to be swallowed at large or entertained without a prudent circumspection In whom the ipse dixit although it be no powerfull argument in any is yet lesse auâ—hentick then in many other because they deliver not their owne experiences but others affirmations and write from others as we our selves from them 1. The first in order as also in time shall be Herodotus of Halicarnassus an excellent and very elegant Historian whose books of history were so well received in his owne dayes that at their rehearsall in the Olympick gâ—mes they obtained the names of the nine Muses and continued in such esteeme unto descending Ages that Cicero termed him Historiarum parens And Dionysius his Countreyman in an Epistle to Pompey after an expresse comparison affords him the better of Thucydides all which notwithstanding he hath received from some the stile of Mendaciorum pater his authority was much infringed by Plutarch who being offended with him as Polybius had bin with Philarcus for speaking too coldly of his Countreymen hath left a particular Tract de Malignitate Herodotâ— But in this latter Century Camâ—rarius and Stephanus have stepped in and by their witty Apologies effectually endeavoured to frustrate the arguments of Plutarch or any other Now in this Author as may be observed in our ensuing Discourse and is better discernable in the perusall of himselfe there are many things fabulously delivered and not to be accepted as truthes whereby neverthelesse if any man be deceived the Author is not so culpable as the believer For he indeed imitating the father Poet whose life he hath also written and as Thucydides observeth as well intending the delight as benefit of his Reader hath besprinkled his worke with many fabulosities whereby if any man be led into errour he mistaketh the intention of the Author who plainly confesseth hee writeth many things by hearesay and forgetteth a very considerable caution of his that is Ego quae fando cognovi exponere narratione mea debeâ— omnia credere autem esse vera omnia non debeo 2. In the second place is Cresias the Cnidian Physitian unto Artaxerxes King of Persia his books are often cited by ancient Writers and by the industry of Stephanus and Rodomanus there are extant some fragments thereof in our dayes he wrote the History of Persia and many narrations of India In the first as having a fair oportunity to know the truth And as Diodorus affirmeth the perusall of Persian records his testimony is acceptable in his Indiary relations wherein are contained strange and incredible accounts he is surely to be read with suspension and these were they which weakned his authority with former ages and made him contemptible unto most For as we may observe he is seldome mentioned without a derogatory parenthesis in any Author Aristotle besides the frequent undervaluing of his authority in his bookes of Animals gives him the lie no lesse then twice concerning the seed of Elephants Strabo in his xi booke hath left a harder censure of him Equidem facilâ—us Hesiâ—do Homero aliquis â—idem adhibuerit itemque Tragicis Poetis quam Ctesiae Herodoto Hellanico eorum similibus But Lucian hath spoken more plainly then any Scripsit Ctesias de Indorum regione deque tis quae â—pud illos sunt ea quae nec ipse vâ—dit neque ex ullâ—â—s sermone audivit Yet were his relations taken up by most succeeding Writers and many thereof revived by our Country-man Sir John Mandevell Knight and Doctor in Physicke who after thirty years peregrination dyed at Leige and was there honourably interred He left behinde him a booke of his travells which hath been honoured with the translation of many languages and hath now continued above three hundred years herein he often attesteth the fabulous relations of Ctesias and seems to confirme the refuted accounts of Antiquity all which may still be received in some acceptions of morality and to a pregnant invention may afforde commendable mythologie but in a naturall and proper Exposition it containeth impossibilities and things inconsistent with truth 3. There is a Book de mirandis auditionibus ascribed unto Aristotle another de mirabilibus narrationibus written long after by Antigonus another also of the same title by Plegon Trallianus translated by Xilander and with the Annotations of Meursius all whereof make good the promise of their titles and may be read with caution which if any man shall likewise observe in the Lecture of Philostratus concerning the life of Apolonius or not only in ancient Writers but shall carry a wary eye on Paulus Venetus Jovius Olaus Magnus Nierembergius and many other I thinke his circumspection is laudable and he may thereby decline occasion of Error 4. Dioscorides Anazarbeus hee wrote many bookes in Physicke but six thereof de Materia Medica have found the greatest esteeme hee is an Author of good Antiquity and better use preferred by Galen before Cratevas Pamphilus and all that attempted the like description before him yet all hee delivereth therein is not to be conceived Oraculous For beside that following the warres under Anthony the course of his life would not permit a punctuall examen in all There are many things concerning the nature of simples traditionally delivered and to which I beleeve he gave no assent himselfe It had been an excellent receit and in his time when Sadles were scarce in fashion of very great use if that were true which he delivers that Vitex or Agnus Castus held only in the hand preserveth the rider from galling It were a strange effect and whores would forsake the expeâ—iment of Savine If that were a truth which hee delivereth of Brake or femall fearne that only treading over it it causeth a sudden abortion It were to be wished true and women would Idolize him could that be made out which he recordeth of Phyllon Mercury and other vegetables that the juice of the masle plant drunke or the leaves but applied unto the genitalls determines their conceptions unto males In these relations although he be more sparing his predecessours were very numerous and Gallen hereof most sharply accuseth Pamphilus many of the like nature we meet sometimes in Oribasius Acius Trallianus Serapion Evax and Marcellus whereof some containing no colour of verity we may at first sight reject them others which seem to carry some face of truth we may reduce unto experiment And herein we shall rather peforme good offices unto truth then any disservice unto their relators who have well deserved of succeeding ages from whom having received the conceptions of former times we have the readier hint of their conformity with ours and may accordingly explore their verities 5. Plinius Secundus of Verona a man of great eloquence and industry indefatigable as may appeare by the number of the writings especially those now extant and which are never like to perish but euen with learning it selfe that is his naturall Historie comprised in 36. bookes hee was the greatest Collector or
Rhapsodist of all the Latines and as Suetonius de viris Illustribus observeth hee collected this piece out of 2000. Latine and Greeke Authors Now what is very strange there is scarce a popular errour passant in our dayes which is not either directly expressed or diductively contained in this worke which being in the hands of most men hath proved a powerfull occasion of their propogation wherein notwithstanding the credulitie of the Reader is more condemnable then the curiositie of the Authour For commonly he nameth the Authors from whom he received those accounts and writes himselfe by heare say as in his Preface unto Vespasian he acknowledgeth 6. Claudius Aelianus who flourished not long after in the raigne of Trajan unto whom he dedicated his Tacticks an elegant and miscellaneous Author he hath left two bookes which are in the hands of every one his History of Animals and his Varia historia wherein are contained many things supicious not a few false some impossible hee is much beholding unto Ctesias and in many subjects writes more confidently then Plinie 7. Julius Solinus who lived also about his time He left a work entituled Polyhistor containing great varietie of matter and is with most in good request at this day but to speake freely what cannot bee concealed it is but Plinie varied or a transcription of his naturall historie nor is it without all wonder it hath continued so long but is now likely and deserves indeed to live for ever not so much for the elegancy of the text as the excellency of the comment lately performed by Salmasius under the name of Plinian exercitations 8. Athenaeus a dâ—lectable Author and very various and as Causabone in his Epistle stiles him Grâ—corum Plinius There is extant of his a famous piece under the name of Deipnosophista or coena sapientum containing the discourse of many learned men at a feast provided by Laurentius It is a laborious collection out of many Authors and some whereof are mentioned no where â—lse It containeth strange and singular relations not without some spice or sprinckling of all learning The Author was probably a better Gramarian then Philosopher dealing but hardly with Aristotle and Plato and betrayeth himselfe much in his Chapter de curiositate Aristotelis In briefe he is an Author of excellent use and may with discretion be read unto great advantage and hath therefore well deserved the Comments of Causabon and Dalecampius but being miscellaneous in many things he is to be received with suspicion for such as amasse all relations must erre in some and may without offence be unbeleeved in many 9. Wee will not omit the workes of Nicander a Poet of good Antiquity that is his Theriaca and Alexipharmaca translated and commented by Gorraeus for therein are contained severall traditions and popular conceits of venemons beasts which only deducted the worke is ever to be embraced as containing the first description of poysons and their Antidotes whereof Dioscorides Pliny and Galen have made especiall use in elder times and Ardoynus Grevinus and others in times more neere our owne Wee might perhaps let passe Oppianus that famous Cilician Poet. There are extant of his in Greeke foure bookes of Cynegeticks or venation five of Halieuticks or piscation commented and published by Ritterhusius wherein describing beasts of venerie and fishes hee hath indeed but sparinlgly inserted the vulgar conceptions thereof so that abating onely the annuall mutation of Sexes in the Hyaena the single Sex of the Rhinoceros the antipathy betweene two drummes of a Lambe and a Wolfes skinne the informity of Cubbes the venation of Centaures the copulation of the Murena and the Viper with some few others hee may bee read with great delight and profit It is not without some wonder his elegant lines are so neglected Surely hereby wee reject one of the best Epick Poets and much condemn the judgement of Antoninus whose apprehensions so honoured his Poems that as some report for every verse hee assigned him a Stater of gold 10. More warily are we to receive the relations of Philes who in Grâ—cke Iambicks delivered the proprieties of Animals for herein hee hath amassed the vulgar accounts recorded by the Ancients and hath therein especially followed Aelian and likewise Johannes Tzetzes a Gramarian who besides a Comment upon Hesiod and Homer hath left us Chiliads de varia Historia wherein delivering the accounts of Câ—esias Herodotus and most of the Ancients he is to be embraced with caution and as a transcriptive relator 11. Wee cannot without partialitie omit all caution even of holy Writers and such whose names are venerable unto all posterity not to meddle at all with miraculous Authours or any Legendary relators Wee are not without circumspection to receive some bookes even of Authentick and renowned Fathers So are we to read the leaves of Basil and Ambrose in their bookes entituled Hexameron or The description of the Creation Wherein delivering particular accounts of all the Creatures they have left us relations sutable to those of Aelian Plinie and other naturall Writers whose authorities herein they followed and from whom most probably they desumed their Narrations And the like hath been committed by Epiphanius in his Phisiologie that is a booke he hath left concerning the nature of Animals With no lesse caution must we looke on Isidor Bishop of Sevill who having left in 25. bookes an accurate worke de originihus hath to the Etymologie of words superadded their received natures wherein most generally hee consents with common opinions and Authors which have delivered them 12. Albertus Bishop of Ratisbone for his great learning and latitude of knowledge firnamed Magnus besides divinitie he hath written many Tracts in Philosophie what we are chiefly to receive with caution are his naturall Tractates more especially those of Mineralls Vegetables and Animals which are indeed chiefly Collections out of Aristotle Aelian and Plinie and respectively containe many of our popular errors A man who hath much advanced these opinions by the authoritie of his name and delivered most conceits with strickt enquirie into few In the same classis may well be placed Vincentius Belluacensis or rather he from whom he collected his Speculum naturale that is Gulielmus de Conchis as also Hortus Sanitatis and Bartholomeus Glanvill firnamed Anglicus who writ de Proprietatibus rerum Hither also may be referred Kiranides which is a collection of Harpocration the Greek and sundry Arabick writers delivering not onely the Naturall but Magicall proprietie of things a worke as full of vanitieâ— as varietie containing many relations whose invention is as difficult as their beliefes and their experiments sometime as hard as either 13. We had almost forgot Ieronymus Cardanus that famous Physition of Milan a great enquirer of truth but too greedy a receiver of it he hath left many excellent discourses Medicall Naturall and Astrologicall the most suspicious are those two he wrote by admonition in a dream that is de subtilitate varietate
Therapeuticke or curative Physicke we tearm that which restoreth the Patient unto sanity and taketh away diseases actually affecting now of diseases some are cronicall and of long duration as quartane Agues Scurvy c. wherein because they admit of delay we deferre the cure to more advantagious seasons others wee tearme acute that is of short duration and danger as Fevers Pleurifies c. in which because delay is dangerous and they arise unto their state before the Dog-dayes determine we apply present remedies according unto Indications â—especting rather the acutenesse of the disease and precipitancy of occasion then the rising or setting of Stars the effects of the one being disputable of the other assured and inevitable And although Astrologie may here put in and plead the secret influence of this Starre yet Galâ—n I perceive in his Comment makes no such consideration confirming the truth of the Aphorisme from the heat of the yeare and the operation of Medicines exhibited in regard that bodies being heated by the Summer cannot so well endure the acrimony of purging Medicines and because upon purgations contrary motions ensue the heat of the Ayre attracting the humours outward and the action of the Medicine retracting the same inward but these are readily salved in the distinctions before alleadged and particularly in the constitution of our climate and divers others wherein the Ayre makes no such exhaustion of spirits and in the benignity of our Medicines whereof some in their owne natures others well prepared agitate not the humours or make a sensible perturbation Nor do we hereby reject or condemne a sober and regulated Astrology we hold there is more truth therein then in Astrologers in some more then many allow yet in none so much as some pretend we deny not the influence of the Stars but often suspect the due application thereof for though we should affirme that all things were in all things that heaven were but earth celestified and earth but heaven terrestrified or that each part above had an influence upon its devided affinity below yet how to single out these relations and duely to apply their actions is a worke oft times to be effected by some revelation and Cabala from above rather then any Philosophy or speculation here below what power soever they have upon our bodies it is not requisite they should destroy our reasons that is to make us rely on the strength of Nature when she is least able to relieve us and when we conceive the heaven against us to refuse the assistance of the earth created for us this were to suffer from the mouth of the Dog above what others doe from the teeth of Dogs below that is to be afraid of their proper remedy and refuse to approach any water though that hath often proved a cure unto their disease There is in wise men a power beyond the stars and Ptolomy encourageth us that by fore-knowledge wee may evade their actions for being but universall causes they are determined by particular agents which being inclined not constrained containe within themselves the casting act and a power to command the conclusion Lastly if all be conceded and were there in this Aphorisme an unrestrained truth yet were it not reasonable to inferre from a caution a non-usance or abolition from a thing to bee used with discretion not to be used at all because the Apostle bids us beware of Philosophy heads of extremity will have none at all an usuall fallacie in vulgar and lesse distinctive braines who having once overshot the mean run violently on and finde no rest but in the extreams And hereon we have the longer insisted because the errour is materiall and concernes oftimes the life of man an errour to bee taken notice of by State and provided against by Princes who are of the opinion of Salomon that their riches consist in the multitude of their Subjects an errour worse then some reputed Heresies and of greater danger to the body then they unto the soul which whosoever is able to reclaime he shall save more in one Summer then Themison destroyed in any Autumne he shall introduce a new way of cure preserving by Theorie as well as practice and men not onely from death but from destroying themselves THE FIFTH BOOK Of many things questionable as they are commonly described in Pictures CHAP. I. Of the picture of the Pelecan ANd first in every place we meet with the picture of the Pelecan opening her breast with her bill and feeding her young ones with the bloud distilling from her Thus is it set forth not onely in common signes but in the Crest and Scucheon of many Noble families hath been asserted by many holy Writers and was an Hieroglyphicke of pietiâ— and pittie among the Aegyptians on which consideration they spared them at their tables Notwithstanding upon enquirie we finde no mention hereof in Ancient Zoographers and such as have particularly discoursed upon Animals as Aristotle Aelian Plinie Solinus and many more who seldom forget proprieties of such a nature and have beene very punctuall in lesse considerable Records Some ground hereof I confesse wee may allow nor need wee deny a remarkeable affection in Pelecans toward their young for Aelian discoursing of Storkes and their affection toward their brood whom they instruct to flie and unto whom they redeliver up the provision of their bellies concludeth at last that Herons and Pelecans do the like As for the testimonies of ancient Fathers and Ecclesiasticall writers we may more safely conceive therein some Emblematicall then any reall Storie so doth Eucherius confesse it to bee the Embleme of Christ and wee are unwilling literally to receive that account of Jerome that perceiving her young ones destroyed by Serpents she openeth her side with her bill by the blood whereof they revive and return unto life againe by which relation they might indeed illustrate the destruction of man by the old Serpent and his restorement by the blood of Christ and in this sense we shall not dispute the like relations of Austine Isidore Albertus and many more and under an Emblematicall intention we accept it in coat armour As for the Hieroglyphick of the Aegyptians they erected the same upon another Story that is from earnestly protecting her young when her nest was set on fire for as for letting out her blood it was not the assertion of the Egyptians but seemes translated unto the Pelecan from the Vulture as Pierius hath most plainly delivered Sed quod Pelicanum â—t etiam alijs plerisque persuâ—sum est rostro pectus dissecantem pingunt ita ut suo sanguine filios alat ab Aegyptiorum historiâ valde alienum est illi enim vulturem tantum id facere tradiderunt And lastly as concerning the picture if naturally examined and not Hieroglyphically conceived it containeth many improprieties disagreeing almost in all things from the true and proper description for fiâ—st whereas it is commonly set forth green or yellow in its proper
a torrent downe a hill But the experimentall testimony of Gillius is most considerable of any who having beheld the course thereof and made enquiry of Millers that dwelt upon its shoare received answer that it ebbed and flowed foure times a day that is every sixe howres according to the Law of the Ocean but that indeed sometimes it observed not that certaine course And this irregularity though seldome happening together with its unruly and tumultuous motion might afford a beginning unto the common opinion thus may the expression in Ctesiphon be made out and by this may Aristâ—â—le be interpreted when in his Problemes he seemes to borrow a Metâ—phor from Euripus 〈◊〉 in the five and twentieth Section he â—nquireth why in the upper 〈◊〉 of houses the ayre doth Euripize that is 〈◊〉 whirled hither and 〈◊〉 Now the ground oâ— that which gave liâ—e unto the aâ—sâ—rtion might be his death at Chaâ—cis the chiefe City of 〈◊〉 and seated upon Euripus where t is confessed by all he ended his dayâ—s That he emaciated and piâ—ed away in the too anxious 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 reciprocations â—â—though not drowned therein as Rhodigiâ—â—◠〈◊〉 some conceived was a halâ—e confession thereof not justiâ—iable from Antiquity Surely the Philoâ—ophy of flux and reflux was verâ— impâ—rfect of old among the Greeks and Latins nor could they hold a sufficient theory thereof who onely observeth the Mediterranean which in some places hath no ebbe and not much in any part Nor can we affirme our knowledge is at the height who have now the Theory of the Ocean and narrow Seas beside White we referre it unto the Moone we give some satisfaction for the Ocean but no generall salve for â—reeks and 〈◊〉 which know no floud nor resolve why it â—lowes three or 〈…〉 in the bottome of the Golâ—e yet scarce at all at Ancoâ—â— Durazzo or 〈◊〉 which lyâ— but by the way And therefore old abstrusities have caused new invenâ—ions and some from the Hypotheses of Copernicus or the Dâ—â—rnall and annuall motion of the earth endeavour to 〈◊〉 the flowes and motions of these seas illustrating the same by water in a â—oale that rising or falling to either side according to 〈…〉 of the vessell the conceit is ingenuous salves sâ—me 〈◊〉 and is discovered at large by Galilaeâ— in his Systeme of the world However therefore Aâ—â—stotle died what was his end or upon what occasion although it be not altogether assured yet that his memory and worthy name shall live no man will deny nor gratefull schollar doubt and if according to the Elogie of Solon a man may be onely said to be happy after he is dead and ceaseth to be in the 〈◊〉 capacity of 〈◊〉 or if according unto his owne Ethicks sence is not essentiall unto felicity but a man may be happy without the appâ—â—hension thereof surely in that sence he is pyramidally happy nor can he â—ver perish but in the Euripe of Ignorance or till the Torrent of Barbarisme overwhelme all A like conceit there passeth of Melâ—sigenes alias Homeâ— the father Poet that he pined away upon the Riddle of the fishermen But Herodotus who wrote his life hath cleared this point delivering that passing from Samos unto Athens he went sicke ashore upon the Island Jos where he dyed and was solemnly enterred upon the Sea side and so decidingly concludeth Ex hac aegritudine extremum diem clansit Homerus in Io non ut arbitrantur aliqui Aenigmatis perplexitate enectus sed morbo CHAP. XIV Of the Wish of Philoxenus THat Relation of Aristotle and conceit generally received concerning Philoxenus who wished the neck of a Crane that thereby he might takâ— more pleasure in his meaâ— although it pass without exception upon enquiry I finde not onely doubtfull in the story but absurd in the desire or reason alledged for it For though his Wish were such as is delivered yet had it not perhaps that end to delight his gust in eating but rather to obtaine advantage thereby in singing as is declared by Mirandula Aristotle saith he in his Ethicks and Problemes accuseth Philoxenus of sensuality for the greater pleasure of gust in desiring the neck of a Crane which desire of his assenting unto Aristotle I have formerly condemned But since I perceive that Aristoâ—le for this accusation hath beene accused by divers Writeâ—s for Philoxenus was an excellent Musician and desired the neck of a Crane not for any pleasure at meate but fancying thereby an advantage in singing or warbling and deviding the notes in musick And indeed many Writers there are which mention a Musician of that name as Pluâ—arch in his booke against Usury and Aristotle himselfe in the eight of hiâ— Politicks speakes of one Philoxenus a Musician that went off from the Dorick Dytherambicks unto the Phrygian Haâ—mony Againe be the story true or false rightly applied or not the intention is not reasonable and that perhaps neither one way nor the other For if we rightly consider the organ of taste we shall finde the length of the neck to conduce but little unto it For the tongue being the instrument of taste and the tip thereof the most exact distinguisher it will not advantage the gust to have the neck exâ—ended wherein the Gullet and conveying parts are onely seated which partake not of the nerves of gustation or appertaining unto â—apor but receive them onely from the sixth payre whereas the neâ—ves of taste desâ—â—nd from the third and forth propagations and so diffuse themselves into the tongue And therefore Cranes Hernes and Swans have no advantage in taste beyond Hawkes Kites and others of shorter necks Nor if we consider it had Nature respect unto the taste in the different contrivance of necks but rather unto the parts contained the composâ—â—â—â— of the rest of the body and the manner whereby they â—eed Thus animals of long legâ— have generally long necks that is for the conveniency of feeding as having a necessity to apply their mouths unto the earth So have Horses Camels Dromedaries long necks and all tall animals except the Elephant who in defect thereof is furnished with a Trunck without which he could not attaine the ground So have Cranes Hernes Storks and Shovelards long necks and so even in Man whose figure is erect the length of the neck followeth the proportion of other parts and such as have round faces or broad chests and shoulders have seldome or never long necks For the length of the face twice exceedeth that of the neck and the space betwixt the throat pit and the navell is equall unto the circumference thereof Againe animals are framed with long necks according unto the course of their life or feeding so many with short legs have long necks because they seed in the water as Swans Geese Pâ—â—â—licans and other sin-footed animals But Hawkes and birds of prey have short necks and trussed legs for that which is long is weake and flexible and a shorter figure is best accommodated unto that intention