him as he is But yet this must be understood with three conditions the first is touched by Hierome Non solum Divinitutem Patris c. posse oculos carnis aspicere sed mentis That not onely the Divinitie of the Father but neither of the Sonne or holy Ghost can the eyes of the bodie see but of the minde c. So also Athanasius as he is cited by Augustine Deum omnino esse invisibilem c. nisi in quantum Spiritu mente nosci potest That God is altogether invisible but as he may be knowne in the Spirit and minde c. These then at this time saw not with their bodily eyes the essence of God but certaine visible signes onely and demonstrations of his presence Secondly we shall have a more full sight of God in the next world than in this as Augustine saith Nemo potest in hac vita videre sicuti est No man can see him in this life as he is Eâ— promittitur sanctis in alia vita To see God in his nature is promised in the next life c. So also Gregorie Quamdiu hic mortaliter vivitur c. As long as we live in this mortall life God cannot be seene in his nature c. Thirdly yet fully the Divine nature shall not be comprehended of the Saints no not in the next life as Augustine to this purpose citeth Ambrose interpreting that place of the Apostle Who onely hath immortaliter c. whom never man saw neither can see c. Si natura ipsim est invisibilitas sicut incorruptibilitas c. If it appertaine to the nature of God to be invisible as well as to be incorruptible that nature shall not be changed in the next world of invisible to become visible because he cannot of incorruptible become corruptible c. And againe upon those words of the same Apostle To the King everlasting immortall invisible c. hee writeth thus Vnde ego non audeo ista distinguere c. Therefore I dare not divide or distinguish these things which the Apostle hath joyned together to say To him that is incorruptible for ever in this world and the next but invisible not in the next world but onely in this Contrarie then to this orthodoxall doctrine of the Fathers agreeable to the Scriptures are these ventrous and bold positions That wee shall in the next life participate with Christs Godhead and be made capable of his Divine substance That there is not any thing of Gods which his Saints shall not see In which assertion Augustine doth directly oppose himselfe to all such Dogmatists and Novelists in these words Non quia Dei plenitudinem quisquam non solum oculis corporis sed vel ipsa mente aliquando comprehendit Not because the fulnesse of God any can comprehend at any time not onely with the eyes of the bodie but with the minde it selfe c. for it is one thing to see another to comprehend the whole in seeing c. Totum comprehenditur videndo quod ita videtur ut nihil ejus lateat videntem c. The whole is comprehended in seeing which it so seene that no part thereof is hid from the seer c. Here Augustine evidently testifieth that God cannot wholly be seene unlesse nothing in the Godhead should be hid unto us which here he manifestly denieth 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. Honour in this life no signe of Gods favour Vers. 1. COme up thou and Aaron Nadab and Abihu c. These two which are bidden to come up with Moses and Aaron afterward were slaine with fire from heaven which sheweth that preferment in this life is not alwayes a signe of Gods favour but that the wicked are often exalted and lifted up that they may have the greater fall as the Lord said he 〈◊〉 appointed Pharaoh to shew his power in him Ferus 2. Observ. We must 〈◊〉 upon the Lord 〈◊〉 patience Vers. 16. THe seventh day the Lord called to Moses God would not at the first call unto Moses but maketh him to wait six daye Ne 〈◊〉 familiaritate superâ—iret Lest he should was proud by too much familiaritie Oleaster Vt discamus patienter ferre c. And that we may learne to beare it patiently if God at the first doe not answer to our desire Lippoman As S. Paul therefore be sought the Lord thrice that the temptation of his flesh whereby he was buffered might depart from him 2 Cor. â—â— 8 3. Observ. Sufficient deputies to be left in the Magistrate or Ministers 〈◊〉 absence Vers. 14. IN that Moses leaveth Aaron and Hur in his place It sheweth that the like 〈◊〉 in Ministers God would blesse to leave able deputies in their place when they have just cause to be absent and the contrarie fault he will severely punish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. Observ. The 〈◊〉 of fasting and prayer CHAP. XXV 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter Moses beginneth to set forth such generall ceremonies as belonged to the Tabernacle then instituted for the publike service of God there are two parts thereof the preparation to vers 10. the description to vers 40. 1. In the preparation these things are expressed in the charge which God giveth to Moses 1. Who shall offer the things required namely the people vers 2. 2. What they shall offer vers 3 4 5 6. 3. To what end vers 8. 4. After what manner vers 9. 2. In the description First the Arke is appointed to be made both the bodie thereof 1. Of what matter vers 10. 2. Of what measure vers 10. 3. With what ornaments it must be overlaid with gold vers 11. 4. What adjuncts and appendants both of rings and barres vers 13 14 15. 5. And of the use thereof vers 16. As also the cover of the Arke 1. The matter vers 18. 2. Measure vers 18. 3. The fashion with Cherubims how to be made vers 19. and how to be placed vers 20. 4. The place of the cover vers 21. 5. The use vers 22. Secondly the Table is described 1. The matter 2. The measure and forme vers 23. 3. The parts thereof the crowne vers 24. The border vers 25. The rings vers 26. 4. The appendants the barres v. 28. 5. The appertenants the dishes cups goblets vers 29. 6. The use to set the Shew-bread upon vers 30. Thirdly the Candlesticke is appointed to bee made 1. The matter and after what manner to bee wrought of gold beaten with the hammer vers 31. 2. The parts six branches three on the one side and three on the other vers 32. 3. The forme and fashion with boules almonds knops and flowers to v. 37. 4. The use thereof vers 37. 5. The appertenances the snuffers and snuffe-dishes vers 37. 6. The quantitie of a talent of gold all this must be made vers 39. 2. The divers readings Vers. 4. Fine linnen G. rather than cotten or bombasine I. or silke caeter
as Moses serpent devoured the Magicians serpents sic diabolus consumitur amissis membris suis so the Devill is devoured his members being lost and taken from him So doth Rupertus understand by this image beaâ—en to powder Eos qui ex parte diaboli per poenitentiam confracti c. Those which having beene as of the body of the Devill are broken by repentance 8. Gregorie maketh this action propheticall to signifie the generall destruction of idols thorow the world Cernas oculis qui huiâ— vanitati erant prius dediti templa sua diruentes c. You may see with your eyes that they which trusted before in their idols doe now pull downe their temples And Procopius by the drinking thereof with the mouth understandeth the true confession of the faith quae ore fit which is done with the mouth whereby idolatrie is overthrowne But the other historicall reasons are rather to be insisted upon And this drinking of the water mixed with this powder was rather an evill signe unto them as the bitter water was unto the adulterous woman Numb 5. than a signification of any good QUEST LIX Whether by the drinking of the water any visible signe of difference was made among the people who had most deeply offended about the golden Calfe BUt some further affirme that this drinking of the water served to another end than that thereby some signe of difference might be made betweene the Ring-leaders unto this idolatrie and the rest that they might easily bee discerned of the Levites when they went up and downe in the host killing those whom they met 1. Therefore R. Salomon thinketh that this bitter water did cause their bellies to swell that were guiltie of this great sinne but to the rest it was pleasant and wholsome water like as the water of jealousie Numb 5. did cause the adulterous womans belly to swell and her thigh to rot but if shee were not guiltie it made her fruitfull 2. Others thinke that the signe was this everie ones beard that consented unto this idolatrie was coloured yellow like unto gold and by this marke the Levites knew them from others But if there had beene any such visible marke set upon them seeing most of the camp consented unto this sinne there should have beene more found guiltie and more slaine than three thousand vers 28. 3. Tostatus thinketh that there was some externall and visible signe caused by drinking of the water though he will not determine what it was because it was not like that the Levites would hand over head slay one with another And he thinketh that Aaron drinking of the water had not that marke because the Lord pardoned his sinne because hee was thereunto drawne by compulsion This instance of Aaron sheweth that the drinking of the water did make no such signe for then Aaron should have had it whose sin was not yet pardoned neither had Moses yet intreated for him having not yet examined him The Levites might know to make difference among the people some other way than by any such visible signe See more of this quest 70. following QUEST LX. How farre Moses fact herein is to be imitated BUt whereas Moses did not onely put downe this abominable idoll but made it altogether unprofitable for any use burning and beating it to powder the question is how farre Moses herein is to be imitated 1. Neither is their opinion to be approved which take this example of Moses to be extraordinarie in demolishing this golden Calfe for as Moses did take away this publike stumbling blocke so it belongeth unto Princes è mâ—dio tollere to remove out of the way whatsoever is done against the worship of God as Hesekiah did likewise breake downe the brazen Serpent after it began to bee abused to idolatrie Ferus Who addeth further I would we had now some Moses to take away the evils which are in the Church Non enim unum tantùm vitulum habemus sed multos For we have not one golden calfe but many Thus Ferus complaineth of the Papall Church 2. But this is extraordinarie in Moses example that he converteth not this golden idoll unto any use but consumeth it to powder Herein Christian Magistrates are not bound to follow Moses example for Moses fact herein was singular ad majorem detestationem c. for the greater detestation of idolatrie Now it is lawfull to convert things consecrate to idolatrie to some profitable use ut juventur membra Christi that the members of Christ may be helped and releeved Gallas 3. And in that Moses doth remove this idoll which none else attempted to doe yet it may bee thought that many in Israel were offended with it so magistratus officium est non privatorum hominum it is the office of the magistrate not of private men to take away idolatrous images Osiander QUEST LXI How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of this sinne Vers. 21. WHat did this people vnto thee that thou hast brought c. 1. Moses layeth this sinne upon Aaron though he were not the first author of it because hee being left in Moses place stayed not the people by his authoritie therefore he is worthily reproved tanquam author sceleris quod passus est admitti as the author of this sinne which he suffered to be committed Calvin so that permissio peccati aeque in vitio sit atque commissio the permitting of sinne is as well in fault as the committing Pelarg. 2. Here then the Hebrewes in seeking to excuse Aaron and the people as seduced by the Egyptians doe labour in vaine seeing Moses doth so straitly charge Aaron as a principall doer in it for if he had not grievously sinned why should Moses here make him the cause of this sinne and the Lord be so offended with him that he purposed to slay him if Moses had not intreated for him Deut. 9.20 And in these three things Aaron sinned 1. In not staying the people and stilling them 2. In that besides consenting unto them hee is an agent in making a Calfe for them 3. And being made hee approved it and set up an altar before it So that Aaron is no more here to be excused than Peter in the Gospell which denied his Master Oleaster 3. Yet Aaron sinned not as the people did but as there were degrees of offenders among the people some incouraged and perswaded others some only gave consent and were seduced by others perswasion to commit idolatrie and some did neither but onely went with the multitude for company to desire a Calfe to be made So Aarons sin differed from the rest timore ductus fabricavit vitulum hee made a Calfe being drawne by feare Tostat. qu. 33. And therefore Moses dealeth otherwise with Aaron than with the people Aaronem verbis redarguit populum cecîdit gladio Hee rebukes Aaron in words the people he slayeth with the sword Ferus 4. But yet Aarons sinne cannot bee so much extenuated as to free him from the
sinne of idolatrie as Tostatus confesseth that he sinned Nec tamen sequitur ex hoc quòd fuit idololatra and yet it followeth not hereupon that he was an idolater for howsoever Aaron thought in his heart the verie making of an idoll to be worshipped erecting of an altar and offering sacrifice unto it all which Aaron did doe proclaime him guiltie of externall idolatrie QUEST LXII Why idolatrie is called a great sinne THis great sinne 1. Idolatrie is counted a great sinne even in the highest degree because it is a sinne committed directly against God not as other sinnes of the second table which are done against our neighbour which are also against God because they are against his Law but not directly against Gods honor as the sins against the first table are 2. And among all the sins of the first table there is none which so directly impugneth the honour of God as idolatrie for he which taketh Gods name in vaine or prophaneth the Sabbath is an enemie to Gods honour but yet such an one denieth not the Lord to bee God as idolaters doe Tostat. qu. 33. 3. Like as then in a Common-wealth all offences are against the King because they are against his Lawes but those which are against his person are most directly against him and among them treason specially which is intended against his life of the same nature is idolatrie which is high treason against God 4. Thomas saith Tantum est aliquod peccatum gravius quanto longius per ipsum homo à Deo separatur A sinne is so much the more grievous the further wee are thereby removed from God but by infidelitie and idolatrie one is furthest separated from God 5. Idolatrie also is a great and grievous sinne in regard of the judgement and punishment which it bringeth with it for here Aaron as much as in him lay aâ—â—er fit ultimam cladem had brought upon them utter destruction Calvin if Moses had not turned the Lords wrath they had all beene at once destroyed QUEST LXIII Why Moses onely rebuketh Aaron and forbeareth further punishment NOw that Moses spared Aaron from further punishment and onely rebuked him 1. Some make this to be the cause for that the Lord had revealed unto Moses Aarons sinne in the mount before he came downe at what time Moses prayed also for him seeing the Lord bent to kill him Tostat. qu. â—5 But that intreatie for Aaron was afterward at Moses second going up to God when hee fasted fortie dayes and fortie nights as before at that time he saith he prayed for Aaron Deut. 9.20 And seeing at this time the Lord purposed to destroy all the nation and so Aaron could not escape Moses now onely prayed in generall for all Israel that God would not destroy the whole nation 2. Others thinke that Moses did after a milde manner reprove Aaron quiae sic arguendi praelati because Prelates and Ecclesiasticall Governours are so to be reproved Ferus he thinketh he was now the high Priest So also Oleaster calleth him Pontificem summum the chiefe Priest But as yet Aaron was not consecrated as Lippoman inferreth upon these reasons Quia non illi improperatur conspâ—râ—atum sacerdotium He is not upbraided with defiling of his Priesthood by this meanes neither doe we read of his reconciliation afterward which should not have beene omitted in such a case of irregularitie 3. Procopius thinketh that Aaron was both spared at this time and afterward likewise when he repined against Moses cum propter alias causas tum propter sanctos ex ejus lumbis prodituros Both for other causes as also for those holy mens sakes which should come out of his loynes But if this had beene the reason all the tribes should have beene spared likewise because out of all of them came holy and worthy men Judges Prophets or Kings 4. But the causes rather were these 1. Aaron confessed his sinne and therefore Moses inclined to favour him 2. Moses afterward intreated the Lord for him and the Lord at his instance forgiving his sinne the punishment also was remitted Simler 3. Adde hereunto that Aaron was now appointed to be high Priest order was taken for his priestly apparell and his office what it should be and how he and his sonnes should bee consecrated all which had beene in vaine if Aaron now had perished 4. Beside Moses had direction from God to put divers of the people to the sword for this offence but for Aaron hee had no such commandement 5. But Augustine yeeldeth the best reason Novit ille cui parcat c. God onely knoweth whom to spare for amendment and whom not to spare at all or for a time for his wayes and judgements are past finding out qu. 148. 5. Now whereas Tostatus further reasoneth that Moses by all likelihood had prayed for Aaron in the mount because then the Lord did specially reveale unto him his sinne for otherwise Moses had knowne nothing of Aarons doings as he did as it appeareth by this reprehension it may be answered that it is not necessarie for this cause to presuppose any such notice to have beene given unto Moses in the mount for either Moses might by examination and inquirie after hee came downe learne out the truth or which is rather like Moses Aaronem vicarium constituerat had left Aaron his deputie governour when he went up into the mount Simler and therefore he was sure that such a thing could not bee attempted in the host without Aarons permission at the least and sufferance QUEST LXIV What things are to be commended in Aarons confession what not Vers. 22. THen Aaron answered c. 1. Some things are to be commended here in Aarons confession 1. His modestie that being Moses elder brother yet hee calleth him Lord and submitteth himselfe unto him whereof these two reasons may be yeelded both because Moses was greater in office than Aaron both as a Prophet and Governour of Israel Tostat. qu. 32. and his owne conscience accused him agnoscebat sejure argui he knew he was worthily reproved 2. Aaron confesseth and acknowledgeth his fault in saying Let not the wrath of my Lord waâ— fâ—erce Agnoscit crimen hee therein yeeldeth himselfe to be in fault Borrh. 3. He maketh a full and large declaration of the manner rem gestam liberè confiâ—etur he freely openeth all the matter how it was done Pelarg. both what the people required and upon what reason and ground what he did and what came thereof rem ut gesta est simpliciter narraâ— he simply declareth the matter as it was done 2. But Aaron in some things sheweth his infirmitie 1. Peccatum culpam in alios trajicere studet Hee seeketh to turne over the sinne and offence upon others laying the fault upon the people Ferus 2. Aaron bewrayeth some hypocrisie that seeketh to extenuate his fault as much as he can being afraid nâ— aliquid de existimatione sua decodat lest he should lose any
goeth further and distinctly sheweth how many nations and languages came of Sem Cham and Iapheth upon these words Psal. 105.8 he hath remembred his promise that he made to a thousand generations hee sheweth that there are in the world a thousand generations and 72. languages from Persia to the Indians and Bactrians of Sem he maketh 27 languages and 406. nations from Euphrates and Nilus to the Gades of Cham 394. nations 22. languages from Tigris westward of Iapheth were multiplied 200. nations and 23. tongues eâ— Perer. But this is set downe onely by meere gesse and conjecture that there should be divided 72 languages for there are but 70. fathers named 14 of Iapheth 31 of Cham 25. of Sem for Heber and Peleg must be counted for one familie whereas tenne of the sonns of Noahs sonnes are set forth with their issue and posteritie two of Iapheth fower of Cham fower of Sem they make not severall nations without their sonnes no more than Noahs three sonnes and therefore tenne more must be detracted from the number of 70. and so there will remaine but 60. As Canaan must not be reckoned for a severall nation beside those that came of him and so of the rest And if those whose generations are not expressed whereof there are 11. five of Iapheth two of Cham fower of Sem did not make severall nations as Augustine thinketh but were incorporate to the rest then so many more are wanting of this number and there will remaine but 50. But admit that this last conjecture of Augustine be uncertaine yet it is most probable that all the Cananites of Canaan of whom came an eleven severall nations as they are â—ehearsed Gen. 10.15 spake but one language Isa. 19.18 they shall speake the language of Canaan which if it be so then could there not be 72. languages divided in the confusion of Babel Wherefore concerning this matter there are some things certaine some things uncertaine first it is certaine that the tongues and languages were divided then that every particular person had not a severall language for then there could have beene no society but that the principall and chiefe families onely had their proper speech Secondly as uncertaine it is 1. whither 72. languages or more or lesse tooke then beginning 2. whether some of those nations are not now utterly perished as Pliny out of Eratosthenes alleageth that divers people in Asia as of the Solymans Lelegians Bebrycians Calycantians are extinguished 3. Neither is it certaine whether every particular language now used was then founded or only the mother originall tongues out of the which other since have bin derived which is most like Mercer QVEST. XVI Where Cainan first added to the genealogie reconciled Vers. 12. THe Septuagint betweene Arphacsad and Sale place Cainan and so doth S. Luke in his Gospell ca. 3. according to most copies but Cainan is not found in the Hebrew to reconcile this doubt 1. We neither allow Cajetanes solution that the septuagint have set downe the true genealogie and that the Hebrew copies are imperfect and have beene corrupted by the Jewes for the Jewes had no reason to corrupt the genealogie which giveth the Christians no advantage neither maketh against them and beside the Chalde Paraphrast which is most ancient leaveth out Cainan 2. Neither is it like as Eugubinus saith that the Septuagint erred herein and that S. Luke followeth their error for although an error may be admitted in the Septuagint in this place as in many other yet the holy Evangelist was farre from approving their error being directed by the spirit of God 3. Neither doth the answer of Ioannes Lucidus and before him Nauclerus satisfie that Cainan and Salâ— were one and the same and that the place in Luke should be read which was of Sala which was of Cainan Luke 3.36 But this cannot be for beside that that there was no cause why Luke should set downe two names only of Sala and of none of the rest beside in the Septuagint Cainan is made the father and begetteâ— of Sala Genes 11.4 Lippoman and Canus answere that as Mathewe omitteth three of the kings in his genealogie betweene Ioram and Ozias to make the line of 14. generations equall from Abraham to David from David to the captivitie and from thence to Christ so Moses to make tenne generations from Sem to Abraham correspondent to the ten patriarkes before the floud might omit Cainan But the reason is not alike 1. For those three Kings Ahaziah Ioas Amaziah are thought by some to to bee omitted for another cause because they were killed for evill government Concent 2. And againe Moses summeth the yeeres of these Fathers which Mathewe doth not and therefore if Moses should of purpose leave out Cainan a great error would fall out in the Chronologie and computation of yeares 3. If Moses had left out Cainan to make the genealogie equall yet if there had beene any such hee should not have beene omitted in that catalogie of their names 1 Chro. 1.18 where was no such cause of â—mission 5. Some thinke that the Septuagint erred in adding of Cainan and that Luke followed that text not approoving that error but giving way to the time because the Septuagint was then well knowne among the Gentiles least if he had departed from that translation it might have hindred the credit of his Gospell Thus Iansenius and Genebrard among the pontificall writers and learned Iunius among the Protestants who saith that it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a slip or fault of memory but a faultlesse confession in respect of the time so also Mercerus who thinketh that this being but a matter of genealogie is not much to be stood vpon which Paul calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 endlesse 1. Tim. 1.4 6. But I approove rather Beza his answere that Cainan was put into the text in Luke by the ignorance of some that tooke upon them to correct it according to the Septuagint for in that ancient manuscript which he followed Cainan was not to be found and therefore Beza in his translation upon good ground left it out and so doth the great English Bible Other thinke further that the translation of the septuagint was also herein corrupted by some that at the first these Greeke interpreters put not in Cainan for neither Iosephus nor Epiphanius which follow the septuagint rehearsing the fathers before Abraham make mention of this Cainan and in the best Greeke copies it is left out 1 Chronic. 1. QVEST. XVII When Arphaxad was borne Vers. 10. BEgat Arphachsad two yeare after the floud the question is whereas Elam and Asshur the sonnes of Sem are named before Arphacsad the third sonne how Sem could have these three in two yeares I answer 1. Neither with Aben Ezra that Sems wife might bee with childe in the Arke when the waters began to decrease for I thinke rather that
c. This calling of Abraham from among the Chaldeans without any merit or desert in Abraham who lay drowned in the dregges of superstition is an argument of our free and gracious election in Christ without respect of any worthinesse in us as the Apostle saith We are saved by grace through faith Ephes. 2.8 Calvin Perer. 2. Doct. Vocation of the Gentiles CYrill also well noteth Ex vocatione Abraha prasignata est vocatio Iudaeorum Gentium c. By the vocation of Abraham is signified the calling of the Iewes and Gentiles who was the father of the faithfull and beleevers 3. Doct. Canaanites in the Church Vers. 6. THe Canaanite was in the land c. As there were Canaanites in the promised land so there are Canaanites in the Church such as challenge to themselves the name and profession of the Church being but Usurpers and Canaanites whom God shall one day cast out as Iosua did the Canaanites Marloret 4. Doct. Abrahams faith in Christ. Vers. 8. HE built an Altar to the Lord c. Abraham knew well enough that God was not pleased with the bloud of beasts his faith therefore directeth him to the bloud of Christ whose day Abraham saw and rejoyced Ioh. 8.56 Calvin 5. Places of confutation 1. Confut. Against the Iewes the Messiah shall not erect a temporall Kingdome Verse 3. IN thee shall all the families of the earth be blessed c. The Messias then promised to Abraham shall not come to conquer the nations by the sword or to erect a temporall Kingdome as the Jewes imagine but he shall be the cause of their spirituall blessing to deliver them from the wrath and curse of God Luther 2. Confut. Against Monkes that pretend Abrahams example Vers. 4. SO Abraham departed c. The example of Abraham leaving his Country is unfitly alleaged by the Papists as a ground of Monasticall life 1. Abraham had the expresse commandement of God so to doe but they can shew no warrant out of Gods word 2. Abraham went from Idolaters but Monkes goe unto Idolaters and the profession of Idolatry 3. Abraham went he knew not whither but the Monkes know very well whither they goe to ease pleasure riches Muscul. 3. Confut. Against the invocation of Saints Vers. 8. HE built an Altar and called upon the name c. This manner of invocation used by the fathers of the old Testament should be a patterne unto true worshippers of God under the new They onely invocated and called upon the name of God we read not of any other of the holy men their predecessors whom they made their advocates Wherefore it is a superstitious and new doctrine 〈◊〉 call upon any in prayer but the Lord. 4. Confut. Against naked ceremonies without the spirituall substance FUrther the building of the Altar was but the outward forme and ceremonie the substance was the invocation of the name of God We learne that ceremonies are but vaine observations if they be not referred to the spirituall worship Wherefore hypocrites relying upon outward rites doe but worship God in vaine Calvin 5. Confut. Against pilgrimage ABraham came into the land of Canaan 1. Neither of an unstable minde which maketh many to change Countreyes 2. Nor of a thirsting desire to see strange fashions and learne curious Art◠as Pythagoras Empedocles Plato among the heathen travelled 3. Nor yet of a covetous minde to enrich himselfe as Merchants use 4. Not yet of a superstitious devotion to visit the Sepulchers of holy men and to goe in pilgrimage to holy places which cause Pererius alloweth for he came from Mesopotamia where Paradise was and by likelihood Adam and Melchisedech and other holy Patriarkes buried 5. But he travelleth both to be delivered from the perillous society of Idolaters where he lived as also with a purpose to draw others to the knowledge of God 6. Confut. Against them that measure religion by plenty Vers. 10. THen there came a famine in the land Before Abraham came into Canaan we read of no famine as soone as he is entred a famine followed him Wherefore it is a frivolous objection against the Gospell if where it is professed famine sometime be sent and scarcity of things for so in the time of Elias and Elizeus there hapned famines and in Saint Pauls time under Claudius Luther This was the foolish argument of the idolatrous women who to justifie their superstition thus alleaged When we burnt incense to the Queene of heaven we had all things plenty c. Ierem. 44.17 7. Confut. Hebrewes come not of the Egyptians ABraham went downe to Egypt 1. Hence appeareth the errour of Possidonius Appion with others that thinke the Hebrewes tooke first their originall from the Egyptians 2. They also are here confuted who thinke that Egypt before Homers time was a navigable Sea or fennie ground not habitable which in continuance of time was gained from the water Herodotus calleth it accessionem terra fluminis donum an addition to the land and a gift of the floud for we see that Egypt was an habitable Countrey in Abrahams time nine hundred yeares before Homer who lived as most hold an hundred yeare after the Trojane warre which fell out about the same time that Heli was Judge in Israel so that Homer flourished under Salomon nine hundred yeares and more from Abraham from the 75. yeare of Abrahams age to the going of the Israelites out of Egypt are foure hundred and thirty from thence to the building of the Temple under Salomon foure hundred eighty 3. As those that doe make the land of Egypt too young so Iosephus maketh it too ancient that affirmeth that there were Kings in Egypt for the space of 1300. yeares and more before Salomon whereas from the floud untill Salomon there are not accounted above 1335. yeares in all and it is not like that within 35. yeares after the floud Egypt could be inhabited much lesse have a King 6. Morall observations 1. Morall Observ. To forsake all and follow Christ. Vers. 1. GEt thee out of thy Countrey c. By the example of Abraham that left his Countrey and kindred to obey the calling of God we learne to forsake father and mother and whatsoever else we have in the world to follow Christ for our Saviour saith He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me Matth. 10.37 Marlor 2. Morall Observ. A good name the gift of God Vers. 2. I Will make thy name great c. As men ought not ambitiously to hunt after the praise of men as the Pharisies did Matth. 6. so we ought not to neglect a good name in the world we see here it is the blessing of God and promised to Abraham Perer. The Apostle also saith Procure things 〈◊〉 in the sight of all men Rom. 12.17 3. Morall Observ. Good men have their enemies Vers. 3. I Will curse them that curse thee c. Abraham though a just and upright man yet he
Cor. 7.3 they must be the one addicted and obliged only to the other 4. Ambrose againe excuseth this marriage of Abraham with Hagar by the mystery in it as it is expounded by S. Paul Galat. 4. quod ergo putabas esse peccatum advertis esse mysterium that which you thought was iniquitie appeareth to be a mysterie Contra. A mysterie we admit according to the Apostles collection in Abrahams marriage with Hagar but that giveth no liberty or immunity unto it for so theft might be excused because the suddennesse of Christs comming to judgement is likened to the comming of a theefe in the night neither is it therefore a thing excusable to play an unrighteous steward because Christ draweth a parable from thence Luk. 16. 5. Augustine further saith sufficiendae prolis causa erat uxorum plurium simul uni viro habendarum inâ—culpabilis consuetudâ— he calleth it an inculpable custome for one man in those dayes for procreation sake to have many wives He excuseth the multiplicity of wives by the custome of those dayes though the use bee now otherwise like as sometime among the Romans it was counted a hainous thing tunicas habere talares vâ—l manicata to weare sleeved or side gownes but now for a man of honest condicion not to have such is counted a shame c. Contra. Indeede indifferent things such as are the formes and fashions of apparell may be changed and sometimes held lawfull sometimes uncomely according to the divers customes of times but that which is simply unlawfull by no custome can be made lawfull that which is evill whatsoever the custome is ought not to be followed the Scripture herein giveth us a rule not to follow a multitude to doe evill Exod. 23.2 2. Neither doth it yet appeare that there was any such custome among the faithfull in Abrahams time to couple themselves to more than to one wife 3. Chrysostome of this very customâ— of having many wives thus excellently writeth Vides quomodo non oportet consuetudinem praetextere sed quod justum est inquirâ—re ecce quoniam mala erat consuetudo expl sa est c. You see then that we must not pretend custome but intend that which is just because it was an evill custome it is left 6. Chrysostome in the same place alleageth another excuse Permissum est cum duabus vel tribus misceri ut humanum gâ—nus propagaretur c. It was then permitted to be coupled with two or three that mankindâ— might be increased Contra. If this were a sufficient reason for polygamie it had beene more needfull that in the creation many women should have beene made and so likewise that more than one wife a piece for Noah and his sonnes should have entred into the Arke for then there was greater need of all meanes for procreation Wherefore all these reasons and excuses doe not serve to exempt the Patriarks from all blemish and blame in their multiplying of wives 4. A fourth opinion there is that God gave a dispensation for polygamie to the fathers and as it is most like to Noah when he said to him Increase and multiply sic Perer. in Gen. 16. disp 1. Contra. 1. Against a precept written dispensation unwritten hath no place seeing then the commandement is expressed For this cause shall a man leave father and mother and cleave to his wife Gen. 2.24 he saith not wives but wife as speaking of one but such dispensation is no where mentioned we hold it to be a meere humane conjecture 2. If God had given Noah such an indulgence it is like that he and his sonnes would have used it there being then greatest cause in the renewing of the world 3. And though they are blessed with increase yet only the lawfull meanes of increasing and multiplying are permitted for otherwise this might be an excuse for adulterous copulations 5. Wherefore the safer and sounder opinion is that polygamie that is the marriage of many wives was neither simply lawfull nor for a time dispensed with but that it was an humane infirmity even in those holy Patriarks 1. Because it degenerateth from the first institution in Paradise to the which Christ sendeth us From the beginning it was not so 2. The first that brought in the doubling of wives was Lamech of the cursed seed neither doe we read of any of the Patriarks from Adam to Abraham for the space well-nigh of two thousand yeares that had more wives than one 3. If there had beene at any time a needfull use of polygamie it is most like that in the beginning when the world was not yet replenished as in Adam and Noahs time it should have beene permitted 4. To have a concubine together with a wife was never lawfull but such an one was Hagar for Abraham did cast her out with her sonne she was also a bond-woman and therefore not fit to be a wife to so great a Patriarke and a wife is defined by the Apostle to be such an one as is taken to avoid fornication 1 Cor. 7.2 but to that end did not Abraham take Hagar having Sarai beside And whereas the text saith that Sarai gave her to Abraham for or instead of his wife the meaning is not that Hagar became properly Abrahams wife but that she was in the place and stead of his wife for as Sarai saith It may be I shall receive a childe by her Gen. 16.2 but if she had indeed beene his wife and so manumitted and not Saraies bond-woman still the childe should have beene counted hers and not her mistresses and Gen. 25.6 mention is made of Abrahams concubines Pelagshim whereof Hagar must be one 6. But yet this being admitted that the Patriarks erred in multiplying their wives yet some cautions must be received withall 1. That herein they finned not against their conscience but of ignorance and infirmity as in other things this being not yet revealed unto them 2. Though God dispensed not with their so doing yet it pleased the divine indulgence in silence and mercifull connivence to passe by this over-sight as the Apostle saith in another case The time of this ignorance God regardeth not Act. 17.30 3. We abhorre the blasphemie of the Manichees sufficiently confuted by Augustine who doe charge the Patriarks with lasciviousnesse and wantonnesse of flesh in using many wives which they did for generation of children not satisfaction of their iust and as Augustine well saith Castius utebantur plurib quam nunc una c. They used many wives more chastly than we now use one so he concludeth O virum viriliter utentem foeminis conjuge temperanter ancilla obtemperanter nulla intemperanter O worthy man using women manly his owne wife soberly his maid obediently but none of them intemperately Morall observations 1. Observ. Affliction and punishment commeth from God Vers. 2. THe Lord hath restrained me from childe-bearing Sarai as a godly woman imputeth her sterility
are not to be stood upon 2. Some think that these children began to be borne in the beginning of the first seven yeares as R. Levi but the text overthroweth that conceit for Iacob went not into Lea till he had ended his terme of seven yeares vers 21. Some thinke that these and the rest of the children were borne to Iacob in the last seven yeares and the six yeares beside of Iacobs service but the story is otherwise that all Iacobs children were borne before he entred into a new covenant to stay still with Laban his two seven yeares being expired Genes â—0 25 But it is more probable that all Iacobs children only Benjamin excepted that was borne in the land of Canaan that is eleven sonnes and one daughter were brought forth in the compasse of the last seven yeares for it is not necessary to assigne their birth successively one to be borne after another but that their mothers might be with childe at once and so it is not improbable that foure women in seven yeares might bring forth 11. or 12. children Mercer 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. God directeth even the least actions of his servants Vers. 1. IAcob lift up his feet that is he went cheerefully and willingly and in that mention is made of so small an action as the lifting up of his feet we learne that even the least and ordinary actions of the faithfull are directed by the spirit of God and guided by his providence Mercer as our Saviour taketh knowledge of Nathaniels sitting under the figge tree Ioh. 1.48 so the Apostle saith that all things worke together for the best to them that love God Rom. 8.28 2. Doct. Men may hold the truth in generall and yet faile in particular Vers. 15. SHouldest thou serve me for nought Laban here speaketh reason and seemeth to know what is just and right but afterward he failed and recompenced Iacob but meanely for his faithfull service as Iacob complaineth Thou hast changed my wages ten times Gen. 31.41 Thus we see that carnal men may hold generall principles a right but when it commeth to their owne particular then they are blinded with selfe-love Calvin So dealt Herod with Iohn Baptist he did acknowledge him to be a just and holy man yet to please his wives daughter commanded him to be beheaded 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Custome not to be pretended where greater enormities are admitted Vers. 26. IT is not the manner of this place to give the younger before the elder He pretendeth a custome in the lesse matter in the meane time he transgresseth the custome and all good order in a thing of greater importance in thrusting upon a man in the night one sister for another thus after the like manner the Romanists object the custome of the Church against the marriage of Ministers whom they call Priests and in the meane time they breake all good order while for want of the due remedie fornication and uncleane lust is suffered to be practised amongst them Muscul. 2. Confut. Iacobs polygamie and marriage of two sisters not justifiable Vers. 30. SO entred he into Rachel also This multiplicity of wives which is called polygamie is diversly excused 1. Augustine saith Nulla lege prohibebatur it was forbidden by no law quandâ—mos erat crimen non erat It was no fault when the custome was so as in times past it was a shame for the Romans to have talares tunicas side garments but now every one of honest sort doth weare them Aug. lib. 22. cont Faust c. 47. Contra. 1. Though there were no written law in those times yet their owne conscience grounded upon the light of nature and the faithfull tradition of the fathers might have discerned it to be a fault seeing that God in the beginning for one Adam made but one Eve and Lamech of the wicked race is the first found in Scripture to have had two wives 2. And though custome may be pretended for many wives yet to marry two sisters there was no such custome Mercer 3. The example of long garments is nothing like for it is a thing indifferent which may be thought comely or uncomely as time and place doth vary but that which is simply unlawfull and against the first institution as polygamie is cannot be borne out by any custome 2. Some say that polygamie is after a sort against nature yet so as it may be dispensed with as it is like after the flood to Noah this indulgence was given Perer. in 29. Gen. numer 31. Contra. 1. If Noah had beene dispensed with for many wives then had there beene greatest cause to have used that liberty and if polygamie for propagation were tolerable God might have preserved in the arke more than for every man one woman 2. Against a written law and institution as this is of having one wife Gen. 2.24 A man shall leave father and mother and cleave to his wife not wives a dispensation unwritten cannot be admitted 3. Divers allegories are made of Iacobs two wives Augustine by Leah figureth the people of the Iewes by Rachel the Gentiles Rupertus saith contrary that Rachel was a type of the Iewes Leah of the Gentiles August ser. 80. de tempor Rup in Gen. 29. Gregorie by Leah interpreteth the active life by Rachel the contemplative Homil. 14. in Ezech. ex Perer. Contra. 1. By the diversitie of these allegories it appeareth they are mens collections and humane devices and therefore cannot excuse the transgression of a divine ordinance 2. And though these allegories might be warranted by the Scripture yet thereby is not the fact justified Christs comming for the suddennesse thereof in Scripture is compared to the comming of a theefe yet I trust thereby is not a theeves sudden approching approved 3. This then is the resolution of this question 1. that Iacob shewed his infirmity in this not double but quadriple marriage yea and the same incestuous in the marriage of two sisters 2. yet Labans fault was greater than Iacobs who by his craft induced him unto it 3. God in his deepe providence used this oversight of Iacob as a meanes greatly to increase and multiply his seed 4. Iacob and the rest of the Patriarkes in their manners and generall example of life but not in some particular acts such as this is are to be imitated Mercer 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. Education of children in labour Vers. 9. RAchel came with her fathers sheepe for she kept them Thus in that simple age did they bring up their children not idly and wantonly but in labour and houshold workes Laban had many servants beside in his house yet he setteth this faire damzell to keepe his sheepe though this be not an example now to men of good sort and place thus to imploy their daughters for the particular yet they should follow it so far to provide that their children bee industriously brought up and not to give them the reines of licentious
Potiphars house blessed because of Ioseph Gen. 39.3 Masters therefore should have a speciall care to make choyce of godly servants that God may blesse the worke under their hands Perer. CHAP. XXXI 1. The Contents IN this Chapter first we have Iacobs departure from Laban with his wives and children and cattell where wee have 1. The occasion that moved Iacob the murmuring of Labans sonnes and change of Labans countenance vers 1 2. 2. The Commandement of God for Iacobs departure vers 3. 3. Iacobs consultation with his wives first Iacob maketh report of his faithfull service vers 6. Labans churlish dealing vers 7 8. of Gods blessing vers 10. to vers 14. then his wives give their consent vers 14. to 15. and so Iacob departeth he and his vers 17. to 22. Secondly there is described Labans pursuit and expostulation with Iacob where is set forth Labans accusation and Iacobs recrimination 1. Laban accuseth Iacob of two things the secret carrying away of his daughters vers 26 27. the stealing away of his gods vers 30. Iacob defendeth himselfe in shewing the cause why he went a way secretly vers 31. in giving Laban leave to search for his gods which hee doth but findeth them not by reason of Rachels excuse to vers 36. 2. Iacob againe accuseth Laban for his hard dealing making profession of his great travell and faithfull service and Gods blessing to 42. then Laban yeeldeth himselfe vers 43. Thirdly there is declared in this Chapter how Iacob and Laban make a covenant together 1. The covenant it selfe is expressed vers 49. to 52. 2. The ratification of it of each side by an oath and ceremonies Laban sweareth by the God of Nahor 53. and together with Iacob maketh an heape of stones vers 47 48. Iacob sweareth by the feare of his father Isaack 53. and offereth sacrifice vers 54 55. 2. The divers readings v. 1. And Iacob heard S. T. and he heard cater hath gotten all this substance C. all this glory caet cabhor glorie v. 5. the God of my father was with me caet the word of the God of my father was my helpe C. v. 7. your father hath lied unto me C. hath mocked me T. hath deceived me caet hatal signifieth all these hath changed my reward or wages often lambs so also vers 41. S. ten times or turnes caeter manah a portion v. 8. if he said the white shall be thy reward they brought forth white H.S. if hee said the particoloured G. or ring-straked B. or spotted C. or spotted in the legs T. gnà cadh to binde whereof commeth the word here used that signifieth them that are spotted in the binding places that is the shankes and the legs v. 10. of divers colours H. sprinkled as with ashes S. spotted or party B.G.C. spotted as with haile heb baradh signifieth haile T. v. 13. I am the God which appeared unto thee in the place of God S. I am the God of Bethel cater v. 14. have we had as yet any portion B. is there yet any more portion for us in our fathers house caet for they could not say that they had hitherto no part seeing it followeth in the next verse vers 16. all the riches which God hath taken from our father is ours c. v. 15. and should he also devoure our money T. should wee suffer him still to devoure that God hath given us and hath eaten also our money caet v. 18. he tooke all his cattell and houshold stuffe S. all his cattell and goods cat v. 20. and he would not confesse to his father in law H. he concealed from Laban the Aramite S. C. stole away the heart of Laban B.G. he stole away from Laban as v. 27. or deceived the heart of Laban Tr. v. 23. he tooke his sonnes and brethren S. his brethren caet that is kinsfolkes v. 24. that thou speake nothing bitterly to Iacob H. that thou speake not evill S. that thou speake ought save good B.G. that thou speake neither good nor bad that is concerning his returning againe T. heb from good to bad P.C. v. 29. it is in my hand through God B. there is power in my hand caet cel is the name of God it signifieth also strength v. 31. that I departed without thy knowledge I feared c. I was afraid and said lest thou wouldest have taken thy daughters cat v. 32. the place where thou findest thy God let it not remaine C. with whom thou findest thy gods let him be slaine before our brethren H. with whom thou findest c. let him not live caeter and he found or knew nothing with him added by the Septuag v. 36. so the sollicitude or care of the searcher was marked H. Laban searched through all the house and found not the idols S.G. Laban tossed or handled all the tent C.B.T. mashesh to feele to handle v. 38. were not barren H.S.G. cast not their young C.P.T.B. shacall to be deprived of young v. 40. what was stollen thou didst require of me H. what was wanting of the number thou diddest require of me I kept them by day and by night C. of my hand didst thou require what was stollen by day or night caeter v. 43. are mine and my daughters S. are mine c. v. 47. Laban called it the heape is witnesse Iacob called it the heape of witnesse H.S. Laban called it legar sahadutha Iacob called it Galeed caet gnal is an hillocke or heape gnedh a witnesse put together gnalgnedh v. 49. and Laban added c. H. and he called it a watch tower S.C. and he called it Mispah G.B.T. v. 54 and he offered sacrifice H.S. Iacob offered sacrifice caet they did eat and drinke S. they did eat caeter 3. The explanation of doubâ—full questions QUEST I. How Laban had changed Iacobs wages ten times Vers. 7. HE hath changed my wages ten times 1. Neither Cajetans exposition is to bee received that his wages was not so often changed but it is saith he an hyperbolicall speech for where the words may be taken properly what need a figure to be admitted 2. Rasi is in the other extreme who taketh the word monim here used for ten peeces of coine so that he would have his wages changed ten times ten times that is an hundred times 3. Hierome taketh it literally and so doth Augustine that he was deceived twice every yeare for the five last the first not counted because twice in every yeare in Italy and likewise in Mesopotamia the Ewes have young as Hierome alleageth out of Virgil bis gravidae pecudes â—wes twice with young 4. The Septuag read for ten times or turnes ten lambs which Augustine would justifie because a lamb may be taken for the lambing time as arista an eare of corne is taken for harvest and so their meaning should be that Iacob was deceived ten lambing times q. 95. in Genes But it is more
whereas Pererius allegeth that place Psal. 16.10 Thou wilt not leave my soule in hell to shew that sheol is taken for hell it shall not be amisse by the way to examine the sense of this place whereof there are three expositions First some by soule nephesh understand the dead body as it is taken Levit. 21.1 Let none be defiled among the dead the word is nephesh soule Genebrard a popish writer thus confuteth this opinion denying that nephesh is in this place taken for the body but by a metonymie it signifieth the exequies and funerall duties performed to the soule of the dead Contra. Though we also approve not the former exposition of nephesh in this place and that reverend man that so translated Act. 2. hath himselfe in that point altered his translation in his last edition of his annotations upon the new testament yet Genebrard had no reason to deny the word to bee so taken Levit. 21.1 for 1. beside that the Israelites had no such custome to use any suffrages or exequies for the soules of the dead and therefore nephesh can signifie no such thing 2. The defiling was by touching the dead Levit. 22.4 or by going to the dead Levit. 21.11 but the soules of the dead cannot be touched neither could the suffrages for the soules but the presence of the bodies pollute them 3. The Levites are forbidden to defile themselves with the dead saving their fathers and mothers and other of their neare kindred Levit. 22.2 But it is not like that they should have beene forbidden to pray or offer suffrages for any but their owne kindred yea the high Priest is forbidden to defile himselfe for his father and mother vers 10. Let them say also that he was forbidden to pray for the soule of his father and mother if any such thing had beene in use then therefore Genebrards exposition is vaine and without any good ground Secondly Pererius and other of that sort doe take hell here for that locall place and region of soules where they imagine the fathers to have remained before the comming of Christ and Pererius best reason is because the Prophet maketh a manifest distinction betweene the soule and body of Christ and hell and the grave saying Thou shalt not leave my soule in hell nor suffer thy holy one to see corruption Perer. in cap. 13. numer 100. Contra. 1. Here is no distinction of divers parts but an explanation of the same thing in divers words according to the use of Scripture so that what is first said somewhat darkly Thou wilt not leave my soule in grave is afterward more plainly declared that is Thou wilt not suffer thy holy one to see corruption 2. That such locall place of hell cannot be here understood may appeare by these reasons out of the text it selfe 1. That place where Christs soule was not left and it was impossible he should be holden of it God loosed the sorrowes of Act. 2.24 but God loosed not for Christ the sorrowes of hell which he felt not after his passion Ergo Christs soule was not left in hell 2. The not leaving of Christs soule in hell was the cause why his flesh did rest in hope vers 26 27. the not leaving of his soule in the locall place of hell caused not his flesh to rest in hope but the not leaving of it in the grave and the not seeing of corruption for their soules which are left in hell shall also returne to their bodies and bee raised together with them Ergo. 3. That hell where Christs soule is not left is the place where corruption is to be seene for so one clause of the sentence is expounded by the other but in hell there is no corruption Ergo. 4. David when he said Thou shalt not leave my soule in hell spake of Christs resurrection Act. 2.31 but the not leaving of Christs soule in the infernall hell concerneth not the resurrection of Christs body Ergo David meaneth not that hell The third exposition therefore is which I preferre before the rest that Christs soule that is his life or person should not be left in the grave and so this place of the Psalme may bee expounded by the like Psal. 89.48 What man liveth and shall not see death shall hee deliver his soule from the hand of hell or the grave here the Psalmist himselfe expoundeth hell to be death where the soule that is the life lieth as it were hid and buried as Psal. 88.3 My life draweth neare to the grave sic Paul Fag annotat in Chaldaic paraphras in Pentateuch 8. Confut. Iacob goeth mourning to the grave not to hell BUt whereas Pererius yet further in this place concerning Iacobs descending c would have hell and not the grave understood for all goe not downe to the grave and Iacob did thinke that Ioseph was not in the grave being supposed to be torne of wilde beasts the contrary shall now appeare 1. This is a friuolous objection for the grave is not onely a pit or a hole made for the dead but any place where the body falleth to dust and corruption as Iob describeth it chap. 17. vers 13. The grave shall be my house vers 14. I shall say to corruption thou art my father vers 16. They shall lie together in the dust thereof even Ioseph also though he had beene torne of wilde beasts and rotted upon the earth should have had his grave 2. In saying all goe not to the grave he manifestly contradicteth the Scripture as is before alleaged What man shall deliver his soule from the hand of the grave Psal. 89.48 3. Hell in the old Testament is not taken otherwise than for a place of torment and punishment but neither Iacob not Ioseph went to any such place 4. This hell Iacob went unto with his gray head or haires Gen. 42.38 but the grave not hell is the place for gray haires 5. Lastly that sheol here signifieth the grave it is the opinion of Ab. Ezra whom Eugubinus Cajetanus Oleaster Vatablus follow and among the Protestants Fagius Mercer with others 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. That parents be not partiall in their loves toward their children Vers. 4. IOsephs brethren hated him because they saw that their father loved him Ambrose noteth this to have beene an over-sight in Iacob for preferring one of the brethren before the rest who if he in Ioseph loved and preferred his vertue should rather have concealed his affection for as hee well saith it is no marvell if brethren fall out for houses and land when Iosephs brethren hated him for a coat Ambr. lib. 2. de Ioseph Wherefore parents may learne how inconvenient a thing it is to bee partiall toward their children and by immoderate love toward some to exasperate and provoke the rest which the Apostle giveth warning of Fathers provoke not your children to wrath Eph. 6.4 2. Observ. A pitifull man will first offer himselfe to them that are in misery
and Simeon 1. We neither say with Ambrose that they are rather to be called prophecies than blessings lib. de Benedic Patriarc c. 2. 2. Neither with Pererius that they were so called of the greatest part for it is said that he blessed every one 3. Neither by the word blessing is cursing understood by an antiphrasis that is a contrary kind of speech as some thinke but Iacob blessed them verily and indeed 4. But the opinion of R. Salomon is not farre from blasphemy that Iacob did indeed purpose to blesse his sonnes but falling into phrensie he cursed them in stead of blessing for this were to make the motions of Gods spirit mad fits 5. Neither is it like that Iacob gave his sonnes other blessings here not expressed 6. But hee indeed blessed them all though not alike for the temporall chastisement laid upon Ruben Simeon Levi was but a fatherly correction for their amendment Calvin they also are blessed because they are counted among the tribes had their inheritance among them Mercer whereupon afterward Moses in particular blessed both Ruben and Levi Deut. 33. Iacob also doth conclude these three within the number of his sonnes and so comprehendeth them within the covenant Iun. QUEST XXXI Of the double cave where Iacob desired to be buried Vers. 30. IN the cave that is beside Machpelah c. 1. Iacob maketh a particular and perfect description of the cave where he would be buried from whence he had beene absent 17. yeares Ioseph 39. yeares that they should not doubt of the place 2. But that is a fable devised by the Jewes that Tsepho the sonne of Eliphaz did strive with Iacobs sonnes about this burying place and that he fought a great battell with them but they overcame him and brought him downe to Aegypt and when Ioseph was dead he fled out of Aegypt into Italy 3. Iacob intreated his sonne Ioseph to bury him with his fathers but he chargeth and commandeth his sonnes because Ioseph was the principall who should obtaine leave of Pharaoh and at whose costs Iacobs funerall should bee solemnized the rest were but to accompany him Mercer beside his other sons did still depend upon him and were as a part of his family whereas Ioseph was a man of great command and authority in Aegypt Perer. 4. Iacob sheweth who were buried there and maketh speciall mention of Abraham that his sonnes should bee more carefull there to bury him also seeing Abraham had of purpose bought that ground to bee a place of buriall for him and his Luther and seeing that his mother was there buried and Leah his wife it might seeme more reasonable that he should be buried there also 5. These three couples here mentioned were buried together there Abraham Sara Isaack Rebeckah Iacob Leah the hebrewes thinke also that Adam and Eve had their sepulture there but that is not like as it is also uncertaine whether any other of the twelve Patriarkes were there interred Mercer QUEST XXXII Why Iacob maketh mention againe of the purchase of the cave Vers. 32. THe purchase of the field c. 1. This repetition is not inserted by Moses as Marlorat but they were the words of Iacob 2. This verse therefore without cause is wholly omitted and left out by the Latine Translatâ—r 3. Yet did not Iacob here shew unto his sonnes the very instrument of conveyance whereby Abraham did purchase the cave and field as the Hebrewes for that rite custome was not then in use But Iacob hereby sheweth the undoubted right which he had to that ground whereof his fathers had possession both alive and dead 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. How the Patriarkes and Prophets used imprecations Vers. 7. CVrsed be their wrath c. The righteous did many times use imprecations and denounce curses as David Psal. 35.4 Let them be confounded and put to shame that seeke after my soule and in other places and Iacob here but they did it not in wrath or in their heat but with these considerations and regards 1. They spake as Prophets and as Ministers and Pronouncers of Gods sentence and decree so that they were not so much maledictions as predictions Perer. 2. For the most part they accursed such only in temporall things for their amendment as Iacob here doth his sonnes as David also saith Fill their faces with shame that they may seeke thy name O Lord Psal. 83.18 Perer. 3. If they denounced any spirituall curse it was upon such as were incorrigible as Psal. 68.21 God will wound the hairy pate of him that goeth on in his sinnes 4. They did not hereby revenge their owne particular cause but did censure them as enemies to the whole Church as Psal. 35.20 They imagine deceitfull words against the quiet of the land But these examples are no warrant for us to use the like imprecations because we have not the like spirit of prophecie as our Saviour answered to Iames and Iohn who asked him if they should command fire to come downe from heaven upon the Samaritans as Elias did Ye know not of what spirit ye are of Luk. 9.55 2. Doct. Iacob prophesieth of his sonnes as the spirit of God directed him FUrther in that Iacob spareth not to pronounce the curse of God against his owne sonnes it is evident that hee spake not of any partiall affection or ambitiously seeking to make his posterity great as the prophane disciples of Lucian the Atheists use to object against the doctrine and history of Moses Calvin but that he spake as he was thereunto moved by the spirit of God both in that against his naturall and fatherly disposition hee pronounceth hard and heavy things against his sonnes as also because the event afterward answered to these his predictions 3. Doct. All our helpe and strength is from God Vers. 24. THe armes of his hands were strengthened by the hand of the mighty God c. Although in waging of battell weapons of warre and other meanes are carefully to be used yet the help power and strength must come from God as Ioseph was strengthened by the hand of God against his enemies as David prayeth Make haste to deliver me make haste to helpe me O God Psal. 70.1 Luther 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. That the punishment of sinne remaineth not after the remission of the fault Vers. 6. INto their secret let not my soule come This punishment which was inflicted upon Simeon and Levi was not a satisfaction for their sinne past which was already upon their repentance remitted unto them as the Popish doctrine is that the punishment of sinne often remaineth the fault being pardoned but the Lord thinketh good to chastise those which have offended though their sin be forgiven them for these causes 1. That they may thorowly be humbled and take heed that thy commit not the like againe as David therefore saith It is good for me that I have beene afflicted Calv. 2. For the example of other that they also
man But afterward he rejected this opinion quâ—st 2. in Exod. Oâ—cumenius also upon Iude bringeth in the Devill contending with Michael the Archangell that Moses was not worthy of buriall because he unjustly killed the Egyptian But S. Stephen defendeth this fact of Moses as being a proofe of his calling from God Acts 7.25 2. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that the Hebrew here smitten of the Egyptian was the husband of one Salomith with whom the Egyptian committed adultery and had by her that blasphemer that was put to death Levit. 24. and therefore he was justly killed of Moses but these are meere conjectures 3. Some other Hebrewes thinke that Moses killed not the Egyptian with the sword but by the word of his mouth as Peter killed Ananias Act. 5. but then Moses needed not to have beene so circumspect and to have buried him privily in the sand Simler 4. Cajetane defendeth this fact because this Egyptian was one of the cruell taskmasters that oppressed the Hebrewes and therefore it was lawfull to kill him but if Moses had beene a private man it had not beene lawfull no not to kill an enemie in this case 5. Paulus Burgensis upon this place is of opinion that Moses might doe this in charitie to deliver his brethren and to relieve the oppressed though he had not a singular inspiriation or publike calling to doe it so Ambrose seemeth to thinke lib. 1. de officiis cap. 36. And the Scripture seemeth to warrant it Deliver them that are drawne to death Prov. 24.11 But though it be an act of charitie to deliver and to rescue yet it is an inordinate charitie to kill one to deliver another 6. Wherefore the best defence is that Moses was inspired of God and had his authoritie from him to doe the office of a Judge betweene the Hebrew and the Egyptian which is affirmed by Saint Stephen He thought that his brethren would have understood that God by his hand should give them deliverance Act. 7.25 And this is the resolution of Augustine quast 2. in Exod. Thostatus Lyranus and Thomas Aquin. Unto this may be added that Moses being the reputed sonne of Pharaohs daughter was a publike person and so of great authoritie Iun. in Analys It may be also that all the circumstances of this fact are not expressed as that the Egyptian did so assault the Hebrew as that the one could not be rescued without killing of the other or Moses might kill him in his owne defence the Egyptian running upon him when hee offered to rescue the Hebrew Perer. But the best defence is that Moses was hereunto extraordinarily stirred up of God which extraordinarie motions are not now of us to be imitated or to be drawne into example Ferus QUEST XX. Why Moses though warranted from God yet useth great secrecie and circumspection in this businesse Vers. 12. ANd he looked round about and when hee saw no man c. It will be objected if Moses had authoritie and a calling from God to kill the Egyptian why did hee it secretly To this may be answered that although Moses was to himselfe assured of his calling yet was it not knowne either to the Hebrewes or Egyptians and therefore his calling being yet secret and hid it was fit that his acts should be secret otherwise his publicke acts his calling being yet secret would have beene as much offensive and called in question as if hee had had no such calling Iun. in Analys So Ehud killed Eglâ—â— privately in his secret chamber Iudg. 3. and Gedeon being not yet pulikely knowne and taken to be appointed of God to deliver his people did pull downe the altar of Baal by night Iudg. 6.27 Herein thâ—n Moses sheweth his godly discretion that he might proceed by order QUEST XXI How Moses is said to feare seeing the Apostle denieth that he feared the King Heb. 11.26 Vers. 14. THen Moses feared and said c. Yet the Apostle saith he feared not the fiercenesse of the King Heb. 11.26 To reconcile Moses and the Apostle 1. We approve not Theodorets exposition that Moses is said not to feare in respect of the cause of his flight the killing of the Egyptian which fact he feared not as not repenting him hereof but this interpretation seemeth somewhat hard and the Apostle sheweth that he feared not the King no not when he left Egypt therein then consisted the vacuity of his feare not in respect of the fact 2. Chrysostome expoundeth his not fearing of his so leaving Egypt that yet he feared not to returne againe thither but Moses was strengthened and incouraged of God to returne afterward the vision which he saw 40. yeeres after did not take away his first feare 3. Theophylact understandeth it of the degree of his feare hee did not so feare the King as that he fled a farre off but went to Midian a Countrie adjoyning not fearing that the King would pursue him thither But the Apostle exempteth him not onely from some degree but from all feare 4. Some referre his feare unto the affliction and persecution that by this meanes was like to be increased so hee feared not for himselfe but for the people Pellican but Moses speaketh of his owne feare upon the which he fled his fleeing was a meanes to deliver himselfe from the danger and not the people 5. Other say that he feared not so much the King as hee feared to offend God lest if he had offered himselfe to the danger and not made an escape he should have tempted him by presuming Osiander But the text sheweth that hee was afraid of Pharaoh and fled from him 6. Others confesse that Moses shewed his infirmitie of feare but it was covered by faith and so not imputed Genevens But the Apostle denieth that he feared at all 7. Some doe expound it not of Moses first leaving of Egypt when indeed he feared the King but of his second departure when he brought out the people thence for then hee feared not Pharaohs anger at all as is evident cap. 10.29 Lyranus Thostatus Pererius Iun. And this exposition doth very well resolve this doubt 8. Unto this also may be added that if wee understand it of his first departure Moses fled not for any feare in respect of himselfe but lest that his calling by this meanes should be hindred and he withdraweth himselfe not so much of feare as to reserve himselfe for a better opportunitie Simler Nor yet doth he feare as distrusting his calling but because hee lost this opportunitie Iun. And the reason of his feare is expressed in the text Then Moses feared and said certainly this thing is knowne Hee feared lest he should be hindred in this businesse of the deliverance of the people Thomas also to the same effect saith that there are two things to be considered in feare unum vituperabile one to be dispraysed when for feare any evill is committed or any good omitted and this was not in Moses another that is
though hee were rude in speech yet he was not so in knowledge 2. Cor. 11.6 the power of S. Pauls speech consisted not in eloquence of words but in the wisdome of the spirit so Moses though defective in the manner of elocution yet might speake with gravity and wisdome and so bee powerfull in words 9. Wherefore notwithstanding this or what else is objected the most probable opinion is that Moses had some naturall impediment of speech as appeareth both by his owne excuse by the Lords answer by the coadjutorship of Aaron his brother an eloquent man vers 14. and because Moses after this saith he was a man of uncircumcised lips and whereas he saith here nor since thou hast spoken to thy servant his meaning is that if at this time when God spake unto him who was able to take away all impediment of speech yet his infirmity remained much more was it like afterward to continue Iunius QUEST VIII How God is said to make the deafe and dumbe Vers. 11. WHo hath made the dumb or the deafe 1. Wee refuse here the fables of the Hebrewes that when Pharaoh had appointed one to kill Moses he was striken blind that he could not see Moses and Pharaoh became both deafe and dumbe that though he espied Moses escape yet hee could not speake to have him stayed but it is evident by the story that Moses fled before hee was apprehended The Lord here speaketh in generall not of any one dumbe or deafe but that as hee sendeth these infirmities upon man so also hee is able to heale them 2. And although these infirmities are evill in respect of nature yet God is the author of them because they are good also in respect of the end which is to humble man and bring him to repentance and to set forth the glory of God as our Saviour saith of the blind man that his blindnesse came that the workes of God might be shewed upon him Simler QUEST IX How and wherefore the Lord was present with Moses mouth Vers. 12. I Will be with thy mouth 1. Although Moses was no eloquent man in outward speech as humane eloquence is accounted yet there was in him a grave and divine eloquence such as the Apostles were endued with the Lord promiseth the assistance of his spirit and to bee present with his mouth 2. But the impediment of his tongue the Lord doth not altogether take away both that Gods glory and power might appeare and that Moses should see how needfull the helpe and society of his brother was neither did Moses pray unto God to heale that infirmity but only useth it as an argument to decline his calling Simler QUEST X. Whom Moses meaneth that he would have sent Vers. 13. SEnd by the hand of him whom thou shouldest send 1. Lyranus thinketh that Moses meaneth his brother Aaron who was elder than he and fitter for his eloquent speech but no mention was made yet of Aaron whom Moses knew not to be alive as may be gathered vers 18. till the Lord first spake of him and promised hee should assist him 2. Rabbi Selomo taketh that hee meaneth Iosuah whom God revealed unto him should be the man that was to lead Israel into the promised land But beside that Iosuah is not yet spoken of this request of Moses would have shewed some emulation or envy toward Iosuah 3. Many of the ancient writers as Iustenus Martyr Tertullian Cyprian with others thinke that Moses here speaketh of the Messias that should be sent into the world so also Perer. But this seemeth not to be so fit both for that Moses not being ignorant of the prophesie of Iacob concerning the comming of Shiloh and how the Lord promised that he would raise up a Prophet like unto him Deus 18.18 which is understood of Christ could not yet expect the comming of the Messiah and this request for the comming of the Messiah proceeding of faith would not have provoked the Lords wrath Therefore Eugubinus opinion though Pererius checkt him for it is not herein to be misliked that neither would have those places of Scripture which are understood of the Messiah to bee referred to others for that savoureth of Judaisme nor yet that which is spoken of others to be applied to Christ which also would bewray curiosity and superstition 4. Therefore the plaine meaning of Moses is that wheâ—â—as God might find out many more fit than himselfe he would send by their hand that is ministery so he aimeth not at any one in particular to be sent but any other whosoever QUEST XI Whether Moses sinned in his so often refusall seeing God was angry with him Vers. 14. THen Iehovahs wrath was kindled 1. Neither doe we consent to some Hebrewes that doe aggravate Moses sinne as distrusting Gods word and therefore some say hee was punished in being deprived of the Priesthood which was given to Aaron some in that he was not suffered to enter into the land of Canaan Contr. But neither was the first a punishment for Moses still was the chiefe and gave Aaron direction and it was a comfort to Moses to have such a coadjutor and beside Aaron was the elder to whom the priesthood appertained Neither was Moses offence here the cause why he entred not into the land of Canaan but his disobedience at the waters of strife Simler 2. Neither on the other side is their opinion found that doe justifie Moses herein and commend his humility in refusing so weighty a calling as Gregorie who by Pauls example would have us ready to suffer adversities and by Moses to refuse prosperity And Hierome commendeth Esaâ—es readinesse after his lippes were purified and Moses unwillingnesse being guilty to himselfe of his owne infirmity Contra. 1. In that God was angrie with Moses it is evident he offended 2. And as S. Paul was willing to suffer adversity because it was Gods will the spirit so testified every where of him that bands and persecution did abide him so Moses should not have refused this charge seeing God so often had signified his will unto him 3. And if Esay did well after the Lord had purged his lippes being before unwilling to shew his readinesse then Moses did not well who after the Lord had promised to be with his mouth yet still persisted in his refusall 3. Thostatus granteth that Moses sinned yet it was a veniall and small sinne because wee reade of 〈◊〉 punishment that followed Cajetanus is of the same opinion and his reason is taken from the phrase here used The wrath of God was kindled as when a man is moved suddenly of choller than of set purpose Contra. In some sense we confesse that both this and all other of Moses sinnes and of all the elect are veniall in respect of Gods mercie in Christ that pardoneth them but otherwise in it owne nature neither this nor any other sinne is pardonable for the wages of sinne is death Rom. 6.23 in the justice of
the mariner that worketh the evill spirit as the winde and weather that tempteth and moveth God as the sternes man that directeth and guideth all So Augustines resolution is Deus voluntatem ejus proprio suo vitio malum in hoc peccatum judicio suo justo occulto inclinavit God by his just and secret judgement inclined his will being evill by his owne corruption into this sinne De liber arbit cap. 20. Hee there speaketh of Shemei whom David saith God bid curse him the like may bee said of Pharaoh who is properly said to have hardened his owne heart Exod. 8.15 as the next and immediate worker of it but God hardened it concurring as a just Judge in punishing Pharaohs sinne by obstinacie and hardnesse of heart See more of this question before chap. 1. doct 1. QUEST XX. How Israel is called the first borne sonne of God Vers. 22. ISrael is my sonne even my first borne 1. Israel is called the Lords first borne not only in respect of eternall election as Pellican for the election of God doth not hinder terrene government they might be eternally elected of God and yet bee Pharaohs servants still 2. Neither is this spoken only comparatively because they were the first nation that publikely professed the worship of God and had the prioritie of the Gentiles who were as the younger brother Ferus 3. Nor yet is it spoken only by way of similâ—tude that they were as deere unto God as the first borne Piscator 4. But they were the first borne people by a peculiar election whereby the Lord had set them apart from all other people to whom he would give his lawes and therefore Pharaoh was not to keepe them in servitude belonging to another Lord Simler Therefore to them did belong the right and preeminence of the first borne as dignity authority Borrh. And they were beloved of God in the right of the Messiah the first borne of all creatures and the only begotten sonne of God Iun. who was to bee borne of that nation according to the flesh Osiander 5. Therefore God will slay the first borne of Egypt both of man and beast because of the injurie offered to his first borne and this being the last judgement which was shewed upon Egypt it is like that God revealed to Moses aforehand all those severall plagues which afterward were sent upon Pharaoh QUEST XXI Who smot Moses in the Iune and how Vers. 24. THe Lord met him and would have killed him 1. In the Hebrew it is said Iehovah met him the Latin and Septuagint read the Angell of Iehovah giving the sense rather than the word for Iehovah by his Angell smote Moses the Angels of God are found in Scripture to bee the Ministers of Gods judgements Pellican Iun. 2. Tertullian thinketh that Moses sonne that was uncircumcised was in danger rather than Moses himselfe but that is not like for then Moses himselfe rather if he had beene in case would have circumcised the child rather than his wife 3. For the manner of punishment inflicted upon Moses that is a ridiculous fable of R. Salomon that the Angell appeared in likenesse of a Dragon and swallowed up Moses past the middle to the place of his circumcision and then when Zipporah in haste had circumcised the child hee let him goe againe Theodoret thinketh that the Angell appeared with a drawne sword threatning Moses but Moses was more than threatned for hee was so weake that hee was not able to circumcise his child therefore the common opinion of the Hebrewes is that Moses was smitten with some sudden disease as may appeare in that his wife was faine to cut off her sonnes foreskinne and yet it is like that whether the Angell appeared in a visible humane shape or otherwise came upon Moses thar by some visible and evident signe hee and his wife perceived that it was for neglect of circumcision Iun. QUEST XXII For what sinne the Lord would have killed Moses NOw concerning the cause why the Lord laid his heavy hand upon Moses 1. It was neither because he carried his wife and children with him which were a cumber unto him and therefore hee sent them bake as Augustine and Eusebius Emisenus for seeing Moses had no speciall commandement to leave them behind he was therein to follow the common order and duty required in matrimony to take care of his wife and children Simler And he could not have left his wife behinde without offence to his father in law who might have thought hee had neglected her and would take him another wife in Egypt 2. Neither was his feare the cause because he was afraid to goe unto Pharaoh as Theodoret for he was now in his journey and was resolved to goe forward 3. Therefore the cause indeed was for the neglect of the circumcision of the child as David Kimhi Rupertus Thostatus with others Ex Pereriâ— as it may appeare because that as soone as the child was circumcised Moses was presently delivered from the danger therefore some Hebrewes conjecture that God punished him for making so long stay in the â—ane is frivilous and without ground Simler QUEST XXIII Whether the Israelites transgressed in omitting circumcision 40. yeeres in the wildernesse BUt it will be further questioned why the Lord was angry with Moses for deferring of circumcision and yeâ— he did tolerate it in the Israelites which were not circumcised in the desert by the space of forty yeeres as is evident Iosh. 5. Some therefore thinke that the Israelites were dispensed with for being not circumcised in the wildernesse because it was not so needfull in that place seeing the people were separated from all other nations and lived apart by themselves and therefore circumcision was not so necessarie there the speciall end whereof was to distinguish the Israelites from all other people but when they came over Jordane among other nations then they received circumcision the badge or cognisance of their profession so Theodoret Damascen Contra. But this was not the principall end of circumcision to make difference betweene the Israelites and other people the chiefe scope thereof was to bee a seale of the covenant betweene God and his people and therefore ought not in any place to have beene neglected 2. Some therefore excuse this omission of circumcision in the desert by the continuall journeying of the Israelites they were still to follow the direction of the cloud whether by day or night but they could not travell immediatly upon their circumcision Perer. Who further addeth that if it had beene a fault in them Moses would not have suffered such a great breach of the law seeing the man that gathered stickes upon the Sabbath was punished Contra. 1. The continuall travell of the Israelites could not bee the chiefe or onely cause of such omission seeing they stayed many yeeres in one place as in Kadesh barnea Deut. 1.46 and when they were circumcised in Gilgal they were presently also to goe forward
of God procureth divers plagues as here Moses feareth lest the people if they should not offer sacrifice and doe service unto God should be punished Simler So the Apostle affirmeth that the Corinthians were chastised some with sicknesse some with death for unreverent receiving of the Lords supper 1 Cor. 10.30 2. Observ. Many receive the Gospell joyfully at the first but after fall away Vers. 21. THe Lord looke upon you and judge At the first this people when Moses brought them a joyfull message of their deliverance were glad and thankfully received that gladsome tidings chap. 4.31 But now being more vexed and oppressed than before and not seeing their present deliverance they murmure against Moses Such is the propertie of many in these dayes that are content to receive the Gospell as long as it bringeth ease and prosperitie with it but in time of adversitie they fall away Ferus whom our Saviour compareth unto seed sowne in stony ground which as soone as it riseth is parched away with the heate of the sunne Matth. 13.5 3. Observ. The Gospell falsly challenged to be the cause of Gods judgements Vers. 21. YE have put a sword into their hand to slay us They lay the fault upon Moses and Aaron and make them the cause of their trouble So Achab charged the Prophet Elias that he troubled Israel Thus the heathen Idolaters accused the Christians as the causes of the plagues and famines that were in the world as blind superstitious people doe now lay the like imputations upon the Gospell whereas their superstition and Idolatrie procureth Gods judgements Simler 4. Observ. In the time of affliction we must fly unto God by prayer Vers. 22. MOses returned to the Lord c. By which example wee are taught in all our afflictions and necessities to have recourse unto God by prayer as the Apostle prescribeth If any man be afflicted let him pray Iam. 5.13 So the Prophet saith For my friendship they were my adversaries but I gave my selfe unto prayer Psal. 109.4 5. Observ. Some things fall out in shew contrarie to Gods promises in the beginning to trie our faith Vers. 23. ANd yet thou hast not delivered thy people The Lord after he hath made gracious promises to his servants doth suffer some things contrarie thereunto to fall out for the time for the triall of their faith and patience God promiseth unto Abraham to multiplie his seed as the starres of heaven and yet afterward bid him sacrifice his sonne in whom the hope of his seed was So God promised the Israelites prosperous successe against Benjamin yet at the first they were twice overcome David was annointed King in Sauls place yet hee was persecuted of Saul and driven from his countrie for a while but at the length the Lord made good to the full all his promises toward him Perer. CHAP. VI. 1. The Argument and method THis chapter hath two parts the first is a declaration or rehearsall of the charge which the Lord giveth unto Moses which containeth a double commandement or commission the first to goe unto the Israelites to promise them deliverance unto vers 20. The other unto Pharaoh to vers 14. In the former three things are shewed 1. The foundation of the peoples deliverance which consisteth in the power of God vers 3. his promises made to the fathers vers 4. his compassion upon the afflictions of the people vers 6. 2. The promise followeth partly to deliver them out of bondage vers 6.7 partly to bring them into the land of Canaan vers 8. 3. The effect is shewed that the people because they were afflicted hearkened not unto him In the other commission first the Lords commandement is set downe vers 11.2 Then Moses refuâ—â—â— vers 12. 4. The renewing of the commandement In the second generall part by way of digression is inserted the genealogie of Moses who came of Levi wherein first briefly the genealogie of the two elder sonnes of Iacob Ruben and Simeon is set downe vers 14.15 to make a way for Levi. Then the genealogie of Levi is expressed and of his three sonnes of Gershom vers 17. Merari vers 19. of Kohath and of his sonnes Amram of whom came Moses and Aaron who are specially insisted upon vers 25. to the end and of Izzari vers 21. and Vzziel vers 22. 2. The divers readings Vers. 3. I appeard c. in the name of God almightie I.G. in God shaddai V. as an almightie God B. being their God S. but the word name is fitly supplied as the other part of the verse sheweth but in my name Iehovah c. But in my name Iehovah was I not knowne B.G.I.V.A.P. better than my name Adonai H. my name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord. S. Vers. 7. That I Iehovah bring you out from the burdens of the Egyptians B. G. cum caeter rather from being under the burdens A. that ye be not subject to the burdens I. Vers. 8. Which I did lift up my hand to give it A. B. H. better than upon the which I lift up my hand to give it L. S. P. for upon is not in the text or for the which V. for also is added or which with lâ—ft-up hand I sware to give I. I sware is inserted Vers. 12. Gave them a commandement to the children of Israel V. L. I. or commanded them to the children of Israel A. P. better than concerning the children of Israel B. the preposition el signifieth to or then gave them a charge to goe to the children of Israel G. S. to goe is added Vers. 14. Chenoch and pallâ— A.P. rather than Chanoch I. for it is hatephpathah where pathah is assumed to sheva to helpe to pronounce it and it is better expressed with e than a as the Septuag Hanoch so also V.L. for it is expressed with the some points with the other Henoch Gen. 5. and rather than Henoch S.L.V.B.G. for it is written with cheth which is rather expressed with ch than h. Chetzron I. rather than Hesron L. B. or without an aspiration Esron S. or Hetzron V. or Chezron A P. The first letter is cheth which is as much as ch the other tsadi which is expressed by â—z Vers. 16. Kehath I. B. A. P. rather than Caath L. S. or Cahat V. or Kahath G. for it is with sheva which soundeth e. Vers. 18. The yeeres of the life of Kohath I.V.L. cum caeter rather than Kahath lived B. G. Vers. 25. Pinchas I.A.P. not Pinhas V. or Phinees L.S. or Phinehas G. for the middle letter is cheth ch but because of the better sound the last is used Vers. 27. These are they that spake to Pharaoh and in the end of the verse This is that Moses and Aaron I. V. L. S. cum caeter better than these are that Moses and Aaron which spake B. G. Vers. 29. And it was what day the Lord spake I. V. A. P. better than in the day that
libertie to exercise his power like as hee ran upon the heard of swine and cast them all headlong into the sea so hee were able to force men into many dangers both of their bodies and soules Ex Perer. Beside this absolute limitation and restraint of Satan when God doth stay him from working there are two other kindes of inhibiting for neither hath Satan such free scope to exercise his rage upon the faithfull as hee hath power to worke upon the children of disobedience for they are his proper subjects and in them the God of this world blindeth their mindes 1. Cor. 4.4 and they are taken in the snares of Satan at his pleasure 2. Tim. 2.26 But over the faithfull hee hath no command to delude deceive or seduce them neither to invade them at all without speciall liceâ—ce from God as Iobs tentation sheweth And againe though the Lord for some causes best knowne to himselfe doe give him leave to trie his children yet God so qualifieth his assaults and tentations as that they effect not that which Satan intendeth but are disposed of to that end which the Lord propoundeth as Satan desired to winnow Peter as wheate and thorowly to have sifted him but Christ upheld him that his faith failed not Luk. 22.31 32. and that his tentation tended not to his subversion Concerning this threefold limitation of Satan I thinke it not amisse here to adde the sentence of Augustine For the first that Satan cannot doe what he would but his power is restrained he thus writeth Si tantum posset nocere diabolus quantum vult non aliquis justorum remaneret If the Devill might hurt as much as he would not any of the just should remaine For the second that Satans power is more free and absolute over the wicked he thus saith In fili is diffidentiae tanquam in suis mancipus operatur quemadmodum homines in pecoribus In the sonnes of unbeliefs he worketh as in his owne vessels as men upon their cattel Againe Sicut homo de pecore suo facit quod vult de alienâ— pecore ut faciat expectat sibi dari potestatem ab eo cujus est As a man doth what hee will with his owne cattell but with another mans he cannot doe any thing but expecteth first that leave be given him of the owner For the third that when the Lord permitteth Satan to assault his owne servants yet he moderateth the action that Satan worketh not his will upon him but what he intendeth for their destruction the Lord directeth to be onely for their probation Augustine also thus inferreth Vtitur Deus Angelis malis non tantùm ad puniendos malos ut in Achab sed etiam ad probandos manifestandos bonos sicut fecit in Iob God useth evill Angels not only to punish the wicked as in Achab but to prove and make knowne the good as he did in Iob. Thus then is this point determined 1. The Devill hath not now such power as before his fall as Augustine saith Sunt nobis potentiores neque tamen tam firmi nunc sunt ac si in pristino statu permansissent They are mightier than wee are but yet not so strong as if they had remained in their former estate 2. The good Angels have greater power in working upon the creatures than the evill Augustine In haec Angelis longe amplior potestas est bonis malâ— quamvis major bonis The Angels both good and bad have greater power than man over these inferiour creatures and yet the good have greater power than the evill 3. Satans power is limited he doth not what hee will 4. The Devill hath more command over the wicked than power over the righteous 5. When hee practiseth against the righteous yet his malice is restrained God turneth the tentation to that end which shall be to his glory and the good of his children From hence may bee inferred two conclusions first that righteous and faithfull men are not altogether freed from the assaults and invasions of Satan as S. Paul felt in himselfe the pricke of the flesh the messenger of Satan sent to buffet him 2. Cor. 12. And as hee may trie them with spirituall tentations so also he may if God permit torment them with corporall vexations as Iobs example sheweth and to this purpose Augustine concludeth well Contra mulâ—iformes daemonum incursus quis sua innocentia fidit c. Who can trust upon his innocencie to be defended against so many incursions of the Devill seeing that they many times vex infants then whom nothing is more innocent The other conclusion is that although Satan may set upon the members of Christ yet hee cannot hurt them he may enter into the lists with them but not overcome them the Serpent may bite the heele but Christ hath broken his head and as our blessed Saviour saith of himselfe The Prince of this world commeth and hath nought in me Ioh. 14.30 So neither by Gods grace hath he any part in us that are the members of Christ. Augustine doth notably touch this point in this manner Fortior quis est aut corpore c. One may be said to be stronger either in body as an horse is stronger than a man or in minde as the reasonable creatures than the unreasonable and in affection and disposition as the just man more than the unjust or in power and authority as the Captaine stronger than the souldier by the first of these wayes potestas datur deterioribus in meliores the worse may have power given them over the better for the proofe of their patience and so he concludeth Principes illi in re inferiore superant in potentiore superantur fideles enim mente firmiores sunt infirmiores corpore Those principalities he meaneth the spirituall powers are superiours to us in things inferiour but they are in things superiour weaker the faithfull are stronger in minde and more infirme in body QUEST XIV Whether the Devill by his owne power can raise thunder and lightning HItherto it hath beene shewed what Satan is able to doe in that immediate action of moving and transporting himselfe and other creatures from place to place it followeth to shew wâ—at power he hath in the other mediate action which is done by the meanes and instrument of the creâ—â—ures But here ariseth a question fit to bee discussed whether the Devill by his owne power can raise tempests windes thunder lightning as Pererius thinketh he can by warrant of the story of Iob where Satan brought downe lightning upon Iobs sheepe and raised winde whereby the house was overwhelmed upon Iobs children Perer. in 4. disput in cap. 7. Num. 34. But herein I must needs dissent from Pererius though I finde that Augustine inclineth to the same opinion for thus he writeth In libro fidelissimo legimus diabolum potuisse ignem de coelo demittere We reade in a most faithfull booke that the
the Scripture insinuateth Deut. 11.11 where Moses sheweth a difference betweene the land of Canaan and Egypt where they watered their fields with their feet as a garden that is they conveyed the waters of Nilus by trenches and furrowes to their fields which overflowing their grounds serveth in steed of raine and therefore the Egyptians did more honour Nilus than heaven Perer. QUEST XLIII Whether the Sorcerers did turne the waters into true bloud NOw whether the Sorcerers brought forth true bloud as Moses did though it need bee no question as is before shewed Quest. 21. yet there are divers opinions about it 1. Augustine thinketh that the Sorcerers by the Devils helpe did change the water into very naturall bloud lib. 83. quâ—st 79. But that cannot be for the Devils have no power to change or transforme one substance into another immediatly without naturall meanes and seeing true bloud is not ingendred but in the body and that not immediatly but by certaine degrees and preparations Satan could not in truth doe any such thing 2. Pererius thinketh that this bloud was cunninly conveyed by the Devils helpe from some other place and not made out of the water But this is not likely for it was no small quantity of bloud which seemed to be changed by the Sorcerers out of how many bodies could the Devill draw and sucke so much bloud and if the bloud were brought what came of the water that must bee conveyed away also Beside the text saith that the enchanters did likewise then as Moses turned water into bloud they must to make their worke like turne water also into bloud or seeme to doe it 3. Wherefore I subscribe rather to Iustinus Sanguinem à Magis exhibitum non fuisse verum sed fallacem praestigiosum That the bloud brought forth by the Magicians was not true bloud but deceitfull and counterfeit quaest Orthod 26. Ferus reason is because naturas mutare solius Dei est it only belongeth unto God to change natures Osiander saith Videntur ad breve tempuâ— conversae The waters seemed to be changed by the Sorcerers but for a short time but Moses miracle continued seven dayes which sheweth that it was a true miracle So Ambrose concludeth Si arte sua quis sublimitate astutiae aliam creaturam fingat ad horam sicut finxerunt Iannes Iambres If any by his cunning and deepe deceit can faine another creature for a time as Iannes and Iambres did c. QUEST XLIV How this first plague was stayed HOw this plague ceased is not expressed 1. Philo thinketh that at the supplication of the Egyptians made to Moses and his prayer unto God the waters returned to their first nature But if it had beene so it is not unlike but that Moses could have expressed so much as hee doth in the other plagues that were stayed by that meanes 2. Iosephus writeth that Pharaoh seeing the miserable state of the Egyptians did give leave to the Israelites to depart and so the plague ceased but presently after hee repented him but the Scripture seemeth to be contrary for Pharaohs heart was hardened at the first and not mollified at all neither did this plague enter into his heart vers 23. 3. Therefore it is most like that this plague contined untill the beginning of the second which is the end of the first and so it ceased neither at the entreatie of Pharaoh or the Egyptians or by the prayer of Moses but by the will of God Thostat Perer. QUEST XLV Of the application and use of this first plague FOr the mysticall application of this plague 1. Augustine comparing the ten plagues of Egypt and the ten Commandements together doth referre the first plague to the first Commandement applying it thus The water out of the which commeth the generation of many things signifieth God the beginning of all the turning of this water into bloud is the corrupting of the divine worship by humane and carnall inventions of flesh and bloud 2. But I preferre rather Ferus applications the one propheticall that this plague did portend the bloudy end and destruction of Pharaoh and the Egyptians the other morall that wherein a man sinneth thereby in the justice of God is he punished as Adonibezek by the cutting off his fingers and toes as he had served others Absalon by his haire which hee was proud of so the Egyptians are punished in the water wherein they had destroyed so many innocent babes Pererius 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Of the institution of the princely and priestly calling Vers. 1. I Have made thee Pharaohs God and Aaron thy brother shall be thy Prophet Here we have the institution of two most necessarie callings among the people of God the princely power in Moses whose commission was to give edicts and lawes and the Ecclesiasticall in Aaron to whom it appertained to interprete and expound the Law as the Prophet saith Aske the Priest concerning the law Borrh. 2. Doct. Of the hardning of the heart how it is said to proceed from God Vers. 3. I Will harden Pharaohs heart Mans heart is hardened two wayes either by it selfe internally or by some externall accident that moveth the inward cause or the instruments thereof the externall agents are either efficients and so the Devill as an efficient and working cause moveth the heart of man unto evill being corrupt of it selfe or they are only disposing and ordering so the Lord is said to harden the heart which he doth three wayes 1. By leaving the will of man being destitute of good to it evill nature and disposition 2. By some occasion given by the Lord which in it selfe is good the heart of the wicked becommeth more obstinate as by the Lords commandement by Moses Pharaoh was more hardened so the Apostle sheweth that some take occasion by the law which is good to bee more evill Rom. 7. like as tender and weake eyes by the brightnesse of the Sunne doe dazle the more and become blinder 3. The Lord seeing the will of obstinate men to be thus hardened and bent upon evill he in his justice also driveth them to that end whither of themselves they runne headlong Iun. Like as the primum mobile in the heavens the utmost sphere carrieth all the other inferiour orbes of the planets about yet every one of them doe keepe their contrary course by the which the eclipses of the Sunne and Moone fall out yet so as by the first overruling motion they are whirled about and brought to their Eclipse which is properly caused notwithstanding by their owne particular motion so there is an overruling power of God that bringeth every thing to the end appointed yet the defects and eclipses of our will doe proceede of our owne corrupt nature See more of this point how the Lord is said to harden the heart chap. 4. quest 19. 3. Doct. That no man sinneth of absolute necessitie Vers. 22. HE did not hearken unto them as the Lord had
purpose not to returne convey much away Simler 4. Now further it is to be observed that this 15. day of the second moneth when Manna was given was the same day which was prescribed for them to keepe the Passeover in that were uncleane Numb 9. signifying thus much that the true Manna was not given to the Jewes which observed the first legall pasch but to the Gentiles which were uncleane through their filthy Idolatry Christ the true Passeover was offered and this was the second pasch under the Gospell which succeeded the first pasch under the Law Ferus ex Gloss. ordinar QUEST III. Whether all the children of Israel murmured Vers. 2. ANd the whole congregation of the children of Israel murmured 1. The word Lun here used signifieth to persist as also to murmure but the latter is more proper they persisted obstinate and opposed themselves by their murmuring against Moses and Aaron 2. It is like that there were some godly persons among them that murmured not as Caleb and Ioshua but because they were but few in respect of the rest all are said to have murmured Lyran. and even the Saints also are not without some infirmities Ferus 3. The whole congregation therefore is said to murmure both because it was generall throughout the campe and in regard of the manner they assembled tumultuously against Moses and Aaron and shewed their discontent Simler 4. It is added in the desert to shew the cause of their murmuring the place where they were was barren and dry and yeelded no hope of any succour or comfort Iun. And beside their wretched nature appeareth that being in such misery and distresse which should have stirred them to prayer they fell to murmuring Simler 5. This famine then which they endured was the more grievous in these three regards because all their provision which they had brought out of Egypt was spent and there was small hope of any new supply in that vast and barren desert and beside the multitude was so great that a little provision would not suffice Borrh. 6. So for this cause all the congregation is said to murmure both to include the Levites who also murmured with the rest and there were beside other strange people mingled with the Israelites who set them on worke to murmure as we reade Numb 11.4 Tostat. quaest 1. QUEST IV. How they are said to have murmured against Moses and Aaron here and afterward against the Lord. AGainst Aaron and Moses Yet afterward verse 8. they are said to have murmured not against them but against the Lord the reason is this 1. Because they were the servants and Ministers of God and he which murmureth against Gods Ministers contemneth God himselfe Genevens And Moses so saith Vt adversus illum se scirent murmurasse qui illos miserat That they should know that they had murmured against him who had sent them August quâ—st 59. in Exod. 2. They are said then to murmure against Moses and Aaron because their speech was directly against them and to them but in effect it was against the Lord because not Moses and Aaron but the Lord had brought them out of Egypt which the Israelites repented them of and were discontented with Lyran. and beside that which they murmured for the want of flesh and of bread Moses could not give them but God Thostat quaest 1. QUEST V. Of the grievous murmuring of the Israelites Vers. 3. O That we had died by the hand of the Lord c. These murmuring and obstinate Israelites doe diversly offend 1. In their ingratitude in extenuating the benefits which they had received upon every occasion they looke onely unto their present state and place where they were and thinke not of the place of bondage whence they were brought Pellic. 2. They preferre carnall things before spirituall the flesh-pots of Egypt before the glorious presence of God who now shewed himselfe visibly among them Ferus 3. They preferre their miserable bondage in Egypt with their grosse flesh-pots before their glorious liberty being in some want whereas men will even with the losse of their lives redeeme their liberty Marbach 4. Yea they untruly accuse Moses and Aaron as though they had brought them out for their destruction whereas they did therein nothing of their owne head but as the Lord directed them Ferus Pellican 5. Yea they call their glorious vocation from bondage to liberty a death and destruction Borrh. QUEST VI. How the Israelites are said to have fit by the flesh-pots of Egypt WHen we sate by the flesh pots 1. The word sir signifieth both a pot and a thorne because they used to hang their pots upon hookes of iron or wood like unto thornes and so the meaning is that they sate by the pot hangers whereon they used to hang their pots Oleaster 2. Some thinke this is spoken because they had flocks of cattell in Egypt whereof they might have fed if they would but they did rather use to eat of fish and fowle which they had there in abundance Gloss. ordinar 3. But though the Egyptians abstained from the flesh of bullocks and sheepe it is like the Israelites had their fill and their fitting by the flesh pots both noteth their security Lyran. and their carnall voracity and greedinesse Sedebant affectuoâ—e They sate gaping over the pots Tostat. They had cattell in the desert but if they should have eaten of them they might soone have killed them all up 4. But it is very like that they speake somewhat lavishly in the commendation of Egypt as Dathan and Abiram did call it a land that flowed with milke and hony Numb 16.13 of purpose to disgrace and diminish the true praise of the land of Canaan which indeed was the land that flowed with milke and hony 5. Some thinke further that they had no such store of cattell in the wildernesse because of the want of pasture oâ— that they spared that kinde of flesh lest they should want for sacrifice but it is not like that this people had any such religious thought at this time therefore it is more probable that they longed not for such kinde of flesh which was at hand but for the flesh of fowles such as they used to eat in Egypt and they wanted now for the nature of discontented people is to loath such things as they have and to covet and desire that which they have not and in that the Lord giveth them quailes it seemeth hee satisfied their owne desire but to their further hurt in sending that kinde of flesh which they lusted after Sic fore Gloss. Ordinar QUEST VII In what sense the Lord saith he will raine bread from heaven Vers. 4. I Will cause bread to raine from heaven 1. Some thinke that by bread is understood generally any kinde of nourishment after the manner of the Hebrew phrase Gloss. ordinar Lyran. Oleaster But Augustines reason overthroweth this interpretation Nam isto nomine carnes complectuntur ipsa enim alimenta
way which they should walke Quantum ad credenda What they were to beleeve and the worke which they should doe Quantum ad agenda that is what things they were to doe Ferus QUEST XIX Of the qualities and properties required in good Magistrates Vers. 21. PRovide men of courage The first propertie required in a Magistrate is that he be valiant chaijl which signifieth not onely valour or strength of the bodie but the industry of mind as Pharaoh would have Ioseph set over his cattell such of his brethren as were valiant that is industrious and well practised and experienced among cattell In this first qualitie or vertue then these things are required 1. That they must be industrious able to dispatch and expedite causes Simler Valentes ingenio men of good dexteritie and wit Cajetan There must be verus intellectus a good conceit and understanding Tostat. 2. Constancie and strength is required Ne metu potentiorum deserat causam justam That he doe not leave a good cause for feare of mightie men Simler As Ecclesiasticus saith Noli fieri Iudex c. Seeke not to be made a Iudge lest thou bee not able to take away iniquitie and lest thou fearing the person of the mightie shouldest commit an offence against thine uprightnesse 3. Also it is fit they should be of greater power in riches or by birth and estimation in the world for if they be base and poore though upright they are sooner contemned so Deut. 1.15 they must be jedughim knowne and famous men if other vertues doe concurre withall Tostat. Among the Lacedemonians one Demosthenes an obscure and base fellow gave wise and prudent counsell which the Ephori which were the counsellers of state willed to be propounded by another man of fame and estimation lest it might have beene contemned because of the first author Simler 2. They must bee men fearing God For the feare of God is the foundation of all vertues and where that is not Non sunt verâ— virtutes sed umbrae They are not true vertues but shadowes of vertues Simler And if men of might should not feare God Cum ex potentia sua homines non timeant c. When in regard of their great power they feare not men they will be readie to commit many wrongs Tostat. quâ—st 6. Oportet jus dicentem aliis rationem habere superioris Iudicis c. It behoveth him that judgeth others to have respect unto his superiour Iudge to whom he must give account of all his acts Cajetan Deum spectent cujus vicem obtineant Let them looke unto God in whose stead they are Borrh. They must execute his will whose place and person they sustaine for where no feare of God is there justice is soone declined as is evident in Pilate Ferus 3. They must be men of truth Both understanding the truth that they may be able to distinguish right from wrong as also following the truth in their will and practice for there is a speculative truth in discerning and judging and a practicall truth in following a right judgement Tostat. There is veritas vitae truth of life when a mans conversation is framed according to the rule of truth veritas justitiae in giving unto every man his right and veritas doctrinae in discerning the truth from errour and right from wrong Lyran. This love of the truth containeth these two things both that in others he should give way to the truth that he should seeke out the truth by witnesses writings evidences and in himselfe having found out the truth give judgement accordingly Simler Vt sit vera tum dicendo tum faciendo to be true in word and in deed both to speake the truth and practise it Cajetan Veritas non tantum fraudibus crassis mendaciis sed ambitioni c. The truth is not opposed onely to fraud and grosse lies but to ambition flattery and such like and what other cunning soever may be used to corrupt judgement Calvin Stabiles sint in sententiis non mutabiles They must be stable in their sentences not changeable Oleaster 4. They must hate covetousnesse Quantumvis sufficiat homini non esse avarum c. Although it be sufficient for a private man not to be a covetous yet a Judge must be so far from covetousnesse that he abhorre and hate it Cajetan Some thinke that the Hebrew word batzah signifieth to fill a Judge then must not desire to be filled with riches for a covetous man will never be full but to be content with things necessary and convenient for his place Oleaster For gifts blind the eies of the wise and pervert the words of the just Beside these properties here required there bee other also elsewhere set downe as Deut. 1.13 they must be men of wisdome and understanding The first of these belongeth to the speculative and intellectuall part he must be wise both in the knowledge of God for true religion maketh wise and in humane affaires there is a particular wisdome as of every artificer in his trade but this must be a generall wisdome how to rule and governe all sorts of men The other which is called binah understanding belongeth rather to practise than speculation for hee that hath knowledge onely in generall and knoweth not how wisely to applie it to every particular occasion is not fit to be a ruler or governour Ioseph was wise in the unfolding and interpreting of Pharaohs dreame hee was also prudent and a man of understanding in giving advice afterward how to provide against the famine Further they must not be of base and obscure condition but such as are famous and well knowne as no man will commit his money to an unknowne Banker nor his bodie to an unexperienced Physitian so neither should men of unknowne conditions be trusted with the common-wealth Lastly their age must be respected as Numb 11.16 Moses is bid to take such as he knew to be Elders of the people not onely in yeares but in manners for age bringeth experience and experience maketh wise Yet young men which are endued with the wisdome of the ancient are not to be rejected from government as David and Iosias were but young when they came to the Kingdome Simler QUEST XX. How that Rulers over thousands hundreds c. are to be counted Vers. 21. RVlers over thousands c. 1. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that this distribution was onely of the under Officers and Ministers to the Judges that some of them had 10. some an 100. some 1000. apparitors under them for the execution of their sentence Ex Simler But this would have bred a great confusion that one Judge should have had so many ministers neither should their causes have beene dispatched so many being brought to one Judge 2. Others thinke that this division was of the Judges themselves that one session was of ten another court above that of 100. and a superiour to that of 1000. Simler But beside
they whom Ezechiel describeth chap. 13. that did sow pillowes under all arme-holes There are other flatterers in civill affaires such was Iehonadaâ— that applied himselfe to 〈◊〉 filthy humour 2. Sam. 13. thinking thereby to insinuate himselfe unto him being the Kings eldest sonne Pelarg. 3. A double mischiefe commeth by these flatterers for they both corrupt them whom they flatter and nourish them in their evill and feed their humorous disposition as the people puffed up Herod in pride by their flattering acclamations that it was the voice of God not of man Act. 12. So Alexander and Nero were corrupted by flattery and of good Princes became most cruell Tyrants Simler Therefore Diâ—gâ—â—s said well that it was better to fall upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crowes than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 flatterers for they did but devoure the body these did devoure the soule And beside this mischiefe flatterers procure great hurt unto those whom in their flattery they accuse and traduce as Doâ—g was the cause that 85. Priests were put to the sword Simler 5. Another kinde of false testimony is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all kinde of lying and false speaking for lying lips are an abomination to the Lord Prov. 12.22 The beginning of lying was from the Devill Ioh. 8.44 When he speaketh a lye thâ—n speaketh he of his owne he is a lyer and the father thereof and the end of liers is to be cast into the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone Basting Pelarg. Of the divers kindes of lies see before quest 6. QUEST XVIII Of a false testimony which a man giveth of himselfe NOw remaineth the last kinde of false testimonies when one is a false witnesse of himselfe and hereof there are two sorts 1. Arrogancy and vaine ostentation when any maketh his boast of vertue and piety which is not at all in him such the Prophet Esay meaneth chap. 65.5 which say Stand apart came not neare me I am holier than thou Such was the Pharisie that vaunted himselfe before the Lord of his fasting and almes 2. The other is coloured and cloaked hypocrisie such was that of the Pharisies that under pretence of long prayer devoured widowes houses Matth. 23.14 these 〈◊〉 gaine and profit the end of their religion Another sort of hypocrites make the praise of men the scope of their dissimulation such were also the Pharisies that caused a trumpet to be blowne before them when they gave their almes and used to pray in the corners of the streets that they might be seene of men Matth. 6. Like unto these Pharisaicall hypocrites were the Monkes in Popery that through a pretence of religion gathered infinite wealth and riches possessions and lands unto their Monasteries and Cels. All these are enemies to the truth and maintainers of falshood making a lye of themselves Simler 3. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. The particular vertues commanded with their contrary vices forbidden IN this Commandement generally is commanded the love confession and defence of the truth and contrariwise is forbidden all lying falshood dissimulation 1. The first vertue then here required is the love of the truth and the franke confession thereof with the mouth and practice in the life therefore the Devill though he sometime speake the truth yet because he loveth it not hee is not of the truth neither can be said to be true The confession of the truth as it concerneth the glory of God belongeth to the third Commandement but as it respecteth the good of our neighbour it is referred to the ninth Concerning this inward love and outward profession of the truth the Prophet David saith describing a righteous man Psal. 15.2 And speaketh the truth in his heart Contrary hereunto are 1. In the defect all kinde of lying whatsoever dissimulation fraud circumventing flattering such the Prophet noteth Psal. 12.2 They speake deceitfully every one with his neighbour flattering with their lips and speake with a double heart the Lord cut off all flattering lips 2. In the excesse there is 1. an intempestive and unseasonable confession of the truth concerning the which our blessed Saviour giveth this caveat Not to give holy things unto dogs nor to cast pearles before swine Matth. 7.6 not in all places and before every one to utter every truth 2. Curiosity which is to enquire things unnecessary or unsearchable as the Apostles were inquisitive after the time of restoring the Kingdome to Israel to whom our Saviour maketh this answer That it was not for them to know the times and seasons which the father hath put in his owne power Act. 1.7 2. Here is required that vertue called Candor which is a favourable interpreting of mens doings and sayings taking all things in the better part and hoping the best where there is no evident cause to the contrary which is an especiall fruit of charity as the Apostle sheweth 1 Cor. 13.7 It beleeveth all things it hopeth all things Contrary hereunto are 1. In the defect first perversenesse taking all things in the worst part and wresting mens sayings and doings to another sense than they meant as the false witnesses did those words of our blessed Saviour Of the destroying the temple and raising it in three dayes which he meant of the temple of his body they turned it to the materiall temple Secondly suspition when men are ready to take every occasion to suspect their neighbour of evill which is contrary to charity which thinketh not evill 1 Cor. 13.5 it is not suspitious Yet all suspition is not condemned in Scripture for our blessed Saviour saith Matth. 10.16 17. Beware of men c. And Bee wise as Serpents c. There is then a good suspition and an evill suspition which are thus distinguished 1. The evill suspition is raised without any cause at all or the same not sufficient the good ariseth of a probable and sufficient cause 2. The evill when upon a bare suspition any thing is certainly concluded the good leaveth the thing suspected in suspense and doubt 3. The evill is when upon suspition followeth hatred and an intention to worke mischiefe the good when one useth his suspition to charitable and friendly admonition 2. In the excesse here offendeth the credulous person that is without all suspition where there is just cause such an one was Godaliah that would suspect nothing of bloudy Ismael that was sent to kill him Ier. 40.16 Secondly the flatterer erreth here who upholdeth men in their sinnes and will not tell them their 〈◊〉 therefore Moses saith Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart but thou shalt plainly rebuke thy neighbour and not suffer him to sinne 3. Simplicity and plainenesse is commanded which is a vertue whereby one plainly and sincerely professeth that which is right and agreeable to the truth without any colouring or cloaking so in Nathanieâ—â— commended for an Israelite indeed in whom there was no guile Ioh. 1.47 Contrary hereunto is doubling and dissembling either in words or
and in the time of Samuel Saul and David the Arke and Tabernacle were apart so that it seemeth in that confused and unsetled estate that the Law in that behalfe concerning the place of sacrifice was not so strictly observed QUEST XXII Whether it was lawfull to sacrifice before the Arke and at the Tabernacle while they were asunder NOw the place where the Lord did put the memoriall of his name was in the Tabernacle and Arke while they were placed together and when they were in two divers places it was lawfull to sacrifice before either of them 1. That it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Arke was is evident by the practise of the men of Bethshemesh that offered sacrifice at the returne of the Arke from the land of the Philistims 1 Sam. 6. So David sacrificed before the Arke when he brought it from the house of Ebed Edom 2 Sam. 6. and the reason is because the name of God was invocated or called upon where the Arke was 2 Sam. 6.2 And from the mercie seat which was upon the Arke of the Testimony did the Lord use to speake and give answers Numb 7.89 2. Likewise that it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Tabernacle was while the Arke was away is apparent 1. Because there was the brasen Altar whereon they offered their burnt offerings before the dore of the Tabernacle Levit. 17.6 which Altar followed alwayes the Tabernacle and not the Arke as Salomon found the Arke at Jerusalem but the Tabernacle with the furniture thereof he fetched from Gibeon 2 Chron. 1.3 4 5. 2. Where the Ministers of the Altar the Priests and Levits were there was it lawfull to offer sacrifice for they gave their attendance to that end but most of the Priests and Levits remained with the Tabernacle as Ahimelech with 85. more were at Nob where Saul put them to death while the Arke abode in the house of Abinadab who consecrated his sonne Eleazar to keepe it 1 Sam. 7.1 who alone sufficed not for all sacrifices and oblations of Israel it seemeth therefore that most of their sacrifices were brought then to the Tabernacle though the Arke at that time were in another place 3. Beside after the captivity of Babylon when the Arke was no more to be seene as some thinke hid by Ieremy 2 Macchab. 2 but as is most like lost in the captivity or burnt with the Temple they used to offer sacrifices for after the captivity they restored and renewed such necessary parts and implements as before were in Salomons Temple and were burnt together with the Temple they made like unto them afterward as mention is made of Luk. 1. how Zacharie burned incense before the Lord which was upon the golden Altar likewise Matth. 27. the vaile was rent which divided the most holy place from the Sanctuary when Christ gave up the ghost and seeing they offered sacrifices for which cause some sold doves in the Temple whom Christ cast out Matth. 12. they had also the brasen Altar only the Arke they had not for seeing the Tables of stone the pot of Manna and Aarons rod were all missing for the keeping whereof the Arke was principally made they had no cause to make a new Arke there being no farther use or service for it Tostat. quaest 43. QUEST XXIII How long the Arke was severed from the Tabernacle NOw because mention is made before of the parting and separation of the Arke and Tabernacle it shall not be amisse to shew how long the Arke was absent from the Tabernacle which time will be found to be not much under 100. yeeres as may bee gathered thus after the Arke returned from the country of the Philistims it remained in the house of Abinadab 20. yeeres 1 Sam. 6. and all the time of Samuels government and Sauls reigne who made 40. yeeres betweene them Act. 13.21 whereof those 20. yeeres were part then it was removed by David about the 8. yeere of his reigne to the house of Obed Edom where it continued three moneths and from thence to the house of David in Jerusalem where it stayed 32. yeeres and 11. yeeres more under Salomons reigne for when hee had finished the Temple in the 11. yeere of his reigne 1 King 6.38 he brought the Arke from Davids tent which hee had pitched for it into the Temple 2 Chron. 1.4 So all these yeeres being put together 40. yeeres of Samuel and Sauls government 40. yeeres under David and 11. yeeres of the reigne of Salomon will make 91. yeeres whereunto adde those seven moneths during which time the Arke so journed among the Philistims 1 Sam. 6.1 In which compasse and continuance of yeeres the Arke had these sundry removes first it being carried from Shiloh was seven moneths in the countrey of the Philistims from thence it was carried to Bethshemesh where 50. thousand and 70. persons were slaine for looking into the Arke 1 Sam. 6. then it removed to Kiriathiearim 1 Sam. 7. from thence to the house of Obed Edom and so to the house of David 2 Sam. 6. where it stayed till Salomons Temple was built these were the setling places and mansions of the Arke after it was severed from the Tabernacle till they were joyned together againe saving that sometime the Arke upon some speciall occasion was removed for a while as when they went out to battell as 1 Sam. 14.18 and so was brought to the place againe Sic fere Tostat. qu. 42. QUEST XXIV Of the removing of the Tabernacle AS the Arke was thus removed up and downe so also was Moses Tabernacle for first it was carried from place to place as long as the Israelites pitched their tents in the wildernesse and after they were come into the land of Canaan the Tabernacle remained a long time in Gilgal for thither came the Gibeonites to Ioshuah in Gilgal Iosh. 10. after that it was set up in Shiloh Iosh. 18.1 where it continued all the time of the Judges untill Samuel who understanding by the Spirit of prophecie that the Lord had rejected Shiloh removed the Tabernacle to Nob where Saul put 85. Priests to the sword from thence it seemeth the Tabernacle was translated to Gibeon where it continued untill Salomons Temple was finished from thence Salomon brought it into the Temple 2. Chron. 1.3 Tostatus qu. 42. QUEST XXV Of the places where it was lawfull or unlawfull to sacrifice NOw concerning the places wherein it was lawfull to sacrifice this distinction is to bee observed 1. That the ordinary place was in the Tabernacle when the Arke and it were together and both at the Tabernacle and before the Arke when they were divided as is before shewed 2. Extraordinarily it was lawfull for the Prophets to sacrifice elsewhere as did Samuel David Elias as is before declared quest 20. being thereunto directed by the Spirit of God 3. But in the high places it was unlawfull to sacrifice and therefore those Kings are commended which tooke away the high places and those reproved
could not refuse but might be compelled to take it and so he taketh here si if for quia because Contra But the very letter of the law is against this exposition for it is expresly said The oxe shall be stoned and the owner shall die also But if the owner might at his libertie redeeme his life with money then he should never be put to death and so that clause of the law should be superfluous Tostat. quaest 29. 2. Neither yet is Tostatus opinion here to be received Quandoque posuit in electione cognatorum c. That the law doth put it in the choice of the kinsmen of the slaine when they would demand the owner to die and when they thought good to set him a summe of money and so hee maketh this a different case from that vers 22. where the Judges were to set the summe of money because it was no capitall offence but here he is to pay whatsoever is required by the adversarie part without any moderation or limitation of the Judges because the offence being capitall cannot be valued or esteemed by any certaine summe of money Tostat. quast 28. Contra. But this is not like that this was left to the choice of the adversaries for either they might set such an unreasonable summe which the owner was not able to pay or else might use partialitie that in the very like case some owner should die when another should escape with his life and so the law should not be equall and indifferent to all 3. Some thinke that it was in the Judges discretion to change the sentence of death into a pecuniary mulct concedit lâ—x quòd possit Iudex decernere c. The law alloweth the Judge to determine c. Cajetan Lippoman thinketh that the adversaries were to make the demand praevia tamen non iniqui Iudiciâ— moderatione c. yet by the moderation of an indifferent Judge going before But if it were altogether arbitrarie in the Judge when a man should die in this case when not to what end saith the law The owner shall die also In that case then there propounded he was certainly to die which sentence by the Judge could not be dispensed with 4. Therefore I thinke rather with Iunius that in this mitigation of the former sentence of death a divers case is put from the former that if the owner of the oxe non satis scivit did not sufficiently know it vel non satis cavit or did not take heed enough thinking he had sufficiently provided for his beast that in this case he might be excused Si simplick as vel incogitantiâ— hominem excusaâ—â—t if the mans simplicitie or forgetfulnesse did excuse him c. so that he were not found to be wilfully negligent and carelesse the Judge might set him at a summe of money Calvin QUEST LXVII What servants this law meaneth Hebrewes or strangers Vers. 32. IF the oxe goare a servant or maid 1. Some thinke this is generally meant of all servants among the Hebrewes where lesse respect is had unto servants than unto free men Vt cura libertatis major vigeret in populo Dei c. That there should be more care had of libertie among the people of God that they come not through their owne default into servitude and bondage Lippoman 2. But it is rather understood of such servants as were Gentiles and strangers and not Hebrewes as may appeare by the former lawes vers 20.26 which are onely referred unto that kinde of servants Iun. For in all kinde of percussions and wrongs offred to the bodie or life the Hebrew servants had the same privilege which free men had Againe Tostatus addeth this reason because if he were an Hebrew servant that was killed the money should not be given to his master but so much onely as his service remaining might be valued at the rest was to goe rather to his children or kindred as put the case that his service were esteemed at foure sicles yearly and there remained but one yeare of his service before the seventh yeare came then his master was to have but foure sicles of the thirtie sicles But because the Gentile servants were their masters perpetuall possession the whole summe which the servant was valued at that perished belonged unto them Tostat. quaest 3. QUEST LXVIII Why a certaine summe of money is set for all servants Vers. 32. HE shall give unto their masters thirtie sicles The common sicle weighed the fourth part of an ounce of silver so that thirtie sicles made seven ounces and an halfe that is so many dolleâ—â— seven crownes starling and an halfe Iun. which is about 37.s. 6.d. of our money Now although there was great difference in the price of servants for the men servants were more worth than the maids and the young and strong than the old and weake yet a certaine rate is set for these reasons 1. Some thinke this proportion and summe is named because out of Cham there issued thirtie generations Gen. 7. from whom servitude tooke beginning But this is but a figurative reason which rather belonged to the ceremoniall than to the politike lawes Tostat. quaest 29. 2. These reasons rather may bee yeelded 1. That whereas the summe for the death of a free man is arbitrarie vers 30. but the certaine quantitie is named for a servant slaine by a beast this was to shew a difference betweene servants and free men Cajetan 2. Quia caedes erat involuntaria c. Because this slaughter was involuntarie and the owners negligence onely is punished therefore one servant is not set at an higher rate than another Simler 3. And beside this moderate and indifferent price is taxed that the owner of the oxe and the master of the servant might as it were divide the losse betweene them that seeing it was done of negligence non multum gravaretur in solvendo Dominus bovis The owner of the oxe should not be burthened with over great payment Tostat. quaest 29. QUEST LXIX What kinde of wells this law meaneth where and by whom digged Vers. 33. WHen a man shall open a well or digge a pit c. 1. Here are two cases put when either one uncovereth a well digged alreadie or diggeth a new well and leaveth it uncovered then he is subject to this law Lyran. For if one made a well and left it covered and another commeth and uncovereth it though he made it not now he is in fault and not the other that made it quia causam immediatam tribuit malo because hee is the immediate cause of the evill or mischiefe that is done Tostat. qu. 30. 2. Rab. Salomon thinketh that if the master commanded another to make a well and leave it uncovered that in this case he is not to make good the losse but he that made it Contra. If he that made it were a servant who could not gainsay his masters commandement in this case the master was rather to be charged with the
penaltie than the servant because he was the cause but if he were a mercenarie man or an hireling then he together with the master that set him aworke are joyntly to beare the losse because it was in his power to have refused Tostat. So then not onely he that maketh such a pit and leaveth it uncovered but he that also caused it are punishable by this law Iun. 3. But in this other point R. Salomon his opinion is very probable that this law must be understood of such pits as were made in such common and usuall places where cattell used to goe not of such as were digged in solitarie and unfrequented places as in the mountaines for then it was a meere chance if any such casualtie happened Tostat. Lyran. Neither can this law take place now when men have their severall and divided grounds wherein they make their pits and wels which divisions were not so usuall among the Israelites then Gallas 4. Though mention be made onely of the oxe and asse that shall fall into the pit yet there is the same reason of other cattell as of sheepe and goats Lyran. But there is a greater doubt what should bee done if a man and woman should perish by such meanes Simlerus seemeth to be of opinion that the owner or maker of the pit should be punished in this case as if hee had not kept his oxe that used to goare But the life of man is of greater value than to be taken away where there is no direct law but by a kinde of consequent If indeed any man should of purpose leave open a well to intrap his brother here he is guiltie of wilfull murther because he lay in wait for his brother and therefore was to die for it according to the law vers 14. But if the pit bee left open of negligence in this case the digger of the pit shall not make satisfaction for the life of a man as for a beast there decaying because a man in his reason and discretion could better prevent the danger of falling into the pit than a bruit beast 5. Gregorie doth thus mystically applie this law Quid est aperire cisternam nisi sacra scriptura arcaâ— penetrare c. What is it to open a well but to search into the Arke of the sacred Scripture Subliâ—â—s sensus coram non capientibus silentiâ— contegat Let him cover with silence the high and secret sense before those which cannot conceive them otherwise he shall be guiltie si per verba ejus mens in scandalum c. if by his words the simple minde of the hearer shall be scandalized Gregor 17. moral cap. 13. 6. Thomas doth thus moralize Then one giveth occasion of falling to another which is to fall into the pit quando facit aliquid vel dicit minùs ratum when hee doth or saith any thing which is not right whereby occasion is ministred to another of falling Thom. quodlibet 4. art 23. ad 3. QUEST LXX How the live and dead oxe are to be divided where they were not of equall value Vers. 35. IF a mans oxe hurt his neighbours oxe c. they shall divide c. 1. This is not meant of the oxe onely but of other cattell also as if one mans ramme kill another à parte totum intelligendum est by one part the whole is to be understood August quaest 82. in Exod. 2. And this law is most equall because it cannot be knowne which of them first assaulted the other the one being not knowne to push more than the other that both the live dead should be equally divided Simler The like law the Romans had in the 12. tables that if ones beast hurt another the owner should make it good or deliver the beast Gallas 3. But this division must bee understood where the beasts are of equall value otherwise there should be wrong done to one of them As if the dead oxe were worth six pound and the live oxe but two pound if both should be divided then he that was owner of the live oxe should receive foure pound twice so much as his oxe were worth and the other should lose two pound in the price of his beast the meaning then is that an equall division should be made where the oxen are equall in value and the losse in the dead oxe to bee equally borne by them both as if the live oxe bee worth six pound and the dead oxe was worth as much being alive but now is valued at foure pound then either of them both the oxen being sold should have five pound a peece and so each of them should beare 20.s. losse Lyran. But where the value was unequall first the price must bee made up in money where the oddes was and then the rest divided as if the live oxe were worth 12. sicles and the dead oxe worth but six alive and foure now he is dead these being now both sold make 16. sicles in all of this summe first six sicles must be given unto the owner of the live oxe to make up the equall value of the dead oxe which was worth but six then the residue being ten sicles should bee divided to each of them five sicles and so the losse should bee indifferently borne betweene them Tostat. quaest 32. 4. To know then how an equall division may bee made when the beasts are of unequall value these rules must be observed 1. Si non perdit uterque aequaliter â—f both doe not lose alike the owner of the live beast and the owner of the dead the division is not equall Tostat. quaest 33. Medietas damni debet poni super unum c. The halfe of the losse must bee laid upon one and the other halfe upon the other Lyran. As if the live oxe be worth 12. sicles and the dead oxe was worth but six being alive and now is sold for foure here are two sicles lost which must bee equally borne betweene them so that the owner must have five sicles and so he loseth but one 2. Another rule is that if either of the owners receive more for the live or dead oxe than it was worth being alive the division is not good as in the former example if the owner of the live oxe should have above 12. sicles or the owner of the dead above six 3. If the owner of the dead oxe have lesse allowed him than his dead oxe is worth as if hee should receive but three sicles when the dead carcase is sold for foure 4. If the owner of the dead oxe receive as much for the dead as he was worth alive as namely six sicles whereas he is worth but foure the division is unjust for now the whole losse of two sicles should lie altogether upon the owner of the live oxe Tostat. quaest 33. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of keeping the seventh day of rest holy unto God Vers. 2 IN the seventh yeare he shall goe out free Consider here
because by that Ratio reddebatur de his qua â—nquirebamure A reason was given of those things which were inquired So also Ribera because it was fat idicum it prophesied of things to come Procopius because rationalis animi pars c. the reasonable part of the minde is placed in the heart which the breast-plate covered Vatablâ—s giveth this reason Quia exactaratione consideranda erant c. Because the things therein as the Vrim and Thuâ—miâ—â— were exactly and with deepe reason to be considered of the high Priest But this descanting upon the word is here superfluous seeing the Hebrew word coshen signifieth a pectorall or breast-plate and not as the Septuag and Latine translate 2. It is then called the breast-plate of judgement not as the Hebrewes because the high Priest found therein what the judgement of God was in that matter which was inquired upon for it shall afterward be shewed that the Vrim and Thummius were not given to that end nor yet because the high Priest in all weighty matters of judgement did put on the Ephod with the breast-plate Marbach for by that reason it might as well be called the Ephod of judgement neither because Aaron should in judgement have the people in remembrance when he went into the holy place Oleaster But it was therefore so called for that the high Priest did put it on when he consulted with the Lord about the causes of the people to give right judgement as Numb 27.21 He shall aske counsell for him by the judgement of Vrim before the Lord Iun. QUEST XX. Of the fashion of the breast-plate Vers. 16. FOure-square shall it be The breast-plate is thus described 1. For the manner of workmanship it must be of broidered worke like the Ephod 2. For the matter five things are required to the making thereof as before in the Ephod gold blew silke purple skarlet fine twined linen 3. For the forme and fashion it must be foure square every side of even length as appeareth by the foure orders of the stones and double it must be that it might be of more strength to hold and receive the stones ut firmius substaret auro that it might be the stiffer for the gold and precious stones Pellican 4. For the quantity it was an handbreadth which was halfe a cubit that is twelve fingers for if it had beene but the small handbreadth that is foure fingers it had not beene sufficient to cover the breast before Montan. Ribera Pelargus 5. The ornaments also of the pectorall are set forth which were twelve precious stones set in foure rankes or rowes QUEST XXI Of the twelve precious stones their names colours qualities and congruitie with the twelve Tribes Vers. 27. A Rubie Topaze and a Carbuncle in the first row In the severall application of these stones these foure things shall be observed 1. The name 2. The colour 3. The vertues and qualities 4. The congruity with the tribes of Israel A Rubie The first stone is called odeus of adam which signifieth to wax red Iosephus calleth it the Sardonix the Septuagint the Sardie it is most like to be the Rubie Montan. Genevens 2. The colour of it was red Oleaster as the signification of the word is rather than yellow of the colour of fire as Iunius taketh it for Pyrâ—pus the Carbuncle a precious stone like fire 3. They say it repelleth feare and cheareth and maketh bold Tostat. sharpeneth the wit and stancheth bloud at the nose Magirus 4. This stone they say stood for Ruben Montanus maketh an allusion betweene Ruben and the Rubie but Ribera giveth this reason that as the Sardie is red and somewhat of a fiery colour so he went into his fathers concubine igne libidinis incensus fuit and so was set on fire with concupiscence A Topaze 1. The Hebrew word is pitdah in which there are three radicall or principall letters p t d which being transposed t. p d make topad or topaz not much differing in sound Montan. It is so called of the place where it was found Topasos in Aethiopia Marbach Or the Isle Topazon gave the name to it as Plinie lib. 37. cap. 8. so called of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to seeke because it was much sought for Gloss. interlin would have it called Topazium as if we should say topadium that is of all colour but there is no reason of that etymology 2. Some take it to be of greene colour Montan. And so some of the Hebrewes thinke it to be the Smaragd Ribera out of Plinie lib. 37. cap. 8. alleageth that in greenenesse of colour it exceedeth all other precious stones But it is rather of yellowish colour mixt betweene gold and skie colour Isider Etymol 16. Tostat. Gloss. interlin There are two sorts of it one of the colour of gold which is more precious the other like unto saffron which is of the second sort Marbach And it seemeth to be of yellow colour because Iob 28.19 the Topaze of Aethiopia and the fine gold are named together 3. It is availeable against phrensie and lunacie and melancholy as Diascorides 4. Simeon is resembled to this stone not so much ob animum prasentem for his present and resolute minde which Ribera would have signified by the greene colour as because he was inflamed with ire and rage when he slue the Sichemites A Carbuncle 1. Iosephus with the Septuagint call it the Smaragd so also Iunius Vatabius the Chalde also and Latine Interpreter but that stone is of greene colour it seemeth rather to be the Chrysolitâ— Montan. or the Carbuncle Genevens The word is bareketh derived of barak which signifieth to lighten 2. It was then a precious stone that sparkled and glistred as the lightening which could not be of greene colour though the Smaragd be commended for the exceeding glistering brightnesse in so much that a Romane Emperour is said to have seene in his Smaragd the sword players as they did fight But because barak signifieth lightening as Ezech. 1.13 Out of the fire went barak lightning this stone being named thereof may better be taken for the Carbuncle or Chrysolite 3. The Carbuncle is of such exceeding brightnesse that it giveth light and shineth in the darke 4. Hereunto some resemble Levi Montan Tostat. But it is more like that Levi was omitted because the high Priest of Levi who was to weare this glorious breast-plate might stand for the whole Tribe then Iudah was rather named in the third place Ribera Pelarg. whose royall power streaming glory and princely dignity is more lively set forth in the shining Carbuncle or glistering Chrysolite Pelarg. than in the greene smaragd as Marbach And whereas the Carbuncle is so called of the similitude of fire licèt ignes non sentiant although these stones feele no fire themselves Plin. 37.7 by this property Messiah the Prince of Juda is shadowed forth who in that respect may be called apyrotus not to be vanquished or overcome with
the Romane Church teacheth doctrines contrarie to faith there it may worthily bee left 4. And will they have us to follow them in manners also The Pope and his Cardinals no marvell give such good example of life that it is pitie that they are not imitated They that know Rome and the generall prophanesse and licentious living there though never so much addicted to the Popish religion I think would be ashamed to follow their conversation 5. This ramme signifieth Christ by whose blood only we are purged our eares hands and all other parts sanctified of whom the Prophet speaketh Isai. 50.4 He will waken mine eare as the learned it is blaspemie therefore to applie it to Peter he sanctifieth not the eare Christ indeed healed the eare which Peter cut off I hope they will not say that Peters bloud doth sanctifie them 6. Oleaster giveth a better sense of this place Nihil aliud hujusmodi sanguinis respersione adumbrari video quam Sacerdotum punitionem c. I see nothing else shadowed forth by this sprinkling of bloud than the punishment of the Priests Si negligentiores in audiendis ejus mandatis c. If they should be negligent in hearing Gods Commandements and in the executing of their ministery c. Let the Pope and popelings therefore looke unto it that they smart not for it one day in neglecting Gods Commandements in respect of their owne traditions 4. Controv. Of the elevation of the host and of the signe of the crosse Sa. Vers. 24. THou shalt shake them to and fro The Latine text readeth Thou shalt sanctifie them elevating or lifting them up Whereupon Sa in his annotations would ground the elevation of the host in the Sacrament and Lyranus and Tostatus observe that the Priest shaking them to and fro and lifting them up and downe in this motion made as it were a signe of the crosse in the aire Contra. 1. Who taught them to borrow their ceremonies from the figures and types of the Law If such rites as shadowed forth Christ be still to be used to what end died Christ The Jewes that thinke Christ not yet to be come have some colour in retaining their legall ceremonies but seeing Christians doe beleeve that Christ the body and substance of the Law is come in him all those shadowes are determined 2. Neither was it yet revealed unto them how Christ should suffer and whereon hee should bee offered therefore it is not like that the moving of those things up and downe and to and fro had any such signification 3. Neither was the crosse of Christ of that fashion that as much should be left above the crossing in the head as under it in the feet so that the upright peece should be crossed in the middest after which similitude this motion of the Priests hands seemed to be up and downe and then sidewayes to and fro 5. Controv. Against the burying of Bishops in their Pontificials Vers. 29. ANd the holy garments which are Aarons shall be his sonnes after him It was not the fashion then among the Hebrewes as it is now among the Romanists for their high Priest to be buried in his priestly robes as now their Bishops are intombed in their pontificials Lippoman one of their owne Writers giveth this note hereupon Lest any should say Aaron shall use the pontificall vestures all his life time and when he dieth ipse eisdem indutus tumulabitur he shall be buried in them c. He seemeth closely to glance at that superstitious use practised among them Simlerus ghesseth well at the cause of this ridiculous usage I cannot tell saith he why they should doe so nisi fortè ut mortui fungantur munere suo quod vivi nunquam fecêre unlesse it be that they might exercise their function when they are dead which they never did being alive 6. Controv. Of the lawfulnesse of Ministers marriage and the legitimation of their children Vers. 29. SHall be his sonnes after him c. Tostatus here thus noteth that because in the old Testament the Priests had wives the sonnes succeeded their fathers as others did in civill principalities but now in the new Testament sacerdotes non habent uxores the Priests have no wives and therefore their sonnes succeed them not because they have no sonnes and if they have sometime sonnes illegitimi sunt they are illegitimate c. Tostat. qu. 16. Contra. 1. If the Priests of the Law had their wives of whom was exacted a greater legall purity in outward observations than now why should the Ministers of the new Testament be restrained in the times of the Gospell which hath given us liberty that were in bondage under the Law 2. Then the sonnes succeeded the fathers in the priesthood both because the tribes were distinguished and their families and kinreds divided that Christs line of Iudah might be continued and then the service of the Tabernacle consisting chiefly in externall observations required no such exactnesse but that the sonne might be fit to succeed his father in the priesthood especially God giving an extraordinary blessing unto that lineal succession but now it is not fit that children should alwayes succeed their fathers because the Gospell requireth a greater sufficiencie and the childe is not alwayes heire of his fathers gifts but where the sonne is endued with sufficient parts to take upon him his fathers charge there is no reason why he should be barred We see in these dayes that divers learned men Ministers and Professors under the Gospell have left behind them their sonnes men of worthy parts as Iosias Simlerus had a sonne of the same name who writ the Dedicatory Epistle to his fathers learned Commentaries upon Exodus David Pareus that learned man hath likewise his sonne Philip Pareus who hath written of Logike Kicherman the Author of his Logike and politike Systemata succeeded his father in Gymnasio patrio in his fathers schoole And divers such beside might be named 3. And doth he thinke indeed that the sonnes of Priests are illegitimate and unfit to succeed their fathers What thinketh he of divers Popes that were Priest sonnes as Bonifacius the first Felix the third Agapetus the first Sylvester Theodorus Hadrianus Benedict the 8. Iohn the 12. all which were the sonnes of Priests and Gratian addeth further Quà m plures etiam alii inveniuntur de sacerdotibus nati and divers beside are found to have beene borne of Priests 4. Indeed they which have sonnes and are not married which is no rare thing in the Popish Clergy doe leave an illegitimate seed behind them but such as are borne in lawfull matrimony are an holy seed of what calling soever their parents be for both marriage among all men is honourable Hebr. 13.4 and so consequently among Ministers and their children are holy 1 Cor. 7.14 They therefore that condemne their marriage and make their children illegitimate and so unholy doe contradict the holy Apostle and in a manner give him the
had conceived that Moses were dead they would not have spoken so doubtfully as not knowing what was befallen him Lyranus And beside God would not have suffered Satan in the same place where hee gave them signes of his glorious presence in the clouds to have practised his cosening and counterfeit tricks 2. They shew their contempt not vouchsafing to call him by his name Contemptim virum illum appellabant c. They in contempt call him the man c. Lippoman 3. They also bewray their infidelitie that having daily experience how the Lord fed them with manna could not conceive how the Lord should preserve Moses alive also fortie dayes without any supplie of food from them Simler 4. They shew their oblivion and forgetfulnesse that having seene Moses goe up into the mountaine and entring into the thicke cloud talking with God they now begin to imagine that he might be consumed and devoured in those flames Osiander 5. This their apostasie and falling away from God and despising of his Prophet did prefigure their falling away afterward from Christ Ferus QUEST XII Why Aaron bad them pull off their earings Vers. 2. THen Aaron said plucke off the golden earings c. 1. Some thinke because the people made great account of their jewels and earings that Aaron by this meanes did thinke to have turned them from their purpose So Augustine Intelligitur illis difficilia pracipere voluisse ut isto modo ab illa intentione revocaret He may be thought to have commanded them hard things to revoke them from their intention c. So also Tostatus Lyranus 2. And Calvin further addeth that he required this lest they might have spoiled the Tabernacle to finde gold for this idoll and he might thinke the people would have beene more hardly drawne unto it because they had given so liberally unto the Tabernacle alreadie But Calvin is herein deceived for the Tabernacle was not yet made Moses being not come downe from the mount where he received instruction for the making of the Tabernacle 3. Further Aaron might thinke that the women would hardly have parted with their jewels and that there might have risen by this meanes some tumults and stirres in their families by which meanes this attempt should have beene stayed Siml Oleast And this is very like that Aaron used all meanes secretly to have put off the people but herein was his great fault that he dissembled in so weightie a matter and did not plainly and openly stay the people QUEST XIII Whether Aarons sin here is to be excused SOme goe about to excuse or extenuate Aarons offence here 1. Bernard alleageth that Aaron was forced thereunto Sceleratis tumultuantis populi contra volunt atem suam cessit clamoribus Hee gave way unto the wicked clamours of the people against his owne minde So also Theodoret Vitulum formaré necessario coactus est He was forced of necessitie to frame a calfe And so he excuseth himselfe afterward by the peoples outrage vers 22. But nothing should have compelled Aaron to doe evill he should have feared God rather than man and chosen to die before he would see God dishonoured 2. Ambrose saith Neque excusare tantum Sacerdotem possumus neque condemnare audemus We can neither excuse so great a Priest nor yet dare condemne him But seeing Moses did afterward sharply reprove him and the Lord would for this have slaine him Deut. 9. there is no question but that he most grievously sinned 3. Some alleage by way of excuse that all Aarons courses tended to have sought delayes till Moses comming in that he called for their earings which he thought would have beene gathered with much trouble and businesse then he casteth them altogether and melteth them and then caused it to bee fashioned with a graving toole after that he made an Altar and deferred the solemnitie till the next day Oleaster But all this being granted it is so farre from excusing Aaron that perfidiosior est assensus c. his consent is so much the more treacherous dissembling his conscience when he saw idolatrie so grounded and rooted in the people than if he had given a simple assent Iun. in Analys 4. Procopius saith Quasi convitienda exprobrat c. Aaron doth as it were upbraid them and scoffingly say unto them These are thy gods c. but neither were these the words of Aaron the people so said neither is it like that Aaron being afraid of them would have scoffed with them wherefore that Aaronâ— sinne was very grievous and inexcusable doth now follow to be shewed in the next question 5. Theodoret addeth Primo populi impetum verbis compâ—scere tentavit c. That first he tried to pacifie the heat of the people with words But this is not expressed in the text it may be he would have disswaded them but that he saw them so violently carried that there was no speaking unto them QUEST XIV Of the greatnesse of Aarons sinne AArons sin then is made manifest set forth by these circumstances 1. In respect of his person he had often conference with God and by him the Lord had wrought great works and miracles in Egypt therefore his example was so much the more dangerous and his fall the greater 2. The thing that hee consented unto was a breach of the first table it was not theft or adulterie or such like but wicked idolatrie for Spiritualia peccata graviora sunt Spirituall evils are more grievous Ferus 3. Quod propriis manibus accipit signum est effoeminati servilis animi In that he taketh their earings with his owne hands it was a signe of an effeminate and servile minde Calvin 4. He sinned also grievously in his dissimulation when for feare hee against his owne conscience dissembled and so betrayed the truth Iun. 5. Borrhaius addeth that he sinned two wayes beside in usurping a lawgivers office which belonged unto Moses and in bringing in new ripes and worship which God had not commanded But Aaron offended not in the first because Moses had left him governour in his place till he returned but in the latter his presumption was great 6. Aarons fall also appeareth in this that after he made a golden calfe seeing it to be pleasing unto the people he was so forward afterward both in making an Altar and proclaiming a solemnitie Pelarg. QUEST XV. Why it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall NOw it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall 1. Vt humiliaretur that he might be humbled lest hee might afterward have beene too much lifted up being called to bee high Priest Ferus 2. By this example we doe see Sanctissimos interdum faede labi c. that holy men may sometime grossely fall Borrh. 3. This sheweth that Aarons Priesthood was not perfect nor able fully to reconcile men unto God seeing he himselfe was a sinner Marb Quomodo unus captivus alium liberaret How should one captive deliver another Ferus
thing of his credit Simler 3. He sheweth his ignorance thinking himselfe excusable because hee was urged and compelled through the importunitie of the people to doe it Importunitas populi eos levare non potest c. The importunitie of the people cannot ease them any thing who should have beene more prudent and circumspect in their government Gallâ—s 4. In excusing hee accuseth himselfe for in that the people were bent to mischiefe hee ought to have beene so much the more vigilant over them And whereas they asked to have gods made to goe before them and alleaged they knew not what was become of Moses he should have told them that the Lord was their guide and have declared where Moses was Simler 5. In saying thereof came this calfe frigida exili narratione culpam tegere c. he goeth about by a cold and slender narration to hide his fault Calvin QUEST LXV Whether Aaron dissembled in not confessing plainly that he made the Calfe Vers. 24. I Did cast it into the fire and thereof came this Calfe 1. The Hebrewes seeking to excuse Aarons fault what they may say that he intended not to make a Calfe but cast in the golden eare-rings into the fire to consume them but by the operation of Satan working by certaine Egyptian Magicians in the camp the forme of a Calfe came forth But that Aaron had an intention to make a Calfe appeareth by the former narration vers 4. how Aaron after it was molten and cast caused it to be fashioned with a graving toole See more hereof quest 17. before 2. Some thinke that Aaron mentitur timâ—re perterritus maketh a plaine lie being overcome of feare Oleaster So also Lyranus But Aaron would have beene ashamed publikely to make a lye as though he had purposed to make a Calfe seeing it was not well knowne to all the people to be his doing 3. Tostatus is of opinion that Aaron herein is not faultie at all but that he simply confessed that hee made the Calfe being through feare of the people thereunto compelled Sed Scriptura qua breviloquâ— est c. hic eum breviter tangit But the Sripture which is compendious because the narration hereof was set downe before doth but briefly touch it here But it might as briefly have beene set downe that Aaron made the molten Calfe as it is expressed before vers 4. therefore the brevitie of speech is not the cause 4. Augustine thinketh that Aaron himselfe compendio locutâ—â— est used this compendious speech and that he lied not at all because Moses eum de mendacio non arguit doth not reprove him for lying But as Aaron is not convinced here of a manifest lye yet some colouring and dissimulation appeareth in his speech because he doth not plainly confesse hee did it Substantia facti narratur tantummodo faciendi He confesseth only the substance of the fact concealing the manner Moses reproveth him not for this dissembling no more he doth for any other infirmitie here shewed because he replieth not againe 5. Hugo de S. Victor would have the meaning of Aarons words to be this Thereouâ— came this Calfe opere scilicet hominis non miraculo by the worke of man not by any miracle But the manner of his speech sheweth that Aaron sought to extenuate his sinne 6. I therefore here rather consent to those which thinke that Aaron coloured his fault by this speech Râ—m ita refert ac si praeter ipsius intentionem formatus sic vitulus He so reporteth the matter as though the Calfe were formed beside his intention Marbach Iejune simpliciter narrat Hee maketh a drie and slender narration Simler Exili narratione culpam tegere c. By a slender report he would cover his sinne Calvin Quicquid sit attenâ—at quantum potest culpam Whatsoever it is in these words he extenuateth his sinne what he may Lippoman And this seemeth to be more likely because Aaron maketh a colourable defence and excuse of his fault thorowout as is shewed before quest 64. QUEST LXVI In what sense the people are said to be naked Vers. 24. MOses saw therefore that the people were naked c. 1. Some understand it of their jewels of gold which they were deprived of being bestowed upon the idoll Lyran. Hugo de S. Victor But we read in the next chapter that they were splendidè ornati they had goodly ornaments Calvin Marbach Therefore they were not stripped of all 2. Some thinke that they were disarmed for Aaron fearing some mutinie and rising among the people had taken away their armour Cajetan But in that it is said afterward that the Levites girded their swords to them vers 27. it appeareth that their weapons were not taken from them Simler 3. Some expound it of the manifestation of their sinne that whereas hitherto they were counted the true worshippers of God now they should bee knowne to be idolaters and so defamed among the Heathen R. D. Kimbi Oleaster Vatab. 4. Some giue this sense Aaron had made them naked that is laid all the fault upon the people 5. Or they were naked because they went about obstinately to defend their sinne but in this sense Aaron could not bee said to have made them naked for he would not have encouraged them to stand in defence of their sinne having himselfe confessed it 6. The Chalde translateth Moses saw the people were idle that is gave themselves to eating and drinking and playing and neglected the feares of warre which would have beene unto their shame if their enemies should encounter with them 7. But beyond the rest this is the most proper interpretation that they were naked gratia prasiâ—lio Dei of the favour help and assistance of God Iunius Nudatus erat gratia protectione they were naked of his favour and protection Ferus Therefore Si tunc corruissent hostes proculdubio eos ignomiâ—iosè delevissent If then the enemie had fallen upon them they had most shamefully foiled them Gallas As the Canaanites overcame the Israelites when they set upon them wilfully God being not among them Tostat. qu. 34. So also Calvin Significat rejectos esse à Deo Hee signifieth they were rejected of God under whose protection they were To the same purpose Osiander Borrhaius Lippoman Simlerus QUEST LXVII Why Moses stood in the gate and what gate it was Vers. 26. MOses stood in the gate of the camp 1. Cajetan thinketh that the camp had gates to enter in by Quia castra munita eranâ— tanquam civitas because the camp was fenced about like a citie and Simlerus thinketh that the camp was compassed about with a ditch and by the same there were certaine passages and entrances into the camp But that is not like that they alwayes entrenched themselves seeing they were to remove at all times as the cloud before them removed which was sometime the same day sometime within two dayes Numb 9.22 so that they could have no time to
is a place by me that is not farre off in the mount where I use to commune with thee it seemeth then that the Lord was in some part of the mount by the description of the place in the rocke 3. Therefore it is like that this communication was had betweene the Lord and Moses not in the top of mount Sinai for then the Lord at this time would have shewed this sight which was not done till afterward when the Lord proclaimed his name Iehovah before Moses which followeth in the next Chapter chap. 34.7 Gallas But Moses went up to some part of the mountaine the next day after the slaughter of the people chap. 32.30 where he had all this conference with God which is declared in this Chapter saving that it is somewhat interrupted by the inserting of that narration of the peoples laying aside of their best garments and Moses removing of the Tabernacle out of the host vers 7. to vers 12. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. That the contemplative life should not hinder the active Vers. 23. AFter he returned to the host Moses did not dwell in the Tabernacle which he pitched without the host but returned againe to the campe after he had talked with God to attend the businesse of the people which sheweth that men should not be so much given to the contemplative life as to neglect their callings and to withdraw themselves from doing good unto others As some in time past for love of solitarie life being fit for their gifts to bee imployed in the Church did utterly refuse all kinde of calling therein But this is not the fault of this age Nimius ambitus jam damnandus too much ambition in seeking of preferment in Church and Common-wealth is now rather to be condemned Simler But our blessed Saviour sheweth by his example what a good temper should be made of the active and contemplative life who in the day time taught in the Temple and in the night went out and abode in the mount of Olives there giving himselfe to prayer Luk. 21.37 2. Doct. Grace with God is of mercie not by works Vers. 12. THou hast found grace in my sight Oleaster hereupon noteth that man is said to find grace Quia eam quasi thesaurum casu invenit non suâ— industria aut labore Because he findeth it unlooked for as a treasure not by his owne labour or industrie as the Apostle saith It is not in him that willeth or runneth but in God that sheweth mercie 3. Doct. The Lord knoweth all his Elect by name Vers. 12. I Know thee by name This sheweth that God hath a peculiar and particular knowledge of the elect as here Moses is knowne unto God by name And lest any should thinke that this was a speciall privilege unto Moses that he was more knowne unto God than another Procopius addeth I thinke it were better ut universaliter ille locus accipiatur de omni qui eadem qua Mosis pollent sanctitate That generally this place be understood of every one that is endued with Moses holinesse c. So the Apostle maketh a generall doctrine of it The foundation of God remaineth sure and hath this seale the Lord knoweth who are his 4. Doct. That there is mention made in Moses of everlasting life Vers. 20. NO man shall see me and live Cajetan well urgeth this place against those which thinke there is no mention made in Moses of everlasting felicitie For if no man should see God after this life it had beene sufficient to say no man shall see me at all therefore in adding and live hee insinuateth Quod adempta hominis vita poterit homo videre ipsum That when this life is taken away a man may see him c. As the Apostle saith When he appeareth we shall be like him for we shall see him as he is c. 1. Ioh. 3.3 5. Doct. A difference betweene the decree of election and reprobation Vers. 19. I Will shew mercie to whom I will shew mercie Marbachius here observeth the difference betweene election and reprobation Electio citra respectum operum nostrorum est Election is without the respect of our works but Damnatio reprobatio non est sine operum hominis respectu Damnation and reprobation is not without respect of mens works for if it were otherwise it would follow that the absolute will of God is the cause of their damnation which were contrarie to the Prophet I will not the death of a sinner The Apostle indeed calleth the vessels of wrath prepared to destruction as it is said He hath prepared the vessels of mercie unto glorie But yet with this difference it is said actively that God hath prepared the one to glorie his will and decree is the onely cause of their election without any foresight of their works it is of his mercie as here the Lord saith to Moses but the other are said passively to be prepared because first the Lord doth Eos in sordibus suis relinquere leave them in their filthinesse and upon the foresight of their sinne decree them unto everlasting damnation God doth sponte praeterire of his owne will as he electeth some so pretermit others but the decree of actuall condemnation is upon the foresight of their sinne See more Synops. pag. 822. 5 Places of Controversie 1. Controv. Of the corrupt reading of the Latine text Vers. 15. WHereas the Hebrew text here readeth to this effect If thy face goe not with us The Latine text changeth it thus If thou goe not which Tostatus justifieth thus that Hierom Cautissime mutavit did most warilie change it because there should otherwise seeme to be no difference betweene the Lords answer and Moses replie as now there is for by my face the Lord might understand his Angell But Moses is not contented that Gods Angell goe with them but requireth that the Lord himselfe would be their guide Contra. 1. If the Latine translator were cautelous in altering of the originall reading for If thy presence goe not If thou goe not then it would follow that it is an oversight in the originall and what is this else but for man to take upon him to correct the enditing of the Spirit 2. By Gods face and presence Moses understood not any Angell but God himselfe as vers 20. the Lord by face understandeth himselfe Thou canst not see my face for there shall no man see me and live 3. Neither doth the difference betweene the Lords speech and Moses replie consist in that distinction as is shewed before quest 31. the like error is committed before vers 13. where the Latine Interpreter readeth Shew me thy face for shew me thy way 2. Controv. That our calling is altogether of grace Vers. 19. I Will shew mercie to whom I will shew mercie Ambrose hereupon inferreth well Quod Dei gratiam nemo praeveniat merito suo c. That no man preventeth Gods grace by his merit as
and why 58. qu. Wherefore the people were compelled to drinke the powder of the Idoll 59. qu. Whether by the drinking of the water any visible signe of difference was made among the people who had most deepely offended about the golden Calfe 60. qu. How farre Moses fact herein is to bee imitated 61. qu. How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of his sinne 62. qu. Why Idolatrie is called a great sinne 63. qu. Why Moses onely rebuked Aaron and forbeareth further punishment 64. qu. What things are to be commended in Aarons confession what not 65. qu. Whether Aaron dissembled in not confessing plainely that he made the Calfe 66. qu. In what sense the people are said to be naked 67. qu. Why Moses stood in the gate and what gate it was 68. qu. VVhether all the Levites were free from consenting unto this idolatrie 69. qu. Of the authoritie which the Levites had to doe execution upon the idolaters and the rules prescribed them 70. qu. VVhether the Levites did not make some difference among the people as they went and killed 71. qu. VVhy none came unto Moses but onely of the tribe of Levi. 72. qu. Of the number of them which were slaine whether they were three thousand or twentie three thousand as the vulgar Latine readeth 73. qu. How the Levites are said to consecrate their hands 74. qu. Of the time when Moses came downe from the mount and when he returned againe 75. qu. VVhy Moses urgeth the greatnesse of their sinne 76. qu. Why Moses speaketh as it were doubtfully If I may pacifie him c. 77. qu. Why Moses againe intreateth the Lord seeing he was pacified before vers 14. 78. qu. What booke it was out of the which Moses wished to be raced 79. qu. How the Lord is said to have a booke 80. qu. VVhether any can indeed be raced out of the booke of life 81. qu. Of the two wayes whereby we are said to bee written in the booke of life 82. qu. VVhether Moses did well in wishing to bee raced out of the booke of life 83. qu. In what sense the Lord saith I will put out of my booke 84. qu. What day of visitation the Lord meaneth here 85. qu. When the Lord plagued the people for the Calfe 86. qu. Of the difference betweene the act of sinne the fault staine and guilt 87. qu. How God may justly punish twice for one sinne Questions upon the three and thirtieth Chapter 1. QUest At what time the Lord uttered his commination 2. qu. Whether the narration of Moses Tabernacle in this Chapter be transposed 3. qu. How God saith he will send his Angell and yet not himselfe goe with them 4. qu. Why the Lord saith hee will not goe with them himselfe lest he should consume them 5. qu. What ornaments they were which the people laid aside 6. qu. Why in publike repentance they used to change their habit 7. qu. Why the Lord thus spake unto Moses 8. qu. In what sense the Lord saith I will come upon thee 9. qu. VVhether the people put off their ornaments twice 10. qu. In what sense the Lord saith That I may know 11. qu. Why it is said They laid aside their good rayment From the mount Horeb. 12. qu. What Tabernacle Moses removed out of the campe 13. qu. Why Moses pitched his Tabernacle without the host 14. qu. How farre from the campe this Tent was removed 15. qu. VVhat is called the Tent of the Congregation 16. qu. Why the people stood up unto Moses and looked after him 17. qu. Whether there were two clouds or one to cover and conduct the host 18. qu. Why the Lord spake to Moses in a cloud 19. qu. How the Lord spake to Moses face to face 20. qu. Why Joshua is here called a young man 21. qu. Whether is here understood Joshua not to have departed from the Tabernacle 22. qu. When the Lord thus said to Moses 23. qu. How Moses desireth to know whom the Lord would send with them seeing hee had promised before to send his Angell 24. qu. Whether the sole government and leading of the people were here given to Moses without the administration of Angels as Burgensis thinketh 25. qu. When and where God thus said to Moses 26. qu. How the Lord is said to know Moses by name 27. qu. What Moses meaneth saying Shew me the way 28. qu. In what sense Moses saith That I may finde grace c. which he was assured of 29. qu. What is understood by Gods presence 30. qu. What rest the Lord promised to Moses 31. qu. Whether Moses here rested in Gods answer or begged any thing further 32. qu. Why Moses addeth Carrie us not hence seeing even in that place they had need of Gods protection 33. qu. Why it is added people upon the earth People upon the earth Gen. 25. 34. qu. Whether Moses desired to see the very divine essence of God 35. qu. VVhat imboldned Moses to make this request 36. qu. Whether Moses shewed any infirmitie in this request to see Gods glorie 37. qu. What the Lord meaneth by All my good 38. qu. How the Lord is said to passe by and why 39. qu. How the Lord is said to proclaime his name 40. qu. Why these words are added I will shew mercie c. 41. qu. Why the Lord is here doubled 42. qu. Of the divers kinds of mercie which the Lord sheweth 43. qu. Of the divers visions and sights of God 44. qu. Whether God may be seene with the eyes of the bodie in this life 45. qu. Whether wee shall see the divine nature with the eyes of our bodies in the next life 46. qu. Whether the divine essence can bee seene and comprehended by the minde of man in this life 47. qu. VVhether the Angels now or the soules of men shall fully see the divine substance in the next life 48. qu. VVhether Moses had a sight of the divine essence 49. qu. Of the meaning of these words No man shall see me and live 50. qu. VVhat place this was in the rocke which the Lord here speaketh of 51. qu. How the Lord is said to cover Moses with his hand 52. qu. VVhy the Lord covered Moses with his hand 53. qu. VVhy the Lord put Moses in the cleft of the rocke 54. qu. VVhat is here understood by the Lords back-parts 55. qu. VVhat manner of visible demonstration this was here shewed unto Moses 56. qu. VVhere the Lord promised that Moses should see his back-parts Questions upon the foure and thirtieth Chapter 1. QUest VVherefore the second tables were given 2. qu. VVhy the Lord saith to Moses Hew thee 3. qu. VVhether the Lord or Moses wrote in these tables and why 4. qu. VVhether Moses was to bee readie the next morning and why 5. qu. VVhy none are suffered to come up now with Moses 6. qu. VVhy their cattell are forbidden to come neere the mount 7. qu. VVho is said here to descend and how 8. qu. VVho
oscitationâ—m in multeribus lethalem that yawning in travaile to women is morâ—all 2. The Hebrewes thinke that Rachel being wearied in her journey came before her time but it is not like that Iacob would have hastened his journey if his dearest wife had beene so neare her time 3. Neither hath it any ground that God punished Iacob with the death of Deborah and Rachel for the slaughter of the Sichemites Mercer 4. Ruperius in that Deborahs death and Rachels is expressed Rebâ—ckaes and Leahs death concealed thereby resembleth the â—ynagogue of the iewes which he would have prefigured by Deborah and Rachel for so their Synagogue did die and fall away the church of the Gentiles revived and increased But such allegories doe not much perswade having no warrant or ground in Scripture QUEST XVI Of the names Ephratha and Bethlem why and by whom they tooke beginning Vers. 19. EPhrath which is Bethlem 1. Some thinke that this place was called Ephratha of Calebâ— wife Ephrata 1 Chron. 2.9 which Caleb was sonne of Hezron and went downe with Iacob into Egypt and afterwards it was called Bethlem that is the house of bread after the famine in Elimelech and Ruths time of the abundance of corne R. Salomon Lyran. 2. Tostatus misliketh this opinion because this Caleb that went downe into Egypt must be 215. yeare old and more if he survived to returne with the Israelites into the Land of Canaan at which time it is like Ephrata tooke the name and beside if the name Bethlem were given in Elimelechs time how commeth it to be used by Moses so long before But these reasons may be easily answered for the name Ephrata might be given by the second Caleb after his grandfathers name and divers names are inserted into this history not knowne in Moses time as the name Dan Gen. 14.14 which were added by way of explanation by those Prophets directed by the spirit of God which disposed the Scripture into order Perer. 3. But it is more likely that this place had both these names of the fruitfulnesse of the ground for so Ephrath is derived of Pharah which signifieth to fructifie and it was afterward called Bethlem the house of bread Mercer but by whom these names and when they were imposed is uncertaine QUEST XVII Of the tower of Ader where Iacob pitched his tents Vers. 21. ISrael c. pitched his tent beyond the tower of Ader or of the flocks 1. The Hebrewes in this place doe hold that the temple was afterward built because the Prophet calleth Sion the tower of the flock Micah 4.7 but that cannot be for this tower where Iacob pitched was not far from Bethlem about a mile Muscul. but Ierusalem was further off Mercer yet this name was given to Sion because the people assembled thither in flocks or because of the flocks of sheepe thither brought to be sacrificed Perer. 2. This tower was made for the safegard of the shepherds in that country that used to watch their flocks by night and Hierome well observeth this to be a type and prophecie of those shepherds which in this very place watched their flocks at the birth of Christ where afterward Helena for a memoriall of the apparition of the Angels unto them builded a temple Perer. Luther QUEST XVIII Of the incest of Ruben with Bilha Vers. 22. RVben went and lay with Bilha his fathers concubine c. 1. The Hebrewes to excuse the sinnes of their fathers here imagine that Ruben did nor commit incest with Bilha but only cast out her bed out of Rachels tabernacle where Iacob had placed it after Rachels death whereas the text is evident that he slept with Bilha In like manner they would excuse the offence of Elie his sons that they did not lie with the women at the gates of the temple but onely deferred their businesse and so kept them longer from their husbands contrary to the evidence of the history 1 Sam. 2.22 2. Iacob though he might have used the sword in this case yet leaveth the punishment to God but for this sinne of defiling his fathers bed Ruben lost his birthright which was given to Ioseph in respect of his double portion the principality to Iudah 1 Chron. 5.1 3. This was a very great sinne to commit uncleannesse with his fathers concubine which was as his wife such fornication as was not once named among the Gentiles as the Apostle saith 1 Cor. 5.1 for Antiochus the sonne of Seleucus being in love with Stratonice his mother in law yet for shame concealed it and fell into a most grievous disease Hippolitus is famous in the tragedie for resisting the unlawfull lust of Phaedra his mother in law 4. Some thinke that after this time Iacob did refraine the company of his wives but that is uncertaine Mercer It is most like that he after this accompanied not with Bilha as David served his concubines which Absolom went in unto 2 Sam. 20.3 QUEST XIX Of the genealogie of the Patriarkes wherefore it is here set downe Vers. 26. THese are the sonnes of Iacob which were borne him in Mesopotamia c. 1. Moses setteth here downe together the number of Iacobs sonnes 1. Because after this he had no more sonnes borne 2. As also Ruben is counted among them to shew that although he had fallen into this grievous sin yet the Lord vouchsafed to count him among the Patriarkes 3. As also to distinguish betweene Iacob and Esaus progenie which Moses prosecuteth in the new chapter Mercer Perer. 2. Dinah is not rehearsed among them because she made no tribe Mercer Neither useth the Scripture to set downe the genealogie of women Perer. 3. The word is put in the singular number which was borne for the plurall not for any such mystery as the Hebrewes note to shew that they were all begotten by one man or to shadow the birth of the Messiah but it is a property of the Hebrew speech to use the singular for the plurall 4. All these are said to be born in Mesopotamia whereas Benjamin was born in Canaan as Chrysostome thinketh for Benjamin was borne ten yeares after Iacob departed from Mesopotamia but here by a synechdoche according to the use of the Scripture that is affirmed of all which agreed to the most Mercer Perer. So Iohn 20.24 Thomas is called one of the twelve there being but eleven Iudas having hanged himselfe and so S. Marke calleth them the eleven Marke 16.14 QUEST XX. At what time Iacob came to Isaack his father Vers. 27. THen Iacob came to Isaack his father 1. Although now at the length ten yeares after Iacobs returne into Canaan hee came first to Isaack with his whole family yet it is not unlike but that Iacob went often over to see his father they dwelling not farre asunder Mercer 2. Mention is not made of Rebecca who is supposed at this time to have beene dead which is thought also to be the cause of Isaacks being in Hebron whom Iacob at his
departure left in Beerseba that Isaack remooved thither to burie his wife there Muscul. 3. Iacob neither came to Isaack so soone as some Hebrewes thinke that he ministred 22. yeares to his father after his returne out of Mesopotamia neither staied he away from him so long as some gather that is twenty yeares in Mesopotamia and 23. yeares in Canaan in all 43. yeares Muscul. for Iacob could spend no fewer then 9. or .10 yeares in Canaan before he came to Isaack seeing Dinah not above six or seven yeares old at Iacobs departure out of Mesopotamia was defloured at 15. or 16. yeares of her age then being marriageable before Iacob came at Isaackâ— and when Ioseph was 17. yeare old he was then come to that land where his father was a stranger Gen. 37.1 2. that is to Hebron where Abraham and Isaack were strangers Gen. 35.27 and this was twelve or thirteene yeares before Isaack died as shall appeare in the next question following QUEST XXI Ioseph sold into Egypt twelve yeares before Isaack died yet it is set downe after Vers. 21. THe daies of Isaack were 180. This is set downe by way of anticipation for Ioseph was sold into Egypt before Isaack died as it is shewed thus 1. Iacob when Isaack was 180. must be 120. yeare old for he was borne in Isaacks 60. yeare 2. Then at such time as Ioseph was 39. for he was 30. when he stood before Pharao and seven yeares of plenty and two of famine were past before his father came into Egypt then was Iacob 130. and at seventeene yeare old was Ioseph sold into Egypt 3. If at Iosephs 39. Iacob was 130. then at Iosephs seventeene Iacob must be an hundred and eight then was Isaack but 168. wherefore it must needs follow that Ioseph was sold into Egypt twelve yeare before his grandfather Isaack died and that so long Iacob dwelt with Isaack for it is not like but that Isaack saw all Iacobs children before he died and blessed them and that Ioseph had seene Isaack before he was sold into bondage 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the distinction of the persons in the Trinitie Vers. 1. THen God said arise c. and make an altar unto God c. Although it be the use of the Hebrew speach to bring in one speaking of himselfe in the third person as Ierem. 2.19 Know that it is an evill thing that thou hast forsaken the Lord thy God and that my feare is not in thee yet notwithstanding we may observe in this manner of speech a further mystery as Hillary and Augustine out of the place where God said build an altar unto God doe prove a distinction of persons in the Trinite Deus honorem deo postulat God willeth honour to be given to God Hillar God the father to God the sonne 2. Doct. Two parts of sanctification the internall and externall Vers. 2. Cleanse yourselves and change your garments Here are two parts of their sanctification expressed the internall as the principall in the clensing of their minds the externall in the change of their garments which served in those daies to stir up their inward devotion So the Lord said to Moses when he was to appeare in Mount Sinai Sanctifie them c. and let them wash their cloathes Exod. 19.10 But the inward sanctification was that which the Lord had respect unto Ioel. 2.13 Rent your hearts and not your cloathes and turne to the Lord. 3. Doct. Gods promises most certaine Vers. 12. I will give thee this land which I gave to Abraham Thâ—s land was onely promised to Abraham and yet it is said to be given Gods promises then are so certaine 〈◊〉 they were already fulfilled Muscul. so the Prophet saith The Lord of hosts hath sworne surely as I have purposed so shall it come to passe c. Isay. 14.24 4. Doct. The carefull buriall of the dead an argument of the resurrection Vers. 20. IAcob set a pillar upon her grave The Gentiles did bestow superfluous cost upon the tombs of the dead some thereby thinking to finde solace and comfort in their griefe some taking occasion thereby to commit idolatry But Iacob maketh a memoriall of Rachels sepulture not onely to testifie his love and to continue a remembrance of this vertuous matron one of the mothers of Israel unto posterity but chiefly to expresse and professe his hope of the resurrection for if there were no more hope of the bodies of the Saints than of beasts to what end should so much care be taken in committing them in an honest and decent manner to Christian sepulture Calvin Pererius Thus Martha confesseth her faith concerning her brother Lazarus that was laid in his grave I know he shall rise againe in the resurrection at the last day Ioh. 11.24 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Against the 〈…〉 of idolatry Vers. 4. IN that they gave to Iacob their earings as consecrate to idolatry and Iacob buried them under an oake it teacheth us that all the monuments of idolatry ought to be abolished and that noâ— onely the Idols themselves are abhominable but all the 〈◊〉 which belong thereunto such as are many in the Romane Sinagogue who garnish their idols with ringes tablets pretious stones and jewels Calvin all which things ought to be abhorred as the idols themselves as the prophet saith Yee shall pollâ—â—â— the coâ—erings of the images of silver and the rich ornaments of the images of gold and cast them away as a monstruous cloth Isay. 30.22 2. Confut. The Iewes called Gojim that is Gentiles Vers. 11. MVltitude of nations shall spring of thee For the twelve tribes were as so many nations the word is Gojim which the Iewes approbriously call the Gentiles by whereas in this place they are called Gojim Gentiles unlesse they will deny themselves to have sprung out of Iacobs loines Muscul. 3. Confut. Against the superstitious choosing of places for burialls Vers. 19. RAchel died and was buried in the way to Ephrath In that Iacob carried not Rachels body to be buried in Mamre where Abraham and Sarah were buried but interred her in the very way wee see that it skilleth not in respect of the dead where their bodies are laid Muscul. That superstitious use then of the papists is reprooved in transporting of bodies from place to place and in coveting to be buried in one place more than another of a superstitious minde as neare the altar rather then further of and in the Church of such an order of Friers rather then in any other Wheresoever the body is laid we know that God shall find it in the resurrection even the Sea shall give up her dead Revelat 20.13 4. Confut. Gods election certaine and infallible Vers. 23. RVben Iacobs eldest sonne Though Ruben had fallen into the most grievous sinne of incest yet the Lord doth not utterly cast him off but reserveth unto him a place and calling among the 12. Patriarkes By this we learne that Gods election changeth not
Or one sinner make reconciliation for another 4. And for this cause also it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall Vt nemo de gratia sua praesumat that no man should presume of his gifts or strength but let him that standeth as the Apostle saith take heed lest he fall Ferus 5. And by Aarons presumption we see how dangerous a thing it is to bring any thing into Gods service without his warrant Borrh. QUEST XVI How the golden calfe is said to be fashioned with a graving toole Vers. 4. ANd fashioned it with a graving toole and made thereof a molten calfe 1. The word here translated a graving toole is chereth which is sometime taken for a bag or purse as 2 King 5.22 where it is said that Naaman bound two talents of silver in two bags gave them to Gehezi and so some thinke that Aaron put all the peoples jewels and earings in a bag together lest they might thinke he had converted any part thereof to his owne use Cajetan but the other word vajatâ—ar he fashioned is against this sense 2. But most usually chereth is taken for a penny style or graving toole and so some thinke that Aaron with this instrument did draw a patterne making the proportion of a calfe which the workmen should follow in their casting So R. Salom. Osiand Lyran. 3. Others thinke that with this instrument Aaron made a mould in clay or such like matter and the mettall cast into it received that forme Tost q. 10. Oleast 4. Simlerus maketh a double use of this graving toole Vnum in formandâ— typo alterum in perpoliendo operefuso One in making the mould the other in polishing the worke after it was cast 5. But I rather subscribe to Gallasius that thinketh here is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a transposing of the words putting the latter first for the golden calfe was first cast and melted and then polished and trimmed with a graving toole as workmen use to doe 6. This calfe was made by Founders worke there are three wayes to make and frame things of mettall either by hammering and beating them to some fashion as the Cherubs upon the Arke were made or by joyning the peeces and joints together which are sunderly made or by casting and melting it in a mould and so was this golden calfe made Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XVII Why Aaron caused the likenesse of a calfe to be made rather than of any other thing Vers. 4. A Molten calfe 1. Some of the Hebrewes give this ridiculous reason why the image of a calfe was made rather than of any other thing when the Israelites were comming out of Egypt and intended to bring out Iosephs bones with them as they did they say Nilus had overflowen the place where his bones were and so Moses did make the picture of a calfe in a certaine golden plate which floting upon the water shewed the place where Iosephs bones lay which plate they say was brought among other jewels to Aaron here and cast into the fire by vertue whereof the whole masse of gold was turned into the shape of a calfe But here are many fables couched together 1. It is a very tale that Iosephs bones were found out by any such meanes 2. The people onely brought their golden earings therefore no such plate 3. Neither was there any such vertue in that golden plate if there had beene any such to convert or change the whole masse 4. Neither was there any such cause seeing the molten calfe was cast in a mould Opere fusario by Founders worke as the Latine translator readeth 2. R. Abraham seemeth to thinke that this figure of a calfe was made rather than any other as apâ—est at that time to receive some divine and celestiall influence but though Aaron were at this present grossely blinded and deceived yet it were impietie to thinke that he was given to such superstitious astrologicall observations as to make figures to derive some secret supernaturall influence and vertue into by the celestiall constellations 3. Some thinke that Aaron caused a calfe to be made to deride them as Helias did Baals Priests supposing they would not be so absurd as to ascribe divine vertue unto a calfe Procopius But it seemeth that Aaron was in good earnest by that which followeth in that he set up an Altar and proclaimed an holy day 4. It is further alleaged by some that Aaron intended not to make any thing of the gold thinking that the fire might consume it but that the Egyptians which were in the campe by their art Magike and by the operation of the devill caused the image of a calfe to come forth Ex Fero. But it may appeare vers 24. by Aarons confession unto Moses that he intended to make them an image when he cast the mettall into the fire and to what end else served the graving toole but to fashion it he would not have polished and trimmed the devils worke 5. Some further thinke they would have a calfe made because the sacrifices of bullocks are the chiefest and thereby they thought the better to please God But it is not like that they had any such purpose at this time to doe that which was pleasing unto God seeing they had heard not long before the Lord by his owne mouth forbidding them to make any kinde of image to worship 6. It is therefore most like that Aaron according to the desire of the people made a Calfe like unto the Egyptian god Apis which they had seene the Egyptians to worship and therefore they were drawne by the corrupt imitation of them to have the image of a Calfe made Lyran. Calvin Simler Gallas Augustine addeth further that the Egyptians had set up the image of an oxe or bullocke by Iosephs tombe which they worshipped So the Interlinâ—â—ry glosse giveth this reason Quia bovem adoraverunt in Aegypto Because they had used to worship a bullocke in Egypt And the Egyptians used to worship their King being dead under the forme of a live bullocke Plin. lib. 8. cap. 46. QUEST XVIII Whether the Israelites thought indeed the golden Calfe to be the God that delivered them THen they said These be thy gods O Israel which brought thee out of Egypt 1. Procopius thinketh that these words were uttered by Aaron and that hereby he would have brought them to remember that God which had brought them out of Egypt But it is evident by the text that these were the acclamations of the people 2. Lyranus thinketh that the people attribuebat idolo did attribute unto this idoll it selfe those great wonders which God had wrought for their deliverance and therefore for honour of this idoll they speake in the plurall number as men used to doe to great persons But it is not like they were so mad as to thinke the golden Calfe brought them out of Egypt cum res esset inanimata it being a thing without life Ferus And men use to speake for more