meditation thither Samuel taketh Dauid that they might be more safe from Sauls violence and that Dauid might finde comfort in the exercise and meditation of the Scriptures Pellican 2. In this place there was a companie of Prophets and Samuel was cheife ouer them beeing their instructer and teacher and therefore els where they are called the children of the Prophets for though prophesie be the speciall gift and worke of the spirit yet it was fit that they which afterward should be emploied in the seruice of God as it is like that these were most of Leui should be prepared by godly instruction and education for the further worke of the spirit in them 3. Thus Samuel though he had giuen ouer the publike gouernment of the Commonwealth yet exercised himselfe in his propheticall office still not liuing to himselfe as Sylla did when he had resigned the Dictatourship nor following his pleasure as Diocletian after he had giuen ouer the Imperiall gouernment 4. Thus we see that the noble foundation of Vniuersities and schooles of learning is grounded vpon the example of the Prophets and so of auncient time it hath beene practised that in the cheife cities there should be common schooles and profession of learning as at Alexandria and Antioch many famous men taught publikely as Pantenus Origene Clemens Mar. 5. But much vnlike to this institution were the celles and cloisters of Monkes for these were brought vp in true religion and worship of God but the other professed idolatrie vsed inuocation of the dead builded vpon mans
craueth leaue of Ionathan to be absent Iun. 3. But Dauid was allowed his place at the Kings table beeing the kings sonne in law and of great account in Israel Osiand where his presence was expected especially in their solemne feasts and therefore Dauid knowing he should be missed craueth leaue to be absent 7. Quest. v. 6. Of Dauids excuse that he was gone to Bethlehem to the yearely sacrifice of his familie 1. Iunius onely here readeth convivium anniuersarium a yearely feast all the rest read sacrificium annuale P. sacrificium dierum A. a sacrifice of daies or victimae solennes L. solemne sacrifices to the same effect and in the same sense Ch. and Sept. but the latter interpretation is more likely for these reasons 1. the same word zabach haiammim sacrifices of daies which in the Hebrew phrase is taken for a yearely sacrifice is vsed in the same sense c. 1.21 where mention is made of Elkanah his yearely sacrifice Borr. 2. It appeareth that vpon the first day of the moneth they first sacrificed and feasted of their peace offerings and therefore none that were vncleane and not purified could eate thereof as Saul himselfe excused Dauids absence vers 26. 3. It was lawfull to offer peace offerings where the Tabernacle was not as is here euident that Sauls feast consisted of such because the vncleane were forbidden to eate thereof But Saul dwelt at Gibeah where the Tabernacle was not and now especially this was permitted the Tabernacle and the Arke at this time beeing asunder see more of this before c. 9. qu. ● and c. 16. qu. 2. 2. Now concerning Dauids excuse some thinke it was his infirmitie and weaknes so to dissemble Pellican some that Dauid in thus dissembling shewed his wisdome Osiand but in true godly wisdome there is no such dissimulation It is therefore most like and none other thing can be gathered but that this was a true excuse Iun. and that there was some such solemne sacrifice in that familie for some notable benefit receiued Martyr 8. Quest. Of the best reading of the 12. verse 1. Iunius readeth thus O Iehovah God of Israel when I haue searched out of my father c. would I not send vnto thee c. and the next v. thus so doe Iehovah vnto Ionathan c. if it seeme good vnto my father to bring euill vpon thee as I will reueale it c. But in this reading in the 12. v. he interpreteth velo an non would I not where it signifieth non and I send not in the next verse he ioyneth the imprecation to the affirmatiue clause as I doe reueale whereas the sense rather giueth it should be referred to the negatiue clause before going if I doe not send and reueale God doe so and so vnto me better then God doe so and so to me as I reueale c. 2. An other reading is to put it likewise in the vocatiue case O Lord Iehovah when I haue groped c. if behold it is well with Dauid and I send not c. the Lord doe so and more also vnto Ionathan c. B. G. A. P. but in this reading the person is chaunged Lord in the 12. v. is put in the vocatiue and in the 13. in the nominatiue belonging both to the same sentence and so the sense should be imperfect 3. Therefore the better reading is to beginne also in the nominatiue case Iehouah God of Israel and so to suspend the sense vntill the beginning of the 13. v. Iehovah I say doe so vnto Ionathan c. sic V. S. Chald. 9. Quest. Of the truest reading of the 14. verse 1. Some interpret the v. thus reading affirmatiuely and if I liue thou wilt shew me mercie and if I die thou wilt not cut off c. L.S. but in this reading the negatiue particle velo and not thrise repeated in the verse should be left out 2. Some read thus I require not this while I liue for I doubt not but thou wilt shew me the mercie of the Lord that I die not B. G. but here all these words I require not and for I doubt not are added beeing not in the originall 3. Iunius readeth thus with an interrogation wouldest thou not while I liue wouldest thou not shew toward me this mercie of the Lord that I die not but if velo should be here read interrogatiuely why not also in the next v. velo and wouldest thou not cut off thy mercie from mine house if the interrogation can not stand here velo should seeme so to be read before and the word halo is vsed when the negatiue is put interrogatiuely not velo beside for the matter Ionathan feared not least Dauid should put him to death that he should neede to say that I die not 4. Therefore I here rather preferre Vatablus sense If I doe not shew thee mercie then shew me no mercie neither aliue nor dead where the phrase if I shew not mercie is supplied out of the clause following which is vsual in the Hebrue tongue which is very curt and compendious But this last sense is better somewhat altered thus if I doe not shew thee mercie while I liue then doe not thou shew toward me the mercy of the Lord no not when I am dead for thus the sentence to be distinguished the perfect distinction athaah determining the first clause ending at while I liue giueth great probabilitie 10. Quest. v. 17. Whether Ionathan sware vnto David or he caused Dauid to sweare 1. The most read Ionathan againe sware vnto Dauid A. P.B.G.V. cum caet but the word in hiphil hashbiagh signifieth to cause to sweare especially beeing ioyned with the preposition eth a signe of the accusatiue case for then it signifieth to adjure one or cause him to sweare as in the same construction it is vsed c. 14.27 how Saul adjured the people that is charged them with an oath for when it is taken in the other sense it is ioyned to the preposition lamed as Gen. 47. v. vlt. Ioseph did sweare li vnto him 2. Therefore Iunius better readeth adiuravit Ionathan Dauidem Ionathan adiured Dauid that is required the like oath of him which he had made for Ionathan had taken his oath before and needed not take it againe and it is cleare that Dauid also confirmed this league betweene them with a mutuall oath as the 42. v. sheweth that which we haue sworne both of vs in the name of the Lord and againe 2. Sam. 23.7 it is said the Lords oath was betweene Ionathan and Dauid but no other mention is made of Dauids oath but in this place 3. Onely this will be obiected that the words following because he loued him that is Dauid yeild a reason that Ionathan should sweare to Dauid rather then to cause Dauid to sweare to him But it may be answered that this was an argument of Ionathans loue that as he had sworne to Dauid so he requireth the like restipulation from him desirous to make a
Lords direction in all their doubts 2. But whereas the Lord answeareth that Saul would come downe to Keilah and that the men of Keilah would deliuer him into Sauls hands and yet neither of these came to passe for vpon Dauids departure Saul also ceased his pursuit hence it can not be inferred that the predictions of God are vncertaine for the Lords answear is here to be vnderstood conditionally that those things should certenly come to passe if Dauid staied there so the Lord speaketh of that purpose which he saw alreadie to be in Saul not of the act it selfe So Ionas threatned the destruction of Niniueh after 40. daies but with a secret condition if they repented not Mar. A difference also is here to be made betweene the prescience of God and predestination for the Lord as well foreseeth what shall be done as what is likely to be done in respect of the second causes but his decree of predestination is onely of those things which shall most certenly be effected 3. Here also may be obserued a manifest difference betweene the answears which God vsed to giue which were certaine without any doubtfulnes and ambiguitie and the oracles of Apollo which were ambiguous and doubtfull Mart. 5. Quest. v. 13. Of Dauids departing with sixe hundred men 1. The Lord could if it had pleased him haue so assisted Dauid that as he had victorie against the Philistims so he might haue preuailed by force against Saul but the Lord thought not good in his wisdome so to doe for this would haue beene the cause of intestine and deadly warre and the destruction of the Lords people and Dauid might haue bin thought to haue aspired vnto the kingdome and to stand against the Lords anointed God knew how by other meanes without the destruction of his people or slaunder vnto Dauid in good time to performe and accomplish his purpose toward him Mart. 2. Dauids number is encreased he departeth to Keilah with sixe hundred not fowre hundred as Iosephus reckoneth whereas he had but fowre hundred before c. 22.2 where we see that affliction and persecution doth not diminish the Lords people but rather encreaseth them Mart. according to that auncient saying sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae the blood of Martyrs is the seede of the Church 6. Quest. How Ionathan was deceiued in thinking he should be next vnto Dauid when he was king 1. In that Ionathan saide Dauid should be king he spake certenly because he had the word of God for it by Samuel who had alreadie anointed him for king but the other was not certen that he should be next vnto Dauid because Ionathan had no such promise 2. Some thinke therefore to make this saying of Ionathan good that he onely entreated this of Dauid by their great friendship that he might be next him in the kingdome Pellican But Ionathan affirmeth that it shall be he praieth not that it may be and to haue asked such a thing would haue shewed some doubt in Ionathan of Dauids friendship and amitie toward him some say further which is most true that though Ionathan was not next to Dauid in that terrene kingdome beeing preuented by death yet the Lord gaue him a place in his celestiall kingdome Osiand Here we see that the children of God are sometime deceiued in temporall things whereof they haue no certaine promise and assurance but so farre forth as the Lord seeth it to be good for them as S. Paul perswaded himselfe that the Lord would still deliuer him from the daunger of death 2. Cor. 1.10 and that he should still continue with the Philippians Phil. 1.25 whereas beeing a prisoner at Rome he was not from thence deliuered till he finished his life by glorious martyrdome Mar. 7. Quest. v. 18. Of the mutuall couenant which Dauid and Ionathan made before the Lord. 1. It is lawfull for Christians to ioyne in league together so it be for a good ende as for the maintenance of religion for as God maketh a league and couenant with man so may one man with an other this is the third time that this league was made betweene them once before when he had killed Goliath c. 18.3 and againe when he fledde out of the kingdome c. 20.42 for the nature of man beeing variable and inconstant had neede often to be stirred vp and put in minde by the reuiuing of godly loue and friendship Mart. 2. This couenant is saide to be made before the Lord that is in the presence sight and feare of God Mart. it is like also it was done in the presence of the Priest with his Vrim and Thummim Iun. 3. As it is lawfull for the seruants of God to make mutuall leagues so it must be limited with certaine conditions 1. They must not enter into any league or couenant with the wicked as Iehoshaphat is reprooued for ioyning with Ahab 2. Chron. 19.2 and afterward with Ahaziah his sonne 2. Chron. 20.37 2. Their league must be grounded in the feare of God not for any worldly respect or aduantage as Abimelech only desireth to make a couenant with Abraham that he should not hurt him nor his posteritie Gen. 21.23 3. They that make such league must not goe from it but surely keepe it not as Saul brake his oath made to Dauid that he should not die c. 19.6 4. Such leagues and couenants must be made to good ende not to combine themselues to persecute Christ as Herod and Pilate were made friends for the same ende nor his members as the Antichrist of Rome hath incited diuers Princes in Christendome to associate themselues against the people and Church of God the professours of the Gospel 8. Quest. v. 17. How Saul knew that Dauid should be King 1. Some vnderstand this of the amitie and friendshippe which was betweene Ionathan and Dauid that it was known to Saul Osiand but beside that the coherence of the words here sheweth that it must be referred to that which immediatly went before that Dauid should be king ouer Israel Saul els where signified so much himselfe that the kingdome could not be established in Ionathan as long as Dauid liued and that he had chosen him to his confusion chap. 20.31 2. Saul knewe that Dauid should be king both by Samuels words that the Lord had cast off Saul and chosen his neighbour better then he c. 15. by the continuall good successe that Dauid had and by the report of others as he himselfe confesseth c. 22.8 Iun. as also by the fauour of his sonne and of all the people toward Dauid Mart. he might also haue heard of the anointing of Dauid by Samuel and his conscience did testifie against him that he was vnworthie to hold the kingdome Borr. so that Saul knowing this did persecute Dauid against his owne conscience Mar. 9. Quest. v. 19. Of the Ziphims betraying Of Dauid 1. These Ziphims were of the tribe of Iudah and came of Caleb 1. Chron. 2.42 of whose treacherie Dauid
his praise this their vaine ioy continued not long for afterward Dauid was raised vp to be reuenged vpon these despightfull vncircumcised Philistims Mar. 7. Quest. v. 10. How the Philistims hanged vp the bodie of Saul in Bethshan 1. Here mention is made onely of the bodie of Saul so hanged vp but 1. Chron. 11.12 it is gathered that all the bodies of Sauls sonnes were so serued 2. They are said here to be hanged vp on the wall of Bethshan that is in the streete adioyning to the wall 2. Sam. 21.12 3. This Bethshan or Bethshean Iud. 1.27 belonged vnto the lot of Menasseh but was not yet recouered from the Philistims as is noted before of Keilah c. 27.6 4. The Israelites by the law of Moses were not to suffer the bodies of those which were put to death to hang all night vpon the tree Deut. 21.23 but the Philistims beeing more inhumane and reiecting the lawes of the people of God doe expose the bodies of these worthie men vnto derision And in this kind of death Saul is accursed for the curse of God is on him that hangeth on a tree Saul was reiected of God in this life and accursed in his death 5. And herein appeareth Gods iust wrath and indignation against him that doth suffer his owne glorie to be obscured among the Philistims that he might bring vpon Saul this iust and deserued punishment When the Lord was angrie with Israel for the golden calfe set vp in Horeb and would presently haue destroied them Moses turned the Lords purpose by this perswasion that the Egyptians would haue taken occasion thereby to haue blasphemed God Exod. 32.12 but here the Lord neglecteth and is carelesse of his owne glorie that his iustice might take place in Sauls punishment God receiueth dishonour two waies either by the euill life of those which professe his name as Dauid by his sinne caused the enemies of God to blaspheme 2. Sam. 12.14 or els by the punishment of his people which is procured notwithstanding iustly by their sinnes so the people are taught to pray for the turning away of Gods iudgements saying Giue not thine heritage a reproach vnto the heathen Ioel 2.17 And thus the Lord sustained some dishonour in the punishment of Saul among the Philistims but no dishonour at all among his owne people which did see that Sauls sinnes did call for vengeance at Gods hands Mart. We learne by this that sinne is so grieuous a thing in the sight of God that he will not suffer it to goe vnpunished though it be with the hinderance for the time of his owne glorie 8. Quest. v. 12. Of the fact of the men of Iabesh Gilead in rescuing the bodie of Saul and of his sonnes 1. These men of Iabesh dwelled on the further side of Iordan whether the Philistims had not approached therfore by this it is euident that they are deceiued which read v. 7. that the men of Israel on the other side of Iorden when they saw them put to flight left their cities and fled so read S.C. L.B.G. for the Iabeshites dwelt on the further side of Iorden who were so farre from flying and leauing their citie that they valiantly set vpon a citie of the Philistims and recouered the bodies of Saul and of his sonnes the meaning then is that they which were on this side Iorden toward the Philistims fled away for begheber in transitu indifferently signifieth on either side this or the other Iun. 2. These men of Iabesh did this exploit to shew their thankfulnes vnto Saul by whose meanes they had beene formerly deliuered from Nahash king of Ammon c. 11. Pellic. 3. Though Saul died in his sinne yet they would not be wanting toward him in an office and part of humanitie for there is a kinde of courtesie and dutie to be performed euen toward the wicked A child is to shew his reuerence toward a wicked father not enioyning him any euill thing as Ionathan followed Saul to battell and would not be wanting in any dutie So neither are subiects to renounce their obedience vnto an euill Prince standing vnder Gods curse when Ambrose excommunicated Theodosius the Emperour he did not free the people of their obedience and seruice vnto him the practise of the Church of Rome is contrarie who when they excommunicate Princes doe absolue their subiects from their fealtie and allegeance 4. But this is to be vnderstood of humanitie to be performed to such wicked men where God hath not commanded the contrarie for Saul sinned in sparing Agag contrarie to Gods commandement and Achab in letting Benhadad goe Mart. 9. Quest. v. 12. Why the men of Iabesh burned the bodies of Saul and his sonnes 1. Some thinke they did it to giue vnto them honourable buriall burning onely the flesh from the bones not the bones and all to ashes as they vsed to burne malefactours Pellican 2. Some vnderstand that they burned odour for them as they did for Asa 2. Chron. 16.15 and vsed to doe for the Kings Ierem. 34.5 But the words of the text are they burnt them there that is their bodies 3. The meaning then is that they burnt the flesh onely from the bones for these two reasons both because the flesh was now corrupt and putrified and least their bodies afterward falling into the Philistims hand might be exposed to derision Mar. and this was the cause why the auncient Romanes vsed to burne the bodies of the dead Iun. 10. Quest. v. 13. Why the men of Iabesh fasted seuen daies 1. They did not fast to the which they also added lamentations and praier to procure any ease vnto Saul beeing dead as the Romanists thinke by their superstitious praiers and obits to releeue them which are in Purgatorie for euery man liueth by his owne faith not by an others and the Apostle saith that euery one shall receiue according to that which is done in his bodie whether it were good or euill 2. Cor. 5.10 therefore that which is done without the bodie by others helpeth not prayers may mutually helpe the liuing before the sentence be ouer but after sentence which euery one receiueth in his passage out of this life it is too late as is euident in the parable of the rich glutton and Lazarus Luk. 16.2 They fasted then and mourned onely to shew their griefe and to lament for the losse which the commonwealth of Israel receiued by this ouerthrow Ioseph and they mourne seauen daies in memorie of the seauen daies of truce which sometime Nahash the king of Ammon gaue them within which time Saul came and deliuered them Borr. This small comfort Israel had by their first King whome they asked against the will and pleasure of God Mart. To God onely wise be praise thorough Iesus Christ for euer Amen Rom. 16.27 FINIS ERRATA P. 2. read Caietanus for Chartalus p. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 5. r. iagnal f. ragnal p. 20. r.