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A68840 Most fruitfull [and] learned co[m]mentaries of Doctor Peter Martir Vermil Florentine, professor of deuinitie, in the Vniuersitye of Tygure with a very profitable tract of the matter and places. Herein is also added [and] contained two most ample tables, aswel of the matter, as of the wordes: wyth an index of the places in the holy scripture. Set forth & allowed, accordyng to thorder appointed in the Quenes maiesties iniunctions.; In librum Judicum commentarii doctissimi. English Vermigli, Pietro Martire, 1499-1562. 1564 (1564) STC 24670; ESTC S117825 923,082 602

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thinges beyng added as it seemed good vnto sundrye men neuerthelesse after a sorte they mighte bee borne withall neyther can they iustly be accused eyther of superstition or els of Idolatry Rites were not like in all churches The churche of Millayne Howbeit they were not a lyke in all Churches neyther were they obserued after one maner For yet in the Churche of Millaine it is otherwyse vsed after the institution of Ambrose But afterward the Romanē Antichristes corrupted all thynges as I shall declare in an other place And that by the olde institution were obserued those thinges whych I haue mencioned Tertulian I coulde easely proue by most auncient wryters Tertullian in hys Apologye sayth we assemble and gather together that wee praying might embrace one another as though we would make a rushing into God with our praiers This violence is acceptable vnto God We pray also for Emperours for their ministers powers for the state of the world for the quietnes of things the tariyng of the end These things declare the sūme of the collects And for the rehearsing of the Scriptures hee addeth wee assemble together to the rehearsal of the holy scriptures if the quality of the present time doth compel vs either to foresee any thing or diligently to acknowledge any faults we do assuredly fede our fayth wyth holye woordes wee erecte our hope wee fyxe oure confidence and yet we continually repeate discipline by inculcating the preceptes of God Ther are also exhortations castigations and sharpe iudgementes of God for there was iudgement with great waight c. These are the thinges whych wer done in the holy assembly Wherunto those thinges are also to be added which the same authour saith in an other place namelye that the Lordes Supper was wont to be receaued at the handes of the chiefe Ministers c. We may by these woordes perceaue the principal partes of the Masse which we haue made mencion of Iustine the Martyr in his second Apologie maketh mencion that the Christians assembled together on the Sonday Iustine martyr but he writeth nothing of other feast daies There he saith was rehersed the holy scriptures whereunto the Byshop dyd afterward adioyne his exhortation Which being finished saith he we ryse and pray He addeth afterward The bread and drinke is brought to the bishop ouer which he geueth thankes as earnestly as he can to whom all men answer Amen These two words declare that they wer not carelesly to be passed ouer First thankes were not geuen rashlye but with as muche earnest as might be that is with a singular affection Moreouer it is manifest that all these thynges were spoken with a loud voyce seing al the people answered Amen Afterward saith he is distributed the Lordes supper then is the common geuing of thankes and the offering of almes Dionisius in Hierarchia Ecclesiastica maketh mencion almost of these same things namely of the reading of the scriptures singing of Psalmes Cōmuniō Dionisius and other thinges which wer to long now to rehearse But which is muche to be maruailed of he maketh no mencion of the offering of the body of Christ The workes of Dionisius ar not hys whych was the Areo-Pagite Yet we must not thinke that he was that Areopagite of whom the Actes of the Apostles haue mencioned But whatsoeuer he was it is not to be doubted as farre as I can iudge but that he was an old wryter But why I can not thincke that he was an Areopagite these are the reasons that leade me thereunto First bycause the kinde of writing which he vseth especially of the names of God and de Hierarchia celesti containeth in it rather the doctrine of vayne Philosophye than the pure doctrine of Christian religiō and vtterly wanteth edefiyng moreouer those bookes ar in a maner voyd of testimonies of the holy scriptures Monkes were not in the churche in the Apostles tyme. Furthermore in his Hierarchia Ecclesiastica hee maketh Monkes as a myddle order betwene a Clarke and the Lay men When as in the Apostles time that kynde of life was not yet in the Churche Besides this the auncienter Fathers neuer made mencion of those bookes which is a good argument that those wrytinges wer none of that Martyrs doing Gregory the Romane was the first of all wryters that made any mencion of him who in one of his Homelies mencioneth of his writinges But let vs leaue him and come to Augustine Augustine That father in his .59 epistle to Paulinus when he dissolueth the .v. question expoundeth the .4 words which ar written in the .1 epistle to Timo. the .2 A place to Timothe expounded 1 Tim 2. chap. And these are the woordes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And he affirmeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to go before the celebration of the sacramēt but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he maketh prayers which are said in the administration of the sacrament wher after a sorte we vow our selues vnto Christ and he thincketh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bee peticions and requestes with which the Minister of the Church prayeth for good thinges vnto the people standing by And finally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he affirmeth to be the cōmon geuing of thankes I could to these bring a great many more monuments of old writers but that I thinke these are sufficient at this present But now to returne to the name of Missa Note an other kind of mission I see ther haue bene some whych haue thought it to haue ben deriued of the word Missio that is sending bicause those thinges which wer offered of the faithfull were sayde to be sent and they thyncke that this hebrewe woorde Missath gaue the occasion to that name bycause in Penticoste the Iewes vsed to send gyftes But why I doo not thyncks the name of Missa to be deriued of the hebrewe woorde I haue before declared And nowe I adde this that if Missa were so named of the oblation of thinges which wer geuen of the godly then do the Papistes abuse that name who haue no regard at al to the almes of godly men but onely to the oblation of the bodye and blood of Christe which they commonlye boast and that impudently that they doo offer it vnto God the father for the quicke and the dead But of these thinges I thinke I haue spoken inough and inough 34 And the Amorrites draue the childrē of Dan vnto the moūtain for they suffered them not to come downe into the valley 35 And the Amorrites began to dwel in the mount Heresch in Aialem and in Saalbim and the hande of Ioseph preuailed so that they became tributaries 36 And the coast of the Amorrites was from the going vp of the Scorpions and from Petra and vpward They of the tribe of Dan distrusting the mercy and fauour of God wer driuē by the Chananites or Amorhites into the hilly places wher they were scarse
that the Israelits did oftentimes offend And god chastened them as his children with iust punishments But when they turned and cried vnto him he had compassion of them and deliuered them by iudges out of their miseries This remayneth also for vs to declare that for as much as Christ is called the end and perfection of all the holy bokes how these actes also of the iudges may and ought to be referred vnto him and how they prophecie him vnto vs as the other holy bookes do To answer to this I will take that which Origen writeth in his first Homely vpon thys boke Al the workes of god by themselues are great After what sort the holy histories do cōteine teach Christ but when they are conferred together some of them may be called small and other some greate If god his leadyng of the children of Israel out of Egipte and throughe the wildernesse should be beholden by themselues they are surely great woorkes but if they be afterward conferred with this that God loued the world so that he gaue his onely begotten sonne for it then shall this be a great worke and the others small But bicause in the greater things the lesse are comprehended for that they are partes of thē as the number of two is contayned in thre and thre in foure So these pryuate deliueries of the people which happened vnder the Iudges for as much as they are comprehended in that principall redemption which is geuen vnto mākynd by Christ it must nedes be that they shuld expresse vnto vs the same for that they were certain assured partes and figuratiue shadowes and had the same authour namely Christ him selfe For he which before deliuered the Hebrues by iudges did afterward redeme al men by him self And euen as the miseries of thys lyfe the spoyling I say of goods banishments woūdes torments are very greuous to the flesh whē they are pondred by themselues so when they are conferred with the anger of god euerlasting death into that which we incurre by reason of our sinnes they may most rightly be estemed small thinges for that these are most greuous Wherfore when we consider how the Iewes were deliuered frō outward miseries Let vs call to remembraunce those most great euils frō which Christ of his singular goodnes hath deliuered vs. And when as the children of Israell do oftentimes escape by iudges out of their afflictiōs they do as it were point with their finger Christ vnto vs raised vp from the dead they shew vnto vs also the last resurrectiō of the saints wherin they shal be altogether deliuered from al afflictiōs infirmities Wherfore as wel this booke as also other holy histories do with much profit admonish the readers of Christ and his members And bicause I think I haue spoken enough already of the matter and subiect of this boke I wil now go to declare the forme of the writing therof What kind of writing is obserued in this boke The definition of an history It consisteth altogether of an historical kind of writing as may easily appeare to al the readers An historye is as Quintilianus writeth in the second boke 4. chap of hys Institutions a setting forth of a thing done From which Augustine differeth not much who writeth on the second chap of Gen vpon the letter An history is whē a thing done either by god or by mā is set forth in this diffinitiō he cōprehēdeth as wel prophane histories as holy But our boke doth chiefly for the most part set forth those things which wer done by god But bicause al setting forth of thīgs done are not of one kind whē as som ar called chronicles other some named histories we must se in which of these two this our declaration must be placed that can we not wel do except we seperate these the one from the other Cicero in his 2. boke de Oratore touching these writeth after this sort The difference betwene an history and a chronicle The gretians at the first wrote euē as our Cato Pictor Piso did for an history was nothīg els but a collecting together of things done yerely which thīgs that thei might the better be kept in memory the chief bishop frō the beginning of matters of Rome euen to Publius Mutius the chief bishop wrote al things that wer done euery yere brought thē into a commō place set thē out on a table in his house that the people also might frely haue knowledge of thē they be they which are now called the great yerely Chronicles This forme of writing many haue followed which haue without any deckings or ornamēts left behind them onely the monumēts of tymes men places and of things done Therfore as Pherceydes Hellanicus Acusilaus very many other we amōgst the greciās so is our Cato Pictor Piso who cared not for the eloquēt kind of writing while that mē might vnderstād what they spake they counted shortnesse to be the onely prayse of speaking c. He addeth afterward The nature of things desireth the order of tymes it requyreth also the description of countreyes bicause in weighty matters and worthy of memory first counsels are loked for then the acts afterward the endes And as touching counsels is signified what the author alloweth And in things done is declared not only what is done or spokē but also how c. By these things we may gather what is the nature of yerely chronicles and also what of an history and me thinketh that these our narrations are rather to be counted histories thā yerely chronicles for bicause not only things done are set forth The narratiōs of this booke are histories not yerely chronicles The opinion of Aulus Geilius as touching yerely chronicles and an History but also the causes counsels and maners are declared Also orations admonitions and reprouings are sometimes added not without some ornamentes All which thinges pertayn rather to an history thā to bare yerely chronicles But now that we haue heard Cicero his opiniō let vs also heare what Aulꝰ Gelliꝰ writeth in the .5 chap. of his 5. boke which writeth this Some do thinke that an history differeth frō a chronicle in this that whē both of thē are a declaratiō of things done yet an history is properly of those things at the doings wherof he that wrote thē hath bene presēt c. He folowed not this distinctiō not wtout cause which neuerthelesse Seruiꝰ Grāmaticꝰ embrased Isidorus in his first boke of Etymologies folowed hī which is maruel bicause he is not only against Cicero which saith that an history is a gathering together of thinges done yerely but also against Vergil whose verse in the first of the Eneydos is And now haue we laysure to heare the yerely chronicles of our labours Where he declareth that yerely Chronicles pertayne also vnto things at the doyngs wherof we our selues were present But nowe
the signification of that woord farre otherwise than to the holy Communion For by Masse hee vnderstandeth perfection finishing and absolution Wherfore he saith praestolatur congregationis missam Let him tarye the ende or fulnes of the congregation That is that the multitude and congregation maye be absolued and fulfyled And by and by after Contenti somno quia missa vigiliarum vsque ad lucem conceditur That is being content with the sleepe which is permitted them frō the end of the vigiles vnto day light wherby this woord Missa he vnderstandeth that time of the watch wherin the vigiles wer ended For then was it lawfull for the Monkes to slepe vntil day light Neither must I ouership that ther is mēcion most manifestly made of Masses in the exposition of the .xi. chap. of the Prouerbs of Salomon which exposition is ascribed to Ierome The exposition of the Prouerbes is falsely ascribed to Ierome But that boke without cōtrouersy is none of Ieromes writing For Gregory is there alledged who liued long after Augustine and Ierome Bruno Amerbachius in his epistle which he set before the booke saith that he saw in an old booke that that interpretatiō was entituled to Beda Many abuses in the church in the time of Beda And if it wer so then it is no maruaile if hee made mention of Masses for then in the time of Beda the priest many abuses had crept into the church I do therfore admonish you of that bicause in that place that coūterfait Ierome affirmeth that the souies of such as are dead are by the celebrations of Masses deliuered out of Purgatory Ierome was not so wont to speake From whence thys woorde Masse cōmeth Now resteth to declare from whence the name of Masse which vndoubtedly is a latin word semeth to be deriued The old fathers if a man wyll diligentlys marke their writinges did put this word remissa which is forgeuenes for this woord remissio Tertullian which is also forgeuenes Tertullianus in his .4 booke agaynsts Marcion the .249 syde We haue spoken saith he de remissa peccatorum that is of the remission of synnes Ciprian Ciprian de bono patientiae saith Qui remissam peccatorum erat daturus lauatro regenerationis tingi non est dedignatus He whyche came to geue remission of synnes disdained not to be washed with the lauacre of regeneration The same man writeth in the .14 epistle of his .13 booke Qui blasphemat spiritum sanctum remissam peccatorum non habet that is he which blasphemeth the holye Ghost hath not remission of sinnes Wherefore seing in steede of remissio they haue said remissa they may be counted also in stede of missio to haue vsed this word missa Therfore that which was done in the Church post missionem Cathecumenorum Cathecumenites that is after the sending away of the Cathecumenites they called Missa that is Masse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to declare that also by the way is to teache to enstruct especially by voice and not by writing whereof they wer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which wer not yet washed with the lauacre of regeneration but wer instructed of their faith Tertullian called them Audientes or Auditores that is hearers But Augustine called them Competentes that is desirers or requesters that is of baptisme For before they should be baptised at Easter they signified their names .40 daies before in which space they wer instructed not onely their faith but also their life and maners wer examined of the Pastors of the church The Cathecumenites not cōmunicantes wer sent out by the Deacon Cyrillus Gregory But in the holy assembling when the holy scriptures wer red the sermon done the Deacon cryed Exeunto Catechumeni that is let the Cathecumenites go forth the Grecians said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is holye thinges for holy ones as it is gathered out of the seruice booke of the elders Also out of Cyrillus vpon Iohn the .xii. boke .l. chap yea in Gregories time as hee testifieth him self in his second booke .23 chap. of his dialogues it was sayd if any man cōmunicate not let him geue place And that maner maye appeare to be very like vnto a certaine custome of the Ethnikes For in a certayne vsage of their seruice of God as Festus declareth the Sargeant said Festus A maner of the Ethnikes in a certaine seruice of theirs Apuleius Exesto hostis victus mulier virgo that is let the ouercome enemy the woman the maide go foorth for in that kinde of seruice it was forbidden that those kinde of persons shoulde be present And Apuleius in his .2 booke saith that the Priest did vse when he offered sacrifices to say thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is who shal abide here To whom was answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As though it should haue bene said honest good men when as they which wer polluted vnworthy wer gon So was it done in our church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for after that saying aforesaid of the Deacon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fallers away such as wer put to repentance went their way Of these orders Dionisius made mencion They wer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which wer vexed with euyll spirits Peraduenture they wer excōmunicated for those at that time I meane in the primatiue church wer deliuered vp to Sathan Missa as it wer Missio Ambrose Therfore as it now appeareth by that which we haue said the Latin church called the celebration of the sacrament of the holy supper Missam as it wer missionem that is a sending away For Ambrosius also said in a certain place missas facere And surely this sentence semeth muche more probable vnto me than doth theirs which thinke that name to be deriued of this hebrew woorde Masse But now that we haue entreated of the name of Masse Partes of the Masse we wyl also set foorthe the partes thereof as they were had among the elders The Grecians seeme to haue begon their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the exercise of the Lords supper at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Lord haue mercy vpon vs As though before al they would implore forgeuenes of their sinnes Which phrase the latin church hath borowed of the which some attribute to Gregory But whylest the people gathered together and before they were assembled they song a peece of some Psalme Introitus or some part of the scripture and that song they called Introitus that is an entraunce bicause that at that time the people might enter in And they make Celestine authour of that After 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people being in a maner glad for the obtaining of pardon for their synnes to geue thankes vnto God Gloria in excel●s Collectes did syng this hymne Gloria in altissimis that is
the holy oracles and wordes of god should get their credite by men which are otherwise lyers But these things they faine to the entēt that seyng they are manifestlye founde often tymes to haue decreed and ratified in the Sacraments doctrines farre otherwise than the holy scriptures will beare Whiche thing they would defend that they may do it bycause the Churche whiche doth bring authoritie and credite to the worde of God may alter things in the holy Scriptures as pleased it Wherfore we must resiste them by all meanes possible in this thyng which they take vpon them to do We may not suffre our selues to be brought to thys poynte to thincke that the Scriptures haue had their credite and authority by the Churche And yet do I not write these thynges as thoughe I woulde despise or contemne the dignitie of the Churche vnto the whiche There be three offices of the Churche touching the word of God The Churche as a witnesse kepeth the holy Bookes I do attribute thre offices and them moste excellent as touchyng the worde of GOD. The firste of them is that I do confesse that the Church as a witnesse hath kept the holy bokes But thereby it can not be proued that it is lawful for it to peruert or alter any thing in the holy bookes Experience teacheth vs that publique and priuate wrytinges are committed to scriueners whiche are commonly called notaryes to be layd vp and diligently kept of thē And yet there is none that is in his right wittes which wil say that he may alter any thing in them or wil beleue that their authoritie is of greater force than their willes were whiche desired to haue the same written The worde of God reuealed and written Neither shall it be here vnprofitable to obserue the difference betwene the worde of god as it was reuealed at the beginning to the Prophetes sainctes as it was afterwardes preached or written For we do easely acknowledge betwene these that there is onely difference of tyme and not of the authoritie or efficacie For we confesse that the worde vnwritten was more auncient than that which was afterward appointed to letters and we graunt that either cōferred together was geuen to the Churche but in suche sorte that the Churche as we haue sayd can not by any meanes wrest or chaunge it The office of the Churche is to publishe and preache the worde of God And this vndoubtedly is the second office of the Church to preach publish the wordes committed vnto it by God In which thing it is lyke a common crier who althoughe he do publishe the decrees of princes and magistrates yet he is not aboue the decrees or equal vnto them in authoritie But his whole office is faithfully to pronounce all thynges as he hath receaued them of the princes and magistrates And if he should otherwise do he should be counted altogether for a traytour Wherfore the ministers of the Churche ought to care and study for nothing so much as to be founde faithfull We acknowledge also the last office of the Churche to be The Churche discerneth the holy bokes frō counterfaite such as are Apochriphas that seyng it is endued with the spirite of God it must therfore discerne the sincere vncorrupted bookes of holy Scriptures from the counterfaite and Apocriphas whiche is not yet to be in authoritie aboue the worde as many do foolishely dreame For there are very many which can discerne the true propre writings of Plato and Aristotle from other falsely put to them yet in comparison of iudgement they are neither of greater lernyng nor yet of equall with Plato or Aristotle And euery one of vs cā easely know God from the deuill yet are we not to be coūted equal with God much lesse can we thinck that we do excel him So the Churche ought not bycause of this to preferre faith or authoritie thereof before the Scriptures Augustine But they say Augustine sayeth I would not beleue the Gospell except the authoritie of the Churche did moue me therunto But in that place is read to moue together for in very dede Faith is not poured in by the minister but by God it is the spirite of God which poureth faith into the hearers of his worde And bycause the ministers of the Churche are his instrumentes they are rather to be sayd to moue with than absolutely to moue The same Augustine writeth in his 28. booke and second chap. against Faustus that the Maniches ought so to beleue that the first chap. of Matthew was writtē by Matthew euen as they did beleue that the Epistle whiche they called Fundamentum was written by Maniche bycause vndoubtedly they were so kept by their elders from hande to hand deliuered vnto them This is it therfore that the Churche moueth withall to beleue the Gospell bycause faithfully it kepeth the holy scriptures preacheth them and discerneth them from straunge Scriptures The same father manifestly witnesseth in his 6. booke of his confessions the 4. and 5. chap. that God him selfe in very dede did geue authoritie to the holy scriptures Tertullianus Irenaeus But Tertullianus and Irenaeus hauing to do against heretikes did therfore send thē to the Apostolicall Churches bycause they did not admitte the whole scriptures Wherfore they would that they should take their iudgemēt of those Churches which were certainly knowen to be Apostolical For it was meete that those Churches should continuallye remayne both witnesses and also keapers of the holy scriptures and yet therfore they did not decree that the authoritie of the Churche should be preferred before the scriptures What is to be thought of a certayn rule of the Logiciens But the aduersaries say that they are led by the sentence whiche is cōmonly vsed among Logiciens Euery thyng is such a thyng by reason of an other VVherfore that other shal more be counted suche Wherfore they reason after this maner If by the Churche the Scripture hath hys authoritie it must nedes be that the Church much more hath that authoritie But they remēber not that this sentence put by the Logiciens taketh place onely in finall causes and is of no strength in efficient causes For althoughe our inferior worlde be made warme by the sunne and the starres yet doth it not thereby followe that they are farre more warmer And agayne when immoderate men by wyne are made droncke we can not therby conclude the wyne to be more dronken than they Yea the Logiciens teache this that this their sentence is then strong and of efficacy in efficient causes when such efficient causes are brought forth whiche are whole and perfect and not whiche are perciall and maymed whiche rule is not obserued of our aduersaries in this argument For the Churche is not the whole and perfect efficient cause of that faith and authoritie whiche the holy Scriptures haue with the faithfull For if it were
honesty and euer went about wicked actes For Zemah in Hebrue signifyeth mischiefe They were also named Rephaim Bycause they made men which met them to be after a sorte amased for that worde signifyeth sometimes the dead Lastly they were called Nefalim as oppressors bycause they assayled al men tyrannously of this worde Nafal which is to fall or subuerte Some thinke that they are sometimes called Geborim but bycause we vse to referre the worde to power and properly strong men are called Geborim therfore I woulde not put it among these When glaūtes began Augustine Furthermore if thou wilte demaunde when giauntes beganne to be if we may follow Augustine de ciuitate Dei the .xvi. boke and xxiii chapter We must say that they beganne before the floude And therfore we beleue him bycause he hath proued it by the testimonye of the holy Scriptures for it is written in the vi of Genesis that giauntes were at that time on the earth whose kind although it was kept after the floude yet as he beleueth they were not in so great number Whether Giauntes were begotten of mē Besides this it may be doubted concerning their procreation and parents for there are some whiche thinke that they were not begotten of men but that Aungels or deuils were their parentes And this sentence they say is confirmed by that which is written in the booke of Genesis The sonnes of God seing the daughters of men that they were fayre they tooke them to wiues and of them were borne most mightye men or giauntes Concerning this fall of the Angels many of the old writers agree that it was bicause they vsed company with women and among other is Lactantius in his second booke and xv Chapter For his opinion was as it is there written that God feared least Sathan to whom he had graunted the gouernement of the worlde shoulde vtterly haue destroyed mankinde Lactantius and therfore he gaue vnto it Angels for tutors by whose industrye care it mighte be defended But they being prouoked as well by the wilinesse of Sathan as also allured by the beauty of fayre women committed filthines with them Wherfore they were throwen downe from their dignitie and made souldiers of the deuill This was Lactantius opinion but yet he sayth not that Giauntes were borne of those copulations of Angels with women but earthly deuils which abide on the earth to our greate hurte Eusebius of Cesaria Eusebius of Cesaria in hys .v boke de preparatione euangelica doth nothing in a manner disagree from them For he also sayth that Angels which fell begat of women whom they filthilye loued those deuils which afterward troubled the world many wayes and to thē he referreth al these which the Poets and historiographers haue writtē to haue bene Gods haue eyther in Metre or in Prose made mention of their battailes discordes lustes and sundrye and grieuous tumultes Augustine But Augustine in his xv boke de ciuitate Dei xxiii Chap. thinketh that this opinion of these old men can not be gathered out of that place of Genesis Men of the stocke of Seth were called the sonnes of God For he sayth that those which are there called the sonnes of god were in very dede men namely cōming of the stock of Seth. For whē they worshipped god truely and sincerely and called vpō him holily and purely being adorned with his fauor grace they are called by the scriptures the sonnes of God What was the fal of the sonnes of God But whē at the length they began to burne in filthy lust with those women which came of the stocke of Cain and by that meanes fel into fellowship with the vngodly taking them to their wiues and cleauing also to superstitions and wicked worshippings they were chaunged from the sonnes of God not only into men but also into fleshe And thys will I say by the way Aquila Aquila translating these words out of Hebrue They wer not saith he the sōnes of God but the sonnes of Gods for thys cause so called as I suppose bycause their progenitors were holy men Simmachus but their children miserably fell from god and godlines by inordinate loue of women And Symmachus translateth it The sonnes of the mightye But nowe to Augustine againe he constantly affirmeth that there can be nothing gathered out of that place of Genesis concerning the carnall copulation of Angels with women but thinketh rather that farre contrary may be proued by the wordes of God written in the same place For whē the scripture had there sayd that there were Giaunts on the earth and that the sonnes of God as it is sayd were gone out of the right way and Giaunts were brought forth there is added And god sayd my spirite shal not abide in man for euer bicause he is flesh By this sentence he declareth that those which so sinned were called men and not only as they were by nature but also they were called flesh wherunto by their filthy luste they did to much cleaue But they which be of the contrary opinion do thinke that they do bring a strong witnesse of Enoch which was the vii from Adam of whom Iudas maketh mention in his canonicall Epistle Enochs booke Augustine For in the booke which is intituled to be Enochs booke it is writtē that giauntes had their of springs of Angels and not of mē But Augustine answereth vnto this and sayth that that booke is altogether Apocripha therefore such fables as are rehearsed in it are not to be beleued It is not to be doubted he sayth but that Enoch wrote some godly thinges when as Iudas the Apostle manifestly testifieth the same But it is not necessary that we should beleue that all thinges which are written in that Apocriphal booke shoulde be of hys writing Forasmuch as they haue no sure authoritie Neither although Iudas brought thence some one certaine sentence is it supposed that therfore he by his authoritie hath allowed the whole booke Vnlesse thou wilt saye that Paule allowed all the things which were written by Epimenides Aratus and Menander bicause he brought one or two verses out of thē Ierome Which thing Ierome in his exposition vpō the first chap. of the Epistle to Titus declareth to be a very absurde thing and worthily to be laughed at And now as concerning Enoch it semeth meruelous how he being but the vii from Adam could write of those things of the altercation betwene Michael and the deuil for the body of Moyses when as if there wer any such thing as there is no doubt but there wer they must nedes haue come to passe a thousand and almost .500 yeares after Vnlesse we wil say that those things wer reuealed at that time by some notable strength of prophecy Neyther is it to be forgotten that those whiche do thinke that giauntes had Angels to their parentes not men do therfore seme to suppose so The reason of
them which thought giaūts were not borne of men bicause they thinke it is not possible the huge giauntes can be borne of mē of vsual bignesse stature Wherfore some of thē haue gone so farre that they haue affirmed that the first mā was a giaunt and that Noah also his childrē were Giaunts bicause they beleued not that the kind of mē could be either before or after the floud except their first progenitors had bene such if it were thought they should be borne of men But Augustine proueth that to be false sayth Augustine A womā giaūt that a litle before the ouerthrow made by the Gothes there was a womā at Rome of a giauntes stature whō very many out of diuerse countreyes came to see Which womans parents neuerthelesse exceded not the cōmon accustomed stature of other men The naturall cause of the great stature of giāts But as touching the cause of this huge bignesse of giaūtes if we should loke vpō nature thē can we bring no other reason but a strong naturall heate also a moysture which abundauntly largely ministreth matter for the heate doth extende the same not only into length but also it poureth out spreadeth it both to breadth also to thicknesse Giaunts therfore begā before the floud they wer also before the accōpanieng of the sonnes of god with the daughters of men after that also continued their generation Men therfore begat them and had a naturall cause such as we haue sayd There were also some without doubt after the floud for there is mencion made of them in the booke of Num. Deut. Iosua How huge the giauntes were Iudges Samuel Paralip and other holy bookes Concerning their bignesse stature we may partly gesse and partly we haue it expressedly described The coniectures are bycause Goliah had a cote of male weing v.m. sicles and a speare like a weauers beame and the Iron or top of his speare weighed 600. sicles We coniecture also that Og kyng of Basan was of a wonderfull bignesse and that by hys bed whiche being of Iron contayned 9. cubites in length And the Israelites compared with Enachim seemed as grassehopers These he signes wherby we may iudge howe bigge these men were But the bignesse of Goliah is described properly and distinctly in the booke of Samu. For it is sayd that he was 6. cubites and a hande bredth highe A cubite with the Grecians Latines And a cubite with the Grecians is two feete but with the Latines a foote and a halfe Some alledge the cause of this difference to be bycause the measure may be extended from the elbow to the hand being some tymes closed and sometymes open or stretched forth And thus much as concerning the stature of giauntes so farre as may be gathered by the holy Scriptures But we read among the Ethnickes farre more wonderfull thinges The Ethnikes opinion of gianntes Philostratus The common stature of men in our tyme. The measure of a foote such which seeme to some incredible Philostratus writeth in his booke of noble men that he sawe the carkase of a certain giaunt which was 30. cubites long and an other 22. cubites long and certain other also 12. But the cōmon stature of men in our tyme passeth littell aboue .5 feete And the measure of a foote agreeth both with the Grecians with the Latines for they both geue to euery foote 4. hand breadthes and euery hand breadth conteineth the breadth of 4. fingers that is the length of the litle finger But if the last fingers the thombe I saye and the litle finger should be stretched abroade then euery foote cōtaineth but two hand bredthes I thincke it not amisse also to declare here what Augustine writeth in the .15 Augustine booke de ciuit Dei 9. chap. where he reproueth those whiche obstinatly contend that there were neuer any men of so wonderfull huge a stature and testifieth that he him selfe sawe vpon the coaste of Vtica a tooth so great that being deuided it might easely be iudged to be an hundred fold bigger in forme and quantitie thē vsuall teth in our tyme are Vergil he also declareth in the same place that there were in oldetyme very many such bodyes of men by the verses of Vergil whiche are written in the 7. booke of Aenedos where he sheweth how Turnus tooke vp so great a stone from the groūde and threw at Eneas that 12. such men as the earth bringeth forth now of dayes could scarsely lifte whiche place he tooke out of the 6. boke of Iliades of Homere We may adde also vnto these the verses which the same Vergil hath writtē in the first of the Georgikes he shall wonder at the great bones digged out of the graues Moreouer Augustine bringeth Pliny the second who affirmeth in his 7. Pliny booke that nature the longer it procedeth in her course the lesser bodyes doth it bryng forth dayly Cipriane Whether the bodies of men haue decreased from the floud to our tyme. And he maketh mencion also of Homere whiche made complainte sometymes in his verses To whom I might adde the testimonie of Cipriane against Demetrian But if I should be asked the question whether I thought that the bodies of men whiche were brought forth after the floud are lesse than those whiche were before the floud I would peraduenture graunt vnto it Aulus Gellius but that they haue alwayes decreased from the floud euen to our tyme I would not easely consent to that and especially bycause of Aulus Gellius wordes whiche he wrote in the third booke where he sayth that the measure of the growth of mans body is 7. feete whiche seemeth also to be the measure at this day in mē of the bigger sort But lest I should dissemble any thing we read in the Apochriphas of Esdras the 4. booke about the ende of the .5 chap. that our bodyes are lesser nowe and shal be euery daye lesse bycause nature is alwayes made more weake And the same doth Cipriane as I haue a litle before sayd seme to affirme But why I would not so easely assent thereunto this is the cause for that I can se almost nothing altered in our time from the measure whiche Gellius defineth Pliny But now to Pliny agayne who sayth in his 7. booke that in Crete when a certayn mountaine was rent by an earth quake a dead body was founde standing whiche was 46. cubites long whiche some beleued to be Orions body other some Othus It is also left in writing that the body of Orestes being digged vp by the commaundement of an oracle was 7. cubites long But that whiche Berosus affirmeth Berosus that Adam Seth his sonne were giauntes and Noah also with his children as it is put without testimony of holy scriptures so may it also be reiected Now it seemeth good to declare Why GOD woulde haue so huge giauntes some tymes for what
before other kynde of men had the promise of saluation neither are they paste all hope when as daylye some of them although but a fewe retourne vnto Christ Blindnesse sayeth Paule to the Romanes fell partly on Israel as though he woulde say not on al. Moreouer the same Apostle addeth when the fulnesse of the Gentiles is entred then all Israell shall be saued And least thou shouldest peraduenture thinke that these wordes are to bee vnderstand allegorically Paule writeth them as a miserye and to confyrme his sentence he bryngeth the Prophecye of Esay the Prophet namely that iniquitie shal be then taken away from Iacob Furthermore they are now called enemyes vnto God for our sakes but called frends bycause of their fathers The same Augustine in hys Questions vppon the Gospell the second boke and xxxiii Question if that these bookes be of Augustine his writing when he interpreteth the parable of the prodigal sonne he sayeth that that sonne signifyeth the Gentiles For it is written that he departed into a farre countrey bycause the Ethnikes were so farre departed from God that they openly worshipped Idoles and with open profession But the elder sonne by whome was shadowed the people of the Hebrewes went not so farre And although he were not in hys Fathers house whiche is the Churche he dwelled for all that in the fielde For the Iewes are exercised in the holy Scriptures whiche they doe not ryghtlye vnderstande nor yet with that spirituall sense wherein the Churche of Christe taketh them but in an earthlye and carnall sense Wherefore they are not vnaptelye sayde to bee in the fielde Thys Elder sonne entreth not at the begynnyng into the house of hys Father but in the latter dayes he shall also bee called and come The same Father also bringeth for thys sentence that which is written in the 58. Psalme as he readeth it Do not kil them least they forget thy law but in thy power disperse them The Sonne of God sayth he prayeth vnto the father that that nation might not be destroyed but might wander euery where throughout the worlde Other prouinces when they were ouercome of the Romanes followed the lawes and rites of the Romanes The Iewes receaued not the lawes and customes of the Romanes so that at the length they were made Romanes but the Iewes although they were ouercome by the Romanes yet woulde they neuer followe their lawes rites and ceremonies they yet obserue theyr owne as muche as they maye and being dispersed they wander abroade Neither haue they vtterly forgotten the lawe of GOD not that they Godlye applye themselues to obserue it but only reade it and kepe certayne signes and institutions wherby they are discerned from other Nations Moreouer it semeth that God hath put a signe vppon them as he dyd vppon Caine bycause he had killed his brother Abell namely that euery man shoulde not kill them The dispersing of the Iewes is profitable to Christians Neyther is thys theyr dispersion through oute the worlde vnprofitable to the Christians bycause as it is written to the Romanes they are shewed vnto vs as broken bowes And for so much as we were grafted in their place when as we see that they were so miserably cut of we acknowledge the grace of god toward vs and by beholding of them we are taught to take heede that we also bee not likewyse cut of for infidelitie sake for which self cause they are broken of There is also an other commoditie whiche commeth vnto vs by theyr dispersing bycause our bookes are saued by them I meane the holy Byble whiche they euery where carye aboute with them and reade And althoughe bycause they are blynded Against those whiche burne the Bibles in Hebrewe they beleue not yet they confesse that those writynges are moste true They are in harte deadly enemyes agaynst vs but by these bookes which they haue and reuerence they are a testimonye to our religion Wherefore I can not inough meruaile at those whiche doe so much hate the Iewes tongue and Bibles in Hebrewe Augustine that they desire to haue them destroyed and burnte when as Augustine de doctrina Christiana thinketh that if we chaunce somtymes to doubt of the Greke or Latin translation we must fly vnto the truth of the Hebrue And Ierome in many places writeth the same Whether the Hebrues haue corrupted the bokes of holy scriptures Ierome But they say that the holy bookes were vitiated and corrupted by the Hebrues To thys Ierome vpon Esaye the .vi. Chapter towarde the ende aunswereth thus Eyther they dyd thys before the comming of Christ and Preachyng of the Apostles or els afterwarde If a man will saye that it was done of them before then seing Christ and his Apostles reprehended the moste greuous wicked actes of the Iewes I maruaile why they would speake nothing of that sacrilege and so detestable a wicked acte Vndoubtedly they woulde haue reproued them for viciating and corrupting the Scriptures But if thou wilt contend that there were afterward faultes brought in by them then will I say that they ought chiefly to haue corrupted those places which do testifye of Christ and his religiō and which were alledged by the Lord himself and of the Apostles in the newe Testament But they remaine vncorrupt and the same sentence remaineth stil in the Hebrue Bibles which they put For they wer not so carefull for the words Wherfore it is not likely that they as touching other places haue corrupted the holy scriptures Yea if a man diligently reade ouer their bookes he shall finde in them a great many more testimonyes and those more plaine and manifest than our common traslatiō hath Do not they read in the second Psalme Kysse ye the sonne which ours haue translated Take ye hold of discipline Which woordes vndoubtedly are referred vnto Christ But I meane not at this present to bring all such testimonies It is sufficient if with Ierome I proue that the bokes of holy Scriptures are not corrupted by the Hebrues neither assuredly if they woulde they should haue missed of their purpose For there are found many most auncient handwritten bookes which haue bene of a long time most diligently kept by Christians which came neuer in their hands to corrupt But let vs retourne to treate of that commoditye which Augustine hath declared There are very many sayeth he that would peraduenture thinke that those things which we declare of the auncient people and of the Prophets are vayne and fayned of vs vnlesse they saw the Iewes yet remaining on liue The Hebrues their bokes ar most plaine witnesses of our fayth which with their bookes maintaine our sentence euē against their will Wherfore although the Hebrues be blinded in hart are against vs as much as they maye yet are they with their bokes most plaine witnesses of our fayth And vndoubtedly of al testimonies that testimony is most of value God wil haue a church euen
sacrifice but bycause the memorye of hym beyng once offred is called to remembraunce Moreouer we must take heede that we persuade not our selues that God is pacified either by teares or by Sacrifices or by the receauyng of the Sacramentes whiche are but outwarde thynges God is not pacified by outward thynges of them selues For by one onely Sacrifice by the death I saye of Christ God is made mercifull vnto vs the fruite of whose death euery man applyeth vnto hym selfe by fayth And of that fayth we haue those outward thynges as witnesses and sygnes Wherfore if at any tyme we shall heare either the Fathers or the Scriptures them selues to saye that by teares synnes are wyped awaye or that by Sacrifices or Sacramentes GOD is made mercyfull vnto men so ought we to vnderstande their speaches that we referre the Sacrifices and Sacramentes both to Christ hym selfe The properties of thinges are oftentimes attributed to the signes of the same thīgs and also to faith in him for so much as all those are signes of him Neyther let vs thinke that this is a newe or an vnaccustomed thing that the properties operations and efficacy of thynges shoulde be transferred to the signes whiche by the institution of God do note and signife vnto vs the same thinges But these thinges left a syde let vs speake somewhat particularlye both of teares and syghing and also of Sacrifice ¶ Of Teares TEares are counted as certayne thynges added and ioyned to repentaunce Teares are adioyned both to repentaunce also to prayers and also to prayers For not onely the repentaunte when they with a grieuous sorowe deteste their synnes do vse to weepe but also as many as do earnestly and vehemently contend to obteyne any thyng Howbeit the tokens of true repentaunce are not alwayes measured by teares Weepyng is not alwayes a tokē of true repentaunce Teares do not alwayes declare that the praiers are of efficacy 2. Sam. 12. For we reade both in the booke of Genesis and also in the Epistle to the Hebrues that Esau also wepte Teares also do not alwayes declare that the prayers are of efficacye to obteyne that whiche is desired For Dauid after hys aduoutry fasted and wepte whilest he earnestly prayed that lyfe might be spared vnto hys sonne whiche was borne vnto hym by Bethsabe whiche thyng neuerthelesse he could not obteyne but that teares in those examples had no good successe there were diuerse causes thereof For Esau as we shall strayght waye declare mourned not of fayth And Dauid obtayned not that whiche he desired bycause GOD had ordayned to geue him that whiche was much better and more noble than that whiche he required In dede the sonne whiche was conceaued by aduoutry remayned not a lyue But of the same mother he afterwarde had Salomon who succeded the Father in a peaceable and moste ample kyngdome after his death yea and he beyng yet lyuyng But contrarywyse let vs marke howe in Peter teares were tokens of very true repentaunce And also in that woman whiche as the Euangelistes declare with her teares washed the feete of the Lorde And as touchyng prayers Ezechias was hearde when with weepyng he prayed and the death which was threatned hym was differred to an other tyme. Iosias also was hearde who prayed vnto GOD with many teares The 126. Psalme speaketh thus of the fruite of prayer whiche hath sighyng and teares adioyned with it They wente and wepte castyng their sedes but doubtelesse they shall come with ioye shall bryng with thē their sheaues And they which sowe in teares shall reape in ioye It is also written in the 7. Psalme The Lorde hath hearde the voyce of my weepyng And in the 56. Psalme The teares of the Sainctes are in a manner put before GOD in a bottle or potte and faythfully sealed in hys booke Dauid also in hys 95 Psalme stirreth vs vp by these wordes Let vs weepe before the Lorde whiche made vs c. But muche more are we instigated vnto it by the example of Christe who as it is written in the Epistle to the Hebrues with a loude crye and with teares prayed for vs. Paul also in the 20. of the Actes sayeth that he had longe serued the Lorde with an humble hearte and with teares What teares ar not allowed of God Neuerthelesse God alloweth not those teares whiche are by a certayne naturall nation powred out without any affection of the mynde as it commonly happeneth vnto those whose eyes are striken with any stroke or to those whiche runne either on foote or on horsebacke and whiche with ouer muche drinke become dronke for these are naturall accidences neither pertayne they any thyng to godlynesse But affections after which teares do followe are these heauynesse of the mynde After what affections teares do followe whiche other call sorrowe also gladnesse and that by contrary reasons For of sorowe spryngeth cold whereby as the whole bodye is constrayned together so also are the humors of the hed whereby it commeth to passe that weapyng by violence bursteth forth But contrarywyse in gladnesse the pypes pores wayes about the eyes are loosed wherby there is made a waye open vnto teares And vndoubtedly of those two affections we haue a testimony in the booke of Esdras For there it is written that when the temple was built the people wept but not all for one cause Parte of thē very sory that the new buylding differed muche in dignitie and ornamentes from the fyrst But contrarywise other reioysed that the house of GOD whiche had layen so longe prostrate was raysed vp agayne And it is manifest in the holy hystorye that Ioseph when he sawe hys brother Beniamin whome he loued wepte for ouer muche ioye Anger hath sorrowe and pleasure mingled together Furthermore there are other affections mixed of sorrowe and ioye whiche make vs to weepe as is a vehement anger whiche hath by reason of contempt sorowe myngled with it and also some ioye and pleasure whilest it goeth aboute reuengement as thoughe it were present Mercy also shaketh out teares for that we are troubled and are sory for other mens euils and are desirous to profite the afflicted For a vehement desire also casteth out teares Wherfore the men of God when in prayeng they earnestly desire to obtayne any thing easely burst forth into teares But what the matter of suche an humour is The Phisicall matter of teares we leaue to the consideration of naturall Philosophers for they do not well agree among them selues as touching it Some thincke that they do come by reason of the gaule beyng troubled vnto which opinion agreeth the first booke de mirabilibus sacrae Scripturae Augustine the x. chap whiche booke is entituled to be Augustines wryting Other suppose them to be a certayne kynde of sweate whiche Plutarche affirmeth Plutarche but some do thinke that euen as from mylke is seperated whay so also a watrish humour is separated
ioyned together with filthines ought not to be admitted But those which are written honestlye and shamefastlye so that they refresh the mind with some pleasure and ar also profitable to setforth good maners are not be despised That fylthy ones are to be repudiated the Apostles confyrmeth by two testimonyes To the Corrinthians in the first Epistle he writeth Euill communications corrupt good manners And to the Ephesians the. v chapter it is written let whoredome and all vncleannes and couetousnesse not reigne in you as it becommeth sayntes then is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and whyche are not comelye By these woordes he reproueth all those cōmunications whych are contaminated with filthines scurilitye Plato The same thing saw Plato in his thirde boke de Repub. wher he excludeth Poetes which spake of gods as though they should speake of men Bycause they in so writing do both vnworthely intreate of the nature of god which is best and most high also they excuse the sinnes of common men when as they testifye that both the gods and also noble mē committed the same sins which thing assuredly we may see in the cōmodye Enuchus of Terence where Cherea a wycked yonge man beholding a wanton table in the harlotes house Terence wherein was painted Iupiter persynge vnto Danae by a showre began to haue a pleasure in himself bicause he beyng a vile man did those thinges whych he knew by that table the chief God in the olde time committed I did it sayth he and I dyd it with a good wil. Cicero Cicero also Homere sayeth he fayned these and transferred humayne things vnto the gods I had rather they had transferred thinges diuine vnto vs. Augustine in his .2 booke of Confessions the .15 and 16. chap. complaineth and soroweth that he being a child and younge man learned profitable words Augustine But yet in thinges vayne I would to god sayth he I had beene instructed in profitable writings I hard Iupiter thūdring and therwithall cōmitting adoultry The mindes and affections of men ar prone inough vnto vices wherfore it is wickedlye done that children and younge men should in that age be by vyle and filthye fables stirred vp vnto sins Apologies are profitable whych consisting both of honest wordes and good arguments do rightly instruct that first age Esope Esope the aunciente writer happely excercised hymselfe in this kinde althoughe there are some which referre his Apologies vnto Hesiodus who was aūcienter thē Esope But this our Apology wherof we now entreat was written long before Esope and Hesiodus tyme. For the time of the iudges and namelye of Gidion was an hundreth yeares and more before the war of Troy There is an other Apology also in the .2 boke of kinges the .14 chap. where Amasias obteyning the victory of the Edomites prouoked the king of Israel to make war with him Vnto whom the king Ioas aunswered thus The thistle of Labanon sent vnto the Cedre that is of Libanon and sayd Geue thy daughter to my son to wife And the wyld beast went out of Libanon and trode downe the thistle By which Apology he shewed that he was so much greter thē Amasia the king of Iuda as the Cedre excelleth the thystle and admonished him that he should after that sort be troden down oppressed of his host as was the thistle by wilde beastes These things haue I therfore rehearsed lest the Greke and Ethnike writers should be thought to be the first inuenters of these profitable fayninges The vse of Apologies Al men agre in this that the vse of Apologies are then to be had when we haue to do with rude persons For they vnderstand neither perfect Sillogismes or vnperfect neyther are they able to perceaue inductions so that of perticulars they cangagather vniuersals And they passe not vpon the exāples of noble men for that they themselues are abiect and base Wherfore when such wayes of doctrine can not take place there remayneth nothing but fayned narrations where beyng allured by the ne●mes of the thing they geue much heede to the thinges which are spoken and sometimes at the length are perswaded They are good also to help memory for things ● are so new pleasaūt do very must delight thinges that are so sweete are not so easely forgotten Farther men will easlier suffer themselues to be reproued by Apologies then by open wordes for the playne truth engendreth hatred But beyng couered with Apologies and darke speeches it may be suffred At the beginning the hearers know not wherto the thing tēdeth therfore for that they knowe not what wil be spoken they tary out the end are at the last peraduenture perswaded Christe finished the whole parable of the vine and at the end the Phareseis and Scribes vnderstode that it was spoken against thē So also among the Romayns Menenius Agrippa by an Apology wōne the people which wer departed to adioine thēselues agayn to the Patritiās For these causes ar Parables dreames visiōs of Prophets very much vsed in the holy scriptures The fable of Esope of the frogges which desired a kinge differeth not muche from this Apology which we ar now in hand with for to thē after the beame or post which they dispised was geuen a dragō which by litle litle eat thē vp al. And I wil begyn at the declaration of the fable wherin it is said If ye haue done rightly and orderly reioyse with Abimelech and Abimelech with you But if not let a fire come out from him consume you The oliue tree vine tree fyg tree is the famelye of Gideon and the trees which desire a king are the Sechemites And as among trees there are some noble and some abiect so also amonge men there ar some noble and excellent and some vnnoble and of no reputacion The bramble brier signifieth Abimelech Of the brāble or briar Plini Plini in his 24. booke and .14 chapt writeth of this kind of thorn And as touching this matter these are the properties therof it is a plant vile and abiect as was Abimelech who was a bastard and borne of a hand mayd so that he was not to be compared with his brethern And as he without any vtility gouerned the Israelites so is the brāble wont to bringforth no frute The bramble also pricketh euen as Abimelech very muche hurted the Israelites Moreouer some write that the bowes of brambles are sometimes so vehemently shaken and moued with the winde that out of them is fire kindled wherewith not only they thēselues burn but the whole wood wherin they grow is burnte which thinge Iotham nowe foretelleth to come to passe of Abimelech Wherfore the properties do wonderfully well agree But here are twoo questions offred vnto the readers The fyrst is bycause it is said that the trees wente to the Oliue tree vine tree figge tree and bramble to create them a king when as the