think they can bestow their time better in advancing themselves and their Families They will be sure not to give us an Exact and Faithful account of the Intrigues of the Cabinet and Court and discover to the World the true Motives of Wars Alliances and other Enterprizes Will they publish to the World their own Roguery and Villanies Will they speak sincerely of the Infamies and Criminal Passions of a Prince to whom they owe their Places and Preferments Will they tell the Artifices they used to flatter or incense them to ruin a Rival of more Merit than themselves or advance their own ill-deserving Creatures Statesmen and Ambassadors sometimes write Memoirs But these are not to be trusted to Without fearing to make a rash Judgment I will say these Writers of Quality are like certain Persons who publish'd the History of their own Actions in Cicero's time This Man the vainest that ever lived was even dead with longing to see his Consulat writ by some eminent and able Pen. Ad familiares Lib. V. Ep. 12. Displeased that he could not obtain what he so earnestly coveted he was tempted to do as others had done and to write himself the Wonders of that Consulat with which he had stunn'd the World in his Orations Books and Letters One thing restrained him For says he very Ingenuously there are two very great Inconveniences in being the Historian of a Man 's own Actions He must be too modest in his own Praises and dissemble his Faults to save his Honour See here the Condition of all Writers of Memoirs If Decency requires them not to speak too well of themselves their Partiality leads them to conceal or at least palliate what they have done amiss If an Historian ought to be a Statesman for the same Reason he ought to be skilful in the Art of War Without this how shall he describe an Incampment a Siege or a Battle If I may freely speak my Thoughts these Particulars are not very necessary in a General History This Caution belongs more to a particular Relation or the Memoirs of a Man who intends to give Instructions to those of his Profession Dr. Burnet Bishop of Salâ—…sbury I have heard an eminent Prelate who has a Noble Genius for writing History as well as for the Pulpit and Divinity say That the late Mr. de Schombergh Mareschal of France and after a Duke in England had advis'd him to forbear entring too far into Particulars in Matters of War None said that excellent General but the most able Men of the Trade can speak well of these things It is almost impossible to know exactly all the Circumstances of an Action The General gives Orders and after is ignorant of what passes The Inferiour Officers must give an Account of what they do themselves It is reasonable to believe the Memoirs Caesar has left to Posterity should have the utmost Exactness Yet there were some Men in his time who did not exceedingly rely on them Caesar said they Suetonius in Julio Caesare cap. 56. too lightly gave credit to what was reported to him of other Mens Actions and is not very faithful in what he relates of his own either because his Memory deceiv'd him or he would not sincerely speak the Truth Since it is difficult to learn all the Circumstances of a Battle where things on both sides are in great Confusion an Historian may be excused if he do not inform us of all Particulars He may describe more exactly a March an Incampment or a Siege But of what use is this at bottom Few have any Interest here except those of the Trade The Business of History is more to form a Gentleman than to instruct a Soldier or an Officer These Reasons have prevailed with me to think I may undertake to write the History of a Reign which contains a great number of Sieges and Battles though I understand nothing of the Military Art I have not more Experience in Affairs of State or Court Intrigues This is true But on the other Hand I do not relate the Actions of my own time I have chosen with all the Industry and Judgment I am Master of what is extant any where of all that passed in the Reign of Lewis XIII There are some who imagine a good History cannot be written unless the Author have secret and curious Mâ—â—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 This is the way some late Wriâ—â—â—◠〈◊〉 â—â—ken to raise and give a 〈…〉 Works Varillas at first 〈…〉 by publishing that 〈…〉 Histories from Extracts of 〈◊〉 in the King of France's Library and Memoirs preserved in the Cabinets of some of the chief Families of the Kingdom But when the World took the Pains to enquire into what this boasting Scribler bodly advances they soon discover'd his Books were only Romances wrote with something of Easiness And when they press'd him to name his Authorities he could only produce some exploded Writers Manuscripts so confus'd that no one could find out the Truth and Memoirs so secret that the Persons who own'd them would not be named For my part I will not dissemble I have not yet procured any of those rare and curious Memoirs After the Example of Titus Livy and Tacitus who compiled their Histories out of the Works of those who writ before them I have carefully collected the best Things I could find in the Country where I reside and have compos'd out of them a continued History of the Reign of Lewis XIII in the most useful and instructive manner I was able I have taken that part of the Annals of Tacitus which yet remains for my Model not for the Stile or that mysterious Air which he affects in every thing he speaks of but in the Design and Plan of the Work It is plain the principal End Tacitus had in view was to shew by what Means and Degrees Tyranny was entirely established in Rome after the Death of Augustus And my chief Aim is to shew the Practices after the Death of Henry IV. to destory the little remaining Liberty of France to oppress the Clergy the Nobility and People in short to lay the Foundations of an enormous Power which has struck a Terrour into all Europe in our Days Perhaps some will reproach me that if I want the Strength and the Sententious Stile of Tacitus at least I have imitated his Malignity Some charge him with giving an ill Turn to all the Actions of those he speaks of and finding no Virtue and Probity any where But not to say how small the number of the Good is when a Man is obliged to bring on the Stage ambitious Men who sacrifice all to their Rise and Fortunes Base and flattering Courtiers who make no Scruple of betraying their Religion and Country Can he give these Actors the Part of an honest Man All that can be reasonably required of an Historian is that Men being rarely entirely corrupt and wicked he should not conceal what is good and commendable where he
Blasphemies against the late King Henry III. and against the Persons and States of Kings and Soveraign Princes The Jesuits have ever had their Partisans and Adversaries The first were ready to excuse them and the latter rose up against them with great Zeal and Vehemence The Abbot Dubois preaching at St. Eustace in Paris undertook in one of his Sermons to refute the Opinions of Mariana By a figure of Rhetorick lively enough he addrest his Speech to the good Fathers and exhorted them strongly for the future to take care in the Books published in the name of their Body and with Approbation of their Superious to let nothing pass offensive to France unless the Jesuits would expose themselves to Dangers which all their Prudence strengthen'd by the Power of their Friends would not be able to avoid This Discourse made a great Impression on the Audience They went away enraged against the Society and the People appeared extreamly incensed against them Complaint was made to the Queen of this Sermon and she remitted the Affair to the Archbâ—…shop of Paris Dubois protested before that Prelate he meant no hurt to the Society My Love said he to Truth my Grief for the Death of the King and a just Dread of the fatal Effects that the Doctrine of Mariana may produce such Sentiments as these made me speak in that manner The Archbishop of Paris had nothing to reply and contented himself with exhorting the Preacher to live well with all the Servants of God and particularly with the Jesuits But it had been more to the purpose to perswade effectually those good Fathers to pardon the Abbot the injury which they thought they had received I do not know how it came to pass but Dubois had the Imprudence to go to Rome the next year and then they did not want colour to shut him up in a close Prison The Patience of Father Coton Confessour to the late King could not bear to hear the General Exclamation against his Brethren He resolved to justifie the Society against the Imputation on the account of Mariana's Book His Wise and discerning Friends advised Coton to say nothing for fear of any Misunderstanding in an Affair that must be so nicely handled Every one wonder'd that a Man who knew the World so well and wanted not Prudence should not take so good Advice He published a long Letter addressed to the Queen to perswade the World Mariana was a private Person disown'd by their Body who had true Notions of the Authority of Princes and the Obedience due to them The thing happened at the Friends of the Jesuits had foretold A thousand Pamphlets were instantly published against the Fathers Letter It is full say they of Ambiguous Expressions and Tricking They insulted him on his pretended disclaiming the Doctrine which was plainly forced to comply with present necessity It comes too late said some maliciously enough to the good Fathers but perhaps it will not be useless to the Children of him who is now in his Grave Indeed the defence of Coton was weak and ill put together What he said of the Complaints of the Provincial Congregation held at Paris some years before and the Answer of their General Aquaviva gave an Advantage to the Enemies of the Society The French Jesuits having desired their Superiour to stop the Liceace and Suppress the Books of some Authours who had written some things to the prejudice of France the Father gave them this Answer We approve the Judgment and Care of your Congregation And we are very sorry that this was not discover'd till after the Impression of those Books We have taken order they shall be corrected and we will have a care that nothing of the like nature shall happen for the future This is very cold and ambiguous for an Opinion which allows Attempts on the Lives of Soveraigns Here are some of the Prudential Managements of the Children of this World But there is no formal disavowing that execrable Dogm the Defenders of which deserve an Exemplary punishment We must be very simple to believe that the Superiours of the Society did not know what Mariana and others of the same stamp wrote till after the Publication of their Works do's not all the World know what are their Statutes relating to the Publication of their Books It is to little purpose that Coton cites several Authours of different Sentiments from Mariana If among so many able Men there was none to be found who maintain Homicide to be absolutely forbid by the Laws of God it would be a very extraordinary thing The permission of the Society to print Mariana's Book is ground enough to conclude they approve it or at least do not condemn it as ill These Writers pass for grave Authours but according to the Principles of Probability a Dogm which ows its Birth to or at least is adopted by the Society in all its Forms James Clement could on the Authority of Mariana Assassinate Henry III. And his Successour might be kill'd with a safe Conscience at least at a time when Sixtus V. and Gregory XIV darted all the Thunder of the Vatican against him The Jesuits bore the most violent Assaults of the Preachers of Paris The Funeral of Henry IV. at the time of Henry's Funerals The Ceremony was performed with the usual pomp The Heart was sent to the College of Jesuits which the King had founded at la Fleche in Anjou He had ordered it thus before his Death Coton made his Funeral Oration there The Body was first carried to the Cathedral Church of Paris and from thence conveyed to the ordinary Burying-place of the Kings of France The Bishop of Aire pronounced the Elogy of the Deceased King at Notre Dame and the Bishop of Anger 's at St. Denys Tho' Henry might deserve in the Eyes of the World the Title of Great his Vertues and Actions did not deserve the Church of Rome should interrupt her Holy Rites to make his Panegyrick in a Pulpit which ought to be Sacred to the Preaching of the Truth What can a good Christian say in praise of a Prince dead in several Criminal Habits on the point of putting all Europe in a Flame and causing a great Effusion of Blood to satisfie his Ambition to revenge himself of his Enemies who were not in a condition to hurt him to force away a Princess in the face of the World whose Husband took Refuge to defend himself from the Solicitations and Pursuits of a King whom love had deprived of all Senseand Reason His pretended Conversion was a fair Field for prophane Orators void of Religion to exercise their Eloquence Their Triumph in so Important a Conquest served to cover his ill Life and impenitent Death But were they ever assured Henry was sincerely a Catholick Let us leave that to the judgment of God If it be true this Princes Conscience was setled in matters of Faith it is certain his irregular Life did not do much honour to the
they desired to make a publick Testimony of their Stedfastness for the Service of the King by censuring Becan's Book and to make at least the Publick know that it was not their Fault if so dangerous a Book had not been condemn'd in Forms or formally They moreover said that they entreated leave to remonstrate to the Queen upon this as an Affair of the greatest Importance Sileri approved the Zeal of the Sorbonne He gloried that he had all his Learning in the University of Paris And so he promised the Doctors to introduce them into her Majesty's Presence Dr. Fayet who was the Spokesman told the Regent that the Faculty of Paris not being accustom'd to receive Orders from the King by the Mouth of any private Person or by Letters under the Privy-Seal but only by Letters sealed with the Great Seal they had obey'd as soon as it was reported to them what the Cardinal Bonzi had told the Syndic of ther Majesty's Intentions Nevertheless Madam said he the Faculty hath believed it was their duty to receive your Order from your own Mouth If you don't judge it convenient for us to deliberate upon Jesuit Becan's Book we most humbly entreat your Majesty to take care that our Silence upon this Occasion be not interpreted as a tacit Approbation of those pernicious Sentiments which deprives Kings of their lawful Authority and justifies their Assassination The Regent answer'd that she would speak of this Affair to her Council and that the chancellor should by the Faculty know her Intentions Dr. Fayet being come to the Chancellor some Days after The Queen said Sileri is inform'd that the wicked Book of Becan is become too common Her Majesty gives you leave to do what you judge convenient 'T is a great Mischief that the Sorbonne is divided for what concerns good Sentiments Will you never unite and agree again Fayet answer'd the Chancellor That the Faculty was willing to preserve its ancient Doctrine and that they had always taught the same Doctrine in the Sorbonne till some certain Persons had broach'd there some Foreign Oâ—…inions The Chancellor commended the Doctors for their Zeal and gave the Queen's leave to censure Becan's Book â—…ut the Nuncio Vbaldini cunningly turn'd he Blow aside He being persuaded that â—â—mething would be attempted in France â—…gainst the Jesuit's Work straitways solliâ—…ited a Decree from the Inquisition As â—…on as he receiv'd it he communicated it 〈◊〉 the Queen She being always submisâ—…ve to the Pope told the Faculty that it â—…as sufficient to read the Decree openly in â—…e Sorbonne The Affair thus rested One â—…ight be surprized to find Robert Bellarâ—…in's Name amongst those Cardinals â—…ho condemn'd the Author's Book who â—…llow'd Bellarmin's Principles if it was not known that the Cardinal promoted in the Society had in a readiness his Equivocations and Mental Restrictions to condemn with safety of Conscience in the Work of one of his own Fraternity the Doctrine which he maintain'd as the most Orthodox in the World An Edict of Palement against Scioppius's Book It was the Jesuits alone who courted Paul V. by writing against James I. King of England concerning the Authority of Sovereigns and the Holy Chair Gaspar Scioppius the most violent Enemy of that Society would enter the List likewise and shew some of his fine Latin in this notable Dispute His Book having been brought from Frankfort-Fair to Paris there was a Presentment made of it to the Parlement Scioppius discours'd herein of Henry IV. as if he was a Prince without any Religion He seem'd to approve of the infamous Action of Ravillac All Kings and Sovereigns who let Hereticks live in repose in their States were in his Opinion Hereticks themselves What do I say nay even Turks and Atheists The Parlement order'd that this extravagant and impious Book should be burnt by the Hands of the Common Executioner and that all the Copies should be suppress'd That it should be branded in England after the same manner Dictionaire Hist Critique de M.. Bayle is no wonder But I can't enough admire the King of Great Britain should suffer a Farce to be acted before him wherein Scioppius was represented and hang'd upon the Stage A Revenge alike unworthy of a Prince and an Author If his Majesty had look'd upon Scioppius's Work as the Libel of a contemptible Declamator should not the King have despis'd it or at the best contented himself to have left to the Magistrates the Execution of the Laws against defamatory and pernicious Libels But to take a Pleasure to be reveng'd of the Author after such a manner so little becoming a Crown'd Head was to shew the Publick that the Book had touch'd to the Quick the Person whom the Author had attack'd The Care which his Britannick Majesty took at that time to reconcile the King of Denmark with Gustavus Adolphus Peace betwixt the Crowns of Swedeland and Denmark the new King of Swedeland was a Work more worthy of a Prince Christian IV. endeavour'd this Year to push on his Conquests in Swedeland He accompanied with George Duke of Lunenbourg who had brought him Succour advanc'd as far as Jenkoping laying all the Country desolate where he went The young Gustavus gave now such clear Tokens of his Wisdom and Valour as that the Queen Christina his Mother left to him the Administration of the Realm though he was but yet in the eighteenth Year of his Age. He stopp'd the Enemies Progress and oblig'd him to retire into the Province of Schonen Gustavus follow'd him thither and after the way of using Reprisals he put all to Fire and Sword The Swedish Army had some disadvantage in their Retreat The King of Denmark made a new Irruption into West Gothia Being aboard the Fleet he try'd to get near to Stockholm Gustavus broke the Enemy's Design with an extraordinary Prudence and Courage At last the Hans Towns and the United Provinces troubled that the War betwixt the two Northern Crowns broke off all Commerce in the Baltick Sea engag'd the King of England to intermediate for a Peace Christian himself treated with four Swedish Senators After some Conferences held at the end of this Year the Treaty was concluded at the beginning of the next following Denmark gave up to the Swedes the City of Calmar and the Isle of Oeland but kept Eâ—…sbourgh for a time and till the Crown of Swedeland had paid a certain Sum of Money which Denmark pretended was due to him Revolvtions in Muscovy Gustavus very freely surrender'd something on that side to be in a Condition of marching towards Muscovia There was a strong Party who desir'd of him Prince Charles Philip his Brother whom these People intended to set upon the Throne of their Nation Altho' the Affair of Muscovy seem to have no Relation to those of France I think I ought to say something of the surprizing Revolutions which were seen there at the beginning of the XVII Century This may give us a
it was fit that the Five Articles should be Considered in the Synode before they that maintained them should be Tolerated by Law To give leave to any said they in the same Church in the same Pulpit to Preach such contrary Doctrines is to expose the Province to great Destractions The Disputes Replied the others are about Speculative Doctrines which are of no Importance to Salvation What Inconvenience is there in giving every one the Liberty of Speaking their own Thoughts with Modesty The Emperors and Christian Princes have often without the Assistance of the Clergy made Laws to Regulate the Doctrine and Practice of the Church These Reasons did not then Convince the Deputies and Magistrates of several Cities of Holland They a long time denied their Consent to the publication of the Edict These of Amsterdam were more obstinate than the rest They Demanded that their Dissent should be Entred in the Register of the State And hence it came about that the Edict Projected in the Year 1613. was not published till the beginning of the Year 1614. The States of Holland Exhorted the Ministers when they Preachâ—… from those Texts where Predestination destination is mentioned to follow the Precept of St. Paul and to Preach that the Beginning Progress and End of Salvation was owing alone to the Grace of Jesus Christ and not to Works of those that are Called They were forbid to Preach that God made Men to damn them and that he puts them under a necessity of Sinning and that he invites those to Salvation whom he has resolved never to Save Lastly the States Ordered that they should not be molested who in explaining the Doctrine of Predestination suppose that Men are saved by the alone Grace of Jesus Christ in persevering in the Faith unto the End and that all those that believe not in Jesus Christ are damned As for all other Doctrines the States forbid them to Preach any that was not agreeable to the Doctrines commonly received in the Chuches of Holland So far was this Edict which was drawn up with such Care to satisfie all the World from Calming the Tempest which had some time continued that it encreased its Fury some Contra-Remonstrants Ministers wrote Books to persuade the People not to submit to the Edict They openly accus'd the States of favouring Popery and of introducing a bad Doctrine into the Vnited Provinces Vytenbogard wrote in Defence of the Edict of the States There came out every day some Book or other for and against the Edict One for Sibrand and another for Grotius This Division entred the Churches The Contra-Remonstrants being resolved to hold no more Communion with their Adversaries met by themselves in private Houses It was matter of great Dispute between them whether the Edict was approved of in England or no. Grotius received a Letter from Casaubon a Man equally sincere and accomplished with all polite Learning Casaubon assur'd his Friend that the King the Archbishop of Canterbury and several other Prelates of greatest Note had approved of the Edict The Strain in which it is Writ says Casaubon seems to the King and to the Rest equally distant from the Two opposite Extremes Manicheism and Pelagianism The necessity of Grace is there Establisht The Contra-Remonstrants produc'd of their Side Letters from England which Imported that neither his Brittannick Majesty nor the Prelates of the Church of England approv'd the Edict and the Conduct of the States of Holland But upon the whole the Testimonies of Casaubon who in Person spoke to the King and the Bishops seems preferâ—…able to any angry Mans Letters which the Contra-Remonstrants pretended to THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII King of France and Navarre BOOK V. THE Joy which Mary de Medicis had conceived to see her self delivered from a Rupture with Spain occasioned by the Affair of Mantua was of short Continuance The Retreat of the Prince de Conde and several other Discontented Lords who by Consent had left the Court in the beginning of the Year 1614. very much allarmed her Majesty The Mareschal de Bovillon had very cunningly Formed this new Party to serve his own Interests This subtle and ambitious Man taking it ill that he was not intrusted enough in the management of Affairs Memorie du Duc de Rohan Siri Memoire recondite To. III. p. 222. and that the Regent did not Reward him suitably to the great Services he imagined he had done her Majesty try'd to make himself necessary to the Queen and her Ministers by involving them in Troubles out of which he alone was able to deliver them Hereupon he persuades with all his might the Prince de Conde whom the Queen had disgusted by the denial she had given him of the Chà teau-trompette and by recalling the Old Ministers who he thought were utterly turned of as also by the hasty Rise of Conchini who had been drawn of from his Party publickly to make known his Discontent The Dukes de Nevers de Maìenne de Vendòme de Longueville de Piney-Luxembourg and several others being brought over by the Mareschal de Bovillon enter into New Engagements with the first Prince of the Blood They agree to retire all from Court almost at the same time and to meet in Champagne in order to Demand conjunctly Redress of the Disorders of the Government An Illusion with which the Princes and great Lords have too often blinded the Eyes of the People when they have a mind to make use of them to effect their own private Designs The People would have been Fool'd by them to this very day in France If having been less Covetous of the Preferments of the Court they had had at least the Wit to have kept them from utter Slavery and had not utterly incapacitated them to joyn with them upon occasion But the Princes and great Lords by Sacrificing the Interests of the People to their own avarice and ambition are now themselves undone without Remedy After having opprest those who might have stood by them It was an easie matter to reduce them to a most shameful Slavery The Party which was then form'd under the specious Pretence of the publick Welfare might have done good Service to the whole Kingdom if those who Listed themselves in it had done it with an honester Design and had taken better Measures Nevers Commanded in Champagne Maìenne in the Isle of France Vendòme in Bretagne Longueville in Picardie the Government of which the Comte de St. Pol his Uncle had Surrendred to him But the Mareschal de Bovillon upon whom they most depended by reason of his wisdom and his Sovereignty of Sedan had no mind to Unite a Party which he was not able to dissipate when he should find it for his advantage so to do The Prince of Conde Retired to Chateauroux an Estate which he had in Berri The Duke de Nevers went to Champagne Maìenne to Soissons the Dukes de Longueville and de Vendòme were shortly to follow But the latter
they were sure of a speedy Convention of the States The well-meaning Men would have endeavoured at a Reformation of the Government if they had been better Seconded and the Prince of Conde had had more Wisdom and Sincerity A Treaty concluded at St. Menehoud between the Regent and the Prince of Conde He concluded at last his Treaty with the Regent at St. Menehoud in Champagne the 15th of May. The Duke de Ventadour and his Colleagues were there I will not recite all the Articles The Castle of Amboise was to be put into the Prince's hands until the meeting of the States The Duke de Nevers had St. Menehoud Mercure Francoise 1614. Memoires de Duc de Rohan de la Regence de Marie de Medicis say some Authors thô it is not mentioned in the Treaty These gave him besides a Sum of Money to satisfie him for pulling down his House to make way for the Fortifications of Mezieres which were part of them to be demolished Blavet and the other Places that were Fortified a little before in Bretagne by the Duke de Vendome being Dismantled He was restored to his Government and all his Places This was all that was agreed upon for Vendom He highly complained that the Prince oâ—… Conde had abandoned him in this Negociation As for the Mareschal de Bovillon it was easie to satisfie him The Money which the Regent Ordered to be paid him was thought by him a sufficient Recompence See said the Duke of Rohan who had more Integrity in him than all the rest that made such a noise see saith he how Mens private Interest make them forget the publick welfare of the Kingdom The Prince de Conde the Dukes de Nevers de Longueville de Maienne and the Mareschal de Bovillon who signed the Treaty very readily performed their Conditions Mary de Medicis was not less punctual of her Side The Dukes de Longueville and de Maienne were the first that return'd to Court Conde retired to his House of Vallery where Descures Governor of Amboise went to resign that Place into his hands His Highness came sometime after to pay his Devoirs to their Majesties That Restless Temper that was Natural to him would not suffer him to stay long at Court. Being vext that his late Design had lessened the Respect due to his high Quality instead of increasing it as he had flattered himself it would This Prince was again tempted to raise new Troubles before the meeting of the States But having taken no better Measures than he did before he was forced to let the Regent alone who was endeavouring to reduce the Duke de Vendom who refused to agree to the Treaty of St. Menehoud The Decree of the Parlement of Paris against a Book of Suarez the Jesuit Mercure Francoise 1614. It is a great while since we have had occasion to speak of the Jesuits But we shall now see them appear again upon the Stage upon the account of a Book published by Suarez a famous Divine of that Society in Spain The Book is Intituled The Defence of the Catholick and Apostolick Faith against the Errors of the English Hereticks There are always a certain sort of Men at Paris who narrowly observe all the Actions of these Good Fathers and will not forgive-them if they do amiss This new Book of Suarez being come to France Abstracts of it were presently made and brought to the King's Officers in the Parliament of Paris The Sollicitor General look'd upon it as a Book so dangerous that he thought it his Duty to desire the Condemnation of it The Parliament met upon the 26th of June and Condemn'd the Book to be burnt by the Hands of the Common Hangman as containing Seditious Principles tending to the Subversion of Kingdoms and to perswade the Subjects of Kings and Princes to attempt their Sacred Persons They ordered besides That certain former Decrees of the Faculty of Paris which condemn'd the Doctrine of Suarez should be Read every year on the 4th day of June not only in thâ—… Schools of Sorbonne but also in those in the Colledge of Clermont and of the Mendicant Friers The greatest mortification to the Society was this that the Parlement Decreed that the Fathers Armand the Rector of the Society Cotton the late King's Confessor Fronton le Duc and Sirmond two Persons very famous for their Learning should appear the next day before the Parlement When they came thither the first President told them in the Name of the Court that the Book of Suarez their Brother Jesuit was contrary to a Declaration they had made and to a Decree of their General in the Year 1610. They commanded them afterward to write to Rome for a Revival and Publication of that Decree and to get from thence an Order in Six Months to prevent the Members of that Society from writing any more in their Books such damnable and pernicious Doctrine and to Command them to Preach to the People Doctrines contrary to those of Suarez or else the Parlement would proceed against such Offenders as Guilty of High Treason and disturbers of the publick Peace Paul V. complains of the proceedings of the parlement against Suarez his Book The Court of France foresaw very well that the Proceedings of the Parlement of Paris against the Book of Suarez would make a great noise at Rome for indeed the Book was writ by Order of the Pope But the Regent to whom the Parlement had been very Serviceable in the Affair of the Prince of Conde would not oppose their Zeal which they expressed against these pernicious Opinions Siri Memo. recondite Tom. III. p. 256 257. 270. Her Majesty had more need than ever to keep fair with the Parlement by reason of the approaching Assembly of the States As soon as Paul V. had notice of the Decree of the Parlement against Suarez his Book he sent the Bishop of Foligni to the Marquiss of Trenel who succeeded Breves in his Embassy at Rome This Prelate had Orders to complain in the Name of the Pope of the proceedings of the Magistrates of Paris by which they Encroached on the Rights of the Holy See His Holiness said he to the Ambassadour is the more surpriz'd because he expected nothing less than a grateful acknowledgement of his kindness to the Queen of France Her Majesty cannot be Ignorant of that Affection that he has always shewed to her and the King her Son All the World is witness of that Zeal which his Holiness has discovered for the prosperity of France T is not long since he offered his good Offices to the Queen to appease the Troubles of the Kingdom And they are no sooner ended but the Parlement of Paris makes a Decree injurious to the Holy See If Suarezs Book contains any Positions contrary to the Sovereignty of the most Christian King her Majesty might have complained to the Pope He would have censur'd the Doctrine of the Author and
now to flatter themselves for the future with obtaining the Superiority they formerly had over the House of Bourbon yet they did not despair at least to rival the Princes of the Blood But they found at home a great Obstacle to their coming into the Council Two Lords of the same House could not be called to it The Duke of Guise was the eldest but the Age and Experience of the Duke of Mayenne his Uncle requir'd him to be preferr'd Henry being dangerously ill some Years before had a mind to form a Council He named this Lord then who was heartily reconciled to him and since that time had given the King Marks of his inviolable Fidelity This was a great Prejudice in his Favour The Duke of Nevers too demanded to be admitted and disputed the Precedence with the Guises New Perplexities on all sides The Emulation between the Marechal of Bouillon and the Duke of Epernon was grown to so great a height that it was not possible the one should be in the Council to the Prejudice of the other This latter was considerable for his Charge of Colonel General of the Foot and other great Places The Queen did not dare to give distaste to a haughty and powerful Man who had just served her in a very Handsome manner Bouillon had a great Heart a capacious and discerning Mind kept a strict Alliance and constant Intelligence with Foreign Princes The Sovereignty of Sedan made him considerable at home and abroad No one had more Interest than he with the Protestants of France The late King stood in fear of him He gave a Check to his turbulent and ambitious Humour but would not push the Matter to an Extremity So that the Marechal was capable of doing a great deal of good if he followed his Reason or a great deal of Mischief if he abandoned himself to his Passion There were other Lords of great Bitth who might pretend to have a place in the Council but they were yet of an Age in which Men of Quality have stronger Inclinations to Pleasure than to concern themselves in Matters of State Of this number were the Duke of Vendome the Grand Prior of France both Natural Sons of Henry Duke of Longueville and the Count of St. Paul a younger Brother of the same House The Chancellor de Sillery the Duke of Sully Villeroy and the President Jeannin saw all this Emulation with Pleasure This left the entire Direction of Affairs to themselves under the Name of the Queen Therefore in the first place they advised her not to give Distaste to any Person till the first Prince of the Blood should return and to admit into her Council all the great Lords who demanded a Place there The greater the number of these was the less Interest and Power any particular Persons could have In the mean time each took his Opportunity to entertain the Regent They took care to prepare Matters to be proposed to give seemingly some Employment to the Assembly But these Gentlemen foresaw it would soon degenerate into Confusion That some would take a distaste themselves and others might be removed under colour of sending them to execute their Places and Governments While these Intrigues employ'd the Courtiers The Tryal and Execution of Ravillac the Parliament was busie in the Process of Ravillac The first President assisted by another and Two Counsellors examin'd him several times All that can be drawn from the Interrogatories now extant are That Ravillac was an Enthusiast who imagining on some Reports that he had heard that the King was about to make War on the Pope and did not concern himself for the Conversion of the Hugonots took a Resolution to kill a Prince whom he looked on as an unjust Tyrant What Ravillac had learnt from the Sermons ef the execrable Preachers of the League who justified James Clâ—…ment confirm'd him in his Belief that any private Man might take away the Life of a Prince who was an Enemy of the Holy Father Mercure François 1610. To make War on the Pope says Ravillac to his Judges is to make War on God in as much as the Pope is God and God is the Pope This moves our Pity indeed But do not those Princes who by a strange sort of Politicks submit their Dominions to the Pope deserve our Pity more than Assassins seduced by the Emissaries of the Court of Rome After the Attempt of John Chastel Henry was always afraid of the Knife of the League The Desire he had to keep himself from it did not a little conduce to make him recal a sort of People who have the Secret to make themselves formidable to Sovereigns He loaded the Jesuites with his Favours But had he not better provided for the Security of his Life and the Publick Good by giving Ear to the wise Remonstrances of the first President De Harlay Ravillac otherwise ignorant knew so well how to maintain the Dogm of the Society of Jesuites and the Leaguing Sorbon one might easily guess a certain set of Men had taken care to instruct him But whether to pleasure a Religious who call'd him his Friend and recommended to him in express Words at the Hôtel of Retz not to accuse honest Men or that he conceiv'd himself â—…he horrible Design the Criminal constantly affirmed to the end of his Life that no Person whatever Frenchman or Forigner had put him upon killing a Prince who had never done him any wrong and whose Death though unpunish'd could do him no good He was condemned to suffer the Punishment which the Laws of France appoint for such Parricides and the Sentence was executed on the 27th of May. The Proceedings of Parlement the same Day Ravillac was executed are an evident Proof that that Body saw that the Writings and Sermons of some Doctors of the Sorbon The Condemnation of the Book and Doctrine of Mariana the Jesuite engaged in the League and poison'd by the Books which the Jesuites publish'd to revive that pernicious Doctrine which the Faculty of Paris had censur'd in the Year 1413. and was confirm'd by the Council of Constance The Decree I say made the same Day Ravillac suffered convinc'd the World that they thought those Books and Preachments had plunged the Knife in the Heart of Henry and his Predecessor The Parlement therefore ordered the Faculty of Paris to meet and confirm anew their ancient Censure authorized by the Council of Constance against those who teach That a Vassal or a Subject may and ought in Conscience to kill any Tyrant whatever and Assault him all sort of ways and that this Action is not contrary to that Oath of Fidelity which Vassals and Subjects take to their Soveraigns The Doctors obey'd the order signified to them The Parlement on the 10th of June gave another Sentence condemning the Book de Rege Regis institutione of Mariana the Jesuit to be burnt by the hands of the Hangman as containing says the Decree diverse execrable
Priest who being come to be Bishop of Rome was pleased to see himself flatter'd in such an Impious manner But the Monks and Bigots made a great Noise The Popes Nuncio was in a terrible Heat and Paul himself sent Briefs to complain of the Outrage done him The Regent was not less alarmed than the rest She could not endure to hear it said the Pope was Antichrist Besides the Reasons common to all of her Religion to oppose a Dogm which make them pass for Worshippers of the Beast Mary de Medicis had a particular one The Validity of her Marriage with Henry was grounded on the Authority of the Pope who declared his former with Margaret of France null and the Regent imagined all who looked on the Pope as Antichrist could not look upon her as the lawful Wife of Henry the IV. This made her desire to see de Mornay's Book blasted at least in appearance Du Plessis Mornays Book is censured by the faculty of Paris It is carried to the Sorbonne the first of August 1611. The Dean and Doctors of the Faculty of Paris having said a Solemn Mass of the Holy Ghost met to appoint Doctors to examine the Work They make the Report the 19th of the same Month and Condemn the Book as filled with an Infinity of Blasphemies Mercure Francois 1611. and Execrable Impieties against the Catholick Faith and Religion and against the Apostolick See These big Words only serve to dazle the Simple They would have the World believe the Catholick Faith and Religion are inseparable from the Pontifical Authority Every Doctor every Magistrate every Courtier may believe what he pleases But Policy do's not allow People to be drawn out of their Ignorance and Superstition The Censure of the Faculty was made according to the Report of the Doctors who were deputed to censure it The Book was detested and condemned as Heretical stuff'd with Furious Zeal exceeding Seditious contrary to the Divine Natural and Canon Law in short whatever those good Gentlemen pleased Reflections on their Censure Could they have declared themselves with more Vehemence against the Impious Dogms of Paul of Samosata Arius or Photinus To ask these Wise Masters â—…f the Sorbonne what reason they had â—…o thunder thus on an Author who deâ—…ies the Monarchy of the Pope to be of Diâ—…ine Institution would be an useless loss â—…f Time The Doctors set up for little â—…opes They thunder but do not instruct â—…o they think the Papacy founded on Naâ—…ural Right The greatest part of Manâ—…ind hitherto have not discovered this â—…trange Blindness indeed For the Diâ—…ine Law they shew us one or two Pasâ—â—ages in the Gospel The Roman Cathoâ—â—cks Disagree about the true sense of these â—…laces the Gravest Christian Writers did â—…ot see the Primacy of the Pope in them â—…efore there were any Protestants in the â—…orld If by the Canon Law the Moâ—…ern Decretals are to be understood we â—…ill submit to Condemnation But if the â—…ue Canon Law of France be as we are â—…ften told the ancient Code of Canons â—…ade or received in the first General â—…ouncils the Judicious and Disinterested â—…octors of Paris will find nothing less â—…an the Primacy and Monarchy of the â—…ope there It was the Name of Antichrist which â—â—d most disturb the Roman Catholicks The Pope do's not care to be the Beast â—…nd those of his Communion will not be â—…is Worshippers But in short if it be â—…ue and it is not commonly denyed in â—…rance that the Dominion usurped by the â—…opes is contrary to the Spirit of Jesus â—…hrist and the Institution of the Apostles it cannot be denyed that the Pope is Antechrist in this Sense and that his Monarchy is Antechristian If it be true as it seems to be that to rise and oppose what is called God or what Men adore be to put a Mans self above those to whom the Lord of all things has said Ye are Gods and the Sons of the most High and to assume Honours which are due to him alone is it not evident then that the Pope is or at least resembles very much the Son of Perdition and the Man of Sin foretold by St. Paul As for the Prophecies of St. John the Protestants are not the first who have applied them to the Pope There is no need of seeking ways round about to find Characters very much resembling those we see in him The Comparison between the Pagans and Christians in these latter times seems so just that it is difficult to determine which of the Interpreters are in the Right who Explain the Prophecies of the Revelations of one and the other Rome One Ferrier thought to distinguish himself in the beginning of this Age by maintaining a publick Thesis at Nismes where he was Professor of Divinity that the Pope is Antichrist The Parlement of Toulouse proceeded against him but he declined their Jurisdiction and removed the Affair to the Chamber of the Edict at Castres Some little time after the Protestants made a New Article of Faith in their National Synod of Gap in Dauphine in which they declared that they believed and would maintain That the Bishop of Rome is properly Antichrist and the Son Perdition foretold in the Word of God This New Article was to be the XXXI of the Confession of Faith of the Reformed Churches in France Henry IV. took it ill than in his Reign they should devise a thing they had never once thought of when the Disputes were hottest in the times of his Predecessors Whether it were that he feared for his own part the Consequences with regard to his second Marriage or that he was displeased the Reformed should Reproach him with leaving the true Religion to become a Worshipper of the Beast Henry commanded absolutely this New Article should be left out The more Wise and Moderate of the Protestants disavowed what was done at Gap or at least thought the Synod wanted Prudence and Moderation The Question of Antichrist was again brought upon the Board at the Synods of Rochell and St. Maixant But Henry the IV. constantly opposed the making of an Article of Faith which did not seem very necessary to Salvation Viguier having published a Book with the Title of the Theater of Antichrist the Jesuit Gontier a famous Converter of these Times preached against it in a Violent and Seditious manner The King forbid the publishing of the Book and imposed Silence on this Outragious Controvertist Du Plessis Mornay's Book coming out immediately after these Disputes which were not yet entirely stifled it is not to be wonder'd that it made such a mighty Uproar If it be owned this Gentleman who was very able and judicious in all other things failed in his usual Consideration and Conduct here the censure of the Sorbonne is no less extravagant and ridiculous Troubles of Aix la Chrpelle Mary de Medicis began to take that Method which has since been so constantly followed in the Reign of her Son and
their Masters This occasioned a great difference in Religion between the Churchmen and the Magistrates The one and the other formed a different Idea of what they call'd the Reformation or the Reformed Doctrine The Ministers meant by these Words the Opinions in Divinity explained by their great Authors and inserted into the Confessions of Faith which the first Reformers had drawn up These Servants of God meant well But they did not consider that by aiming in their Formularies of Faith and Catechisms to compile a compleat and regular Body of Divinity they inserted their own Speculations as certain and essential Truths The Magistrates and wise Laity of Holland urged that the Reformation being only a purer Worship and more free from vain Superstitions than the Church of Rome with a greater Latitude of Opinions in things not plainly revealed in the Holy Writings it could not be said the Reformation stood on what some Persons thought the most crabbed and difficult Questions of School Divinity The Ministers always warm for their Opinions and Prejudiced often cried the Magistrates wanted Zeal for the true Doctrine And these in their turn complained that the other were stubborn and inflexible and would force all the World to be of their Mind When the Churchmen fir'd with Zeal brought befor the Magistrates those who opposed the Hypothesis of Calvin and Beza about Predestination and Grace as Men who subverted the Foundations of the Reformation the more wise and discerning asked these new Inquisitors if it were impossible to be a true Reformed Christian without embracing the Opinions of St. Austin and his Disciples From the first Reformation in Holland the contrary Sentiments had always prevailed in the City of Tergow The States of Holland too had not solemnly approved the Confession of Faith received in the Belgick Churches Is not this a Proof that those wife Magistrates thought there were Articles put in this Formulary which were not absolutely necessary which ought to be expressed in a more soft manner and less offensive to those of a different Persuasion from the first Reformers This appears very probable since we read in History that the States of Holland in other respects very averse to the Convocation of a General Synod of the Seven United Provinces consented in the Year 1597. to the holding such an Assembly where the Confession of the Faith should be exactly revised and amended in a Spirit of Charity and Peace For my own part when I consider the Disputes which have caused such a fatal Division in Holland I am in pain to comprehend how Men of Sense can be perswaded that the Opinions of St. Austin concerning Predestination and Grace are essential to a Reformation of Christianity How many Holy Men were there in the Times of the greatest Purity of the Church of Rome whose Thoughts were differenâ—… from the Fathers Cannot we renounce the monstrous and ridiculous Dogm oâ—… Transubstantiation the Religious Worship of Saints and Images the Fable oâ—… Purgatory Indulgences the false Traditions of the Church of Rome the Tyranny of the Pope without believing absolute Predestination and irresistiblâ—… Grace Did all those honest Men who convinced of the Absurdity and Falsity oâ—… the Things which I mentioned embraceâ—… the Reformation think of the Hypothesâ—… of the Bishop of Hippo Were they anxious to know if it were true or false 〈◊〉 These abstract and difficult Questions only employed some Doctors who were projecting to make a compleat System of Divinity Among these who took this pains there were some who preferred the moderate Sense of the ancient Greek Fathers Calvin himself was not perswaded thaâ—… his Thoughts of Grace and Predestination were essential to Religion He took the pains to translate the Common Places oâ—… Melancthon into French whose Thoughts of these Matters were quite different from his own In his preface he gives all imaginable Praises to Melancthon Could he in Conscience have done this if he had been perswaded the Opinions of his Author undermined the Foundations of the Reformation Able Divines of the Reformed Churches have publickly maintained that â—…e Opinons of Universal Grace of the â—…ower of resisting its Operation and â—…onditional Predestination are of the numâ—…er of those Articles which every one may â—…elieve without renouncing the Principles â—…f his Religion Several learned Hollanders had highly â—…efended this Doctrine before Arminius â—…ad preach'd it at Amsterdam and taught 〈◊〉 at Leyden before Gomar rose up against â—…im These Books are still extant It is â—…ue certain warm Ministers made a stir 〈◊〉 blast those Works and ruin their Auâ—…ors But the States of Holland always â—…op'd this impetuous Zeal The Professors â—â—d an entire Liberty to teach according to â—…e Sense of Melancthon And when Arâ—…inius was called into that University â—…one were ignorant of his Opinions He â—…ad declared them in the Church of Amâ—…erdam which gave an advantageous â—…estimony of them Gomar himself and â—…vers more of the same Mind with him â—…tring into a Conference with Arminius â—…ade no Scruple to say their Differences â—â—d not concern the Grounds of Reformaâ—â—on It is true Gomar did not long live 〈◊〉 a good Understanding with Arminius his â—…ew Collegue either because his Reputaâ—â—on gave him Umbrage or the Enemies â—…f Arminius kindled his Choler by some â—…sinuation and then he vigorously oppoâ—…d a Man whom he look'd on as Orthoâ—…x but a little before The two Professors had soon their Disciples and Party The Division was so great in the University of Leyden that the Affair was brought before the Synod held at Rotterdam Gomar's Party was the strongest there The Assembly ordered that all the Pastors should subscribe the Confession of Faith and the Catechism Arminius and his Party refused to obey There are some things to be amended in both of them said they They ought to be considered in a National Synod We hope to see one meet in a little time The manner in which Questions should be treated and determined in this Synod caused new Difficulties One side required certain Conditions others rejected all In the meantime the ordinary Synods press'd Arminius and his Party to declare publickly what Exceptions they had against the Confession oâ—… Faith and the Catechism in order to have the Matter duly determined Arminius perswaded his greatest Enemieâ—… would be Judges in such an Assembly declined the Jurisdiction of a Synod as much as possibly he could Vtenbogard a Minister of great Reputation in the Hague his Friend and of the same Opinion with himself did him considerable Service with several of the chief Persons of the Government Never did Synod in its first Steps and perhaps thro' the whole Course of it more follow the Council of Trent than the Synod of Dort except that there were more able Divines at Dort than at Trent This is not in any manner surprizing almost all Councils are alike The same Interests give occasion to them and the same Passions reign in them Arminius presented a Petition to the States of
defended the Cause of his Party but has done it a great Injury too Though he do's not think as Socinus do's of the Trinity the Incarnation the Nature and Operations of God yet he maintains that the Socinian Doctrine is tolerable and not contrary to the Fundamental Articles of Christianity The Arminians of Holland embraced the same Sentiment which makes it to be believed that Arminianism and Socinianism are near a kin Yet these two things are very different It is common in the Church of England to find Learned Divines who think in the same manner as Arminius did on the five Articles and yet vigorously Defend the Decisions of the four first General Councils James King of England opposes the Election of Vorstius I will not speak of this Conference at the Hague This was as Fruitless as the preceding ones Vorstius appeared here He made a Harangue to the States to justifie himself against the Errors imputed to him These Gentlemen were well satisfied They demanded next of the Ministers of both Parties if they had any thing to say against Vorstius The Remonstrants declared they thought him Orthodox But the others alledg'd so much against him and intervened with so great Opposition that he continued still without doing any thing tho' the States were well affected to him Mercure Francois 1611. The Opposition of James I. King of Great Britain made the greatest Noise in Europe Vorstius's Books were brought to the King when he was taking the Diversion of Hunting in the Country King James run over these in less than an Hours time He saw such Shoals of Heresies with one cast of his Eye he immediately sent an Extract to his Ambassador to the States-General with an express Order to declare to them from him that if they suffered such a dangerous Man at Leyden his Majesty would publish a Manifesto to shew the World his Aversion against the Authors of these Heresies and those who allow them to be taught in their Universities The Ambassador punctually executed his Master's Orders The States-General were a little surprized to see the King concern himself in an Affair that was purely Domestick The Zeal which a King shews for the preserving the Purity of the Faith is not to be blamed He do's well to extend it beyond his Kingdom But however there are Measures to be kept towards his Allies and Neighbours His Britannick Majesty's Threat was very high and brisk The States-General gave their Answer some days after to the Ambassador If Vorstius said they with great Discretion and Respect be guilty of the Errors he is accused of we will not suffer him to teach in Holland The High Esteem we have of the King of Great Britain's Goodness and Wisdom gives us grounds to hope that his Majesty will be satisfied with our Conduct when he shall be better informed of this Matter and the Vprightness of our Intentions In the mean time James burnt the Books of Vorstius at London Oxford and Cambridge The Reply of the States-General did not satisfie him He wrote a long Letter exhorting them to Banish Vorstius out of their Provinces Arminius was treated in this as an Enemy of God and for Vorstius his Majesty looked upon him as a downright Atheist He concluded his Letter with threatning the States to separate from the Communion of their Churches if they suffered so abominable a Man as Vorstius amongst them He was at Leyden before this Letter of King James came The English Ambassador made a long Remonstrance when he delivered it to the States-General He gave them the Propositions which his Majesty had extracted out of Vorstius's Books and exhorted them to shew no less Zeal and Courage to preserve the Purity of the Faith against so pernicious an Heretick than they had done in the Defence of their Liberty against the Spaniards The States-General did not know what to think of the Letter nor the Harangue They answered the Ambassador that the Matter in Question only regarded the particular States of Holland who were Sovereigns in their own Province That Vorstius was only at Leyden as a simple Inhabitant in the Town and waited till he should justifie himself in the next Meeting of the States of Holland For the rest said they we humbly thank his Majesty for his Concern for the good of these Provinces and the preserving the Purity of the Gospel in our Churches The States of Holland were not to meet till three or four Months after This made the English Embassador look upon this Delay as a Civil Denial And now there was a New Remonstrance from the King his Master to the States-General This bad a Text after the manner of Sermons The Ambassador began with that place of the Gospel which orders Brotherly Correction and will have those brought before the Church who will not hearken to it He complained of their want of Respect to the King in receiving Vorstius not only in their Country but in a Famous University The States-General were threatned a second time with a Manifesto from his Britannick Majesty These Gentlemen kept their Flegm They answered the King should have Satisfaction in the next Meeting of the States of Holland This was to be in the Month of February the following year In the mean time the King of England saw his Zeal against Vorstius was not so favourably Interpreted The King of England's Apology for his Conduct in the Business of Vorstius as he hoped for Ill-natured Wits Censured him for making Ostentation of his Learning and Divinity Others imputed this to his Ambition and thought it an Usurpation on the Liberty of the Provinces for him to concern himself in Matters which Sovereigns are not obliged to give their Neighbours an Account of The King of Sweden this year sent a Challenge to the King of Denmark to fight a Duel with him A thing not seen since Francis the I and Charles V. James I. like another sort of Fighting better To justifie himself from the Sinister Interpretations put on his Conduct he took his Pen in Hand and printed his Apology In this the King gave an account to the Publick of what had passed between the States-General and him His Majesty farther protested he had no other design than to oppose the Rise of a Heresie to give the States-General a new Mark of his Kindness and to hinder the young Hollanders and the English themselves who should go to Study at Leyden from being infected with the Pernicious Opinions Vorstius should spread there The King's Apology had the same Fate with all Personal Quarrels Every one believed as he pleased The Revolution in Sweden after the Death of Gustavus Ericson Let us conclude this year with the Death of Charles the IX King of Sweden and speak something of his Elevation to the Throne He was the youngest Son of Gustavus Ericson so Famous in History for having delivered his Country from the Oppression of the Danes for having by his Great Services Merited the
maintain their Right of Patronage But to remedy the disorders which frequent disputes about this Point occasioned they endeavoured in the Year 1591. in the Assembly of the States of this Province to make a New Regulation concerning the manner of choosing Pastors According to this Project the Magistrates and the Consistory were to Name each Four Persons of their own Body to Elect Jointly The Act of Election was to be carried afterwards to the Body of the Magistrates who should have power to Accept or Reject the chosen Minister And in this last Case they were to proceed to a new Election This Law was agreeable enough to the Civil Law Establish'd by the new Constitutions of the Emperor Justinian touching the Election of Ecclesiastical Ministers And because it was convenient to Reserve some Priviledges to particular Persons who had the Patronage of Churches it was added in the same Law that if there were a Pastor to be chosen to a Church of which a particular Person was the Patron then this Person was to depute Four others to Elect in Conjunction with the Four Named by the Consistory So that a Gentleman had the same priviledge with respect to the Church of which he was Patron as the Magistrates had reserved with respect to the Churches of Towns and Cities A Regulation so well Contrived for the Satisfaction of all the World met with so much opposition in the Assembly of the States of Holland in the Year 1591. from several considerable Cities that it was not possible to pass it into a Law In the Year 1612. the Pensionary Barnevelt propos'd a second time to the States of the Province as more necessary than ever by reason of the Quarrels that arose about the Five Articles Besides that the Synod and Classes did not dare to make use of the pretended Heresie 〈◊〉 Remonstrants to Interdict those which haâ—… been chosen after this manner by thâ—… Consent of the Consistory's and Magistrates and Patrons this Project had a considerable Advantage in the present Posture of the Churches of Holland It allow'd the Magistrates to choose none but wise and moderate Pastors and such as should be acceptable to all the World and well inclined to Peace When Barnevelt spoke in the Assembly of the States of the Province of the Revival of the Law propos'd in 1591. Their Opinions were then decided Some thought it fit that they should publish it others thought that it was more convenient first to have the consent of the Synode These latter were apparently afraid that this Law should more provoke the Ministers of the Contra-Remonstrant Party who grumbled very much that the States pretended singly to decide matters belonging to Religion and the Government of the Church Barnevelt in this Affair in which he was so heartily engaged so managed those that were concern'd that he brought them all over to his own Opinion The States of Holland at last resolv'd that the Laws which had been Projected concerning Ecclesiastical affairs in the Year 1591 should be from that time observ'd but they found great difficulty in the Execution of them There arose immediately great Disputes both by word of Mouth and by Writing concerning this Deliberation of the States The Contra-Remonstrants said that the States had gone beyond the Bounds of their Lawful Authority and that it was not fit for them to put their hand to the Censor in Regulating the Doctrines of Faith and the Government of the Church The Remonstrants side with the States By this means they had opportunity to curry favour with the Government and likewise found their account in the Enacting of this Law The Armenians maintain'd and not without Reason that the States of Holland being Sovereigns in their Province had power to Establish any thing that was not contrary to the Law of God and to regulate the Government of the Church to make Laws for the Security of it's Peace according to the Example of Christian Emperors and Princes which have done so before them without any Contradiction from the primitive Church So that for the future we shall find there were disputes in the Vnited Provinces not only about the Five Articles of the Remonstrants but also about the Right of Patronage and the Lawful Power of Sovereigns in matters of Faith and Discipline of the Church This was the occasion of an excellent Treatise which Grotius published to the World This Learned Man does in that Book defend at large that which he had before advanc'd in an Apology for the States oâ—… Holland Grotius De Imperio summarum potestatum circa Sacra touching the Authority of thâ—… Sovereign Power in Ecclesiastical Affairs But before we speak of this Apology publish'd by Grotius It is fit to say something concerning this Quarrel which intreas'd every day in the Vnited Provinces The divisions increased in the United Provinces Before this time there had been Synod â—…gainst Synod that of Vtrecht in 1612. â—…eclare that the Five Articles of the Reâ—…onstrants were Tolerable That of the â—…rovince of Guelderland maintains that â—â—l the Doctrine contain'd in the Confesâ—â—on of Faith and in the Catechism of â—â—e Belgick Churches was agreeable to â—â—e Word of God Preface des Actes du Sinode de Dordrecht The Synod Solemnâ—â—â— Engage themselves to maintain and deâ—â—nd it In Some Cities they Suspend and â—…epose the Remonstrant Ministers as Hereâ—â—ks in others they drive out the Contra-â—â—monstrant as Violent and Seditious â—â—e People being devoted to their Old â—â—nisters would not acknowledge those â—â—t were put in their Room So that there â—â—s a Schism in one and the same Church Brand Hist de la Reformation Liv. XX. XXI â—â—e part of the People assembled with 〈◊〉 Depos'd Minister in spite of the Maâ—â—rates Another part stuck to the new â—â—e One Geselius gave a great deal of â—â—ble to the magistrates of Rotterdam â—â—ey Depose him he sets up Conventiâ—â— they Banish him and he refuses to â—â—ey them The Magistrates publish'd Manifesto giving an account of their â—â—duct to the People Geselius answers 〈◊〉 his own Justification In one Word â—â—e were not greater Divisions in the Church in the time of Arianism Circular Letters flew about to Exhort to forsake the Communion of those who embrac'd the Five disputed Articles The Contra-Remonstrants call'd themselves the unjustly persecuted Church They had a private Meeting in a Barn at Rotterdam The Magistrates ordered it to be shut up the Contra Remonstrants open'd it again Could they have had more Zeal and more Heat about the Fundamentals of the Christian Religion During these Confusions Gomar quitted the Chair of Divinity-Professor at Leyden and retir'd to Middleburg in Zealand Polyander a great Stickler for the same Opinion was put in his Place The Remonstrants comforted themselves under this disappointment with Episcopius being call'd to the same University He had obtained a great Reputation in the Party by his strong Defence of the Five Articles at the Conference in the Hague in 1611.
their Adversaries that Support which they flattered themselves of receiving from King James the I. Winwood his Ambassador at the Hague had prejudic'd him against the Remonstrants and the Archbishop of Canterbury the declared Enemy of the Opinions of Vorstius gave the King a bad Character of them In short this Prelate imagin'd that all the Remonstrants Ministers and the Magistrates their Protectors had an Inclination to Socinianism with which he thought Vorstius was infected Grotius Apologeticus eorum qui Hollandiae praefuerunt Cap. VI. in Epistolis 1613. Vytenbogard and the Rest thought good to oppose to the Archbishop several Doctors and Prelates of the greatest Note and Meritin England and especially the learned Casaubon whom his Majesty had a particular Value for His Majesty owing his Entertainment of the Sentiments of Calvin concerning Predestination more to the prejudices of his Education than Reason or Study Casaubon and others easily perswaded him to listen to what they had to Offer in favour of the Remonstrants in Holland These took the advantage of this favourable Conjuncture They sent to Caron the Dutch Ambassador at London a Memorial in which the Questions in Debate were fairly and clearly Stated This Memorial was read to the King and gave him Satisfaction His Majesty writ a Letter to the States of Holland and to â—…ell them it was his Opinion that they should Tolerate the Remonstrants and that the Magistrates should use their Authority to suppress their Disputes and to forbid them to Preach such difficult and abstruse Doctrines The King's Letter extreamly vext the Contra-Remonstrants but it did quite dicourage them They sent privately into England a Memorial to perswade the King that they had impos'd upon him The Conduct of the States of Holland and those who had the greatest share of the Government was there rail'd at in so outrageous a manner that his Majesty sent a Coppy of it in a Letter which he wrote to the States of Holland Grotius was sent into England about this time to adjust some Affairs for the East-India Company I am apâ—… to think there was something else in the Bottom of this Commission The States of Holland were very glad that so able a Man undertook to undeceive the King of Great-Britain and that he Conferr'd upon the Five Articles with the Bishops and chief Divines of England Grotius found that the Bishop of Ely the Dean of St. Paul's of London Casaubon and several others were very nigh of the same Opinion with the Arminians in the Points of Grace and Predestination They all gave him a favourable hearing except the Archbishop of Canterbury who was always deeply prejujudic'd against the Remonstrants and consequently against Grotius who Strenuously defended them He had many Audiences of the King who frankly told him that the Opinions of Calvin and Beza seemed to him too Rigid and that according to their Nypothesis God would be the Author of Sin But his Majesty persisted always to Condemn the ill Opinions which he had observed in Vorstius's his Writings To gain his Favour it was necessary to Reject whatsoever savour'd of the Impious paradoxes of Socinus concerning the Divivinity and Person of Jesus Christ If you have a mind that I should entertain a better Opinion of Uytenbogard and the Remonstrants said the King to Grotius you must perswade me that these Men don't favour Socinianism Grotius informed Vytenbogard his Friend of his Majesty's Opinion concerning him and the rest of his Party Hereupon Vytenbogard by the advice of Grotius writ a Letter to Casaubon that he might shew it the King He plainly saw that Vytenbogard had too great an Esteem for Vorstius Sibrand Minister of Frizeland publishes a Libel reflecting on the States of Holland Grotius is orderd to answer it The Contra-Remonstrants did all they could to hinder the success of the Negociations of Grotius in England A Professor of the University of Franneker in Frizeland by Name Sybrand wrote against Vorstius whom he accused of maintaining an Hundred Heresies The Book was Dedicated to the Archbishop of Canterbury Under pretence of praising the King of Great-Britain for the Zeal which his Majesty had discovered against Vorstius Sibrand in his Epistle Dedicatory accuses the Curators of the University of Leyden and the States of the Province of a design to introduce Socinianism into Holland He endeavoured to render the Conduct of the States suspected because they would not Consent to the calling a National Synode he pretended that the Civil Power went beyond the bounds of their Authority in taking Cognizance of Religious Controversies which ought not to be Treated of but in an Ecclesiastical Assembly He declaimed against the Revival of the Law made in 1591. in short he maintained that the Magistrates had nothing to do with the calling of Pastors and the Government of the Church The States of Holland were highly affronted at the Sauciness and Insolence of this Frizeland Minister He might have Refuted the Errors of Vorstius and they would have had nothing to say against him Ordinum Hollandiae ac West fri siae pietas Was it pardonable for a private Person to publish such vile Calumnies against the Governors of a Province Allied to his own and to speak Reproachfully of Laws which they had Right to publish Grotius was ordered to make an Apology for the States of Holland He acquitted himself wonderfully well of so Honourable a Charge His Book is Wrote very Elegantly full of lively Strokes against his Adversary and is altogether a learned Composure worthy of its incomparable Author He there fully Justifies the Conduct of the States of Holland in the Affair of Arminianism Grotius there Treats by the by of the Authority and necessity of Councils and Solidly and Frirmly Establishes the Power of Sovereigns in matters of Religion and the Government of the Church Sibrand endeavour'd to answer Grotius But he was not a Match for him It Cost Grotius only Three or Four Sheets to shew that the Professor of Franeker was an unfair Man and that he understood not the things that he pretended to talk of Bâ—…na fides Sibrandi Lubberti Edit des Etats de Hollande pour assoupir le diâ—â—â—râ—…nd sus les Questions de la Prèdestination de la Grace Mercure Francois 1614. Uytenbâ—…gard Historie Rèformation Dordrecht Ecclesiae Part. IV. 1614. Brand Historie de la Livre XXI Preface des Actes du Sinode de Grtotii Epistolae 1614. The States of Holland were very well pleased with the Advice of the King of England that they should Employ their Authority to suppress these Disputes and Command the Divines of both Sides Charitably to bear with one another not to disturb any longer the Peace of the Church with abstruse Questions of no Importance to Salvation Grotius now Pensionary of the City Rotterdam had Orders to prepare an Edict which they should propose to the Assembly of the States of Holland Here occurred great Difficulties One Side said that