those to whome it belongeth principally to discusse examine and determine this matter as afterwardes shall be shewed And yet as though he had made no such exception but admitted all kind of writers throughout all times in this matter he maketh this new ridiculous vaunt Shew vs saith he for your mentall reseruation but one Father whether Greeke or Latin one Pope whether Catholicke or Antichristian one Author whether learned or vnlearned who did euer so fancy c. 4. Wherunto I may answere that if the maker of this vaunt had had but one dram of discretion he would neuer haue set downe so many ones to confound himself for that presently we shall shew so many Fathers Greeke and Latin to haue allowed of the foresaid speech as had occasions to handle such Scriptures as conteine like propositions and so many Popes to haue approued the same as haue allowed the said Fathers sentences or haue liued since the collecting of the Canon Lawes wherin the said Fathers sentences are aboundantly cited and set downe and that so many learned graue pious Authors haue byn of this fancy if it be a fancy as haue byn consulted in cases of most moment that comprehend this controuersy So as for this Minister to except against foure hundred yeares togeather which in effect conteineth a graunt of all the learned of that time and yet to challeng one Father one Pope one Author learned or vnlearned sheweth a broken phantasy of an ydle braine indeed 5. But now to lay before the Readers eyes some brief consideration what is reiected in the exclusiō of these last foure hundred yeares about our point in controuersy it is to be noted that the science of Deuinity called by the Greeks Theology for that it is properly immediatly about God matter belonging vnto God hath growne frō time to time according to the growth of mankind and to the most ordinate and excellent prouidence of almighty God as S. Paul diuinely 〈◊〉 in diuers partes of his Epistles which we shall heere indeauour to declare by this particuler deduction that from the beginning of the world vnto the deluge there passing aboue a thousand and six hundred yeares to wit more then from Christ to this time set downe in Scripture vnder the liues only of ten mē there was no other Theology in all that time but only by speech and tradition of Father to sonne freind to friend maister to scholler predecessour to successour and from this againe vnto the time of Abraham which was vpon the point of three hundred yeares the same was obserued and from him to Moyses which was aboue other foure hundred yeares no booke is extant that was written though in these last foure hundred yeares from Abraham to Moyses God had his seuerall people as is knowne which were gouerned without any written word at all 6. But Moyses hauing written the fiue first bookes of the Bible commonly called the Pentateuch so many ages after the beginning of the world and sundry other holy men diuers bookes and Treatises after him againe vntill the comming of Christ albeit the sciēce and study of Deuinity was much enlarged therby yet was it barren in a certaine sort in respect of that which ensued after vnder Christ in the writinges of the Apostles and Apostolicke men and large Commentaries and expositions written theron by succeeding Christian ages which in time growing to be so many and great volumes partly of the said expositions and explanations of Scriptures partly of Treatises bookes and dogmaticall discourses partly of Ecclesiasticall Histories partly of discussions and determinations of Councelles both Generall Nationall Prouinciall and partly finally of resolutions decrees of Bishops chiefe Pastors for directiō of their flocks especially of the highest that held the Chaire for gouerning and moderating of all the rest 7. These thinges I say growing at length to so great a bulke manifold multitude of bookes Treatises tomes and volumes as many men had not time to read them ouer and much lesse leasure and iudgement to digest or conceaue them with that distinction order and perspicuity which was necessary it pleased almighty God out of his continuall prouidence for his said Church to inspire certaine men 〈◊〉 foure hundred years past to reduce the said vast corpes of Deuinity to a cleare methode by drawing all to certaine common places and heades and by handling and discussing the same so punctually distinctly and perspicuously as any good wit in small time may come to comprehend the whole without reading ouer the other so many huge volumes as before was necessary And this method was called afterwardes Schoole-Deuinity for that it did principally consist in disputation and discussion of matters exactly by discending into particulers and dissoluing all doubtes wheras the other manner of 〈◊〉 of Scriptures Fathers Doctors Histories and Councells seuerally remained with the name of positiue Deuinity as contenting it self only with assertiue doctrine without disputation or further discussion 8. The first and principall Authors of this method or methodicall study is accounted to be Petrus Lombardus Bishop of Paris aboue foure hundred fifty yeares past who for that he gathered into the foresaid method of generall heades all that any way appertained to Deuinity out of the sayinges and sentences of Scriptures and Fathers deuiding the same into foure bookes and euery booke into seuerall distinctions he was called afterwardes the Maister of the sentences and many learned men in ensuing times wrote Commentaries theron enlarging with great variety of matter the said method which he had inuented Others also made seuerall Summes of Theology differēt in name but in effect to the same imitation wherof may be accounted one of the first our often named learned Countreyman Alexander of Hales in Suffolke and after him S. Thomas of Aquine vpon whome many other learned men since that time haue and doe vnto this day write large Commentaries Diuers also considering that this methodicall study hath two partes the one speculatiue which is handled principally by the exercise of our vnderstanding in dispute the other moral that apperteineth to manners and action of life sundry learned men doe betake themselues principally to this later as more necessary to practice of Christian life and cases therin to be resolued in Conscience 9. And about the very same time or little before it came to passe by the like prouidēce of almighty God that the same method was thought vpon for reducing the Decrees and Constitutions of Councels Fathers Bishops and Popes apperteyning to Ecclesiasticall gouernment which grew now to be many vnto like general heades bookes causes questions and Chapters 〈◊〉 more facility of comprehending and remembring the same the cheif Author therof being Gratian a learned Monke of S. Benedicts Order which laborious and methodicall compilation approued by Popes at that time and from time to time afterwards and expounded by the writinges and
time vvhen this treason vvas plotted as to vse his owne wordes no 〈◊〉 grudge no invvard vvhispering of discōtentment did any vvay appeare VVhich assertion if you consider it well and compare it with our domesticall differences in Religion and variety of punishments laied vpon diuers sortes of men at that time euen before this fact fell out for the same will seeme a very great hyperbolicall exaggeration and ouerlashing for that the penalties of Recusancy and other like molestations were as rife then as at any other time before complaintes of Catholickes in diuers countreys no lesse pittifull 14. Another like Treatise followed this intituled A true reporte of the imprisonment arraignment and execution of the late Traitors imprinted by Geffery Chorlton VVhich so raileth vpon Catholicks and Catholicke Religion from the very beginning to the end therof as if none of them had byn free from the fact attempted or that their common doctrine had publickly allowed the same whereunto this seditious libell of the minister T. M. which now I am to confute endeauoreth to beare false witnes I will pretermit two other most virulent and spitefull Treatises intituled Pagano-Papismus and The picture of a Papist in which the Religion wherin all our auncestors both liued and died from the beginning of their Christianity vnto our daies and so many worthy nations great Princes and famous learned men doe professe round about vs at this day and doe hope to be saued therby is made worse then Paganisme vea the horrible sinke of all damnable heresies which notwithstanding were condemned by the same Religion and Church in former ages and consequently this censure sauoureth more of fury then of reason 15. But to leaue of the recitall of any more bookes or pamphlets to this effect there hath appeared further a matter of far greater importance which is a Catalogue of new lawes suggested in this Parlament against the said Catholickes wherin besides the former heape of penall statutes made to this affliction in precedent times diuers new are proposed for an addition and aggrauation of their Calamities far more rigorous if they passe then the former which being considered by forreine people doe make the state of English Catholickes vnder Protestant gouernement to seeme vnto them much more miserable and intolerable then that of the Ievves vnder any sorte of Christian Princes or that of the Grecians or other Christians vnder the Turke or Persian or that of bondsubiectes vnder the Polonians Svvecians Moscouians and other such Nations so as all this tendeth as yow see and as before we haue noted to more desperate disunion of mindes and exasperation of hartes 16. Only I must confesse that in two mens writings I finde more moderation then in any of the rest who yet being more interessed in the late grieuous designed delict then any of the other that write therof had most cause to be prouoked against the delinquents The first is his Maiesties speach both in his Proclamation and Court of Parlament In the former he professeth to distinguish betvveene all others calling themselues Catholicks the Authors of detestable treason and that by good experience he vvas so vvell persuaded of the loyalty of diuers of that 〈◊〉 as that he assured himselfe that they did as much abhorre that odious 〈◊〉 as himselfe And in the second his Maiesty speaking in Parlament distinguished betweene different sortes of Catholicks allowing to the one sort both the opinion of loyalty and possibility of saluation detesting in that point to vse his Highnes wordes the cruelty of the Puritanes and thinking it vvorthy of fier that vvill admit no saluation to any Papist VVhich is an argument of his Princely moderate meaning not to condemne the whole for a part though in our sense the distinction vsed by his Maiesty in that place of some Catholicks that holde some pointes of our Religion and of others that holde all cannot stand For that we accompt them not for Catholicks at all nor may wee that holde not all but a part for that Catholicum is secundum totum and not secundum partem as well S. Augustine noteth and consequently he that belieueth a part only or any one iote lesse then the whole cannot be in our sense nor in that of S. Augustine a true Catholicke 17. And surely though his Maiesty in this place out of the preiudicate persuasions of others and 〈◊〉 suggested informations seeme to be persuaded that no Catholicks of this condition that belieue and imbrace the whole can euer proue either good Christians or faithfull subiects yet is our hope and constant praier to almighty God that he will in time so illustrate that excellent vnderstanding of his Highnes as the same will see and discerne betweene these absolute and perfect Catholicks that yeeld themselues wholy in obsequium obedientiam fidei in all that the vniuer sall Church prescribeth vnto them to be belieued and others that chuse take and leaue what they like or list vpon their owne iudgement which choice or election called otherwise heresy if wee belieue the Holy Scriptures and sense of all antiquity in this behalfe is the most dangerous and pernicious disease in respect of both those effects heere mentioned by his Maiesty that is vpon earth And when his Highnes shall further with deliberation and maturity haue pondered how many ages his noble Auncestors Catholicke Kings and Queenes of both Realmes haue raigned in peace honour and safty ouer subiects of the first sorte and how infinite troubles turmoiles violences dangers hurtes and losses his Maiesties owne person and all his neerest in bloud and kinred haue suffered in a few yeares of those other new chusers to omit their doctrine I doubt not but that out of his great prudence and equanimity he will mollify and mitigate the hard opinion conceaued of the former notwithstanding this late odious accident fallen out by the temerity of a few as the world knoweth 18. The second example of some moderation before mentioned or at least wise meant was my L. of Salisburies answere to Certeine scandalous papers as he called them which though being written in the time and occasion they were the answerer wanteth not his stinges that pearce euen to the quicke yet supposing the pretended iniury offered by that fond menacing letter and the condition of men in his place and dignity not accustomed to beare or dissemble prouocations of that kind all may be called moderate that is not extreme though for the letter it self if any such were I presume so much of his Lordships wisedome and prudence as he could hardly deeme or suspect any Catholicke to be so mad as to write such a franticke commination but rather that it came from the forge of some such other as togeather with the blowe to be giuen therby to all Catholickes had furthermore a desire to drawe forth from his L. the answere therby to see and try his style and to that end gaue
Protestants But the Romish Seminaries and Iesuites doe so ergo This is his reason and manner of reasoning and in this sorte goe all the rest ech thing with his ergo that yow may know that the learned man hath studied Logicke or rather sophistry to set downe all in forme of syllogisme And to proue his propositions or premisses in this first argument he vseth two meanes first to cite the hard speeches of certaine Catholicke writers against the Caluinian faith as though it were none at all but rather infidelity wherin we shall see after what great store of Protestant writers they haue also with them in that point the other medium is a certeine odious enumeration of the penalties inflicted by Church-lawes and Canons of old time vpon heresy and Hereticks in generall all which T. M. will needes apply to himself and to English Protestantes at this day to breake therby all ciuill association with vs that are Catholickes but both the one and the other are proofes of no validity Let vs begin with the first 4. He citeth the wordes of Andreas Iurgiuicius Canon of Cracouia in Polonia affirming that Protestantes doe holde no one article of the Apostles Creed to wit rightly and entierly Of M. VVright in his articles teaching Protestantes to haue no faith no Religion no Christ. Of M. Reynoldes entituling his booke Caluino-Turcismus Of D. Gifford in the preface to the said booke auouching the pretented now Ghospel of Caluin in many things to be worse and more wicked then the Turkes Alcaron And finally of Antonius Posseuinus who wrote a booke De Atheismis Protestantium Of the Atheismes or pointes of doctrine leading to Atheisme which are taught by diuers Protestants especially by Caluin and his followers 5. Out of all which speeches T. M. inferreth the generall meaning of vs Catholicks to be That all humane society with Protestantes must be vtterly dissolued which is vtterly false and a meere mistaking For these speeches proue only that there cà be no society 〈◊〉 Catholickes and Protestants in their doctrine beliefe but not in life manners conuersation which is the point in question so as T. M. inferreth here quid pro quo And if he will heare one of his owne brethren hold this position also That there can be no vnion society or conformity betweene their our doctrine pretended by some let him read VVilliam Perkins epistle to S. VVilliam Bowes in the preface of his reformed or rather deformed Catholicke where he reprehendeth the new brethren of France and some also in England for giuing hope of this vnion So as in this point we agree that no agreement can be in Religion but in conuersatiō there may as we haue shewed by many examples in the precedent Chapter of people of different Religion that liue togeather at this day in vnion of obedience and quiet subiection vnder the 〈◊〉 Turke and Christian Emperour as also vnder the great Kings of France Polonia and other Princes Fondly then doth T. M. inferre the incompossibility of cohabitation conuersation out of the insociability of their doctrine and Religion 6. Now as for the hard and harsh speeches of the Authors alleadged though vnto many they may seeme somewhat sharpe exaggerations yet vnto him that shall consider well the matter in hand and the accustomed phrases of ancient Fathers in like occasions it will appeare far otherwise For first 〈◊〉 his meaning is nothing else as appeareth by his booke but that in all and euery article of the Creed Caluinistes haue innouated and altered somewhat in the true sense therof and added particuler errours of their owne as yow shall heare afterward proued and declared more largely out of the 〈◊〉 and assertions of diuers great Lutheran Protestants that hold Caluinists to haue peruerted all the articles of the said Creed Of which point our learned countriman M. VVilliam Reinoldes that had bvn diuers yeares a Protestant and Preacher of that doctrine after long study to proue the same by many demonstrations resolued to write a whole booke That Caluinistes belieue no one article of the Apostles Creed but afterwardes turned the same into that other worke entituled Caluino-Turcismus which is held by strangers to be one of the most learned that hath byn written of this kinde of controuersy in our age and M. Sutcliffe hath made himself ridiculous by attempting to answere the same 7. Those wordes also of M. VVright if he vsed them that Hereticks haue no faith no Religion no Christ but are meere infideles doe conteine an ancient position of Catholicke doctrine deliuered in schooles and Fathers writings against old Heretickes many hundred yeares before the name of Protestantes was heard of in the world so that this cannot be of malice properly against them The famous doctor S. Thomas aboue three hundred yeares gone hath this Question in his Treatise of faith Whether he that 〈◊〉 obstinatly in one point or article of his beliefe doth leese his whole faith in all the rest and holdeth yea alleadging for the same inuincible reasons And the same Doctor in like manner proposeth another question to wit which of three sinnes belonging to infidelity is most grieuous Iudaisme Paganisme or Heresy resolueth the question thus That albeit in some respects the former two may be thought more grieuous in that they deny more points of faith yet absolutely in regarde of the malice and obstinacy of an Hereticke that knew once the Catholicke truth and now wilfully impugneth the same against the iudgement of the vniuersall visible Church his sinne and damnation is much more grieuous and hereupon the ancient Fathers doe euery where aggrauate the heynousnes of this sinne aboue all other sinnes and in particuler doe deny them to be Christians but rather to be Infideles and worse then Infideles as now by S. Thomas hath byn said which is most conforme to the writinges of the Apostles themselues and Apostolicke men who detested this sinne in the highest degree as might largely be shewed out of their workes euen to the horror of the Reader if this place did beare it That seuere speach of S. Paul may be sufficient for all the rest exhorting his disciple Titus to auoide an hereticall man after one or two reprehensions knowing that such a one is subuerted and sinneth as damned by his owne iudgment Which is neuer found written of other sortes of Infideles 8. No man then ought to be offended with these earnest and sharpe speeches where heresy or the presumption therof is in question for that nothing is more dreadfull to Catholicke people then the very name and apprehension of heresy howsoeuer in our vnfortunate daies it be made a matter of dispute only or table-talke by many now in England and he that will see store of proofes and reasons laied togeather by the foresaid learned man M. Reynoldes to proue that the heresies of these
our times of such as call themselues Protestants but especially the followers of Caluin are farre more perillous and detestable then Paganisme Iudaisme or Turcisme let him read not only his foresaid fower bookes De Caluino-Turcismo but two speciall large Chapters or Treatises of this very matter in his booke De iusta Reipublicae potestate c. to wit the 4. and 5. and he will rest satisfied 9. Nor doe Catholicke writers only make these Protestations against Caluin and his doctrine but many of the most learnedest other Protestants of these daies as hath byn touched One most famous preacher and Protestant writer or rather Superintendent in Polonia called Francis Stancarus in an epistle to the King himself saith of him and to him Quis Diaboluste ô Caluine seduxit vt contra filium Dei cum Arrio obloquaris c. Cauete o vos Ministri omnes a libris Caluini praesertim in articulis de Trinitate incarnatione mediatore Sacramento Baptismi praedestinatione continent enim doctrinam impiam blasphemias Arrianas What deuill hath seduced thee o Caluin that thou shouldest speake iniuriously against the sonne of God with Arrius the Hereticke c. Beware all yee Ministers of Caluins bookes especially in the articles of the Bl. Trinity Incarnation of the mediator of the Sacrament of Baptisme and of predestination for they conteine impious doctrine and blasphemies of Arrius 10. Another brother and Protestant-Preacher no lesse zealous then he in Germany named Conradus Schlusselburge saith of him his 〈◊〉 that himself hath declared proued in three large books Hòs de nullo ferè Christianae doctrinae articulo rectè sentire That they scarcely belieue aright any one article of Christian beliefe which is the self same that the forenamed Catholicke writer Iurgiuicius obiected before which T. M. tooke so impatiently as yow haue heard And the same brother in one of his said bookes affirmeth Quod Caluinistae ipsum filium Dei mendacij arguunt Deum sua omnipotentia spoliant sunt abiurati hostes profligatissimi falsatores Testamenti filij Dei That Caluinists doe charge the Sonne of God with a ly doe spoile God of his omnipotency and are foresworne enemies and most wicked falsifiers of the Testament of the Sonne of God 11. And another famous Doctor of the same new Ghospell and spirit saith that this sect of Caluinists their doctrine Sentina quaedam est c. is a certeine sinke into which all other heresies doe flow it is the last rage of the diuell which he in his fury doth exercise against Christ and his Church c. And then further Qui partes eorum sequitur c. he that followeth their sect is a manifest and sworne enemy of God and hath denied his faith which he promised to Christ in his baptisme So he And consider now whether this be not as great detestation of Caluins doctrine by principal learned Protestants as T. M. hath picked out of Catholicks wrested wordes before recited 12. But yow must not thinke that heere is an end for there would be no end if I should prosecute all that might be said in this case Tilmannus Heshusius a Superintendent of the Protestants in the same countrey calleth Caluins doctrine Blasphemam Sacrilegam sectam a blaspemous and Sacrilegious sect and writeth a speciall booke of this title A defence of the Holy Testament of Christ against the blasphemous confession of Caluinists And AEgidius Hunnius writing a booke De Caluino Iudaizante of Caluin playing the Iew after a long confutation saith thus Dâ—â—â—â—um satis superque iudico c. we haue detected I suppose sufficiently and more then sufficiently that Angell of darkenes Iohn Caluin who comming forth of the pit of hell hath partly by his detestable wickednes in wresting Scriptures partly by his impious pen against the Holy Maiesty of Christ partly by his horrible and monstrous paradoxes about predestination drawne both himself into hell a great number of starres as the Apocalips speaketh 13. I pretermit many others as that of Philippus Nicolaus a Protestant-Minister of Tubinga who in the yeare 1586. set forth a booke in 4. with this title A Discouery and this I write for our discouerer of the fundaments of the Caluinian Sect and how they agree with old Arrians and Nestorians Wherby also is demonstrated that no Christian man can take part with them but that he must defend Arrianisme and Nestorianisme So he But the next yeare after there came another booke forth printed in the same Vniuersity with this title A demonstration out of the Holy Scriptures that Caluinists and Sacramentaries are not Christians but rather baptized Iewes and Mahometanes and a little after that againe came forth the booke of Ioannes Matthias the great Preacher in VVittenberge De cauendo Caluinistarum fermento how to auoid the leauen of the Caluinists and then another of Albertus Grauerus of like function vpon the yeare 1598. entituled BelluÌ„ Ioannis Caluini Iesu Christi The warre betweene Iohn Caluin and Iesus Christ and al this written set forth and printed by chiefe Protestant brethren which if the inference of T. M. be true against Catholickes that in respect of the difference of their doctrine and for that they holde Caluinists to haue no true faith they may not liue togeather vnder one Prince then must it follow also that neither these Lutherans and Caluinian Protestants can liue togeather and the very same ensueth betweene English Protestants Puritanes vpon the difference of their doctrine and belief which hath no lesse opposition in deed and detestation the one of the other in bitternes of speach then haue the Lutherane Protestants against them both as may easily be demonstrated out of their owne bookes if we would stand vpon it And this shall be sufficient for the refutation of his first medium brought forth to proue that Catholicks and Protestants cannot liue togeather in one common wealth for that the one side accompteth the other for Hereticks 14. But the second medium is yet more childish which is that for so much as we not only doe hold Protestants to be excommunicate Hereticks but subiect also to all the punishments penalties set downe in the Popes Ecclesiasticall Canons Decrees Constitutions for the same which are many and grieuous as that Hereticks must leese their goods cannot gather vp tythes nor recouer debtes nor institute heires and other such like and more sharpe penalties prescribed in old time by the Canon law against ancient Hereticks herof he inferreth that we detract all humane society from Protestants and consequently we are not tolerable in a Protestant common-wealth 15. But we answere first that touching the former part to wit the imputation of heresy and excommunication to the Protestant party of England that followeth the Sacramentary doctrine of Caluin and Zuinglius yow haue heard now immediately before how that imputation is
performed by these places alleadged yow haue seene 28. Finally to stand no longer vpon this whether we or they Catholicks or Protestantes doe attribute more to popular licence against Princes when they giue not contentment may aboundantly be seene in that we haue set downe before and will ensue afterward both of their doctrine and practises in like occasions And so much of this first charge now will we passe to the second 29. The second is that we ascribe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power and souer aignty ouer Kings vnto the Pope wherin first what he saith of ciuill souer aignty is a meere fiction and calumniation of his owne if it be out of the Popes owne temporall Dominions For we ascribe no such vnto him ouer other Princes or their subiects but that authority or soueraignty only which Catholicke doctrine ascribeth to the Bishop of Rome as Successor to S. Peter Prince of the Apostles spirituall head of the vniuersall visible Church of Christ which is only spirituall for spirituall ends to wit for the direction and saluation of soules And if at any time he be forced to passe further then this and by a certeine consequence to deale in some temporall affaires also it must be only indirectly in defence or conseruation of the said spirituall that is to say when the said spirituall power apperteining to soules cannot other wise be defended or conserued as more largely hath byn treated before 30. This then is the summe and substance of Catholicke doctrine about this point of the Popes authority which from the beginning of Christianity hath byn acknowledged in Gods Church and in no place more then in England where it hath byn both held practised from the very first Christened King of our nation Ethelbert vnto K. Henry the 8. for the space of almost a thousand yeares without interruption as largely and aboundantly hath byn shewed and laied forth to the view of all men in a late booke written in answere to S. Edward Cookes fifth part of Reportes and this with great honor prosperity of the Princes therof and vnion of their people vnder their gouernment and without such odious or turbulent inferences as now are made therevpon by vnquiet spirittes that would set at warre euen mens imaginations in the ayer therby to mainteine disunion discorde and diffidence betweene Princes and namely betweene our present noble Soueraigne and his Catholicke subiects 31. And first of all let vs heare this turbulent T. M. how vpon the enuy of this authority he frameth and foundeth all his ensuing reasons VVe demaunde saith he how farre these pretended powers of people Pope may extende and heervpon we argue To which I answere that in imagination they may extend so farre as any fantasticall braine shall list to draw them but in the true meaning of Catholicke reall doctrine they can extend no further then hath byn declared And as for the popular power of people ouer Princes we haue now refuted the calumniation shewed that it is a mere fiction of his owne and no position of ours and that his Protestant doctrine doth ascribe much more licence to popular tumult then the Catholicke without comparison and for that of the Pope I haue declared how it is to be vnderstood to be of his owne nature in spirituall affaires only without preiudice of ciuill Princely gouernement at all and so the practice of the worlde and experience of so many Princes great States and Monarches liuing quietly securely vnder the same authority both in former times and ours most euidently doth proue and confirme 32. But yet let vs see and consider how falsely and calumniously this Make-bate doth herevpon argue in his third reason inferring for his assumption or minor proposition thus But all Popish Priestes vpon this pretended Supremacy and prerogatiue of Pope and people doe vtterly abolish the title of succession in all Protestant Princes Ergo. Wherin to shew him a notable liar it shall be sufficient to name all the Protestant Princes that haue had title of successiō in our coūtrey for therof he speaketh principally since the name of Protestant hath byn heard of in the world being three in number to wit K. Edward the sixt Q. Elizabeth and K. Iames that now raigneth all which were admitted peaceably to their Crownes as well by Priestes as Catholicke people who notwithstanding in some of their admissions wanted not meanes to haue wrought disturbances as the world knoweth so as if one instance only doth truly ouerthrow any general proposition how much more doth this triple instance not able to be denied ouerthrow and cast to the ground this vniuersal false assertion of T. M. which auerreth That all Popish Priests 〈◊〉 vtterly abolish the Succession of all Protestant Princes Will he not be ashamed to see himself cōuinced ofso great and shameles ouerlashing 33. And on the other side one only Catholicke Princesse being to succeed in this time to wit Q. Mary we know what resistance the Protestants made both by bookes sermons Treatises and open armes and how many Rebellions conspiracies robberies priuy slaughters and other impediments were designed and practised afterward during the few yeares she raigned we know also what was executed against the gouernment and liues of the two noble Catholicke Queenes her neerest neighbours one of them most straitly conioyned in bloud that raigned at that time in Scotland to omit others before mētioned that were debarred from their lawfull succession or excluded from their rightfull possession for their Religion in Sweueland Flanders other places as cannot be denied 34. Wherfore it is more then extraordinary impudency in T. M. to charge vs with that which is either peculier or more eminent in themselues and false in vs and what or how farre this fellow may be trusted in these his assertions may be gathered by the last sentence of all his discourse in this matter where he hath these wordes F. Persons in his Doleman doth pronounce sentence that whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant Prince is a most grieuous and damnable 〈◊〉 And is it so in deed Syr 〈◊〉 and will yow stand to it and leese your credit if this be falsely or calumniously alleadged then if yow please let vs heare the Authors owne wordes 35. And now saith he to apply all this to our purpose for England and for the matter we haue in hand I affirme and hold that for any man to giue his helpe consent or assistance towardes the making of a King whome he iudgeth or belieueth to be faulty in Religion and consequently would aduance no Religion or the wrong if he were in authority is a most grieuous damnable sinne to him that doth it of what side soeuer the truth be or how good or bad soeuer the party be that is preferred So he And his reason is for that he should sinne against his owne conscience in furthering such aKing And is
Protestantes that follow Caluins doctrine prosessed enemies of Iesus Christ al which being Ministers and zealous professors of Luthers new Ghospell cannot be imagined by Protestantes to haue byn so much abandoned by the Holy Ghost as to giue this deliberate Censure of their brethren in profession if it were false or else must we thinke that they had neuer the true spirit of God in them wherof which soeuer our Minister granteth he is in the brakes And thus much of Lutherane Protestantes 9. Next to this where the danger without cōparison is farre greater the Answerer obiecteth to our Minister the opinion of the Puritanes to wit the more zealous part of the Caluinian profession it self who affirme in the name of all their brethren whome they say to be thousands that the ordinary Protestantes of England are not only in errour and Heresy but are plaine Infidelles and that it is infidelity to goe to their Churches and that it was a damnable sinne in the Parliament yea more heinous then that of Sodom and Gomorrha to cōfirme such an erroneous Religion And the same and other like censures of theirs are related in my Lord of Canterbury his booke of Dangerous positions and the occasion and foundation of this censure and iudgment is set downe of late very cleerly in the preface to the answere to Syr Edward Cookes Reports where is shewed why supposing the groūdes of both Religions and differences especially in the origen of Ecclesiasticall power which giueth essence to the true Church they cannot be but as heathens publicans and Infidelles the one to the other 9. Now then how doe yow thinke that T. M. shifteth of this charge No otherwise then the former by granting the matter but inueigheth against the men This writer and you saith he may ioine fellowship yow dedicate your booke to the King he to the Parliament he pretendeth the consent of a thousand yow of a thousand thousandes he for all his consent is not many and yow for ought you will pretend but one c. So he But what is all this to the purpose He granteth the point in question that English Protestantes are held for Heretickes in the science conscience of Puritanes so as both by enemies and friendes they are thought to be in an euill case And truly this is much plainer dealing in cōfessing a truth that they be in deed at such debate amōg themselues in the very substance and essence of their Religion then that of Deane Sutcliffe who hauing taken vpon him these yeares past to returne A full and round answere for so he intituleth his booke to the VVarn-word of N. D. euen as now T. M. doth his A full satisfaction when he came to the purpose he was so far from being full round as to foure whole Chapters which the other had made of this matter to shew the dissentiō of Protestants among themselues the condemnation of Caluinistes by all other Protestant sectes of our time he answered not twice foure lines to all the said discourses testimonies examples and demonstrations but dissembling al as though no such thing had byn written by his aduersary at last in the end of a Chapter brake forth into the deniall of any such different names or sectes at all saying Neither doe we acknowledge the names of Lutheranes Caluinistes Zuinglians or Puritanes but only doe call our selues Christians c. VVe say further that the Churches of Germany France and England agree albeit priuate men hold priuate opinions 10. Thus Deane Sutcliffe and by this audacity yow may know the Deane for that no man els I thinke could without blushing haue denied the notice of so notorious names and differences or so boldly haue affirmed that all the Protestant Churches of Geneua France and England did agree notwithstanding that priuate men held priuate opinions so as belike Churches may agree without men to wit in their walles and windowes but these are escapes fit for M. Sutcliffe and so to him I leaue them 11. But yet the moderate Answerer goeth one step neerer vnto T. M. and telleth him that a great learned man of his owne side a rare linguist a long traueller trained much in Geneua and other Citties of Germany highly commended by M. VVillet in his printed workes and admired by others to wit M. Hugh Broughton hauing considered well of our ordinary Protestantes Religion condemned the same of infinite errours Heresies in a certaine aduertisement published in print vpon the yeare of Christ 1604. giuing grieuous curses of Anathema Maranatha to the same to diuers Bishops in particuler as namely to M. VVhitgift late Archbishop of Canterbury and to M. Bilson yet Bishop of VVinchester affirming further that their Bible after their translation and by their corrupt notes thervnto is made worse and more dangerous then the Turkes Alcaron and causeth many millions to run to eternall flames that he hath found the text of the old Testament only peruerted in eight hundred and eight and forty seuerall places and other like pointes whervnto I finde T. M. to answere nothing in effect touching the matter it self in question either by deniall of the thing or otherwise but only ascribing it to passion and lack of iudgment in him which the other perhaps will retourne to him againe But let vs hear our Ministers wordes to his aduersary 12. VVhat modesty saith he can this be in you to obiect vnto vs a man whome you know to be sequestred from vs rather by impotency of passion then by any difference of Religion And is not this a very substantiall answere Is not this a full satisfaction according to the title of his booke and was not the censure of the Puritanes cast of a little before in regard of like passion And all the Lutheran Protestantes of Tubinga before that againe vpon pretence of like passion as writing in the spirit of contradiction and contention What triall what witnes can haue place if this kind of answering may be admitted But it is sufficient to me that by confession of our Minister himselfe their Religion is held for error Heresy and infidelity not only by Catholickes or Papistes as they call them but also by Protestantes themselues both Lutheranes and Puritanes and some learned also of their owne proper sect which is a pittifull confession if we consider of it well and no lesse dishonorable preiudiciall vnto them to haue the name of Heretike ascribed laid vpon them aswell by friendes as enemies as it is honourable and comfortable vnto vs to be called Catholickes according to S. Augustines obseruation not only by freindes but also by our enemies And thus much of the first Question The second Question about seditious Doctrine §. 2. 13. ALl our contention hitherto in this point hauing byn whether truly really the doctrine of Catholickes or Protestantes be more peaceable or seditious in it self or more dāgerous or secure
to Princes concerning the obedience or Rebellion of their subiectes whatsoeuer hath byn obiected by the accusation or calumniation of our Minister in his former discouery against Catholickes hath not byn any direct doctrine teaching or insinuating much lesse inciting subiectes to disobedience or Rebellion as before hath byn declared but only by a certaine consequence or inferēce that for so much as in certaine vrgent and exorbitant cases we ascribe to the Christian Common-wealth and supreme Pastour therof authority to restraine punish supreme Magistrates in such cases that therfore our doctrine is seditious and tending indirectly at least à longè to Rebellion though the visible experience of so many great Kingdomes round about vs lyuing for so many yeares and sometimes ages also in quiet security notwithstāding this doctrine doth conuince this to be a calumniation 14. But our Aduersaries doe not onely teach this That euery Christian Common-wealth vpon mature deliberation and with generall consent hath such anthority but further also that particular men and Common people haue the same and are not only taught but vrged in like manner exhorted to vse it when soeuer they suppose their Prince to offer them iniury or hard measure especially in matters of Religion wherof the moderate Answerer obiecteth many examples and proofes against T. M. taken out of their owne bookes wordes and wrytinges as also by the testimonies of other principall Protestant-writers wherevnto though T. M. would make a shew to answere somewhat now in this his Reply and therupon hath framed a second seuerall part of his booke for iustificatiō of Protestantes in that behalfe yet is it so far of from A full satisfaction the title of his whole worke as in effect he confesseth all that his Aduersary opposeth no lesse then yow haue heard in the former question though somewhat he will seeme sometimes to wrangle and to wype of the hatred of their assertion by Commentes of his owne deuise 15. And indeed what other answere can be framed to most plaine assertions out of their owne wordes and writinges as of Caluin Beza Hottoman and so many other French Caluinistes as I haue mentioned in the first Chapter of this Treatise Goodman also Gilby VVhittingham Knox Buchanan and others neerer home vnto vs All the forenamed Collections in like manner of him that is now Archbishop of Canterbury of Doctour Sutcliffe and others in the books intituled Dangerous positions Suruey of the pretended Disciplinary Doctrine and the like wherin their positions are most cleerly set downe concerning this matter And albeit this Minister T. M. in his Reply doth vse all the art possible to dissemble the same by telling a peece of his Aduersaries allegations in one place and another peece in another altering all order both of Chapters matter and method set downe by the Answerer so as neuer hare when she would sit did vse more turninges and windinges for couering her selfe which the Reader may obserue euen by the places themselues quoted by him out of his aduersaries booke yet are his answerers such where he doth answere for to sundry chiefe points he saith nothing at all as doe easely shew that in substance he confesseth all and cannot deny what is obiected And where he seeketh to deny any thing there he intangleth himself more then if flatly he confessed the same Some few examples I shall alledge wherby coniecture may be made of the rest 16. The Answerer alledgeth first the wordes of Goodman in his booke against Queen Mary wherin he writeth expressely that it is lawfull by Godes law and mans to kill both Kinges and Queenes when iust cause is offered and herself in particuler for that she was an enemy to God and that all Magistrates and Princes transgressing Gods lawes might by the people be punished condemned depriued put to death aswel as priuate transgressours and much other such doctrine to this effect cited out of the said Goodman All which the Bishop of Canterbury his second booke of Dangerous positions hath much more largely both of this Goodman and many other English Protestantes cheife Doctours of their Primitiue Church residing at that time in Geneua And what doth T. M. reply now to this Yow shall heare it in his owne wordes If I should iustify this Goodman saith he though your examples might excuse him yet my hart shall condemne my self But what doe yow professe to proue all Protestantes teach positions Rebellious Proue it Heere is one Goodman who in his publicke book doth maintaine him I haue no other meanes to auoid these straites which yow obiect by the example of one to conclude all Protestants in England Rebellious then by the example of all the rest to answere there is but one So he 17. And this is his full satisfaction and faithfull Reply as he calleth his booke but how poore satisfaction this giueth and how many pointes there be heere of no faith or credit at all is quickly seene by him that will examine them For first how doe the 〈◊〉 alledged agaist this Goodman by the Moderate Answerer excuse him as heere is said seeing the wordes he alledgeth against him out of his owne booke are intollerable and my Lord of Canterbury alledgeth farre worse As for example that it is most lawfull to kill wicked Kinges when they fall to Tyranny but namely Queenes and thervpon that Queene Mary ought to haue byn put to death as a Tyrant Monster and cruèll beast alledging for confirmation therof diuers examples out of Holy Scripture as that the Subiectes did lawfully kill the Queenes Highnes Athalia and that the worthy Captaine Iehu killed the Queenes Maiesty Iesabell and that Elias though no Magistrate killed the Queenes Highnes Chaplaines the Priestes of Baal and that these examples are left for our instruction c. And now tell me how may these examples excuse M. Goodman as our Minister Morton auoucheth 18. Secondly it is both false and fond to affirme that the moderate Answerer tooke vpon him to proue either that all Protestantes in these our dayes doe teach such Rebellious positions or that all Protestantes in England are Rebellious as heere is affirmed for that this were to deale as iniuriously with them as they and he doe with vs by imputing this last Rebellious fact of a few in England to the whole sort of Catholickes and to their doctrine It was sufficient for the Answerers purpose to shew that both Goodman and many others principall pillars of the English new Ghospell in those daies did hold belieue and practice those positions out of the true spirit of the said Ghospell And herevpon thirdly it followeth that it is a notorious impudency to auouch with such resolutiō as this man doth that there is but this one of that opinion and that one dram of drosse as he saith proueth not the whole masse to be no gold For who knoweth not first that VVhittingam afterward Deane of Durham
approued and made a preface to Goodmans booke commending highly the said doctrine Gilby also another of that primitiue Geneuian Church who is thought by some to haue byn the Author of the famous seditious booke intituled Of Obedience he should haue said Of Rebellion saith my Lord of Canterbury which booke approueth and commendeth the same doctrine most highly as the said Lord testifieth at large by setting downe their positions and then addeth as followeth about the consent of others 19. Goodman saith he for his conclusion is most earnest with all English subiectes that they would put his doctrine in practice assuring them that in so doing if they be cast into prison with Ioseph to wilde beastes with Daniel into the sea with 〈◊〉 into the dungeon with Ieremy into the fiery fornace with Sydrach Mysaach and Abdenago yet they shal be comforted Wheras if they will not in seeking to saue their liues they shall loose them they shall be cast out of the fauour of God their consciences shal be wounded with hell-like tormentes they shall despaire and seeke to hang themselues with Iudas to murder themselues with Franciscus Spira drowne themselues with Iudge Hales or els fall madde with Iustice Morgan c. At Geneua c. 20. This doctrine saith VVhittingham was approued by the best learned in these partes meaning Caluin the rest of the Geneuians The English men of name there at that time besides Goodman and VVhittingham were as I take it Antony Gilby Miles Couerdale Dauid VVhitehead and sundry others who liking the said doctrine also exceedingly were very earnest to haue the same printed for the benefit as they said of their Brethren in England VVhittingham made a preface to Goodmans booke wherin he greatly commendeth this doctrine and writeth thus in the name as it seemeth of all his fellowes there VVe desire that yow meaning all in England and elswhere that loue to know the truth and follow it should be perswaded in this truth to wit of deposing Princes that follow not their Ghospell And yet further Heere thou dost heare the eternall speaking of his Minister c. quickly giue eare and obey c. And againe If thou wish for Christian liberty come and see how it may easely be had c. From Geneua c. So he 21. Wherby may be seene that there was more then one dram of drosse in that golden masse if euery one of these first Geneuian Ghospellers weighed a dram and by this may be seene also what credit may be giuen to these Ministers asseuerations that so guilefully doe affirme or deny what maketh for their purposes without scruple of lying euen then whē they speake against Equiuocation For it was impossible but that T. M. knew this to be so when he auouched the contrary that Goodman was alone in this case and how then could he write and print it except either by secret Equiuocation or manifest lying 22. Nor is it much to the purpose to say that English Protestants doe not now professe those positions of Goodman and the rest of those ancient daies for that the times and state of thinges be changed and bettered with them for they are not vnder Princes that presse them to matters against their willes But yet we must imagine that those who had Primitias Spiritus the very first fruites and greatest feruour of that new Ghospelling-spirit did speake and write more properly out of the force and instinct of that spirit according to the nature and essence therof then these later who accommodate themselues to the condition of states and times and that these now would fall to that also if they were in their case 23. For proofe wherof the moderate answerer citeth diuers like Rebellious assertions set downe by such as esteeme themselues the purer sort of Protestantes against Queene Elizabeth also though a Protestant Princesse when shee pressed them in matters cōcerning their Religion in which positions they affirme That she was worse and lesse tolerable then her sister Queene Mary and not to be obeied in her procedinges against them yea openly they moued diuers Magistrates to take armes against her and namely in the marches of VVales as appeareth yet by their supplications to the Gouernour of that countrey He obiecteth in like manner the publicke positions and printed doctrine of Buchanan Knox and other chiefe Ministers and preachers of Scotland about the very same times who publickly and resolutely giue authority to the people to pull downe punish depriue Princes aswell of their Crownes as also of their liues when they think them worthy yea do allow publicke rewardes to be proposed to such as kill euil Princes no lesse then to them that destroy noisome beastes as rauenous wolues beares and the like He addeth moreouer out of the very notes of our moderne Protestantes vpon the Bible euen by the iudgment and interpretation of his Maiesty himself in the late conference with the Puritanes that deposing and killing of Princes is allowed out of their exposition of Scriptures for lawfull in such cases as they goe against Religion which censure to be conforme to the iudgment and writinges both of Luther Zuinglius and Caluin he sheweth by quoting their wordes and works in sundry places which for breuity I pretermit 24. And what doth T.M. answere to all this thinke yow Yow shall heare part by part according as before the obiections haue byn set downe To the first about Puritans I finde no answere at al so as in this I see not how his satisfaction may be called full for somuch as it is quite nothing To Knox Bucchanan their assertions he answereth thus You might haue added that there was in Scotland an act of Parliament to call in that Cronicle of Buchanan censuring all such contemptes and innouations and then citeth in the margent anno 1584. which was almost thirty yeares after the said doctrine had byn taught preached and practised in that Kingdome by those first Ghospellers And is not this A full satisfaction trow yow What if the Cronicle of Buchanan were called in that recounted with approbation and insolent triumph the attemptes made vpō their lawfull Princes by incitation of this doctrine Doth this take away the doctrine it self Or doth it proue that those first Ghospellers held it not What became of the other bookes of Knox and namely his Cronicle for he wrote also a Cronicle of the same matters and of his owne actes therin as Caesar did his Commentaries were they abolished hereby Or doe not the same thinges remaine in Holinshed Hooker Harison Thyn and other writers aswell English as Scottish Or doth all this proue that this was not their doctrine See then how full or rather fond this satisfaction is 25. As for the iudgment and testimony of his Maiesty about the notes of English Ministers vpon the Bible allowing it for lawfull in certaine cases to depose and
from Syr Edward Courtney Earle of Deuonshire Syr Nicolas Throckmorton others what to the conspiracy of VVilliam Thomas who hauing determined and plotted the murder of the said Queene and conuicted therof professed saith Stow at his death at Tyburne that he died for his countrey 30. I passe ouer other conspiracies and Rebellions as that of Vdall Throckmorton Iohn Daniel Stanton Cleber the three Lincolnes and after them Thomas Stafford and others that comming out of France with instructions of the brethren of Geneua surprised Scarborough Castle made proclamations against the Queene that she was iustly deposed and other such like attemptes by that sort of people who all professed themselues to be Protestantes and to haue entred into those affaires principally for their Religion And with what face or forhead then doth T. M. say in this place Shew vs what Protestant euer resisted c. 31. But much more impudent is the second part of his assertion about Ministers saying That no Minister of the Ghospell did euer kindle the least spark of sedition against Queene Mary Wheras his aduersary obiecteth many by name as Cranmer Ridley Rogers and Iewel before mentioned who as is euident by Fox his story in his Actes and Monumentes both dealt preached stirred people against her all that lay in their power And as for Cranmer it is euident he was condemned for the same treason in Parlament Ridley preached openly at Paules Crosse against her title Rogers at Clocester and Iewel was appointed to preach in Oxford had he not byn preuented by the sudden and vnexpected proclayming of the said Queene there by Syr Iohn VVilliams others 32. The instances also that we haue alledged of Goodman VVhittingham Gilby Couerdale VVitehead sundry others testified by my Lord of Canterbury to haue taught and practized sedition against the said Queene in those daies doe they not conuince this Minister Thomas Morton of rare singular impudency will any man euer belieue him hereafter what he saith or affirmeth denieth or shifteth of seing him to auouch so manifest vntruthes as these are with so shameles asseueration 33. But yet to conuince him somewhat more I think good to set downe some of the particuler wordes and phrases of two or three of the principall forenamed pillars of the Protestant primitiue Church in our Iland omitted for breuities sake by the moderate Answerer to the end yow may see their spirit iudge of this mans forehead in standing so resolutely in the deniall taken in hand For first Iohn Knox in a booke written printed at Geneua 1558. which was the last of her raigne wherin after he had said That is is not birth only or propinquity of bloud that 〈◊〉 a King lawfull to raigne aboue the people professing Iesus Christ c. He goeth forward saying thus I feare not to affirme that it had byn the duty of the Nobility Iudges Rulers and people of England not only to haue resisted and withstood Mary that Iezabel whome they called their Queene but also to haue punished her to death with all the sort of her Idolatrous Priestes togeather with all such as should haue assisted her c. Doe yow see here his Euangelicall spirit Doe yow see the essence of his doctrine Doe yow heare this new Prophet declare himself cleerly But let vs giue audience to another of like vocation and spirit 34. The second is his deere brother Christophor Goodman who in a booke of his printed also at Geneua the same yeare 1558. the title wherof was How Superiours ought to be obeyed writeth thus I know yow of England will say that the Crowne is not entailed to heire-males but appertaineth aswell to the daughters therfore by the lawes of the Realme ye could doe no otherwise then admit her but if this be true yet miserable is the answere of such as had so long time professed the Ghospell and the liuely word of God For if it had byn done by Pagans and heathens which knew not God by his word it might better haue byn borne with all but among them that beare the name of Godes people with whome his lawes should haue chief authority this answere is not tolerable If she had byn no bastard but the Kinges daughter as lawfully begotten as was her sister that Godly Lady and meeke lambe yet at the death of our lawfull Prince King Edward that should not haue byn your first coūsaile or question who should be your Queene but first and principally who had byn most meet among your Brethren to haue had the gouernment ouer yow For a woman to raigne Godes law forbiddeth whose raigne was neuer accompted lawfull by the word of God c. So he And behold heere now whether these mens worde of God did not serue them to all turnes euen to barre lawfull succession to depose the possessor and whatsoeuer themselues listed 35. The third Doctor of this learning was M. VVhittingham Deane afterwardes for his good merittes of Durham who made a preface to the foresaid booke of Goodman allowing and commending the same highly as a thing consulted examined approued by Caluin and the rest of the most learned Ghospellers of Geneua for thus he writeth M. Christophor Goodman conferred his articles and cheif propositions of his booke with the best learned in these partes who approuing the same he consented to enlarge the said worke and so to print it as a token of his duety and good affection towardes the Church of God and then if it were thought good in the iudgment of the Godly to translate the same into other languages that the profit therof might be more vniuersall So VVhittingham with whom concurred in iudgment VVhithead Couerdale Gilby and others then liuing in Geneua which Gilby wrote also of the like argument a speciall admonition to the Realmes of England and Scotland to call them to repentāce by all likelyhood for that they had admitted tolerated and not put to death Q. Mary of England and not yet deposed as after they did Q. Mary of Scotland both Mother and daughter and the booke was printed the same yeare by the same Crispin in Geneua wherin besides that which he vttereth against this Queene Mary as a Catholicke Princesse or rather no Princesse in his opinion he hath these wordes also of King Henry her Father euen after his fall from Catholicke Religion The boare was busy wrooting digging in the earth with all his pigges that followed him but they sought only for the pleasant fruites that they winded with their long snowtes and for their owne bellies sake c. This monstrous boare for all this must needes be called head of the Church vnder paine of treason displacing Christ our only head who alone ought to haue this title So Gilby And for that all this was spoken written and printed diuers yeares after Q. Mary was proclaimed and installed Queene and all tending euidently to sedition as
must spit in his face which is spoken saith our Minister comparatiuely and not Rebelliously He expoundeth also those wordes of Caluin Abdicant se potestate that such Kinges are bereaued of authority meaning only saith he in that case of contradiction against God But let the Minister tell vs who shall be Iudge of this who shall determine the case To whome shall it belong to giue sentēce when a King doth contradict God when he vsurpeth Gods throne when he commaundeth any thing against God and consequently when his face must be spitten on when he must be pulled downe when he must be depriued of all regall authority Did Thomas Morton euer finde in any Catholicke writer such wordes or sense in preiudice of Princes And yet the fond Minister as though he had plaied worthily his Master-prize vaunteth in these wordes Thus is Caluin iustified concerning his doctrine and in him also Beza bycause Beza say yow his Successour in place succeeded him also both in opinion and practice True Sir they are both iustified in your manner of iustification they are fit iustified Saints for your Calendar 42. And hauing said thus he passeth yet further adding a second prouocation about practice in these wordes VVe haue heard of their opinion to wit of Caluin and Beza haue yow any thing to except against their practice And this demaund he made when he knew and had seene his Aduersaries many and most grieuous accusations against them in that kinde not only for mouing that people of Geneua to open Rebellion against their Lord and Prince the Bishop but also the people of France against their King and Soueraigne citing good authorities for the same saying Caluin and Bezae armed the subiectes against their Prince of Geneua and as Caluin himself Doctour Sutcliffe the Bishop of Canterbury be witnesses deposed their Soueraigne from his temporall right and euer after continued in that state of Rebellion They celebrated also a Councell wherin was concluded that King Francis the second then King of France his wife the Queene his Children Queene Mother c. should be destroyed And his quotations for these thinges are Beza l. de iure Magistrat Sutcliffe answ to suppl and Suruey Caluin in epist. Pet. Far. orat cont Sectar defens Reg. Relig. c. All which being seene by our Minister he demandeth notwithstanding as yow haue heard with this hypocrisy haue yow any thing to except against their practice As though there were nothing at all not only not to be accused or reprehended in them but not so much as to be excepted against And is not this notable dissimulation in a matter so cleere and euident Who can belieue this Minister at his word herafter But let vs now see how he will answere the matter it self obiected and then will yow admire his impudency much more 43. For better vnderstanding wherof yow must know that besides al that which is alledged for proofe of this accusation out of Caluin Farellus their owne Lordes and my Lord of Canterbury his booke of Dangerous positions Doctour Sutcliffe doth of purpose and at large proue the same in two whole Chapters to wit the second and third of his Suruey against the pretended discipline shewing out of diuers authors and namely Franciscus Boninardus that wrote the History of Geneua as he saith by Caluins direction Symlerus and Bodinus that for aboue fiue hundred yeares gone the Bishop of Geneua was not only spirituall but temporall Lord also of that Citty and the same confirmed vnto him by the Emperour Frederick the first vpon the yeare of Christ 1124. and as Caluin himself confesseth in his writinges to Cardinall Sadoletus had Ius gladij alias ciuilis iurisdictionis partes the power of life and death and other partes of ciuill iurisdiction and that this Prince and Bishop was cast out by the people vpon the preachinges and practises of Farellus Caluin and other Protestant Ministers Quo eiecto saith Bodinus Geneuates Monarchiam in popularem statum commutârunt who being cast out the Geneuians did change their Monarchy into a popular State 44. And finally after many proofes Doctour Sutcliffe setteth downe his opinion in these wordes I doubt not but that I may presume without any mans iust offence to speake my opinion as touching the deuinity which was pretended by the said Ministers of Geneua against their Bishop for indeed I doe dislike it If such dealinges were simply to be vrged by the word of God they might reach further then would be conueniēt I neuer thought it agreable to deuinity for Ministers to cast of their Rulers at their owne pleasures one of them writeth thus That the light of the Ghospell had restored to the Citty that principality which the Bishop had before But all the learned deuines in Germany at their conferences with the Emperour were of a contrary opinion c. I am not the man that will either iustify mine owne discretiō or impugne any thing which may be brought for the ciuil proceeding of that State or any other so as they carry no false groundes of deuinity with them which may proue dāgerous to our owne such as haue byn since published for the authorizing of subiectes in many cases to depose their Princes So he 45. And now by this large discourse yow see fully his minde first that the Bishop of Geneua was Lord and Prince of that Citty for diuers ages confirmed also by the Emperour secondly that he was vniustly depriued by the people vpon the preaching and false groundes of deuinity of Farellus Caluin Beza and other Protestant preachers thirdly we see the reason why he thinketh thus least their doctrine might reach further then would be conuenient and be dangerous in England So as he also as yow see doth accommodate his doctrine and groundes of deuinity to the commodity of his cause 46. But now let vs see how this Minister Sutcliffe and our Minister Morton haue agreed togeather vpon a farre different manner of answering this matter at this time and yow will perceiue therby what people they are who change their answeres as time and wether walketh For after that Morton had read all this in Sutcliffe yet made the matter so strāge as by his former demaund you haue heard when he said haue yow any thing to except against their practice Now heere he answereth after another fashion thus The booke saith he of Doctour Sutcliffe I could not finde and I needed not seeke it for I haue conferred with the Master who answered me that the booke De iure Magistratus he neuer thought to be Beza his worke and concerning the State of Geneua and Bishop therof he was neuer their Prince but the State of the towne was a free State of it self and now to make a question whether I should belieue him or yow is to doubt whether he that hath byn at Geneua or he that neuer saw it can better
report the state therof the conclusion will be that yow may rather proue those Bishops to haue byn iniuriously ambitious then the Citty Rebellious So he 47. This is his faithfull reply and full satisfaction according to the title of his booke And now consider good Reader what honest men these two Ministers are that so contradict the one the other and that vpon conference togeather for thy deceipt and cosenage for euen now yow heard Doctour Sutcliffe to affirme that the Bishop of Geneua had byn temporall Prince for many hundred yeares and that vpon the preaching of Farellus Caluin and others they chaunged their Monarchy into a popular State and that himself misliked the same according to the groundes of deuinity and how then doth he say heere to his fellow Minister Morton that the Bishop of Geneua was neuer there Prince and that the state of the towne was a free State of it self Can these thinges stād togeather Morton saith moreouer he could not finde Sutcliffes booke which truly is a thing very strāge there being so many thousandes printed of them in England but more strange it is that Deane Sutcliffe should so soone forget his owne booke and what he wrote therin so egregiously cosin his Brother-Minister in their priuate conference as to make him belieue and vtter now in print quid pro quo and chalke for cheese as he doth But it cannot seeme probable that Morton belieued it himself but rather would make the simple Reader belieue the same and so dazell his eyes for his deceipt this is their manner of dealing in most matters where fraude may be vsed 48. It were ouer long to looke into all other examples obiected by the moderate answerer how they ar replied vnto by T. M. As for example the known reuoltes and Rebellions of Flanders and of those States against their lawfull Princes and so many outrages committed therin for almost now forty yeares if not more the bloudy tumultes in Germany and Switzerland vpon Luther and Zuinglius their doctrine wherin Zuinglius himself the head stirrer was slaine the like in Denmark for expelling Catholicke Religion and bringing in of Lutheranisme the manifest Rebellion intrusion and oppression of Duke Charles in Sweueland against his Nephew the King of Polonia lawfull Inheritour of those States enduring vnto these daies as also the open warres of Boscaine and his fellowes in Hungary against the Emperour in fauour of Protestant Religion and of the Turke himself whose Confederates they confesse themselues to be 49. Into these other examples as I said time will not permit vs to enter with any length nor will it be to any purpose for that we shall finde them as sleightely answered or shifted of as the rest before For vnto the first and last of Flanders and Hungary the Minister answereth in effect nothing at all and I meruaile not if he answered this with silence seing he answered all the tumultes of Scotland for so many yeares continued by saying only as yow haue heard That Buchanans Chronicle was recalled by an act of Parlament 50. To the other of Germany and Luthers seditious proceedinges both in wordes writinges and deedes wherin it is obiected among many other thinges that he censured both K. Henry of England and many other Princes with intolerable insolent and vile speaches affirming them vnworthy of all gouerment that Protestantes handes must be imbrued with bloud that thervpon ensued most bloudy warres throughout Germany and almost all Christendome besides Munsters Rebellions also in the same countries who preached that Rebellion against Catholicke Princes for Religion was to be called The warre of God and that he had 〈◊〉 commandement from God to that effect whervpon ensued the slaughter of a hundred thirty thousand men in three monethes c. To the first of Luther he answereth very sagely in these wordes Luthers literall censure of wordes will be partly confessed but the other of swordes which drew bloud can neuer be proued Yow see vpon what pointes of desperate deniall he standeth and yow may remember how cleerly the matter hath byn proued before and what is extant in most writers of our time about the same 51. The other of Munster he reiecteth as not being of his Religion yet no man can deny but that he was of Luthers schoole and spronge out of the first seed and spirit of that new Ghospell but hard it is to discerne who be brethren and who be not when it standeth for their commodity to acknowledge or deny one the other Heere yow see he denieth Munster acknowledgeth Luther to be of their Ghospell and fraternity and yet no man doth reiect them more contemptuosly or condemneth them more seriously for Heretikes then Luther himselfe as before out of his owne wordes yow haue heard To the stirres in Switzerland raised by Zuinglius who was slaine also in the feild he saith in like manner nothing and little more to Denmarke but that now all is quiet there and Lutherane Religion in full possession but he telleth vs not by what styrres and tumultes the same was brought in 52. To that of Sueueland and the open Rebellion of those Kingdomes he findeth only this shift to put of the matter It was saith he the demaund of the whole state for defence of their countrey priuiledges liberties and fruition of Religion can any Papist call this Rebellion No truely Syr in your sense who doe call the state whatsoeuer multitude of people doth rebell against their Princes for the liberty of your Ghospel for so yow called the party Protestant of Scotland if yow remember the Lordes of the Congregation and the state of the Realme and the other party that stood with the Queene was called a faction and so likewise in France and Flanders Germany and Sueueland those that tooke exceptions first and then armes against their Princes are called the State or States vnited Prouinces those of the Religion and by other like titles of honour and the other part or rather body it selfe hath the name of Enemies Persecutors Tyrantes Papistes and other odious appellations But I would make this demaund how came 〈◊〉 particuler men to be States to be called the Common-wealth were they not first subiectes And did they not first withdraw themselues from the obedience of their lawfull Princes by sleightes dissimulations pretence of greiuances liberty of Ghospell and the like deuises vntill at last they fell to open armes May not any number of rebells make themselues a state in this sense But I will vrge yow no further for that I well see yow cannot answere to driue yow beyond the wall is to small purpose I haue compassion of yow A BRIEF CENSVRE IS GIVEN OF A NEVV TREATISE set forth by T.M. INTITVLED A Confutation of the Popes Supremacy as supreme head of Rebellion c. Annexed to his former iustification of Protestant-Princes for matters of Rebellion CHAP. V. THis Minister Thomas
say though he dissemble it wherof we may read both Cunerus Carerius Salmeron Barkleius Reginaldus and Boucherus here by him cited out of whome he hath taken the most part of that he writeth in this affaire 27. Wheras then we must confesse with the Philosopher and with reason it self that Quidlibet ex quolibet non est consequens euery thing followeth not of whatsoeuer it seemeth that two pointes only of any moment concerning the controuersy in hand may truly and sincerly be deduced out of this number of examples now alledged the first that as temporall authority of Princes is from God and he will haue it respected and obeyed as from himself so one way or other he faileth not to punish them grieuously and to bring them oftentimes to great affliction and desolation when they gouerne not well and this either by ordinary or extraordinary meanes as himself liketh best To which end is that seuere admonitiō in the second Psalme Et nūc Reges intelligite erudimini qui iudicatis terram seruite Domino in timore exultate ei cum tremore Apprehendite disciplinam nequando irascatur Dominus pereatis c. And now yow Kinges vnderstand and yow that gouerne the earth be instructed serue almighty God in feare and reioice vnto him with trembling Admit discipline lest he fal into wrath against yow yow perish c. And this is the best most pious meditatiō which a Christian man can draw or lay before Princes out of those disasterous euentes as fell to diuers by Godes owne apointment or permission vnder the old Testament and not the comparison of Myters and Crownes which this Minister ridiculously bringeth in 28. Secondly may be noted that in the execution of Godes iustice designement in this behalfe he vsed also oftentimes the help concurrence of both Priestes and Prophetes other holy men who notwithstanding may be presumed out of their said holy disposition to haue abhorred such effusion of bloud war and other calamities which by fulfilling Godes ordinance made vnto them either by secret inspiration or open commandment were to ensue and follow and consequently that all Priestes were not debarred from dealing in such affairs when God required their cooperation therin 29. All the question then is how and when and where and by whome and for what causes and in what cases with what circumstances this restraint of Princes may be vsed wherin I haue shewed aboundantly before that the moderation prescribed by Catholickes is far greater without comparison then is that of the Protestantes whether we respect either their doctrine or practice of which both kindes we haue before produced sufficient examples and in this place the Authors most alledged by T. M. about this controuersy against violence towardes Princes are Catholicke as namely Cunerus a learned Bishop of the low Countreys in his booke De Officio Principis Christiani and Barkleius a Reader of Law in Loraine in six bookes written by him De Regno Regali potestate aduersus Monarchomacos Of Kingdome and Kingly power against impugners of Princes the first writing against the Rebellions and violent attemptes of the subiectes of Holland and Zeland and other Prouinces therunto annexed and by that occasion treating in generall how vnlawfull a thing it is for subiectes to take that course vpon any discontentment whatsoeuer handleth the matter very learnedly though briefly 30. But the other Doctour Barkley taking vpon him to treat the same matter much more largely directeth his pen principally against the bookes of certaine Protestantes of our time as Hottoman Brute Buchanan and others before mentioned for so he saith in his preface Non contentus Satanas tis qui parens ille malorum mendaciorum Lutherus c. Satan being not contēted with those wicked doctrines which Luther the Father of all wickednes and lies and other slanderous Railers that came out of his kytchin had with infamous mouthes and intolerable audacity vomited out against Princes he sent forth also into the world to fly before mens eyes other most seditious bookes Hottomani FrancoGalliam Bruti vindicias Tyrannorum Bucchanani Dialogum de iure Regni the booke of Hottoman dwelling in Geneua intituled Free-France or the Freedome of France to wit of the Protestantes against their Kinges and Princes that other also of Brutus a man of the same place and crew intituled The reuenge that subiectes ought to take of their Princes if they become Tyrantes the third of Buchanan schoole-maister in times past to our Kinges Maiesty intituled A Dialogue of the right of Kingly power subiecting the same to the people yea and to euery priuate person therof when it shall seeme vnto him necessary for the common-wealth or expedient for Godes glory as before yow haue heard Against all which this Doctour Barkley a Catholicke man writeth his six bookes so as in this point for Princes security we are far more forward then Protestantes 31. And albeit this said Doctour doth include in like manner Doctour Boucher a French Catholicke writer reprehending diuers thinges vttered by the said Boucher in his booke De iusta abdicatione against the late King Henry the third of France yet in the principall point whether priuate men either for priuate or publicke causes may vse violence against their lawful Prince not lawfully denounced for a publique enemy by the whole state and common-wealth in this point I say the said Boucher is absolutly against the same so protesteth and proueth it by diuers argumentes shewing himself therin to be quite contrary and to abhorre not only the doctrine of VVickcliffe and Husse condemned in the Councell of Constance about that matter but also of the forsaid Protestant writers Hottoman Brute Bucchanan Knox Goodman Gilby VVhittingham and the like among whome also I may include Iohn Fox who in his history of Iohn Husse alloweth that proposition of his Prelates and Princes leese their authority when they fall into mortall sinne as the Author of the VVarn-word proueth more largely out of Fox himself 32. And thus much for the first point about examples drawne from the times of the old Testament out of which little cā be vrged to the proofe or disproofe of this question besides the two generall pointes by vs noted before For to bring into disputation whether Priesthood or Kingly principality had the vpper hand in that law is to small purpose the matter being cleere that as the Kinges and so likewise their Captaines Iudges and Gouernours before they had Kinges had the preheminence in all temporall affaires so in spirituall and such as concerned God imediatly the were referred principally to Priestes and the temporall Magistrate commaunded to heare them to take the law of them consequently also the interpretation therof to repaire vnto them in consultation of doubtes and to stand to their iudgment and definition that Priestes and Prophetes should consult immediatly
some English Kings that seemed not to respect much the Popes authority in some occasions which he hath borrowed out of Syr Edward Cookes Reportes he may see the answere to that booke and so I thinke remaine satisfied Wherefore this shall suffice for the second head of argumentes throughout the new Testament though after also in the examination of some falsifications we shall haue occasion to say more Argumentes from Reason §. 3. 43. VVHerfore to passe no further in the second point of argumentes vnder the new Testament we shall say a word or two only of the third to wit of proofes affirmed to be deduced by vs from force of reason for so he intituleth them to wit Popish Argumentes from reason And to the end you may see his talent therin wee shal examine only the third reason in this place which he declareth in these wordes Except saith the Romish pretence there were a way of deposing Apostata Princes God had not prouided sufficiētly for his Church for this he citeth the Constitution Extrauagant of Pope Bonifacius and saith This obiection is in your Extrauagantes and so it may be called because it rangeth extra that is without the bondes of Godes ordinance c. But as in all his other citations generally he is neuer lightly true and sincere in all points no not thrice I thinke veryly throughout all this lying booke of his so neither heere and it would require a great volume alone to examine only some part of his leaues about this point of his shiftes and corruptions they are so many and thicke and craftily hudled vp togeather As for example heere first this sentence is not in the Popes Extrauagant at all but only in a certaine addition to the ordinary glosse or Commentary of Iohn Picard which addition was made by Petrus Bertrandus a late writer Secondly this Commentary saith nothing of deposing Apostata Princes but only affirming the foresaid opinion of Canonistes to be true that Christ was Lord absolutly in this life ouer all not only in spirituall authority but in temporall also he inferreth therby Christ should not haue sufficiently prouided for the gouernment of his Church Kingdome vpon earth Nisi vnicum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset qui haec omnia posset except he had left some such one substitute or Vicar after him as should be able to performe all these thinges to wit as belong both to spirituall and temporall power according as necessity shall require which later clause yow see that T. M. cut of as he added the other about Apostata Princes And thus much for his variety of corruptions in this little sentence now to the thing it selfe 44. The reason if we consider it without passion is strong and weighty and founded vpon the prouidence wisedome and goodnes of almighty God who hauing prouided diligently and admirably for the preseruation of all other thinges and Communities by him created or ordained should leaue the Christian Common-wealth vnfurnished of all remedy for the greatest euill of all others that possibly can fall out which is the corruption of the head that may destroy the whole body wherof he is head if it be not redressed As if for examples sake the Prince would extirpate Christian Religion bring in Mahometisme or other such abhomination ouerthrow all good lawes plant and establish vice dissolution Atheisme or commit some other such exorbitant wickednes as were not tolerable wherunto notwithstanding mans frailty without the helpe of Godes grace is or may be subiect In this case saith the obiection some remedy must haue byn left by Christ or els his diuine wisdome and prouidence had not prouided sufficiently for the preseruation of his Kingdome as by light of nature he left remedy to the body of euery Common-wealth vnder the Gentiles before his cōming which is euident both by Plato Aristotle Cicero others that wrote of Common-wealthes in those dayes and did alwayes presume that the said Common-wealthes had sufficient authority by law of nature to restraine exorbitant Princes when they were perilous to the publicke and the same haue held al other learned men that euer wrote of that argument afterward 45. But as for our Catholicke learned men both Deuines and Lawiers though they affirme as out of T. M. his frequent allegations of them in this his Treatise is euident that all obedience both externall and internall in conscience and workes is by Godes ordinance due vnto them yet that in such publicke perilles of the Church Common-wealth as before are mentioned when they fal out Christ our Sauiour hath not left his Church wholy remedilesse but rather that besides the naturall right which ech Kingdome hath to defend themselues in certaine cases he left also supreame power in his high Priest and immediate substitute to direct and moderate that power and to adde also of his owne whē extraordinary need requireth though with great deliberation consultation weighty motiues lawfull meanes and other like circumstances 46. This I say is Catholicke doctrine but what Protestants doctrine is were hard to set downe for that they speake therin as time and occasion serueth them hauing no rule or Canon at all wherto they are bound For what was both their doctrine and practice when and where they were discontented with their Princes both in England Scotland Flanders Geneua and France is euident by that which before we haue alledged in the first fourth Chapters of this booke now this man telleth vs another tale for the time present but what he would say or doe if he were in the discontented occasion of those his fellow-Authors that wrote so sharpely and violently no man can tell but let vs see now at length how substantially he doth satisfy this obiectiō for he giueth three or foure seuerall solutions therunto you shall heare what ones they are 47. The first is from Godes ordinance saith he for by the word of God as your Cunerus Deuinely reasoneth which is not partiall nor by the self pleasing fancy of sensuall affection must this question be determined though therfore it may seeme to vs a decree of nature for euery one to defend himself and the thinges he doth enioy yet the Law of God doth forbid to doe this by taking armes against the higher powers c. So T. M. out of our Cunerus And it is well that he alloweth this Catholicke writer to reason deuinely so far forth as he may seeme to make for him though in truth in the cōclusion of his discourse he is wholy against him For as first his whole speech in this seauenth Chapter by him cited is expresly against the Hollanders that vnder diuers pretences both of Religion and Scriptures for the same liberty of their countrey and the like tooke armes against their true naturall King which he reproueth and condemneth very piously and learnedly throughout this whole Chapter and in the
the same Authors in the same places which this man of purpose omitteth and concealeth doe expresly affirme that for the Crimes of Apostacy or heresy he may and must be deposed or rather is ipso facto depriued of his office and dignity and so may be declared by the Church in that case to wit aswell by Princes and Potentates both Ecclesiasticall and temporall as by all Christian people who in that case are bound to concurre to his expulsion and depriuation And albeit in the other of lesser vices or infirmities of life he haue no humaine Superiour to iudge him yet is that of Christ himselfe so much the more seuere dreadfull and his holy prouidence hath byn euer and wil be such as these personall defectes in his supreame Pastor shall not so much preiudicate his office but that alwaies he shal teach his flocke that which may helpe them to their saluation howsoeuer he liue himselfe And of this he hauing forewarned vs with expresse premonition the performance lieth vpon his charge whose power is omnipotent and fidelity such as in his promises cannot possibly faile And this to the first point 54. Now to the second wherin he saith that one of our Popes placed also in the Calends of our Martyrs doth affirme that though a Pope should carry many people with himselfe to hell no mortall man may presume to say why doe yow so I doe greatly maruaile with what conscience or if not conscience with what forehead at least these men can write and print and reiterate so often in their books thinges that they know or may know to be meerly false and forged Is not this a signe of obstinate wilfulnes and that neither God nor truth is sought for by them but only to maintaine a parte or faction with what sleight or falshood soeuer I find this very obiection set forth in print not many yeares gone by 〈◊〉 Francis Hastings in his VVatch-word and Defence therof and the same auouched stoutly after him for a time by Matthew Sutcliffe the Minister Aduocate Proctor of that defence but afterward I find the same so consuted at large by the VVarn-word and so many lies falshoodes and euident fraudes discouered therin as the said M. Sutcliffe in his Reply intituled A full and round answere thought good roundly to let this passe without any answere at all which I can find in his said booke though I haue vsed some diligence in search therof which I doe adde for that he changeth the whole order of answearing from the method of his Aduersary to the end not to be found so answereth nothing in order or place as it is set downe by him whome he pretendeth to answere but rather taking a new vast and wild discourse to himselfe snatcheth heere a word and there a word to carpe at not as they ly in his aduersaries booke but as it pleaseth him to admit them now from the end of the booke then from the beginning then from the middle and with this substantiall methode he taketh vpon him to answere all bookes that come in his way for so he hath answered of late the booke also of Three Conuersions of England and may doe easely all that is written by Catholickes if carping only and scolding be answering 55. Wherfore to this instance heere resumed by T. M. though I must remit him or rather the Reader for larger satisfaction to the said Catholike Treatise intituled The VVarn-word yet heere breifly I am to tell him first that he erreth grossely in the affirming in this place the Author of this Canon cited by him Si Papa to haue byn a Pope for that the said Canon was gathered by Gratian out of the sayinges of S. Boniface martyr as in the title of the said Canon is expressed which Boniface was neuer Pope but a vertuous learned English man that liued aboue 850. yeares gone and was the first Archbishop of Mentz or Moguntia in Germany of which people and countrey he is called by all ancient writers The Apostle for that he first publickly conuerted that nation erected that Primate sea and suffered glorious martyrdome by the Gentils for the faith of Christ. Wherfore the scoffe of T. M. calling him our Pope placed in the Calendes of our martyrs besides the ignorance tasteth also of much prophane malice and impiety 56. Secondly I say that these wordes of his are corruptly set downe as euer commonly elswhere and that both in Latin and English In Latin for that he leaueth out the beginning of the Canon which sheweth the 〈◊〉 therof whose title is Damnatur Apostolicus qui suae fraternae salutis est negligens The Pope is damned which is negligent in the affaire of his owne saluation and of his brethren and then beginneth the Canon Si Papa suae fraternae salutis negligens c. Shewing that albeit the Pope haue no Superiour Iudge in this world which may by authority checke him vnlesse he fall into heresy yet shall his damnation be greater then of other sinners for that by reason of his high dignity he draweth more after him to perdition then any other Wherby we may perceaue that this Canon was not written to flatter the Pope as Protestantes would haue it seeme but to warne him rather of his perill togeather with his high authority 57. After this the better to couer this pious meaning of S. Boniface T. M. alleadging two lines of the same in Latin he cutteth of presently a third line that immediatly ensueth to wit Cum ipso plagis multis in aeternum vapulatur us that the Pope is to suffer eternall punishmentes and to be scourged with many stripes togeather with the diuell himselfe if by his euill or negligent life he be the cause of others perdition which threat this man hauing cut of he ioineth presently againe with the antecedent wordes these as following immediatly in the Canon Huius culpas redarguere praesumet nemo mortalium this mans faultes to wit the Pope no mortall man shall or may presume to reprehend and there endeth In which short phrase are many fraudes for first he leaueth out istic heere in this life and then for praesumit in the present tense that no man doth presume to checke him in respect of the greatnes of his dignity this man saith praesumet in the future tense that is no man shall presume or as him selfe translateth it may presume to controlle him which is a malitious falshood And lastly he leaueth out all that immediatly followeth conteyning a reason of all that is said Quia cunctos ipse iudicaturus à nemine est iudicandus nisi deprehendatur à fide deuius c. For that wheras he is Iudge of all other men he cannot himselfe be Iudged by any except he be found to swarue from the true faith Heere then is nothing but fraudulent citing and abusing of Authors 58. But now thirdly remaineth the greatest corruption abuse of all
of words yet in substance is it much for that therby T. M. would make his Reader belieue that Bellarmine cleereth Caluin and Beza from all sortes of errour in this point for that purpose turneth illum into illos and hoc errore into errore that is to say him into them and this errour into any errour at all wheras Bellarmine though in one sense he excuse him yet absolutly doth he condemne him as yow haue heard and no man can deny but that his Latin wordes were heere fraudulently and perfidiously alledged and mangled by T. M. for that he could not doe it but wittingly and of purpose and yet forsooth this man will not Equiuocate as he saith for a world though lye he will manifestly for much lesse as yow see And so much of this vntill we come to examine the matter more largely afterward in the third Part of this Chapter 58. And heere I will passe ouer many thinges that might be noted out of the sequent pages mamely 30. 31. 34. where he doth so peruert and abuse both the wordes discourse and sense of diuers Authors alledged by him as is not credible to him that doth not compare them with the bookes themselues from whence they are taken As for example Royardus the Franciscane Friar is brought in with commendation of an honest Friar for that he saith that a King when he is made by the people can not be deposed by them againe at their pleasure which is the same doctrine that all other Catholickes doe hold so long as he conteineth himself within the nature of a King for that otherwise which is the question in cōtrouersy Royard himself saith parendum 〈◊〉 non esse that he is not to be obeyed but this is not to be iudged by the people and their mutiny as Protestant Doctors teach 59. And to like effect he citeth a discourse though most brokenly alledged out of Bishop Cunerus writing against the Rebells of Flanders and testifying that it lieth not in the peoples hand to reiect their Prince at their pleasure as those Protestant subiectes did and then M. Morton as though he had achieued some great victory triumpheth exceedingly saying That forsomuch as Friars in our Councells haue no voice but only Bishops he hath brought forth a Bishop against vs whome for that the moderate Answerer had named a little before this man scornfully telleth him Caesarem appellasti ad Caesarem ibis yow haue appealed to Cunerus and now he shal be your Iudge against yow And is not this great folly and insolency for that Cunerus in all that his booke saith nothing against vs but altogeather for vs to represse the Rebellion in Flanders as hath byn signified And secōdly notwithstanding all this exact obediēce which both he and we prescribe and require at subiectes handes towardes their lawfull Princes he hath a speciall Chapter which is the third after this alledged heere by T. M. wherin he doth expressely largly proue that in some cases when Princes fall into intollerable disorders there is authority left in the common-wealth and Church of Christ to restraine and remoue them What falshood is this then to alledge Authors thus directly against their owne sense meaning and whole drift doth this become a Minister of simple truth Is this for a man that somuch abhorreth Equiuocation 60. I let passe as trifles in this very place but yet such as shew a guilty minde and meaning that he citing the booke of Alexander Carerius a Doctor of the Canon law in Padua which he wrote of late de Potestate Romani 〈◊〉 putteth in of his owne contra huius temporis Haereticos against the Heretickes of this time which are not in the title of that booke and then wheras the said Author naming or citing many other writers to be of his opinion doth say nuperrimè verò Celsus Mancinus in tract de Iuribus Principatuum c. and last of all Celsus Mancinus doth hold the same in a certaine Treatise of the rightes of principalities this man to frame vnto himself some matter of insultation turneth verò into verè and then playeth ridiculously vpon his owne fiction in these wordes Carerius citeth another called Celsus by interpretation high or lofty and therfore insignes him with verè Celsus as truly so named and so truly he may be if we iudge him by the loftines of his stile and conclusion So he And doe yow see this folly Or will yow thinke it rather folly then falshood that could not discerne betweene verò and verè Or not be able to iudge by the contexture of Carerius his speech it selfe that it could not by apt construction be verè if he had lighted vpon a corrupt coppy as he could not for that there is but one and that hath very plainly verò and consequently all this Commentary of Thomas 〈◊〉 is out of his owne inuention And where now is the assurance of his vpright conscience protested to his Maiesty in his Epistle dedicatory where is his simplicity in Christ Iesus where his naked innocency Can this be ignorance can this be done but of purpose and consequently by a guilty conscience what may the hearer belieue of all he saith when euery where he is found intangled with such foolish treachery But let vs proceed 61. There followeth within two leaues after a heape not only of falshoodes but also of impudencies For wheras his Aduersary the moderate Answerer had said that not only Kinges but Popes also for Heresy by the Canon lawes were to be deposed he Answereth thus The Authors of the doctrine of deposing Kinges in case of Heresy doe professe concerning Popes that they cannot possibly be Heretickes as Popes and consequently cannot be deposed Not saith Bellarmine by any power Ecclesiasticall or tēporall no not by all Bishops assembled in a Councell Not saith Carerius though he should doe any thing preiudiciall to the vniuersall State of the Church Not saith Azorius though he should neglect the Canons Ecclesiasticall or peruert the Lawes of Kinges Not saith Gratians glosse though he should carry infinite multitudes of soules with him to hell and these forenamed Authors doe auouch for the confirmation of this doctrine the vniuersall consent of Romish Deuines and Canonistes for the space of an hundred yeares So he And in these wordes are as many notorious and shamelesse lies as there are assertions and Authors named by him for the same 62. For first the foure writers which he mentioneth there in the text to wit Bellarmine Carerius Azorius and Gratian doe expressely cleerly and resolutly hold the contrary to that he affirmeth out of them for that they teach and proue by many argumentes that Popes both may fall into Heresies and for the same be deposed by the Church or rather are ipso facto deposed and may be so declared by the Church and their wordes heere guilfully alledged
deceauing and the like will he still defend that there is nothing but lying in Rome and that the Sea Apostolike graunteth out full priuiledge of lying as before yow haue heard him auouch how then if I shew that all this and much more against lying which yow haue heard out of the Schoole-men and ancient Fathers is not only allowed admitted by the Sea of Rome but translated also by the Popes therof into the corps of their Canon law and so not only approued but commended and commaunded also to be obserued Can any thing conuince more our Ministers Calumniation then this Let any man looke then vpon the second Part of Gratian his Decretals throughout the two and twentith Cause for fiue whole questioÌ„s togeather there he shall find not only the substance of all this that heere I haue said but much more cited out of all the ancient Fathers Popes Councels to this effect 43. For there he shall find set downe out of S. Augustine and Canonized the foresaid distinction of eight sortes or degrees of lying with a reprobation of them all where hauing cited those wordes of S. Augustine Non est igitur mentiendum in doctrina pietatis quia magnum scelus est primum genus detestabilis mendacij we must not lye concerning doctrine of piety or marters touching our faith for that it is a heynous sinne and the first kind of detestable lying he passeth downeward by all the rest excluding them one by one and concluding Quòd neque pro 〈◊〉 temporali commodo ac salute veritas corrumpenda est neque ad sempiternam salutem vllus ducendus est opitulante mendacio Neither is truth to be corrupted for any mans temporall commodity nor is any man to be brought to eternall saluation by the helpe of a lye So S. Augustine And so Gratian that alleadgeth him aboue foure hundred yeares gone and so all the Popes that haue Canonized this saying of his determined it for Canonicall law euer since to our dayes And with what impudency then saith this Minister from whence shall a man except priuiledge of lying then from that place where as your owne learned Bishop saith there is nothing but lying which in deed is lying vpon lying for that Espencaeus whome he 〈◊〉 in the margent saith not so there is nothing but lying as in another place shall be shewed and if he did yet the thing it selfe is euidently proued to be false by this that we haue alleadged out of the Popes Canons affirming all sortes of lies whatsoeuer to be indispensable Let any man then belieue these fellowes that will be deceaued 44. But the Popes Canons goe yet further and doe decree determine out of the authority of the same Father S. Augustine and other Fathers sundry pointes of greater perfection against the sinne of lying as this for example Quod non licet alicui humilitatis causa mentiri It is not lawfull for any man to lye out of humility saying lesse of a mans selfe then truth permitteth And againe in another Canon Non licet mentiri vt arroganâ—ia vitetur it is not lawfull to lye that arrogancy therby may be auoided 45. And as for periury which is a lye coÌ„firmed with an oath the said Canons are so seuere as they doe not only detest the same both in him that forsweareth in him that induceth another therunto but doe also appoint greiuous penitentiall punishmentes for the same As for example Qui compulsus à Domino sciens peierat saith one Canon vtrique sunt periuri Dominus miles Dominus quia praecepit miles quia plus Dominum quà m animam dilexit si liber est quadragint a dies in pane aqua paeniteat septem sequentes annos If any man compelled by his Lord shall wâ—ittingly forsweare himselfe both of them are periured as well the Lord as the seruant the Lord for commanding and the seruant for that he hath loued his Lord more then his owne soule let him doe pennance by fasting in bread and water fourty dayes and seauen yeares afterward Et nunquam sit sine paenitentia saith another Canon let him neuer cease to repent and doe some penance for this greiuous sinne so long as he liueth And heere is to be noted that S. Anselme doth cite this punishment out of the penitentiall decrees of our ancient Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury wherby it apperteineth the more to my Lord that now is of that Sea to looke to this his Chaplaine or miles Morton and finding him guilty of lying against his owne often oathes and solemne protestations as we haue discouered him in this our answere to cast some little aspersion at least of penitentiall satisfactions vpon him And if forty dayes in bread water may seeme to much let him fast some fower with contrition and that perhaps may doe him more good then any bookes or writing against him But to retourne to Gratian. He reciteth diuers other Canons out of sundry ancient Councels Fathers and Popes decrees as out of S. Augustine Homicidam vincit qui sciens ad periurium hominem prouocat he passeth a murderer in wickednes that wittingly doth prouoke another man to periury and the reason heerof is added in the Canon for that a murderer killeth but the body this the soule nay two soules both his that forsweareth his owne that prouoketh So that Canon which me thinketh were seriously to be considered by them that force others to sweare against their consciences knowing or presuming probably that the swearers consciences are opposite to that which they are forced to sweare and consequently according to this rule of S. Augustine doe murther eternally both their owne soules and those of them that doe vrge them therunto Neither shall it be needfull to adde any more in this place seing the said Canons are extant to be read and seene by al and allowed authorized and set forth for sacred and authenticall by all Popes whatsoeuer 46. My conclusion therfore vpon this fifth consideration is that for so much as Romish Catholicke doctrine doth teach and prescribe all this rigour and seuerity against lying and periury which in Protestants bookes touching cases of conscience we haue not hitherto seene expressed it may well be inferred that if Equiuocation were held for lying it would in no case be allowed by the same doctrine as lying is not And that if the Sea of Rome did giue out priuiledges for lying and periury she would not authorize such seuere penitentiall Canons against the same and that if nothing but lying were there as Morton saith there is not then were this lying also that she doth acknowledge these Canons which yet is proued by the printed bookes that are extant therof and to these inferences I doe not see what can be answeared or brought to the contrary except only our Minister would say that all our Doctors are deceaued in distinguishing
where the word Exaltation may haue many senses as to be exalted to heauen or to glory which most men would vnderstand rather then an exaltation vpō a Crosse which Christ vnderstood and consequently his speech was mixt with amphibology and Equiuocation as were also the wordes omnia traham which may haue sundry senses and some in apparence not true And in like manner when he said of Lazarus sicknes Infirmitas haec non est ad mortem this sicknes it not to death and yet he died and consequently there was a further sense reserued And in the same place Lazarus amicus noster dormit our friend Lazarus sleepeth the word dormit signifieth Equiuocally either to sleep or be dead Christ vnderstood of the second his Disciples of the first will yow say that he did abuse or deceaue them or vse prophane speach in this Equiuocation And yet further the same Equiuocation our Sauiour vseth in those wordes Ignem veni mittere in terram quid volo nisi ut ardeat I came to cast fier into the earth and what would I els but that it burne The word fier signifieth both naturall fier and zeale or feruour of spirit and burning hath the like ambiguity and is this also prophanation if it were to be sworne as Christ did speake it of phrase and into Equiuocation by composition of single and simple partes togeather His second intentiō was to treat therof in regard of placing each thing in due order in his ranke of ten Predicaments or shew their relation therunto and for this cause in his first Treatise vpon the said Predicaments he maketh that notorious diuision of wordes so well knowne vnto Logitians into AEquiuoca Vniuoca Denominatiua saying those thinges are Equiuocall which doe agree only in name but are different in nature and 〈◊〉 according to that name as a liuing and painted man doe agree only in the name of a man but not in nature essence substance or definition and the like may be said in the word dog ge before mentioned 10. Now then wheras our proposition before mentioned with mentall reseruation tendeth not directly to any of these two purposes intended by Aristotle and further hath no doubtfull sense of speach or wordes by nature of the wordes themselues or their double or doubtfull significations but only that it vttereth not all the whole sense of the speaker it cannot properly be called Equiuocall according to Aristotles meaning and definition but rather in a more large ample signification as Equiuocall may signify an amphibologicall doubtfull or double-sensed propositiō in respect of the speaker and hearer wherof the one sometime vnderstandeth the same in one sense and the other in another For which cause the most ancient Schoole-Doctors Fathers and other Authors doe vse in deed rather the word Amphibology then Equiuocation in expressing like kind of speaches as our proposition is which of later yeares only hath byn accustomed to be vsed in this sense but the other is most ordinary with antiquity not only among Philosophers but also and that especially among Orators and Rhetoritians in which science it is held for lawfull most commendable in diuers occasions wheror both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 maketh mention and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a whole Chapter The cause then why the answering by such a reserued proposition as before hath byn mentioned is called by some Equiuocation is 〈◊〉 by a certain similitude thē propriety of speach to wit that euē as Equiuocation properly by community of name in things of different natures by variety of significations in the selfe same wordes or speach by 〈◊〉 of phrase and composition of sundry sortes 〈◊〉 make different and doubtfull senses meanings to the hearer so in this case by mentall reseruation of some part of the foresaid mixt proposition the like effect of doubtfulnes is bred in the hearers 〈◊〉 and therby consequently is named Equiuocation although improperly as Equiuocation is taken for any doubtfull word or speach that may haue diuersity of senses or vnderstandings 11. But now to inferre herof as T. M. doth in his first 〈◊〉 of this his wise dispute that euery such 〈◊〉 by mentall reseruation is a grosse ly is not only a grosse presumption but a 〈◊〉 ignorance also in my opinion not to call it a grosse impiety for by this meanes he might cōdemne of grosse lying a great number of speaches of the holy Ghost both in the old and new Testament where diuers propositions are set 〈◊〉 and vttered with imperfect sense somewhat being reserued which necessarily must be supplied to saue the said speach from vntruth As for example where the Prophet saith Non resurgunt impij in iudicio Wicked men doe not rise againe in iugdment if the Prophet reserued not somewhat in his mind vnuttered for the complement of this speach as namely that they shall not rise to glory as S. Paul expoundeth it to the Corinthians it would seeme an Heresy contrary to the article of our creed I belieue the resurrection spirit or life in ner 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of maruaile of that she saw And againe the same holy Ghost talking of the immensity of Salomons wealth said Tantamque copiam praebuit argenti in Hierusalem quasi lapidum and Salomon made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as stones in Hierusalem may a man sweare this without vntruth or prophanation what say yow M. Morton may a man swear this in your Lordes Court of the Arches the same I demaund of those last wordes of S. Iohns Ghospell There are many other thinges which Iesus did which if they should be particularly written I doe not thinke that the world it selfe would hold the bookes that should be written therof 18. How can this be true M. Morton in plaine and literail sense and without some amphibology or Equiuocation and yet I thinke yow will not say it is a lye being part of the Ghospell or that it may not be sworne without abhominable prophanation How then will yow or can yow defend it Truly by no other way but by the licence of a Rhetoricall figure called HYPERBOLE which Quintilian defining saith it is Ementiens superiectio a lying exaggeration and yet will no true Deuine call it a lye indeed much lesse periury or prophanation if any man should sweare it wherby is made manifest and apparent the childish vanity of our Aduersary in his former conclusion that euery verball Equiuocation is an abominable prophanation And so much of this second kind of Equiuocation which yow see how lawfull and vsuall it is euen in the Scriptures themselues and in the speaches of our Sauiour which is truth it self wherby hauing repressed somewhat the insolency and ignorance of this our vaunting Minister we shall retourne now againe to the first kind of Equiuocation by mentall reseruation about which is our principall controuersy And for that our Minister affirmeth two pointes about the same the first that it is no proposition
the other alone had byn imperfect and false for he knew them better then they knew themselues but he knew them not as his and so was all but one proposition or enunciation negatiue And to deny that this was a true enunciatiue proposition for that one part was reserued in the mind and another vttered is against all truth and reason as now we haue declared and might further by infinite examples but that a few doe shew the force of the rest and diuers of these examples out of Scriptures will come more fitly to haue their place in the sequent Paragraphe 38. Wherfore to end that which now we haue in hand wee see with what confident ignorance or ignorant confidence Thomas Morton did so resolutly before tell and promise vs that if throughout so many thousand generations of mankind any Logitian whether infidell or belieuer did allow a mixt proposition partly mentall and partly verball he would against the detestation of his owne soule to the contrary be an Equiuocator which if it be now proued a simple Hypocrisy then may that sinfull soule of his begin rather to detest lying then Equiuocating which may stand with truth as now more largely we are to 〈◊〉 THE THIRD PART OF THIS CHAPTER VVhether the former mixt proposition partly vttered and partly reserued be a ly or no §. 2. NOw come we to the chiefe point of this controuersy to discusse whether the foresaid reserued proposition be truly and properly a lye or no. Hitherto we haue handled that which lesse imported whether it be properly Equiuocation and properly a true and logicall proposition and therin discouered the small substance and vaine cauillations of our Aduersary but now we must examine that which is of chiefe importance whether it be a ly periury deceipt falshood and finally whether it be sinne or no to vse the same in any case or for any cause whatsoeuer for that our Aduersary Thomas Morton his conclusion is both arrogant and vniuersall as before yow haue heard Our first conclusion saith he is that euery Equiuocation by mentall reseruation is not a hidden truth but a grosse ly Now with what rigour and seuerity our Catholike doctrine doth condemne and detest lying euen in the least degree therof we haue declared partly in the former Chapter and for clearing the matter more in this place it will be necessary to set downe briefly both the definitions of truth falsity lying periury deceipt and the like then to consider whether our former proposition doe incurre any of the foresaid imputations or no 40. And first of all this word Truth is defined in different manner by diuers Philosophers as also ancient Fathers and namely by S. Augustine S. Anselme S. Hilary and others who haue written of this matter And S. Augustine in diuers places of his workes and namely in his bookes De soliloquiis de vera religione S. Anselme also hath written a speciall booke De ueritate and it is a question as yow know that Pilate proposed vnto our Sauiour in his iudgment but had so little care of the resolution therof as he would not stand to expect the answere wherfore S. Thomas gathereth out of the said Authors diuers definitions and before him againe our learned Countreyman Halensis gathereth eight and holdeth that euery one of them is true in a seuerall sense some as they respect God the first truth measure of truth some as they respect mans vnderstanding some the thinges themselues of all which number of definitions two seeme to me most cleare and effectuall one of S. Augustine Veritas est qua ostenditur id quod est Truth is that wherby is shewed that which is in deed to wit in the vnderstanding as S. Thomas interpreteth saying that Veritas principaliter est in intellectu secundariò verò in rebus Truth consisteth principally in the mind and vnderstanding and secondarily in the thinges themselues for which cause he approueth wel this other definition set downe by a Philosopher Veritas est adaequatio rei intellectus Truth is an equalling of the thing it selfe with mans vnderstanding that is to say when a man vnderstandeth a thing as it is in it selfe and the thing in it self is in deed as it is vnderstood then is it truth and when this is not obserued riseth falsity 41. For better vnderstanding wherof we must consider three sortes or degrees as it were of truth and consequently as many of falsity for that as the Philosopher saith Contrariorum eadem est disciplina the selfe same discipline or methood is to be held in contraries let vs treate then of truth and falsity as it is vttered in speach for this is to our purpose for examining of truth or falsity in our foresaid mixt proposition 42. The first sort or kind of truth is when that which is spoken is conforme to the thing it selfe though not to the mind of the speaker as if one should say my Father is dead if he be dead though the speaker thinke not so then is this speach conforme to the thing and it is truth in this first kind 43. The second sort of truth is when our speach is conforme to our vnderstanding though not to the thing it selfe as If I thinking that my Father is dead should say so though he be not dead in deed yet is it truth in respect of my vnderstanding though in respect of the thing it selfe it be not so and in this sort may a man speake false without a ly 44. The third sort is when our speach agreeth both with the one and the other and is conforme both to our vnderstanding and the thing it selfe as when I say that my Father is dead and do thinke so and it is so in deed and this is the most perfect kind of truth in speach when there is an adequation of the speakers vnderstanding with the thing spoken as the former definition prescribed 45. And in contrary manner there are three sortes of falsity correspondent to these three sortes of truth the first called materia material only when our speach is not conforme to the thing spoken though it be agreable to the vnderstanding of the speaker The second a formall falsity when the speach agreeth not with the mind or meaning of the speaker though it doe with the thing meant or spoken The third is when the speach agreeth neither with the vnderstanding of the speaker nor with the thing it selfe this is a complete falsity as if my Father not being dead nor I thinking him to be dead should say notwithstanding he is dead and these two last kindes of falsity or either of them doe make a ly and not the first kind alone for that the essence and formality of a ly requireth that the speach doe disagree from the mind and vnderstanding of the speaker in which sense S. Augustine saith Non facit linguam ream nisi mens rea
is apparant in being taken in so many liues about Sotus and Azor as heere he hath byn 37. And now for that we haue byn ouer long in this one example drawne out by the multiplicity of 〈◊〉 manifold vntruthes we shall breifly touch an example or two more and so make an end A wyfe being demaunded by her husband that is no competent Iudge and compelled to sweare whether she be an adulteresse or no may lawfully sweare if the sinne be secret say our Doctors that she is not vnderstanding VT TIBI REVELEM that I am bound to reueale it vnto yow and therby auoid the danger that otherwise she were like to incurre In which resolution though Sotus do somwhat differ from the rest as also about the answere of a defendant in his owne act whether he may say absolutly he hath not done it or no as before in the third Case hath byn debated yet doth Doctor Nauarre at large proue that she may answere truly so as a priest may answere also in matters of Confession by Sotus owne rule though the Cases be different in other pointes And with Nauar do concurre in this Syluester Lopez Cosmus Philiarchus Angelus de Clauatio Pedrazza Tolet Azor and others 38. An other Case is that a man hauing borrowed an hundred pondes of another and payd him againe but being not able to proue the said payment in iudgment and therupon forced by the Iudges to sweare that he will pay an hundred poundes by such a day he is not 〈◊〉 if he pay him not or haue no intention to pay him for that in his oath Soluam I will pay him is vnderstood by law and by the very circumstance of the thing it selfe that I will pay him so much as I owe him for that this also must be presumed to haue byn the true intention of the Iudge according to right and law though otherwise by his externall actuall iudgement he bound him to pay it absolutly 39. Many more such like cases and examples might be added but it were ouer long The substance of Schoole-doctrine in this poynt of Canon-lawers is That when a man is offered iniury or iniustly vrged to vtter a secret that without his hurt or losse or publicke damage he may not do then is it lawfull for him without lying or periury to answere eyther in word or oath according to his owne intention and meaning so it be true though the hearer be deceaued therwith But whersoeuer this iniury is not offered nor violence vsed or that he hath liberty to sweare or not sweare as in common conuersation and traffique it falleth out ther is he alwayes bound to sweare according to the intention of him to whom he sweareth and this vnder payne of periury and much more where the Equiuocation may turne to the hurt of others that offer him no iniury nor cannot force him to sweare against his will This is the resolution of Catholike-schooleDoctors vpon the groundes which before yow haue heard both of reason equity Scriptures and Fathers against the vnlearned clamors of a few English ministers that out of emulation and ignorance doe impugne the same without proofe at all And this shall suffice for this Chapter THE ARGVMENTS AND REASONS OF THO. MORTONS BOOKE are examined and ansvvered AND His notorious errors follyes and falsifications therin discouered CHAP. XI ALBEIT whatsoeuer hath hitherto byn said and written by vs about this subiect of Equiuocation hath byn in reprofe of Thomas Mortons reasons and arguments against the same yet haue I not thought it amisse in this place to looke ouer his booke againe and to bring againe into the Readers sight by way as it were of methodicall repetition whatsoeuer substāce he pretendeth to haue in this affaire which though it be so small that it is scarce worth the repetition yet may the reuiew therof make some impression what 〈◊〉 of people they are that take vpon them to write bookes at this day in England against Catholiekes and to be Maisters and directors of others that are so ignorant and farre out of the way themselues 2. First then to pretermit the 〈◊〉 exaggerations vsed by him in the beginning of this booke which vpon some occasions I haue touched before intituling the same Against more then heathnish Equiuocation and in another place Against the doctrine of sacrilegious Equiuocation and yet futther Against the impious conceipt of Equiuocation and lastly Against the wicked doctrine of Equiuocation against the new-bred-hydra and vggly monster a peece of the black art the mystery of iniquity and the like we shall briefly go to the substance of the matter for now already yow haue seene how vaine and childish these termes are and much more that asseueration That no iota in all Scripture no one èxample in all antiquity no one reason in all the naturall wit of man is to be found for profe or colour of any lvwfull vse of Equiuocation Yow haue seene I say how light and vaine these wordes of his are and haue pittyed I thinke the poore mans ouersight in vttering them forasmuch as so many Scriptures so many Fathers so many Doctors and graue learned men both in Law and Deuinity so many euident reasons and arguments haue byn alleadged for the iust vse therof in due occasions tymes matters and places as no modesty can maintayne the former fond and childish vaunts to the contrary 3. To hasten then to the matter I am first to admonish the reader that wheras this Minister doth take vpon him to confute a certaine Catholicke manuscript Treatise made in defence of Equiuocation and intercepted as it seemeth by them I could neuer yet come to the sight therof and therfore must be forced to admitt what he saith out of it without controlment heere a peece there a peece though there be diuers coniectures 〈◊〉 he as in other matters so in this dealeth very vnfaithfully partly for that such peeces as heere are alleadged do not seeme well to hang togeather or to haue any due connexion and partly also for that I hauing taken Thomas Morton in so many falsifications of thinges alleadged by him as before yow haue seene and that the law saith VVhosoeuer is once euill is presumed to be euill still vntill he proue the contrary I must in a manner assure my selfe that the minister hath vsed notable legter-de mains in citing the sentences and textes of this Catholicke Treatise which I haue hope to see ere it belong and if it come in time I may chance by some appendix to giue yow more notice of the particulers 4. This then presupposed we come to the 〈◊〉 pointes of his whole Treatise which 〈◊〉 as yow haue heard of two conclusions The first that euery Equiuocation by a mentall reseruation is not a hidden truth but a grosse lye The second that euery Equiuocation whether mentall or verball if it be vsed in an oath
which I shortly hope for 58. But now to his third argument à minore That Iesuiticall 〈◊〉 is lesse honest then the doctrine of Infidels and Pagans procedeth of lesse wit I suppose then malice seing that for proofe therof he cyteth only this sentence of Emanuel Sà the Iesuite Iurans redire in carcerem c. He that sweareth to returne into his prison except he were iniustly deteyned is bound euen with the perill of his lyfe to returne to the same prison yea and some are of opinion that albeit he were iniustly imprisoned yet ought he to returne except his oath were released by the Bishop Marke this authority whether it do proue the doctrine of Iesuites to be worse then that of Infidels and Pagās the ministers malice in cyting this determination of Emanuel Sà Iesuite alludeth to the place of Cicero before mentioned and is alleadged by him immediatly after in this place but yow haue heard that Cicero is quite against him and fully maketh with vs first that a man being iustly deteyned in prison as those ten Romanes are presumed to haue bene that were let forth vpon their oath by Hannibal to returne if they could not effectuate their busines is bound in conscience to returne againe which is the first parte of this speach of Emanuel Sà 59. Secondly that if he be iniustly deteyned made prisoner as by theeues pyrates tyrants or the like Cicero saith he is not bound to returne albeit he had sworne it Sà the Iesuite saith that some are of opinion that he ought notwithstanding to returne except his oath be dispensed by the Bishop Heere then we agree fully with Cicero the pagā adding also some further restraint as yow see and now then is Morton so shameles as to say and put in print vpon this authority of Sà that Iesuiticall doctrine in this matter is lesse honest then the doctrine of Infidels or Pagans Is this honesty in a Minister but especially in him that professeth himselfe a Minister of simple truth but such is his truth and such is his simplicity as in his Ministry Let vs draw to an end 60. His last argument à paribus wherby he compareth vs to the heretike Arius and vnto his dissimulation in Religion may better fall vpon himselfe and his fellowes who more neerly do follow the spirite and steppes of that and other ancient heretickes and principally in this one point of varying one from an other and among themselues and changing their opinions so often and frequently as that which is noted by Tertullian in the heresies of his dayes That euery yeare brought forth a newe faith And this may be seene in the number of sects that haue risen in this age from Lutber downward which are come to be so many in effect as scarcely they can be numbred and a hard matter it is to bring them to any certainty of sentence when they are pressed but do dissemble Equiuocate and ly with such facility as scarsely any thing can be proued against them wherof among many others before mentioned we haue had a good example of Tho. Morton himselfe in this and the precedent Chapters and shall haue of some more of his fellowes in the next 61. And yet as though he were a great and sincere louer of truth he entitleth the last paragraph of his Treatise thus This our Apostolicall defence of Protestantes I will cōclude with the protestations of the Apostle I say the truth lye not my conscience bearing me witnesse c. And againe God the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ knoweth that I lye not And yet further to his scholler Timothy I speake the truth and ly not And finally to the Galathians This that I write vnto yow behold I witnes before God and ly not 62. And now consider heere I pray yow Thomas Mortons Apostolicall defence by protestations which more truly perhaps may be called Apostaticall for that he who shall read the monstrous multitude of his malicious and wilfull lyes which haue bene discouered and layd open through out his booke and especially in the second sixt and this Chapter and withall heare him make these solemne protestations against lying must needs thinke that rather the spirite of Apostacy then Apostleship doth possesse his tongue pen and harte that speaketh writeth and protesteth so desperatly and directly against his deedes knowledge and Conscience which thing that yow may the better vnderstand I am content to adioyne also this next ensuing chapter for better proofe and confirmation therof OF TVVO SORTES OF EQVIVOCATION The one true and lavvfull the other false and synfull And that Catholickes only vse the first in certayne cases and with due circumstances and limitations But T. M. and his fellowes impugning the first do vse ordinarily the second which is false lying Equiuocation indeed CHAP. XII HITHERTO we haue declared and made manifest as I suppose that all Equiuocation is not lying both for that the definition of a lye agreeth not ther vnto for that Christ himselfe and many of his seruantes both in the old and new Testament haue vpon iust occasions vsed the same and the common consent of Catholicke Deuynes and Lawyers haue allowed and confirmed the lawfulnes therof in certain Cases with due and iust circumstances and considerations 2. But now must we further distinguish the same into two different sortes or kyndes the one proper according to the true nature of Equiuocation before defyned which though it may seeme to haue falsitie in it and somtymes also hath in deed in respect of the wordes only or vnderstanding of the hearer yet alwayes hath it truth in respect of the speakers meaning The other sorte is improperly called Equiuocatiō for that no way it is true therfore his proper name in deed is a lye though after a large improper manner it may be called also Equiuocation for the reason which after we shall declare 3. Now then both of those kyndes of Equiuocation are subdeuided againe ech one into two sortes for that true Equiuocation may be either verball or mentall as before hath byn shewed Verball is that when any word or speach hath either naturally or by peculiar custome of particular language two or more significations as out of Aristotle hath 〈◊〉 declared Mentall Equiuocation is when any speach hath or may haue a double sense not by any double signification or composition of the wordes themselues but only by some reseruation of mynd in the speaker wherby his meaning is made different frō that sense which the wordes that are vttered do beare or yeeld without that reseruation And of both these sortes of Equiuocations that they are lawfull and free from falsity and may be vsed without syn in certaine cases before specifyed we haue now layd forth so many examples out of Scriptures and Fathers in the precedent Chapters as it were a needles worke to name them heere
able to cleare himselfe And herof we do finally inferre that he and his do equiuocate in the worst kind which by vs ours is neuer vsed and so while he declameth against lawfull Equiuocation and practiseth vnlawfull he sheweth himselfe a playne preuaricator And for that this matter is of so great importance for the Reader well to conceaue in these dayes of controuersies betwene vs I meane to stay my selfe somewhat in this Chapter vpon this poynt and to shew that indeed it is a substantiall signe distinctiue betwene all Sectaries vs at this tyme and that in matters of controuersy our writers shall neuer be found guylty in these kyndes of false lying malicious equiuocatiōs where not only vntruth is vttered but it is wittingly also vttered the writer knowing that he writeth vntruth as often now hath bene said Which manner of dealing inferreth two points the one that such a writer or speaker hath no conscience that vttereth things against his owne knowledge and which God seeth to be false and falsely meant in his harte and the other that his cause hath no ground of substantiall truth which cannot be defended without such wilfull lyes 11. In this then if yow please let vs insist a while and let Thomas Morton bringe forth any Catholicke Authors whatsoeuer that wrote against Protestāts since these heresies began that hath bene taken in this impiety I meane that hath set downe in print any such falsity as cannot be excused eyther by ignorance ouersight negligence error of print translatiō diuersity of editions or the like but that it must needs be presumed that he knew the vntruth and yet would set it forth of this kynd I say let him shew me but one example among all Catholicke writers of our tyme and I will in my conscience greatly mistrust and discredit the Author whether it be another or my selfe But if he shew me two or three in any writer of this kind I shal neuer be able to beleeue him more And wheras the number and variety of Catholicke writers is so great as the world seeth it were no great labour to shew it in some if that spirite did raigne among them as it doth in Protestant writers out of whom great volumes might be framed of this one point if a man would imbrace them all throughout all nations But I meaning to speake of Englishmen and those very few in respect of the multitude and not hauing al their workes by meat this present am forced only to vse some few notes taken heertofore out of their books which notwitstanding shall suffice for this short view which we pretend And for better methode memory I haue thought good to reduce my Notes at this tyme to three sortes of men that haue writen against vs. First Protestant Bishops then Ministers and lastly Lay-men but of good sorte I meane Knightes and of ech one of these shall we make our seuerall Paragraphes The vse of Equiuocation in some Protestant English Bishops §. 1. 12. AND first in this ranke may we worthily put in the first and chiefe place M. Iohn Iewell called afterwards Bishop of Salisburie who being the first and chiefest man that in the beginning of Queene Elizabethes raigne tooke vpon him the publicke defence of Caluins doctrine in England and was named by many for that respect The Iewell and prim-rose of that Ghospell had primitias spiritus in that behalfe for cunning and artificial deluding of others by these kind of false and deceyuing Equiuocations as both by his wordes workes preachinges and protestations extant this day in print is most manifest and the conuersion of many men from Protestant to Catholicke Religion vpon sight and consideration therof hath euidently couinced wherof heere we meane to giue some briefe taste for examples sake 13. He then as wel in his Sermons at Paule crosse and the Court set forth afterward in print and answered as well by Doctor Harding as other learned men of the Catholicke party did make such a generall and vniuersall chalenge against all Catholickes whatsoeuer for proofe of 28. seuerall articles framed out by himselfe standinge in controuersy betweene vs as he made the world to wonder at him and diuers of his owne side that were more learned and discreete to murmur at his rashnes therin but many more with great disdayne to condemne his hypocrisy For thus he began 14. O mercifull God who would thinke there could be so much wilfulnes in the harte of man O Gregorie O Augustine O Hierome O Chrysostome O Leo O Dionyse O 〈◊〉 O Sixtus O Paul O Christ if we be deceaued herein yow are they that haue deceyued vs yow haue taught vs these schismes diuisions yow haue taught vs these heresyes c. and that yow may the more maruaile at the wilfulnes of such men the Papistes they stand this day against so many old Fathers so many Doctors so many examples of the primitiue Church so manifest Scriptures and yet haue they herein not one Father not one Doctor not one allowed example of the primitiue Church I speake not this in vehemency of spirit or heate of talke but euen as before God by way of simplicity and truth least any of yow should happily be deceaued and thinke there is more weight in the other side then in cōclusion there shal be found and therfore once againe I say of all the wordes of the holy Scriptures of all the examples of the Primitiue Church of all the old Fathers of all the ancient Doctors in these causes they haue not one Thus in that Sermon at Paules crosse and in an other at the Court of the same subiect which was the occasion and beginning of all the Combat that ensued afterwards betweene Catholicke men and him 15. And in another Sermon to the same effect he vseth this speach for confirmation of his former protestation Heere saith he the matter it selfe that I haue now in hand putteth me in remembrance of certayne thinges that I vttered vnto yow to the same purpose at my last being in this place I remember I layd out then before yow a number of thinges that are now in Controuersy whervnto our aduersaryes will not yeeld And I said perhaps boldly as it might then seeme to some man but as I my selfe and the learned of our Aduersaryes themselues do well know sincerely and truly that none of them all that stand this day against vs are able or shall euer be able to proue against vs any one of all these pointes either by Scriptures or by example of the primitiue Church or by the old Doctors or by the ancient generall Councells c. 16. And againe Loth I am to trouble yow with rehearsall of such thinges as I haue spoken before and yet because the case so requireth I shall desire yow that haue already heard me to beare with me in this behalfe better it were to trouble your eares with twice hearing of one thing
disputeth Caluin though more cyuilly and cunningly about the same matter saying Non est cur vlla hominum authoritate vel annorum praescriptione c. There is no reason why we should suffer our selues to be drawne a side from the doctrine we teach by any authority of men or prescription of yeares Where yow see that he graunteth both antiquity of time and authority of the ancient Fathers to be against him in that controuersy of the Masse and Sacrifice And as we haue shewed the same in this article so might we in all the rest if time and place did permit but this is sufficient to proue in my opinion that the protestation of M. Iewell before mencyoned which so solemnly he made in the presence of almighty God was feigned and hypocriticall when he saith Not one father not one Doctor c. and then addeth for more asseueration when I say not one I speake not in vehemency of spirite or heate of talke but euen as before God by the way of simplicity and truth For if M. Iewell did know that this his maisters and elders Luther and Caluin were forced to reiect generally all the Fathers or the most parte of them for that they were against him for the sacrifice of the Masse then was it notable cosening Equiuocation to sweare protest before God in simplicity that no one did make for vs either in this or the rest of the articles 26. The fifth reason is for that we see by experience that all other English Protestant writers succeeding M. Iewell and being as it were his schollers and participating of his spirite sense and meaning began presently to reiect and cast of the Fathers vpon euery occasion wherin they were pressed by their authority as by the writings of Doctor Calshill Doctor Humfrey Fulke Charke VVhitakers and others is euident wherof I will alleadge only one example out of the last named in steed of all who being pressed with the consent of Fathers in a 〈◊〉 controuersy against him answered in this wise We repose no such confidence in the Fathers writinges that we take any certain proofe of Religion frō them because we place all our Faith and Religion not in humaine but in diuine Authority If therfore you bring vs what some one Father hath thought or what the Fathers vniuersally altogeather haue deliuered the same except it be approued by testimonyes of scriptures auayleth nothing it gayneth nothing it conuinceth nothing For the Fathers are such witnesses as they also haue need of the Scriptures to be their witnesses If deceyued by error they giue forth their testimony disagreeing from Scriptures albeit they may be pardoned erring for want of wisdome we cannot be pardoned if because they erred we also will erre with them So Doctor VVhitakers Where yow see what accompt he maketh of ancient Fathers and Doctors Patres etiam simul 〈◊〉 to vse his owne wordes yea all Fathers put togeather without proofe of Scripture to Authorize them it 〈◊〉 nothing saith he gayneth nothing it conuinceth nothing So as if M. Iewell had dealt plainly he might only haue called for Scripture at our hands and not so often for Fathers knowing by all probability aswell as his schollers that the Fathers were at least in many controuersyes against him and what Equiuocation then was this to call so often and earnestly for ancient Fathers yea some one place or sentence some two lines for wynning of the field was not this singuler and extraordinary yea hypocrisy and lying Equiuocation in the highest degree 27. The sixt reason is the consideration of his earnest exhorting of Catholickes to answere his Chalenge Now it standeth vpon yow saith he to proue but one affirmatiue against me and so to require my promise of subscribing And againe If yow of your parte would vouchsafe to bring but two lynes the whole matter were concluded And yet further Me thinketh both reason and humanity would that yow should answere somewhat especially being so often and so openly required c. VVhy be yow so loth being so earnestly required to shew forth but one Doctor of your side c. VVhat thinke you there is now iudged of you that being so long tyme required yet cannot be wonne to bring forth one sentence in your defence And yet againe more earnestly I protest before God bring me but one sufficient authority in the matters I haue required and afterward I will gently and quietly conferre with yow further at your pleasure And therfore for as much as it is Gods cause if yow meane simply deale simply betray not your right if yow may saue it with one word the people must needs muse at your silence for thinke not that any wise man will be so much your friend as in so weighty matters he will be satisfied with your said silence c. And not content with this he concludeth in these wordes of earnest exhortation Wherfore heere I leaue putting yow eft-somes gently in remembrance that being so often and so openly desired to shew forth one Doctor c. Yow haue brought nothing and that if yow stand so still it must needs be thought yow do it conscientia imbecillitatis for that there was nothing to be brought And heere once againe I conclude as before putting yow in remembrance that this long tyme I haue desired yow to bring forth some sufficient Authority for proofe of your party Thus farre M. Iewell 28. And would yow not thinke that this desire this intreaty this vrging and prouocation did proceed from a great confidence in his cause Truly if the confidence were not great the crafte and dissimulation was singuler but what ensued M. Doctor Harding and other learned men lying in Flanders being moued by zeale of Religion and prouokd by these insolent eggings began soone after to write bookes in answere of these challenges and to lay open the vntruthes and vanities therof which labours wrought so great effect with diuers of the discreeter sorte both Catholickes Protestants in England as M. Iewell thought it best to procure the publike prohibition of those bookes by the Magistrate for which he had so earnestly called before wherupō there were diligēt searches made to find out the same both in the vniuersities townes cittyes portes of the Realme as one that was then a searcher among others and a Protestant preacher in Oxford but conuerted afterward by these very reasons and by the vntruthes found in M. Iewell bookes doth testifie at large in an answere of his written to M. D. VVhitakers whose wordes I haue thought good to sett downe in this place For hauing refuted a speach of M. VVhitakers who pretended to be very glad that the Rhemes English Testament was abroad in many mens handes M. Reynolds writeth thus With like phrase saith he and character of shamelesse vaunting wrote M. Iewell to Doctor Harding saying VVe neuer suppressed any of your bookes M. Harding as
yow know but are very well content to see them so common that as now children may play with them in the streets Thus his face serued him co write then when in the selfe same Defence he by leauing out suppressed the very substance of that booke which he then pretended to answere and when by helpe of his fellow Superintendent and other friends euery corner of the Realme was searched for those bookes when the portes were layd for them Paules Crosse is witnes of burning many of them the Princesse proclamation was procured against them in the Vniuersityes by soueraigne authority Colledges chambers studyes clossets coffers and deskes were ransacked for them when not only children were forbid to play with them but ancient men and students of Deuinity were imprisoned for hauing of them so that all this can be nought els but a plaine example of palpable dissimulation and affected lying 29. So this learned and vertuous man who was so moued by the said dissimulation as it wrought his conuersion and detestation of that doctrine which could not be mainteyned but with such shiftes and cunning lyings as afterward more largely and particulerly yow shall heare him relate of himselfe for that conforme to this generall entrance by singuler hypocrisy and equiuocation as hath beene declared M. Iewell behaued himselfe also in particuler cases that did occurre making no 〈◊〉 to affirme or deny any thing that serued for his purpose though in his conscience he knew it to be neuer so false wherof we shall heare touch some few examples proportionable to the 〈◊〉 of reasons before set downe if not more in which is to be remēbred by the Reader that all the forsaid circumstances must be obserued to witt that the falshood cannot be excused by any probable error mistaking or ouersight of the speaker nor by any default of the Printer edition translation or the like but that it must needs proceed of a 〈◊〉 will to deceyue wittingly as before hath byn said And with this preuention and admonition shall we passe to the examples themselues Six Examples of Maister Ievvells particuler Equiuocation §. 3. 30. THE first example then shall be where M. Iewell going about to prooue in a certain sermon of his that it was no synne to marrie after vowes made of Chastity bringeth in this sentence of S. Augustine out of his booke de 〈◊〉 viduitatis to proue the same in these wordes Quapropter nō possum dicere à proposito meliori 〈◊〉 si nupserint 〈◊〉 adulteria esse non coniugia I cannot say that women which are fallen from a better purpose of continency if they marry that their mariage is adultery and not mariage at all and vpon this authority so alleadged and so plainly seeming to make for the Protestants doctrine of Votaries mariages yow must imagine how M. Iewell would exult and make the Schollers of Oxford thinke that he had said much for his purpose but he that shall read ouer that shorte booke de 〈◊〉 viduitatis of the good that is in wyddowhood written to Iuliana a religious seruant of God as S. Augustine calleth her shall fynd that the whole drifte of this holy Father in that 〈◊〉 is directly against M. Iewell and his fellowes prouing by many arguments that 〈◊〉 marriage in them that haue made a simple vow of Chastity or to vse S. Austines wordes that had a better purpose then mariage be true mariage and not adultery except there come afterward a solemne vow which maketh it no 〈◊〉 yet doth S. Augustine plainly proue that the slyding backe from that good purpose and vow is damnable not for that the mariage doth not hold but for that they haue broken their first faith made to Christ according to the wordes of S. Paul which S. Augustine affirmeth to haue byn meant to this purpose 31. So then heere is great wilfull falsity to alleadge S. Augustine as though he fauoured the marriages of Votaries whereas throughout this whole booke he doth purposely impugne the same yea that which is more in the very next immediate wordes that follow in the same sentence before alleadged by M. Iewell S. Augustines expresse wordes do ouerthrow all that is alleadged for Votaries For wheras he writeth I cannot affirme that women fallen from a better purpose if they marry that their marriages are adultery and not marriage it followeth immediately Sed plane non dubit auerim dicere lapsus ruinas à castitate sanctiori quae vouetur Deo adulteriis esse peiores but I do not doubt at all to affirme saith S. Augustine that the ruynes and fallinges of from holyer chastitie which is vowed to God are worse then adultery which he proueth by many strong reasons and arguments And now let the Reader consider what Equiuocation this might be in M. Iewell and whether it be possible to imagine that he was so occupyed and distracted as he did read the one halfe of the sentence and not the other or that he was so simple as he did not vnderstand what was the whole drifte and argument of S. Augustine in that booke and if he did and yet alledged him to the contrary yow see what ensueth And thus much of this first example 32. The second example is taken out of M. Iewells defence of the Apologie of England pag. 176. where taking againe in hand to proue that priests and Votaryes may marry for he was very frequent and copious in that matter it importing them much in that beginning to draw priests and fryers vnto them by this bayte he alleadgeth an example of a certayne noble man called 〈◊〉 of Caesarea in Cappadocia taken out of Cassiodorus the historiographer in these wordes At that tyme they say that Eupsychius the Bishop of Caesarea dyed in martyrdome hauing marryed a wyfe a little before being as yet in manner a new marryed man c. and he cyteth for this in the margent Cassiodorus in the tripartite historie And in an other place he alledgeth the same example to the same purpose out of Nicephorus but aswell these two authors as Zozomenus are witnesses against him of a notable wilfull falsification in this behalfe for that neither of them do say that Eupsychius was a Bishop or priest but only that he was Patritius Caesareae in Cappadocia that is to say a noble man or Senators sonne of Cesarea in Cappadocia and the falsification is so playne to him that shall read all the foresaid Authors and places by him cyted as no modest man can but blush to see M. Iewell alledge and vrge this forged example twice in one booke of his with such apparant falsitye nor can any of the foresaid circumstances of ignorance error or negligence probably excuse or defend him 33. The third exāple may be that of M Iewels slaunderous speach cōcerning the holy man Augustine sent by S. Gregory to conuert our nation to the Christian faith which Almighty God
last words M. Iewell leaueth out of purpose to couer and conceale the meaning of our Sauiour and addeth of himselfe quod vni dico which our Sauiour hath not And thirdly he peruerteth wholy the meaning of Christ which was to perswade attention and watchfulnes about the day of Iudgement and applyeth it against the preheminence of S. Peter his Authority which he well knew to be farre from our Sauiours meaning And moreouer there ensueth an other most grosse absurditie which is that our Sauiour speaking to all euery one of them that were present when he saith vigilate be watchfull it followeth I say that in M. Iewels sense and application of his wordes euery one to whome the word vigilate apperteyneth which are all sortes and sexes of people both there 〈◊〉 and absent should haue as great spirituall authority ouer the Church of God as S. Peter quia quod vni dico omnibus dico whatsoeuer I say to only Peter to wit that he must feede that he is the rocke and the like I say to all men And now let any indifferent man consider with what conscience M. Iewell could feigne Christ to say as he alledgeth For either he had read the place in S. Marke which he cyteth or had not If not it was great negligence the matter and subiect being so weighty as it was and if he did and yet alledged it quite otherwise then there it is found what shall we say of this 〈◊〉 dealing What of such lying and perfidious Equiuocation who in this can excuse or defend him for a man of any conscience at all 43. And yet was he forsooth the Father and chiefe maister of all 〈◊〉 Caluinian doctrine in Englād which was first established by Queene Elizabeth at her entring for that Zuinglianisme had bene only admitted in King Edwardes dayes he was not only held for the chiefe preacher and teacher therof but for the publicke Champion also to defend it and therfore as the doctrine was false so must he haue a more speciall eminent gift of cunning and falshood to beare it out then other men for that others were to take 〈◊〉 eius of his fulnesse in that science And albeit he had diuers brethren also at that time that did participate with him of that spirite in their writings as M. Horne Bishop of VVinchester by name and some others yet were they esteemed farre inferior to M. Iewell in this point especially in the elegancy of cōueyance though in will and substance they might be equall And so if yow looke vpon six hundred fourescore and ten vntruthes which Doctor Stapleton gathered out of one worke of the said M. Horne written against Doctor Fecknam about the oath of the supremacy yow shall fynd as many and grosse lyes as any lightly of M. Iewell but not so sleightly 〈◊〉 nor smoothly faced out 44. As for example where he auoucheth flatly that the cōuersion of our King 〈◊〉 of Britanie and of his whole Realme establishing therof was done without any knowledge or consent of Pope Eleutherius is so grosse alye as it is refutable by all historyes from that tyme to ours yea by Iohn Fox Bale themselues who were greatest enemyes to all Popes So as this matter was not handsomely carryed And againe in the same worke M. Horne pretending to alledge some temporall lawyers to his purpose against the Popes Ecclesiasticall preheminence in England cyteth one Broughton as saying That the king 〈◊〉 Supreme in his Kingdome and saffereth no equall or superior and other such pointes which are not denyed when speach is of temporall men and affayres and he leaueth out diuers other passages in the very same Author and place which he cyteth expresly affirming that in spirituall affayres the Pope Bishops are to Iudge not temporall men which is the very decision of the Controuersie 45. And in this kind I might alledge an excefsiue multitude both out of the one the other Bishops workes but that the repetition therof would be ouer tedious albeit it fell not out without Gods speciall prouidence in that beginning that so notorious falsityes should be vttered and published to the world by these chiefe ring-leaders for that sundry principall Protestants that were curious to read these books in that 〈◊〉 entrance of heresye were conuerted made Catholicke by this speciall and principall motiue that they 〈◊〉 so many notorious and inexcusable vntruthes vttered by these principall men in their writinges at that day wherof I my selfe knew sundry in some other place haue named three one in the vniuersity of 〈◊〉 M. VVilliam 〈◊〉 a learned and zealous preacher of the Protestant doctrine the other in the court Syr Thomas Copley made afterward Lord by the King of France a great follower of my Lord of 〈◊〉 and feruent in the new profession as being extraordinarily well seene for a man of his calling in controuersies himself the third in London M. Doctor Stephens Secretary to M. Iewell and well seene at that time in Deuinity and the learned tongues all which made change of their Religion though to their great temporal losses vpon the great auersion they tooke at the discouery of the wilfull falshood of these chiefe teachers of new Religion whervpon the first of the aboue named three maketh this marginall note in a booke of his written against M. Doctor VVhitaker The incredible lying saith he and falsisication vsed by the 〈◊〉 writers of our time are a great motiue to the Catholicke 〈◊〉 And then in the text he declareth the matter further in these wordes 46. I know many saith he who hauing byn brought 〈◊〉 not in Catholike Religion but in heresie with M. 〈◊〉 and continuing a long tyme in the same and 〈◊〉 it with all their hartes yet comming afterwards to better iudgement through the grace of God vpon consideration of such lying writers as 〈◊〉 VVhitakers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to wit Maister 〈◊〉 Maister Horne c. haue byn so altered as they haue detested his ghospell euen to hel gates of which number I confesse my selfe to be one So he 47. And surely if we consider the speciall learning and vertu of this man and how he had read exactly all writhers that could be gotten of the Protestants side of what sort or sect soeuer as by his writings doth well appeare as also with what singuler patiēce humility and contentement of mynd he lyued for many yeares after in voluntary banishment and pouerty for loue of the Catholicke Religion wheras by accommodating himselfe to the current of the tyme he might haue receyued great prefermēt in his country and was in the way towards them when he lefte the same he will say that this motiue of lying Equiuocation in Protestant writers had made deepe and strong impression in him in deed And thus much for the Bishops now let vs looke into the like spirite of Ministers in this behalfe The vse of Equiuocating in English Protestant-Ministers §.
gather saith he that the vse of the Crosse is commendable because of myracles done by the same reason the 〈◊〉 and thiefe may defend and maintayne their vnlawfull doinges because as great or greater miracles be wrought by them So he And do yow not thinke that he knew himselfe heere to lye and egregiously to Equiuocate in the worst sense And yet 〈◊〉 wheras the ancient Father S. Cyrill writing against Iulian the Apostata that obiected to Christians the vse of making the signe of the Crosse vpon their forheades and setting vp the same vpon their doores answered That such speach of the Apostata proceeded of wicked thoughtes and sauoured so extreme ignorance and that the said Salutare signum healthfull signe of the Crosse so are his reuerend wordes was made by the Christians in remembrāce of Christes benefites exhibited in his sacred 〈◊〉 c. M. 〈◊〉 teacheth his hearer that this was spokē by S. Cyrill to excuse the Christians and couer their fault as though in deed S. Cyrill had bene of the same mynd with Iulian the Apostata and had misliked the making of that signe as he did which is manifestly false and a great slander to the said holy Father And what then will yow say of this Ministers Equiuocating spirite in the worst kynd of 〈◊〉 55. The third example we shall take out of the writings of Meridith Hanmer and M. VVilliam Charke Ministers who being charged with a certayne pernicious doctrine 〈◊〉 Martyn Luther whom they earnestly defended and not being other wise able to escape vsed both of them a notorious Equiuocation in this kynd of lying The doctrine of Luther was this That if any woman saith he cannot or will not proue by order of lawe the insufficiency of her husband let her request at his hands a diuorce or els by his consent let her priuily lye with his brother or with some other man And this doctrine being obiected to these two ministers Hanmer thought best yow may imagine by what Equiuocation vtterly to deny the thing as neuer written or spoken by Luther inueighing greatly against Catholickes for raising such a slaunder vpō him but Charke doubting least he should be conuinced with Luthers owne booke and Edition of VVittenberge durst not stand to this Equiuocation but deuised another farre worse to wit that Luther gaue this Counsell when he was yet a Papist and therfore saith he if any shame be in this doctrine it lighteth vpon yow and not vpon vs. 56. But two things do conuince this of a notable wilfull vntruth The first for that the tyme and yeare being considered wherin Luther wrote this Sermon it appeareth euidently that he had left long before the Catholicke vnion though yet himselfe said in this place that he remayned still with some feare and dread of Antichrist which he meant in respect that it was yet doubtfull vnto him whether the Protection of the Duke of Saxonie would be sufficient for his defence against the Pope Emperour and other Catholicke Princes that sought to haue him punished but when in Processe of time he perceyued in deed that he was secure then he said he would giue other counsell Consilium tale iam tum impertij saith he cum adhuc me detineret pauor Antichristi nunc verò secùs longè animus esset I gaue such Counsell when I was yet vnder some feare of Antichrist but now my mynd should be to giue farre other counsell And heere VVilliam Charke breaketh of and leaueth out the wordes of Luther that immediatly follow and do solue the case which are these Talique marito qui adeò mulierem deludat dolis vehementius lanificium immissa manu conuellerem c. That laying my handes vpon the lockes of such a husband that should so craftily deceyue a woman I would vehemently shake or pull him by the lockes So he And what will yow say now of the craftie Equiuocation of these two Ministers which of them had least conscience either he that knowing it to be so yet denyed that Luther had any such wordes or the other that confessing the wordes wittingly peruerted the sense by cutting of that which should make all cleare 57. And I might cyte also an other like deceiptfull Equiuocation of VVilliam Charke not farre from the same place where being pressed with sundry arguments that proue concupiscence in the regenerate to be no sinne if consent be not giuen thervnto and namely by the Authority of S. Augustine saying Concupiscentia non est peccatum quando illi ad illicita opera non consentitur Concupiscence is not sinne when consent is not giuen thervnto for working thinges that be vnlawfull he to auoyd this authority of S. Augustine forgeth a place of the same Doctor to the contrarie thus S. Augustines place saith he is expounded by himselfe afterward where he saith Concupiscence is not so forgiuen in baptisme that it is not sinne but that it is not imputed as sinne and cyteth for his proofe the same booke of S. Augustine De nuptiis concupiscentia Cap. 23. 25. But if yow looke vpon the places yow shall fynd that the Minister hath heere of his owne foysted in the chiefe word that maketh or marreth all to wit peccatum sinne for that S. Augustines wordes are these Ad haec respondetur dimitti concupiscentiam carnis in baptismo non vt non sit sed vt in peccatum non imputetur quamuis reatu suo iam soluto maret tamen c. To this is answered saith S. Augustine that the Cōcupiscence of the flesh is forgiuen in baptisme not so that it is not or remayneth not but that it is not imputed vnto sinne it remayneth still though the guylt therof be taken away So he And was not this a subtile Equiuocation to make in a trice S. Augustine to be contrary to himselfe 58. The fourth example shall be of an other Minister VVilliam Perkins who though he wrote since the other yet in diuer points hath he out-gone them as well in this of false Equiuocation as in the deepe humour of phantasy by which he hath writen and published many bookes with strāge tytles some of them conteyning matter that neyther he nor his reader I 〈◊〉 say do vnderstand as namely about the Concatenation or tying together of causes of mans prodestination or reprobation and the like but among other his pretiest fancy was to write a booke calling it Areformed Catholicke which was in deed that which by Logitians is tearmed Implicatioin adiecto An implicancy or contradiction of the one word to the other for that he which is a Catholicke if we speake of 〈◊〉 belonging to doctrine and beliefe and not to manners cannot be reformed the essence of Catholicke Religion consisting in this that all and euery point of the receyued Christian faith be belieued and nothing more or lesse so as if any point must be added taken away altered or reformed it is not
examineth the matter so slenderly as that out of the whole fifth Chapter he handleth only three lynes out of the 7 scarse other three and out of the second but seauen and none of all these Chapters are handled by him either in order or methode as they lye or as they haue connexion togeather by designement of the Author but with skypping and leaping hither and thither as hath byn shewed And the chiefe and principall points therof which are very learnedly hādled by his Aduersary are either left out and suppressed or so weakly touched the difficultyes also so dissembled and the reasons and authorityes alleadged by his Aduersary so omitted or concealed as a man may see that the Minister durst not in deed come within the lystes of lawfull combat though as before yow haue heard he vaunted greatly that he would 12. And by this yow may take some scantling of Thomas Mortons worth what it is without 〈◊〉 entrance into particulers of this Treatise which are ouer long for this place If he reply we may then perhaps examine the matter more largely Now I will conclude with him only with that admonition before mentioned that he consider how odious a matter it is both in the sight of God and man to be so publicke a calumniator of his brethren as he hath shewed himself to be 13. And as for the Catholickes against whom his calumniations are smal exhortation may serue to beare it patiently and make their benefit of it for so much as all the whole streme of holy Scriptures exhortations of the holy ghost doth runne aboue all other pointes to this end to comfort godly men in this case when lying lippes wicked tongues slaūderous pennes opprobrious calumniations and spitefull contumelyes do most insult against them For then is properly that tyme and occasion wherof the Apostle speaketh Cùm id quod in praesenti est momentaneum leue tribulationis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 modum in sublimitate aeternum gloriae pondus operatur When that which in this present mortall life is but momentary and light tribulation for what is more light and momentary then the darts of wicked tongues that passe with the wynd doth worke notwithstanding being patiently borne an eternall weight of glory in heauen Whervnto almighty God bring vs all and our enemyes also if it be his holy wil. Faultes escaped in the Printing Page Line fault Correction 25. 20. my his 74. 13. prison poyson 82. 1. Reipublicae Respublica 168. 4. our manner our name 225. 18. assert assent 252. 15. Faciendum Fatendum 276. 30. dele way 311. 28. fisted foisted 317. 28. adde dicitur 385. 32. hominem hominum 396. in titulo lege defend 414. 25. refuge refuse 436. 16. liues lyes 445. 4. is true is not true 486. 16. abe to be 497. 29. aule rule Other lesser faultes it may please the gentle Reader himselfe of courtesy to correct A TABLE OF THE PARTICVLAR MATTERS CONTEYNED IN THIS BOOKE A ADRIAN the fourth Pope an Englishmā by byrth cap. 2. nu 46. Egregiously abused by Thom. Morton ibid. Adultery vvhen and hovv it may be concealed by 〈◊〉 cap. 20. nu 37. Alexāder Halensis his rigour against lying cap. 7. nu 40. S. Ambrose abused and his text imbezeled by T.M. cap. 6. n. 17. Amphibology how it differeth from Equiuocation cap. 8. n. 10. Ananias and Saphyra their fact discussed cap. 11. n. 28. 29. S. Anselme his distinction betwene Truth and Falsity cap. 8. num 46. Approuers of Equiuocation in certaine cases who they be cap. 7. n. 12 cap. 10. num 15. Their qualities and holynesse of lyfe ibid n. 16. 17. cap. 9. n. 11. 12. 13. deinceps Archbishop of Canterbury 〈◊〉 testimony of the Primitiue English Geneuians cap. 1. n. 19. Archisynagoges daughter raised by Christ cap. 9. 〈◊〉 28. Aristotle his definition of Equiuocation ca. 8. n. 4. 5. 6. 7. Aristotle Thomas Mortons Oracle of Logitians cap. 8. n. 6. Abused by him afterward ibid. n. 5. 6. 7. deinceps in aliis locis Arrianisme whether fauoured by Caluin or noe cap. 6. part 3. per totum Diuers Arrian speaches vsed by Caluin ibidem nu 77. S. Augustines definitiō of Catholicum Prefat n. 16. His moderation about Hereticks and their belieuers cap. 2. n. 18. His seuere sentēce against them ibidem nu 54. His explication about heresy consummated in the vnderstāding and not in the will cap. 6. n. 45. His definition of Truth cap. 8. nu 40. Item of a lye ibid. n. 47. His authority alleadged by F. Garnet at his arraignement for the lawfullnes of Equiuocatiō cap. 9. n. 52. 54. His further authority for Equiuocation cap. 10. n. 17. His case about a sickeman cap. 11. n. 31. Abused notably by M. Ievvell cap. 12. n. 30. 31. 34. Authors discourse against Cathol without name or truth of argument Prefat n. 13. 14. 15. Azor the lesuite falsified and corrupted by Thom. Morton cap. 6. n. 48. cap. 11. n. 18. His discours about Equiuocation in an oath cap. 10. n. 29. B D. BARKELEY his writings against Protestants cap. 5. nu 30. Bellarmine notably abused by the Minister Morton cap. 6. n. 27. 28. 71. alibi 〈◊〉 S. 〈◊〉 abused by Perkins cap. 12. n. 61. 62. 63. Betulia deliuered by the 〈◊〉 of Iudith cap. 7. n. 27. Bishop of 〈◊〉 somtymes temporal Lord also of that Citty cap. 4. n. 43. Bookes writen by Protestants without name of Author or truth Prefat n. 13. 14. 15. S. Boniface an Englishman Author of the Canon Si Papa cap. 5. n. 55. Falsified and abused by Tho. Morton ibid. 43. D. Boucher calumniated and abused by T. Morton cap. 2. n. 24. 47. Buckanan Knox their wicked doctrine reuell in Scotland cap. 4. n. 24. C CALVIN whether he denyed Christ to be God of God cap. 6. n. 53. His manner of speach therin condemned by Bellarmine ibidem n. 56. 76. 77. VVhether he fauoured Arrianisme or noe cap. 6. part 3. 〈◊〉 totum Diuers Arrian speaches vsed by him ibidem n 77. His inuectiue against the Ancient Fathers cap. 12. n. 23. Caluinian doctrine about obedience to Princes cap. 1. n. 10. 11. 12. postea The pactice therof by Protestants ibidem Carerius a Lawyer abused egregiously by Th. Morton cap. 5. n. 5. 6. 7. cap. 6. n. 90. Cassander the hereticke his doctrine confuted cap. 6. n. 67. Cases particuler of Equiuocation cap. 20. per totum Catholicks tolerable in a Protestant state cap. 1. per totum Cause of setting forth this present booke cap. 3. per totum Celestinus Pope abused by M. Ievvell cap. 12. n. 41. Censure of Thomas Mortons writings cap. 3. n. 17. Charge of the Lord Cook against Catholicks at Norvvich cap. 12. n. 79. 80. Charge of heresy against Protestants by their owne side cap. 4. n. 11. Charke and Hanmer their Equiuocations cap. 12. n. 55. 56. deinceps Their Bookes
his submission to Pope Hildebrand at Canusium cap. 6. n. 38. K. Henry the 8. of England his Supremacy impugned by diuers Protestantes cap. 4. n. 35. Heresy vvhat it is cap. 2. n. 19. Who is an hereticke Ib. n. 20. Heresy consummated in the vnderstanding and not in the vvill cap. 6. n. 44. Heresy cannot be decreed in the Cath. Church by Popes as Popes cap. 6. n. 63. M. Horne his Equiuocations cap. 12. n. 43. D. Hunnius his booke against Caluin cap. 6. n. 78. 80. His protestation and prayer against Caluinistes Ibid. n. 98. His opinion about 〈◊〉 vvryting against Arrians Ibid. n. 103. I IACOB vvhether he lyed or noe in saying he vvas Esau cap. 9. n. 34. B. Iansenius his discourse about the feigning of our Sauiour to goe further then Emaus cap. 9. nu 73. Ievvell Bishop of Salisbury his notable lying-Equiuocation cap. 12. nu 12. 13. 14. deinceps His abusing rayling against S. Augustine Ibid. n. 30. 31. 34. His Apostrophe in his sermon at Paules Crosse Ibid. n. 12. Impiety of Porphyrius the Apostata cap. 9. n. 66. Incertainty of Saluation dependeth on our partes cap. 11. n. 24. Inconueniences of exasperation and despayre cap. 1. nu 3. Insolencies vsed tovvardes K. 〈◊〉 of England by Protetestant-Ministers in Scotland cap. 1. n. 24. Insurrections against lavvfull Princes by New-Ghospellers in our dayes cap. 1. n. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. deinceps Intention to deceyue a principall clause in a lye cap. 8. nu 47. 56. S. Iohn Baptist his mentall Reseruation cap. 9. n. 18. 19. 20. 21. His ansvvere compared to the ansvvere of a priest in Englād cap. 9. n. 23. 24. Iohn Caluin vvhether he fauoured 〈◊〉 or no cap. 6. part 3. per totum His diuers Arrian speaches Ibid. n. 77. Whether he denyed Christ to be God of God Ibid. n. 53. His manner of speach condemned by Bellarmine Ibid. n. 56. 76. 77. His extreeme pride and impiety cap. 6. n. 97. Whether and hovv he impugned the Arrians cap. 6. n. 102. Iosue his stratageme in taking the Citty of Hay by Gods appointment cap. 7. n. 25. Ironicall speach a kind of Equiuocation cap. 8. n. 16. K KING Kenulphus his charter for Abindon-Monastery notably falsified by the Lord Cooke cap. 12. n. 81. 82. deinceps Keyes hovv they may signify authority both temporall and spirituall cap. 5. n. 37. King Iames of Great-Brittany his speach in his Proclamation Court of Parlamēt Prefat n. 16. His moderation therin ibidem His affliction and molestation by Protestants in Scotland cap. 1. n. 23. 24. 25. His iudgement of English ministers notes vpon the Bible cap. 4. n. 25. Kingly power or Priesthood in Christ whether greater cap. 5. n. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Knox his pestilent and wicked doctrine against the soueraignty of Princes cap. 2. n. 48. His Reuel and cruelty in Scotland against Catholicks cap. 4. n. 24. 33. L LAMBERTVS Scasnaburgensis abused by Thomas Morton cap. 6. n. 37. S. Leo notably corrupted by Thomas Morton cap. 6. n. 19. 20. 21. Lord of Salisbury his booke and answere to a threatning letter sent him anno 1605. Pref. n. 18. 19. The scope therof ibid. n. 20. 21. 22. 23. How he was deceyued by his Deuyne ibid. n. 20. 21. Luthers wicked opinion of the ancient Fathers when they make against him cap. 12. n. 21. 22. 23. Lying and dissimulation how different from Equiuocation cap. 7. n. 34. S. Thomas his seuerity against lying ibid. n. 35. Item of the Maister of Sentēces ibid. n. 36. Lying defined by S. Augustine cap. 8. n. 47. The essence therof ibidem Item by S. Thomas of 〈◊〉 ibid. n. 56. 57. M MARTINVS de Magistris abused by M. Ievvell cap. 12. n. 36. Mentall reseruation proued in S. Iohn Baptiste his answere cap. 9. n. 18. 19. Ancient Fathers their expositions for the same ibid. nu 20. 21. Mentall reseruation in diuers speaches of our Sauiour cap. 8. n. 13. 14. cap. 9. n. 26. 27. 28. 44. 58. 59. 61. cap. 11. num 45. Metropolitan of lying Metropolis cap. 10. n. 33. Miters how they be aboue Crownes cap. 5. n. 25. Murder of the Lord Darley K. of Scotland by Protestants cap. 1. n. 21. Murder of Dauid Secretary to the Q. of Scotland cap. 1. n. Ibid. Mysterious speaches how they be Equiuocall cap. 9. n. 35. N NATVRE of heresy and pertinacy c. 6. n. 41. Necessity of Equiuocation in some cases cap. 7. n. 20. 21. 22. deinceps Necessity not required to perfection in many thinges cap. 7. nu 5. O OATH vvhat it is cap. 8. num 50. Oath of Supremacy in Englād and T. M. his iudgment therof cap. 6. n. 24. Obedience to Princes and doctrine therof deliuered by Caluinistes cap. 1. n. 10. Obstinacy necessary to make heresy and vvhy cap. 6 n. 43. Offers and kind Offices of the Sea of Rome tovvards K. Iames of Great Brittany cap. 2. n. 41. Old-Testament a figure of the nevv cap. 5. num 6. Opinion of Catholickes for restrayning of euill Princes cap. 5. n. 45. Opinion of forraine vvryters for the lavvfulnesse of Equiuocation cap. 10. num 15. Oracle of Logitians cap. 8. num 6. Orders of Religious men that defend Equiuocation cap. 9. num 14. Otho Frisingensis abused by T. Morton cap. 8. num 36. Ozias King of Israell his expulsion and contention therabout cap. 6. n. 8. 9. 10. 11. P PARLAMENTES their first beginning in Englād cap. 12. num 89. Perfection requireth not necessity in many thinges c. 7. n. 5. Perkins the Minister his equiuocations cap 12. n. 58. 59. 60. deinceps His falsifying of S. Bernard ibid. n. 60. 61. 62. Plessis Mornay his Equiuocations cap. 12. n. 72. 73. c. His disputation with the Bishop of Eureux in France ibid. n. 74. 75. His falsifying of Authors ibid. Ponderations about the vncertainty of Protestants doctrine cap. 6 part 3. § 4. per totum Popes may and must be deposed for heresy cap. 5. n. 53. cap. 6. n. 62. 63. Pope lesse dangerous without Superior then many Princes cap. 5. n. 61. Pope Pius Quintus abused by the Lord Cooke cap. 12. n. 78. Pope Hildebrand slaundered by Th. M. cap. 6. n. 33. 34. The Emperours submissiō vnto him at Canusium ibidem Porphyrius the Apostata his impiety cap. 9. n. 66. Princes how they must deposed by the liuely word of God cap. 4. n. 34. Prior Iames of Scotland made Earle of Murrey and Lord Protector of that Kingdome cap. 1. n. 20. 21. Priesthood the dignity therof greater then Regalty cap. 5. n. 32. 33. Two principall points therof ibid. n. 17. Priesthood and Kingly power in Christ whether greater on earth cap. 5. n. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Proofes for the lawfullnes of Equiuocation cap. 9. per totum Prophesyes corrupted and eluded by Iohn Caluin c. 6. part 3. § 3.