sexes it is hard for a male to become a female but not so hard for the other change For the masculine member to be drawne in and dilated into the feminine receptacles is exceeding hard mary for the female partes to bee excrescent and coagulate into the masculine forme may be some-what but not neare so difficulte as is thought though it bee seldon seene f It rained Often say authors Liuius Iul. Obsequ c. g chalke Consulls Q. Metellus and Tul. Didius Obsequ h Stones This is not rare First it did so in Tullus Hostilius his time and then it was strange But after it grew ordinary to perticularize in this were idle i Direct stones Some reade directly earth c. k Aetna Aetna is a hill in Sicily sacred to Vulcan casâ—…ing out fire in the night by a vent ten furlongs about the vent is called the cauldâ—…on Solinus saith it hath two of them Aetna Briareus Ciclops his son or Aetna sonne to Caelus and Terra otherwise called Thalia gaue it the name Seruius Uirgill describes it in a large Poeme which some say is Ouids but Seneca saith Ouid durst not deale with it because Virgil had done it before him Others say Cornelius Seuerus did it The fire doth much harme to the bordering partes of the Island This that Augustine declareth happened in the Consulships of Cn. Seruil Scipio and C. Laelius and in M. Aemilius and L. Aurelius their Consulships the flames burst forth with an earth-quake and the sea was heated therewith as farre as the Island Liparae so that diuers shippes were burnd and diuers of the saylours stifled with the sulphurous vapor It killed an inumerable company of fish which the Liparians feeding vpon got a pestilent disease in their bellies which vnpeopled almost all the whole Island Obseq This was a little before Gracchus his sedition and it was such that many were driuen to flie from their dwellings into other places Oros. l Sicily Oros. lib. 5. and 12. m Catina Or Catana it is called by both names though their be one Catina in Spaine and another in Arcadia This that Augustine relateth of is recorded by Pliny lib. 3. n That yeares And nine yeares more saith Orosius o Locusts This was in the Consulships of P. Plautius 〈◊〉 M. Fulu Flaccus before C. Gracchus his sedition Liu. lib. 9. Oros. Eutrop. Iul. Obseq p 80000. So saith Orosius but of Micipsa his Kingdome Of this sicknesse in al died 800000. men saith Obsequens 900000. saith Eutropius who is indeede no good computator in Numidia about Carthage 200000. of the Romaine souldiars that kept the legion there 30000. so saith Orosius putting onely 80. for 90. q Onely in Masinyssa's Or rather Micipsa's his sonne For Masinissa himselfe was dead But it might bee called his because Rome gaue it him for his worthy deserts r Many more Our historians write not so perhaps Augustine followed others or els like an Orator applied the history to his owne vse and purpose which Cicero doth allow in his Brutus and hath practised some-times himselfe as wee haue obserued in his Orations and as Pedianus hath noted therein also s 30000. Beeing left at Vtica as the Guarison of Afrike t a difference of reading we haue giuen it the truest sence Finis lib. 3. THE CONTENTS OF THE fourth booke of the City of God 1. Of the contents of the first booke 2. Of the contents of the second third booke 3. Whether happy and wise men should account it as part of their felicities to possesse an Empire that is inlarged by noe meanes but war 4. Kingdomes without iustice how like they are vnto theeuish purchases 5. Of those fugitiue sword-plaiers whose power grew paralel'd with a royall dignity 6. Of the couetise of Ninus who made the first war vpon his neighbours through the greedy desire he had to increase his kingdome 7. Whether the Pagan gods haue any power either to further or hinder the progresse increase or defects of earthly kingdomes 8. What pretious gods those were by whose power the Romaines held their empire to bee inlarged and preserued seeing that they durst not trust them with the defence of meane and perticular matters 9. Whether it was Ioue whome the Romaines held the chiefest GOD that was their protector and enlarger of their empire 10. What opinions they followed that set diuers gods to rule in diuerse parts of the world 11. Of the multitude of gods which the Pagan Doctors avouch to bee but one and the same Iupiter 12. Of their opinion that held God to bee soule and the world the body 13. Of such as hold that the resonable creatures onely are parts of the diuine 14. That the augmentations of kingdomes are vnfitly ascribed to Ioue victory whome they call a goddesse being sufficient of herselfe to giue a full dispatch to all such buisinesses 15. Whether an honest man ought to entertaine any desire to enlarge his empire 16. The reason why the Romaines in their appointments of seueral gods for euery thing and euery action would needs place the Temple of Rest or Quiet without the gates 17. Whether if Ioue bee the chiefe God of all victory to be accounted as one of the number 18. Why Fortune and Felicity were made Goddesses 19. Of a Goddesse called Fortuna muliebris 20. Of the Deification of Vertue and Faith by the Pagans and of their omission of the worship that was due to diuers other Gods if it bee true that these were gods 21. That such as knew not the true and onely God had better haue bin contented with Vertue and Felicity 22. Of the knowledge of these Pagan Gods which Varro boasteth he taught the Romaines 23. Of the absolute sufficiency of Felicity alone whome the Romaines who worshipped so many Gods did for a great while neglect and gaue no diuine honors vnto 24. What reason the Pagans bring for their worshipping of Gods guifts for Gods themselues 25. Of the worship of one God onely whose name although they knew not yet the tooke him for the giuer of Felicity 26. Of the stage playes which the gods exacted of their seruants 27. Of the three kinds of gods whereof Scauola disputed 28. Whether the Romaines dilligence in this worshippe of those gods did their empire any good at all 29. Of the falsenesse of that augury that presaged courage and stability to the state of Rome 30. The confessions of such as doe worshippe those Pagan Gods from their owne mouthes 31. Of Varros reiecting the popular opinion and of his beleefe of one God though hee knew not the true God 32. What reasons the kings of the world had for the permitting of those false religions in such places as they conquered 33. That God hath appointed a time for the continuance of euery state on earth 34. Of the Iewes Kingdome which one god alone kept vnmooued as long as they kept the truth of religion FINIS THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint
〈◊〉 O â—…en say they it is a hard controuersie and so leaue it neuer looking nor if they woâ—…ld could they discerne whose cause is better defended because they doe not vnderstand it 〈◊〉 euen as Augustine saith here Uanity hauing more words then veritie those fooles ofteâ—…â—…on that side that kept the most coyle c O wretched Tusc. l. 5. speaking of Cinâ—… Is 〈◊〉 â—…appy that slew those men no I rather thinke him wretched not onely for dooing it but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…ied himselfe so to gette the licence to doe it Though to offend is vnlawfull and liâ—…â—…o man wee abuse the world for that is lawfull which each mans good hath left 〈◊〉 â—…o performe or follow Finis lib. 5. THE CONTENTS OF THE sixt booke of the City of God 1. Of those that affirme they do worship these Gods for eternall life and not for temporall respects 2. What may be thought of Varroes opinion of the gods who dealeth so with them in his discouery of them and their ceremonies that with more reuerence vnto them he might haue held his peace 3. The diuision of Varroes bookes which 〈◊〉 stileth The Antiquities of Diuine Humaine affaires 4. That by Varroes disputations the affaires of those men that worshipped the gods are of far more antiquitie then those of the Gods themselues 5. Of Varroes three kinds of Diuinity Fabulous Naturall and Politique 6. Of the Fabulous and Politique Diuinity against Varro 7. The coherence and similitude between the fabulous Diuinitie and the ciuill 8. Of the naturall interpretations which the Paynim Doctors pretend for their Gods 9. Of the offices of each peculiar God 10. Of Senecaes freer reprehension of the ciuill Theology then Varroes was of the Fabulous 11. Senecaes opinion of the Iewes 12. That it is plaine by this discouery of the Pagan Gods vanity that they cannot giue eternall life hauing no power to helpe in the temporall FINIS THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of those that affirme they do worship these gods for eternall life and not for temporall respects CHAP. 1. IN the fiue precedent bookes I thinke they be sufficiently confounded that hold that worship iustly giuen vnto these false gods which is peculiar onely to one true GOD and in greeke is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that this worshippe ought to bee offered vnto them for temporall commodities all which Gods Christianity conuinceth either to bee friuilous and vnprofitable Images and damned spirits or at least and at best no Creators but Creatures But who knoweth not that neither those fiue bookes nor all that a man could make would stay and satisfie excesse of obstinacy for it is some mens glory vaine indeed neuer to yeeld to the truth but oppose it to their owne perdition in whose bosomes sinne hath so large an Empire for their disease exceedth all cure not through the Phisitians want of skill but the patients impatient frowardnesse But as for such as read the sayd bookes without any obstinate intent or with little and ponder the things they reade in an vnpartiall discretion those shall approue that our labour in their satisfaction hath rather performed more then the question required then otherwise and that all the malice wherein they â—…ke Christianity the cause of all the afflictions falling vpon this transitory world the best learned of them dissembling their knowledge against their oâ—…â—…sciences is not onely voide of all reason and honesty but frought 〈◊〉 rashnesse and pernicious impudence Now therefore as our method 〈◊〉 are they to bee dealt withall that make eternity the end of this erroniâ—… worship which Christian religion so reiecteth let vs take our beginning from the holy and oraculous Psalmist that saith a Blessed is the man that maketh the â—…rd his trust and regardeth not the proude nor such as turne aside to lies But of al such as doe goe astray in those errors the Philosophers are least falty that could neuer abide the fond opinions of the vulgar who made their gods images fabled diuers things of them most false and vnworthy the Deities or els beleeued them from the reports of others and from that beleefe intruded them into the ceremonies and made them parts of their worships Wherefore with such as b though they durst not openly yet secretly disliked those things this question may beâ—…lty disputed of Whether it bee fit to worship one God the maker of al bodies and spirits for the life to come or many gods c beeing all by their best Philosophers confessions both created and aduanced But who can endure to heare it said that the gods which I reckned vp in part in the 4. booke and haue peculiar charges can giue one life eternall And those sharpe witted men that 〈◊〉 of the good they doe by writing of these things in instructing the people what to intreate at each of their hands would they commit such a grosse absurdity as that which the Mimickes doe in ieast asking water of Bacchus and 〈◊〉 of the Nymphes As thus would they teach a man that praied unâ—… the Nymphes for wine if they answered him wee haue no wine goe to â—…hus for that Then to replie if you haue no wine I praie you then giue mee life eternall what grosser foolery could there bee then this would not the Nymphes fall a laughing for they are d prone to laughter when they do not affect deceite as the deuills vse to do and say to him why fond man dost thou thinke we haue life eternall at command that haue not a cuppe of wine at command as thou hearest Such fruitlesse absurdity should it bee to aske eternall life or hope for it of such Gods as are so bound to peculiar charges in things respecting this fraile and transitory life that it were like mymicall scurrility to demaund any thing of any one of them which resteth vnder the disposing of another Which when the Mimikes doe men doe very worthily laugh at them in the Theater and when ignorant fooles doe it they are farre more worthyly derided in the world Wherefore the peculiar positions that wee ought to make vnto euery god by the gouernours of cities their learned men haue compiled and left vnto memory which must bee made to Bacchus which to the Nymphes Vulcan c. part whereof I recited in the fourth booke and part I willingly omitted Now then if it bee an error to aske wine of Ceres bread of Bacchus water of Vulcan and sire of the Nymphes how much more were it an error to aske life eternall of any one of them wherefore if that in our disputation about the earthly Kingdomes and in whose powre they should bee wee shewed that it was directly false to beleeue that they consisted in the powre of any one of those imaginary gods were it not outragious madnesse then to beleeue that the life eternall with which the Kingdomes of the earth are no way worthy to be
a great contention with those thâ—… held the world to consist of onely bodies Tymaeus also the Locrian in his booke de mundo wrote of these Idea's But Plato refined all these things and brought in a more polite elegâ—…t forme adding besides altitude and diuinity of doctrine admirable and excellent I make no question that Pythagoras did learne those misteries out of the Scriptures in Egipt And it iâ—… more likely that he talked with Hieremy there then that Plato did That the Platonists for all their good opinion of the true GOD yet neuerthethelesse held that worship was to bee giuen to many CHAP. 12. THerefore haue I chosen these before the rest because their good opinion of the true only GOD made them more illustrious then the rest so far preferred by posterity that whereas a Aristotle Plato's scholler an excellent witted man b Plato's inferior indeed but farre aboue the rest who instituted the Peripatetique sect that taught walking and had many famous schollers of his c sect in his d maisters life time and after Plato's death e Speusippus his sisters son and Xenocrates his beloued scholler succeeded in his schoole called the f Academy and their followers g therevpon Academikes yet the later Philosophers that liked to follow Plato would not bee called Peripatetiques nor Academiâ—…es but Platonists Of which sort there were these famous Gretians h Plotine i Iamblychus k and Porphiry and Apulcius an African was famous both for his writtings in the Greeke and Latine tongues But all these and their followers yea euen l Plato himselfe held it fit to adore many gods L. VIVES VVHereas a Aristotle Borne at Stagyra sonne to Nicomachus and Phaestis both descended from Aesculapius borne the 99. Olympiade He came to Plato at 15. yeares old and heard him till he was 35. when as Plato died and then beganne he to teach himselfe walking in the Lycium whence his followers were called Peripatetiques of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to walke He was an admirable singular witted man inferior to none Plato's better in variety of knowledge and all the worlds better in disputation of all artes Nor are these great guifts of his to be euill taken or maligned we must confesse indeed that hee was an affectator of glory and too curious a condemner of others but withall modest and abstinent nor in doctrine of artes had he euer his fellow I wish he had delt more vprightly in his confutations of others b Plato's inferior comparision betweene Plato and Aristotle is odious because of their diuersity of studies Doubtlesse they were both admirable examples for all to imitate The greekes call Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diuine and Arystotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is asmuch Plato's eloquence was such that it was a common saying if Ioue would speake greeke he would speake Plato's greeke But Aristotles knowledge in Rhetorick I had almost said excelled Plato's mary in vse hee was farre short of him For Aristotle affected a succinct phrase least beeing tedâ—…ous and drawing each thing at length the discourse might become to profuse and the rules of arte too long to beare away So his enduour was not to admit an idle word which made him attaine vnto a great perfection in the proper vse of the greeke language and figures c Sect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greeke a word of indifference but ordinaryly taken in the worst sence for all opinions priuate or other without the Church wee call Heresies d His Maisters life Aristotle saith Plato in Laertius hath kiekt against vs as foles doe at their dammes Yet some say hee did not teach whilest Plato liued e Speusippus Eurymedoâ—…s sonne Plato's successor he taught 8. yeares and tooke pay for which Dionysius mockt him he went also as far as Macedon to sing the Epithalamion at Cassanders marriage for mony which Philostratus saith he had written in bald and rugged verse Growing diseased Xenocrates of Chaledon succeeded him at his owne request one that Plato loued deerely well and trauelled with him into Sycily he was but dull of wit but of a seuere and sacred carriage â—…lato saith Aristotleâ—…ackt â—…ackt the bit and he the spurres but loued him so well that when men swore he spoke ill of him he would not credite them thinke it vnpossible that one whom hee loued so well should not loue him againe In controuersies of law the Iudges neuer put him to his oth thinking it sin not to trust so iust a man though bee swore not f Academy A fanne was indeed nere Athens al woods fennes therefore vnhealthful had bin saith Laâ—…rtius the habitation of Academus one of the Heroës Eupolis the CoÌ„median calleth him a god but Plutarch in his life of Theseus shews what he was It was he yâ— told Castor Pollux yâ— Theseus after his rape of Hellen kept her secretly at Aphidna therefore was euer after respected both by them al the other Lacedemonians for in al their roades made into the AtheniaÌ„ territories they neuer meddled with Academia but Dicaearchus saith yâ— first was called Ecedemia of one Ecedemus a soldiour vnder Castor and Pollux and so after came to be called Academia This Laertius toucheth at Apuleius saith that Plato left all his patrimonie in a little garden neare this Academie two seruants a cup for sacrificing in and as much gold as would make an eare-ring In vita Platon Laertius saith hee was honorably buried in the Academy and that Mithridates king of Pontus hauing taken Athens erected Plato a statue dedicating it to the Muses In Athens this we may not passe were these schooles First the Academy secondly Liceum thirdly Prytaneum fourthly Canopum fiftly Stoa sixtly Tempe seuenthly Cynosarges g Therevpon This is the old Academy taught to Archesilas by â—…lemon Senocrates his scholler and hee endeuoured to reduce all to Socrates his forme of disputation to affirme nothing but confute all and this was called the new Acameâ—… which Tully in Uarro's person affirmeth was like the old one But hence-forth those that had positiue grounds for any thing and held a truth to be in things as Plato did were not called Academicks but Platonists I thinke because the name of Academicks was so proper to Aâ—…chesilas schooles h Plotine Borne saith Suidas at Lycopolis in Egipt hee wrote foure and fiftie bookes obscure ones to keepe the custome of his sect Hee liued in th' Emperor Galieâ—…us time vntill Probus entred he of whose desteny Firmicus doth so lie and prate Porphyry Plotines scholler wrote his life at large i Iamblichus Of Calchis Porphyries scholler a Pythagorist rather then a Platonist as Hierom testifieth yet in all diuine matters the Platonists are Pythagorians His witte and manners were better then his maisters k Porphyry A Tyrian one neither sound in body nor minde of wauering iudgement vnmanly inueterate malice and cruelty a professed Plotinist Suidas saith he was Amelius scholler also Porphiry saith
all L. VIVES THe a rulers Into how excellent a breuiat hath he drawne the great discourses of a good commonweale namely that the ruler thereof doe not compell nor command but standing 〈◊〉 loâ—…t like centinells onely giue warnings and counsells thence were Romes old Magistrates called Confulls and that the subiects doe not repine nor resist but obey with alacrity b They were Some of the Poets and Philosophers drew the people into great errors and some followed them with the people c There is no No Philosophy Rethorike or other arte the onely art here is to know and worship God the other are left to the world to be admired by wâ—…ldings Finis lib. 14. THE CONTENTS OF THE fifteenth booke of the City of God 1. Of the two contrary courses taken by mans progeny from the beginning 2. Of the Sonnes of the flesh and the sonnes of promise 3. Of Saras barrennesse which God turned into fruitfullnesse 4. Of the coÌ„flicts peace of the earthly city 5. Of that murtherer of his brother that was the first founder of the earthly Citty whose act the builder of Rome paralell'd in murdering his brother also 6. Of the languors that Gods cittizens endure on earth as the punishments of sinne during their pilgrimage and of the grace of God curing them 7. Of the cause obstinacy of Caines wickednesse which was not repressed by Gods owne words 8. The reason why Cayne was the first of man-kinde that ouer built a Citty 9. Of the length of life and bignesse of body that â—…en had before the deluge 10. Of the difference that seemes to bee betweene the Hebrews computation â—…nd ours 11. Of Mathusalems yeares who seemeth to haue liued 14. yeares after the Deluge 12. Of such as beleeue not that men of olde Time liued so long as is recorded 13. Whether wee ought to follow the Hebrew computation or the Septuagints 14. Of the parity of yeares measured by the same spaces of old and of late 15. Whether the men of old abstained from women vntill that time that the scriptures say they begot children 16. Of the lawes of marriage which the first women might haue different from the succeeding 17. Of the two heads and Princes of the two Citties borne both of one Father 18. That the significations of Abel Seth and Enos are all pertinent vnto Christ and his body the Church 19. What the translation of Enoch signified 20. Concerning Caines succession being but eight from Adam whereas Noah is the tenth 21. Why the generation of Caine is continewed downe along from the naming of his son Enoch whereas the scripture hauing named Enos Seths sonne goeth back againe to beginne Seths generation at Adam 22. Of the fall of the sonnes of God by louing strange women whereby all but eight perished 23. Whether it bee credible that the Angells being of an incorporeall nature should lust after the women of earth and marrying them beget Gyants of them 24. How the wordes that God spake of those that were to perish in the deluge And their daies shal be an hundred and twenty yeares are to be vnderstood 25. Of Gods vnpassionate and vnaltering anger 26. That Noah his Arke signifieth Christ and his Church in all things 27. Of the Arke and the Deluge that the meaning thereof is neither meerly historicall nor meerely allegoricall FINIS THE FIFTEENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the two contrary courses taken by mans progeny from the beginning CHAP. 1. OF the place and felicity of the locall Paradise togither with mans life and fall therein there are many opinions many assertions and many bookes as seuerall men thought spake and wrote What we held hereof or could gather out of holy scriptures correspondent vnto their truth and authority we related in some of our precedent bookes If they be farther looked into they will giue birth to more questions and longer dispuâ—… then this place can permit vs to proceed in our time is not so large as to 〈◊〉 vs to sticke scrupulously vpon euery question that may bee asked by buâ—…s that are more curious of inquiry then capable of vnderstanding I think 〈◊〉 sufficiently discussed the doubts concerning the beginning of the world 〈◊〉 and man-kinde which last is diuided into two sorts such as liue accorâ—… Man and such as liue according to God These we mistically call Citâ—…â—…cieties â—…cieties the one predestinate to reigne eternally with GOD the other â—…ed to perpetuall torment with the deuill This is their end of which 〈◊〉 Now seeing we haue sayd sufficient concerning their originall both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…ngells whose number wee know not and in the two first Parents of manâ—… thinke it fit to passe on to their progression from mans first ofspring vnâ—…â—…cease to beget any more Betweene which two points all the time inâ—… wherein the liuers euer succeed the diers is the progression of these two 〈◊〉 Caine therefore was the first begotten of those two that were man-kinds Pâ—…s and hee belongs to the Citty of man Abell was the later and hee beâ—… to the Citty of GOD. For as we see that in that one man as the Apostle 〈◊〉 that which is spirituall was not first but that which is naturall first and 〈◊〉 â—…he spiritual wherevpon all that commeth of Adams corrupted nature must 〈◊〉 be euill and carnall at first and then if he be regenerate by Christ becomâ—… good and spirituall afterward so in the first propagation of man and proâ—… of the two Citties of which we dispute the carnall cittizen was borne first 〈◊〉 the Pilgrim on earth or heauenly cittizen afterwards being by grace preâ—… and by grace elected by grace a pilgrim vpon earth and by grace a 〈◊〉 in heauen For as for his birth it was out of the same corrupted masse 〈◊〉 â—…as condemned from the beginning but God like a potter for this simyly thâ—…â—…ostle himselfe vseth out of the same lumpe made one vessell to honor and 〈◊〉 to reproach The vessell of reproach was made first and the vessell of honor â—…ards For in that one man as I sayd first was reprobation whence wee 〈◊〉 â—…eeds begin and wherein we need not remaine and afterwards goodnesse 〈◊〉 which we come by profiting and comming thether therin making our abode Wherevpon it followes that none can bee good that hath not first beene euill though all that be euill became not good but the sooner a man betters himselfe the quicker doth this name follow him abolishing the memory of the other Therefore it is recorded of Caine that he built a Citty but Abell was a pilgrim and built none For the Citty of the Saints is aboue though it haue cittizens here vpon earth wherein it liueth as a pilgrim vntill the time of the Kingdome come and then it gathereth all the cittizens together in the resurrection of the body and giueth them a Kingdome to reigne in with their King for euer and euer
compared should bee in the guift of any of them Nor can their state and hight compared with the basenesse of an earthly Kingdome in respect of them bee a sufficient cloake for their defect in not beeing able to giue it because forsooth they doe not respect it No what euer hee bee that considering the frailty of mans nature maketh a scorne of the momentary state of earthly dominion he will thinke it aâ—… vnworthy iniury to the gods to haue the giuing and guarding of such vanities imposed vpon them And by this if that according as wee proued sufficiently in the two bookes last past no one god of all this catalogue of noble and ignoble godâ—… were fit to behold the bestower of earthly states how much lesse fit were they all to make a mortall man pertaker of immortality Besides because now wee dispute against those that stand for their worship in respect of the life to come they are not to bee worshipped for those things which these mens erronious opinion farre from all truth haue put as their proprieties and things peculiarly in their powre as they beleeue that hold the honouring of them very vsefull in things of this present life against whom I haue spoken to my powre in the 〈◊〉 precedent volumes Which being thus if such as adore Iuuentas flourish in vâ—…or of youth and those that doe not either die vnder age or passe it with the â—…fes of decrepite sicknesse If the chinnes of Fortuna Barbata her seruants 〈◊〉 â—…ll of haire and all others be beardlesse then iustly might we say that thus 〈◊〉 â—…ese goddesses are limited in their offices and therefore it were no asking liâ—…â—…nall of Iuuentas that could not giue one a beard nor were any good to 〈◊〉 â—…cted of Fortuna Barbata after this life that had not powre to make one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had a beard But now their worship beeing of no vse for those things in their powre seeing many haue worshipped Iuuentas that liued not to bee 〈◊〉 and as many honoured Fortuna Barbata that neuer had good beards and many without beardes that worshiped her were mocked by them that had beâ—…ds and scorâ—…â—…r is any man then so mad that knowing the worshipping â—…f thâ—…m to bee 〈◊〉 in those things whereto their pretended powre extendeth yet will beleeue it to be effectuall in the obtayning life eternall Nay euen those that did share out their authority for them least beeing so many there should some sit idle and so taught their worshippe to the rude vulgar nor these themselues durst affirme that the life eternall was a gift comprised in any of their powers L. VIVES BLessed a is the man The Septuagints translate it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That maketh the 〈◊〉 of the LORD his hope But the Hebrew originall hath it as Augustine citeth it Indeed the difference is not of any moment b Though they durst not They feared the lawes as they did the Areopagites at Athens as Tully saith of Epicurus c Being all Plato in Tiâ—… d Prâ—… to laughter Alluding to Virgill in his Palaemon Et quo sed faciles Nymphae risere sacello c. The shrine wherein the pleasant Nymphes were merry 〈◊〉 not call them Faciles pleasant or kind because they were soone mooued to laughter but beâ—…use they were soone appeased and easie to bee intreated Faciles venerare Napâ—…s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his Georgikes to adore the gentle Napaeae And in the same sence are men called Geâ—… â—…iles What may bee thought of Varro's opinion of the gods who dealeth so with them in his discouery of them and their ceremonies that with more reuerence vnto them he might haue held his peace CHAP 2. VVâ—… was euer a more curious inquisitor of these matters then Varro a â—…re learned inuentor a more diligent iudge a more elegant diuider or a â—…act recorder And though he be not eloquent yet is hee so documentaâ—… 〈◊〉 sententious that to reade his vniuersall learning will delight one that 〈◊〉 matter as much as Tâ—…lly will one that loueth wordes Yea Tully a himâ—…e leaueth this testimony of him that the same disputation that hee handleth in his Academicke dialogues hee had hee saith with Marcus Varro a man the most â—…ute and d doubâ—…lesse the most learned of his time c Hee saith noâ—… the moâ—…â—…quent because herein hee had his betters but most acute and in his Aâ—…kes where hee maketh doubts of all things hee calleth him Doutlesse the â—…st learned being so assured hereof that he would take away all doubt which hee â—…ed to induce into all questions onely in this Academicall disputation forgetting himselfe to bee an Academike And in his first booke hauing comâ—…ed his workes d Wee saith â—…ee in the Citty were but as wandring pâ—…lgrimes 〈◊〉 â—…kes brought vs home and taught vs to know what and whom wee were Thy 〈◊〉 age time religious and politique discipline habitations order all the formes causes 〈◊〉 kindes of diuine and ciuill discipline by these are fully discouered So great was his learning as e Terentius also testifieth of him in the verse Vir doctissiâ—… vâ—…decunque Varro Varro a man of vniuersall skill Who hath reade so much â—…t â—…ee wonder how hee hath had time to write and f hath written so much that we 〈◊〉 how any man should read so much This man I say so learned and so witty 〈◊〉 he bin a direct opposer of that religion he wrote for held the ceremonies 〈◊〉 â—…ay religious but wholy superstitious could not I imagine haue recorded 〈◊〉 â—…testable absurdities thereof then hee hath already But being a worshippeâ—… 〈◊〉 â—…ame gods a teacher of that worship that hee proffesseth he feareth that his worke should bee lost not by the enemies incursion but by the citizens negligence and affirmeth that with a more worthy and commodious care were they to bee preserued then that wherewith Metellus fetched the Palladium from the slaues and Aeneas his houshold gods from the sacke of Troy yet for all this doth hee leaue such things to memory as all both learned and ignorant do iudge most absurd and vnworthy to bee mentioned in religion What ought wee then to gather but that this depely Skild man beeing not freed by the holy spirit was ouer-pressed with the custome of his city and yet vnder shew of commending their religion gaue the world notice of his opinion L. VIVES TUlly a himselfe What Tully ment to handle in his Academikes his thirteeneth Epistle of his first booke to Atticus openeth fully beeing rather indeed a whole volume then an Epistle He writeth also de diuinat lib. 2. that hee wrote fourth bookes of Academicall questions And though he certifie Atticus that hee hath drawne them into two yet wanteth there much and of the two that wee haue extant Nonius Marcellus quoteth the second diuers times by the name of the fourth The place Augustine citeth is not extant in the bookes wee haue b Doutbtlesse the most Uarro in his life time when enuy stirre
most was called the most learned of the Gowned men and which neuer man had besides him in his life had his statue set vp in the library which Asinius Pollio made publike at Rome c He saith not Varro as by his bookes left vs doth appeare either regarded not or els attained not any pleasing formality of stile d We saith hee Academ quest lib. 1 and the like is in Philippic 2. e Terentianus A Carthaginian liuing in Diocletians time hee wrote a worke of letters syllables and meeters in verse which is yet extant Seruius and Priscian cite him very often The verse Augustine quoteth is in the chapter of Phaleuciakes f hath written Gellius lib. 3. relateth out of Varro his first booke Hebdomarum that beeing foure-score and foure yeares of age hee had written 490. bookes of which some were lost at the ransacking of his library when he was proscribed The diuision of Varro's bookes which he stileth The antiquity of diuine and humaine affaires CHAP. 3. HE wrote one and forty bookes of antiquities diuiding them into affaires diuineand humaine these hee handled in fiue and twenty of them the diuine in sixteene so following the diuision that euery six bookes of humanity he diuided into a foure parts prosecuting the persons place time and nature of them all in his first sixe hee wrote of the men in the second sixe of the places in his third sixe of the times in his last sixe of the actions One singular booke as the argument of them all hee placed before them all In his d diuinitie also hee followeth the same methode touching the gods for their rites are performed by men in time and place The foure heads I rehersed hee compriseth in three bookes peculiar In the first three of the men the next three of places the third of the times the last of the sacrifices herein also handling who offred where when and what they offered with acuity and iudgement But because the chiefe expectation was to know to whom they offered of this followed a full discourse in his three last bookes which made them vp fifteene But in all 16. because a booke went as an argument by it selfe before all that followed which beeing ended consequently out of that fiue-fold diuision the three first bookes did follow of the men so sub-diuided that the first was of the Priests the second of the 3. of the fifteene d rite-obseruers His second three books of the places â—…dled 1. the Chappels second the Temples 3. the religious places The â—…hree bookes of the times handled first their holydaies 2. the Circensian gamâ—…s 3. the Stage-playes Of the three concerning the sacrifices the 1. handled â—…tions 2. the priuate offerings 3. the publike All these as the partes of thâ—…â—…recedent pompe the goddes them-selues follow in the three last they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all this cost is bestowed In the 1. the goddes knowne 2. the goddes â—…ine 3. the whole company of them 4. the selected principals of them 〈◊〉 in this goodly frame and fabriâ—…e of a well distinguisht worke it is appaâ—… tâ—… all that are not obstinately blinde that vayne and impudent are they that begge or expect eternall life of any of these goddes both by that we haue spoken 〈◊〉 â—…at wee will speake These are but the institutions of men or of diuels not goâ—…â—…ells as hee saith but to bee plaine wicked spirits that out of their 〈◊〉 mallice instill such pernitious opinions into mens phantasies by abuâ—… 〈◊〉 sences and illuding their weake capacities thereby to draw their 〈◊〉 â—…to vanity more deepe and vnloose the hold they haue or might haue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 changeable and eternall verity Varro professeth him-selfe to write of 〈◊〉 before Diuinity because first saith hee there were Citties and sociâ—… â—…ich afterward gaue being to these institutions But the true religion 〈◊〉 â—…riginall from earthly societies God the giuer of eternall comfort inspiâ—… iâ—…to the hearts of such as honour him L. VIVES 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 parts diuided them into foure sections not inducing parts of contrarieties of 〈◊〉 b In his Diuinity also Identidem the old books read but it may be an error in the 〈◊〉 â—…m is better In like manner c Augurs Their order is of great Antiquitie deriâ—… 〈◊〉 to Greece thence to Hetruria and the Latine Aborigines and so to Rome Romuâ—… Augur and made 3. others Dionisius He set an Augur in euery Tribe Liu. In proâ—…â—…me they added a fourth and afterwards fiue more which made vp nine And so they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Priests Consuls M. Valerius and Tarâ—…â—…he â—…he proud hauing bought the books of the Sybils appointed two men to looke in them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 need was those were called the Duumvirs of the sacrifices Afterwards these two were 〈◊〉 â—…enne by the Sextian Licinian law in the contention of the orders two yeares before the â—…ians were made capable of the Consulship and a great while after fiue more added wâ—…â—…mber stood firme euer after That by Varro's disputations the affaires of those men that worshipped the goddes are of farre more Antiquitity then those of the goddes them-selues CHAP. 4. Tâ—…is therefore is the reason Varro giueth why hee writes first of the men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…ter of the goddes who had their ceremonious institutions from men 〈◊〉 saith hee the Painter is elder then the picture and the Carpenter then the 〈◊〉 â—…re Citties before their ordinances But yet hee saith if hee were to write of 〈◊〉 â—…ll nature of the goddes hee would haue begun with them and haue dealt 〈◊〉 men afterwards As though heere hee writ but of part of their natures 〈◊〉 of all Or that a some part of the goddes nature though not all should 〈◊〉 â—…lwaies be preferred before men Nay what say you to his discourse in his 〈◊〉 lâ—…st bookes of goddes certaine goddes vncertaine and goddes selected 〈◊〉 hee seemes to omit no nature of the gods Why then should he say if wee 〈◊〉 â—…o write of all the nature of gods and men wee would haue done with the goddes ore wee would begin with the men Eyther hee writes of the goddes natures in whole in part or not all if in whole then should the discourse haue hadde first place in his worke if in part why should it not bee first neuerthelesse Is it vnfit to preferre part of the gods nature before whole mans If it be much to preferre it before all the worldes yet it is not so to preferre it before all the Romaines And the Bookes were written only in Romes respect not in the worlds yet saith he the men are fittest before as the Painter to the picture and the Carpenter to the building plainly intimating that the Deities affaires had as pictures and buildings haue their originall directly from man So then remayneth that hee wrote not all of the goddes natures which hee would not speake plainly out but leaue to the readers collection For where hee saith b not all Ordinarily it is vnderstood Some but may bee taken for None For none neyther
fourth the goods of the soule sciences artes and good opinions But in the first he putteth measure moderation and oportunity All which as hee writeth to Dionysius import that GOD is the proportion cause measure author and moderator of all goodnesse And in his 2. de Repub. hee calleth GOD the greatest good and the Idea of good And therefore Apuleius defineth GOD to bee the professor and bestower of Beatitude Dogm Plat. And Speusippus defineth him to be A liuing immortall and supernaturall essence sufficing to beatitude and cause of nature and all goodnesse The contemplation of this good didde Plato say made a man happy For in his Banquet Diotima a most wise woman biddeth Socrates to marke her speach well And then falling into a discourse that our loue concerned beauty at last shee drew to a deeper theame affirming a beauty that was eternall immutable and vndiminished nor increased nor fayre in one part and not in another nor beeing subiect to any vicissitude or alteration of times Nor beautyfull in one respect and not in all Whose beauty is neyther altered by place nor opinion nor is as a part or an accident of that essence wherein it is But it is euer existem in one and the same forme and from thence flowes all the Worldes beauty yet so as neyther the originall of any thing decreaseth it nor the decay augmenteth it or giueth any effect or change to it This holy and venerable beauty when a man beginneth to behold truly that is beeing dislinked from the loue of other beauties then is not hee farre from the toppe of his perfection For that is the way to thinges truly worth desiring Thus must wee bee truly ledde vnâ—… it when a man ascendeth by degrees from these inferior beauties vnto that supreme one transporting him-selfe from one fayre obiect vnto two and so vnto all the rest of all beautyfull desires where-vppon the like disciplines must needes follow of which the onely cheefe and cheefly to bee followed is the contemplation of that supreme beauty and from thence to draw this lesson thus must a man internally beauteous direct his life Saw you but this once cleare you would scorne ritches honours and exterior formes Tell me now saith shee how great a happynesse should hee giue thee that should shew thee this sincere this purest beauty not circumscript with a forme of mortality nor with coullors nor mettals or such like trash but in it selfe meerely diuine and one and the same to all eternity I pray thee wouldst thou not admire his life that should haue his wisnes so full as to behold and inioy this gloryous beauty O gloryous pertaker of vnchanged solid vertue Friend of the all powerfull God and aboue all other Diuine and immortall These are the wordes of wise Diotyma vnto Socrates to which hee replyeth that hee beleeued her and that hee laboureth to perswade man-kinde that there is no such meane to attaine the possession of this pulchritude as the loue of it and that no man should thinke it were ynough to dispute of it in wordes or to contemplate there-vppon with an vnpurged heart Which things is hard nay neere impossible saith Plato yet teacheth hee that beatitude is attained by imitation of GOD De leg 4. where speaking of GODS friendes and enemies hee saith That it must bee a wise mans continuall meditation how to follow God and make him the rule of his courses before all mortall men to whose likenesse his cheefe study must bee to â—…old him-selfe what it is to be like GOD hee sheweth in his Thaeatetus it is to bee iust wise and holy And in his Epistle to Hermeas and his fellowes hee saith That if any man bee a Phylosopher hee aymeth at the knowledge of God and his father as farre as happy men can attayne it And in his Epinomis speaking of GOD hee saith Him doth each man especially admire and consequently is inflamed with the power of humaine witte to labour for this beatitude in this life present and expecting a place after death with those that haue serued vertue This saith Plato who placed the greatest beatitude in the life to come For hee sayth in the same booke That none or very few can attayn happynesse in this life but great hope there is after this life to inioy the happynesse for which wee haue beene so carefull to keep and continue our courses in goodnesse and honesty And towards the end hee saith It is wickednes to neglect God the reason of all beeing so fully already discouered Hee that can make vse of all this I câ—…t him truly wise and firmely avow that when hee dyeth he shall not be any longer in the common fashion of this life but haue a certayne peculiar excellence alloted him to bee both most wise and most happie And liue a man so where he will in Iland or continent hee shall pertake this faelicity and so shall he that vseth these directions wheresoeuer in gouernment of others or in priuate estate referring all to God But as wee sayd before so say wee still very few attaine this perfection 〈◊〉 this life this life this is most true and no way rashly spoken Thus much out of his 〈◊〉 In the end of his De Repub. thus Behold now the rewards stable and glorious which 〈◊〉 shall receiue both of god and man besides the particular benefits that his iustice doth reâ—… 〈◊〉 But all these are nothing neither in number nor quantity in respect of those after death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phaedon wherefore saith Socrates while wee liue here on earth let vs haue as little 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…h the body as may be for so wee shall get to some knowledge and keeping a good watch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that God set vs free from it wee shall passe away pure from contagion to conuerse with 〈◊〉 â—…ies and by our selues haue full vnderstanding of that sincere and pure truth which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a going my way hath a great hope to bee there crowned with the fruition of 〈◊〉 â—…ch in his life he suffered so many afflictions And after If he be a true Philosopher that 〈◊〉 Gods must needs beare a great stroke with him namely that he cannot attaine the pure 〈◊〉 â—…ill after this life Thus much out of Plato in diuers places partly the words and 〈◊〉 â—…te which being assumed to shew his opinion out of his owne workes maketh 〈◊〉 â—…s to ad any quotations out of other Platonists b Euen those that loue I wounder 〈◊〉 his logike saith that their is no loue but delight the world controules him I 〈◊〉 â—…ent friend yet my delight departed with him But this is not the least nor the last 〈◊〉 â—…hat booke To enioy is to take delight of in any thing as Augustine writeth in his 〈◊〉 Wee enioy that wee take pleasure in of the vse and the fruit hereafter in the 〈◊〉 â—…ke c Whether the Ionian Though Plato had much from Pythagoras yet was 〈◊〉 Philosopher for hee followed Socrates more
before the other the other spent their wittes in seeking out of the causes of things the meanes of learning and order of life these knowing GOD found thâ—… their was both the cause of the whole creation the light of all true learning and the fount of all felicity So that what Platonists or others soeuer held thâ—…s of GOD they held as we doe But wee choose rather to deale with the a Plâ—…tonists then others because their workes are most famous for both the Greekes whose language is very greatly ' esteemed of the nations doâ—… preserue and extoll them and the Latines mooued by their excelleâ—… and glory learning them more willingly themselues and by recordiâ—… them in their tongues also left them the more illustrious and plaine to vs and to all posterity L. VIVES VVIth the a Platonists From Plato and Aristotles time vnto Aphrodiseus that liued vnder Seuerus and his sonne Aristotle was rather named amongst the learned then either read or vnderstood Aprodiseus first aduentured to explaine him and did set many on to search farther into the author by that light hee gaue yet did Plato keepe aboue him still vntill the erection of publike schooles in France and Italy that is as long as the Greeke and Latine tongues were in account but when learning grew Mercenary and Mimicall all their aime was gaine and contention and verbosity and sond subtility with vile fained wordes of arte and friuolous quillets then was Aristotles logike and physikes held fit for their purpose and many better bookes of his throwne aside But as for Plato because they vnderstood him not nay and Aristotle much lesse yet because hee teacheth no trickes oh neuer name him I speake not this to imply Aristotles learning more insufficient then Plato's but it is a shame that Plato a holy Philosopher should bee thrust by and Aristotles best part also and the rest so read that he must speake their pleasures beeing such fooleries as not Aristotle no not any mad man of his time would haue held or divulged Whence Plato might haue that knowledge that brought him so neare the Christian doctrine CHAP. 11. NOw some of our Christians admire at these assertions of Plato comming soneere to our beleefe of God So that some thinke that at his going to Egipt hâ—…e heard the Prophet a Hieremye or got to read some of the prophets bookes in his trauell these opinions I haue b else-where related But by all true chronicles supputation Plato was borne an 100. yeares after Ieremy prophecied Plato liued 81. yeares and from his death to the time that Ptolomy King of Egipt demanded the Hebrew prophecies and had them translated by the 70. Iewes that vnderstood the greeke also is reckned almost 60. yeares So that Plato in his trauell could neither see Hieremy beeing dead nor read the scriptures beeing not as yet translated into the greeke which he vnderstood c vnlesse as he was of an infatigable studie he had had them read by an interpretor yet so as hee might not translate them or coppy them which Ptolomy as a friend might intreate or as a King command but onely carry away what he could in his memory Some reason there is for this because Genesis beginneth thus In the beginning GOD treated heauen and earth and the earth was without forme and voide and darkenesse â—…as vpon the deepe the Spirit of GOD mooued vpon the wateâ—…s And Plato in his d Tiâ—…s saith that GOD first e ioyned the earth and the fire Now it is certaine that f hee meaneth heauen by fire so that here is a correspondence with the other In the beginning GOD created heauen and earth Againe hee saith that the two g meanes conioyning these extremities are water and ayre this some may thinke he had from the other The spirit of GOD mooued vpon the waters not minding in what sence the scripture vseth the word Spirit and because h ayre is a spirit therefore it may bee hee gathered that hee collected 4. elements from this place And whereas hee saith a Philosopher is a louer of God thâ—…re is nothing better squareth with the holy scriptures but that especially which maketh mee almost confesse that Plato wanted not these bookes that whereas the Angel that brought Gods word to Moyses being asked what his name was that bad him goe free the Israelites out of Egipt answered his name was i I am that I am And thus shalt thou say to the children of Israell I am hath sent me to you as if that in comparison of that which truely is being immutable the things that are immutable are not Plato stuck hard vpon this and commended it highly And I maâ—…e a doubt whether the like be to be found in any one that euer wrote before Plate except in that booke when it was first written so I am that I am and thou shalt tell them that I am sent me to you But wheresoeuer he had it out of others bookes before him or as the Apostle saith Because that which is knowne of God is manifest vnto them for God hath shewed it them For the inuisible things of him that iâ—… his eternall power and god-head are seene by the creation of the world being considered in his workes This maketh mee chose to deale with the Platonists in our intended question of naturall Theology namely whether the seruice of one GOD or many suffice for the felicity of the life to come For as touching the seruice of one or many for the helpes of this temporall life I thinke I haue said already sufficient L. VIVES PRophet a Hieremy Hee went with the two Tribes Beniamin and Iuda into Egipt and was there stoned at Tanis there the inhabitants honour him for the present helpe his tombe giues theÌ„ against the stinging of serpents b Else-where De Doctr. xpian 2. Eusebâ—… saith Hieremy began to prophecy the 36. Olympiade and Plato was borne the 88. of the Septuagines hereafter c Unlesse as he was Iustin Martyr in Paracl ad gent Euseb. de prâ—…p Theodor. de Graec. affect all affiâ—…me that Plato had much doctrine from the Hebrew bookes Herevpon Numenius the Philosopher said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what is Plato but Moyfes made Athenian And Aristobulus the Iewe writting to Philometoâ—… saith as Eusebius citeth it Plato did follow our law in many things for his diuers allegations haue prooued him an obseruer of it in particular things and that in many For the Pentateâ—…ch was translated before Alexanders time yea before the Persian Monarchy whence hee and Pythagoras had both very much d Timaeus So because Timaeus the Locrian is induced as disputing of the worâ—…d hâ—… had Plato heard in Italy and he wrote of the world in the dorike tongue out of which booke Plato hath much of his doctrine e Ioyned the earth The words are traâ—…slated by Tully thus Corporeum aspectabilem itemque tractabilem esse necessarium est nihil porrò igni vacuum
for the other the Romaines had those gods and this worship and the Grecians others the French others from theirs Spaine Scythia India Persia all seuerall Bâ—… all that professe CHRIST haue one GOD and one sacrifice d All for the world Liuing vnder Diocletian a sore persecutor of Christianity e Witnesses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a witnesse f â—…hy câ—…eth Why came it not ere now or so g Mountaine Some bookes leaue out of 〈◊〉 â—…se the 70. read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. the mount of the Lord and house of our God h Iâ—…â—…er It was the beginning or seminary of Gods Church i Commanded Some adde the deuills to depart but it is needlesse k Maternall The mistery is that nothing that oâ—… Sauiour touched is stained or corrupted l In prophecies In Moyses lawe m Performances In our law by Apostles and other holy Preachers n Concerning health Or to befal the health better o Confirming or the rule of which they challenge to themselues in fitting wicked aâ—…fections with correspondent effects For they can vse their powers of nature farre mâ—…re knowingly then we in procuring health or sicknesse Finis lib 10. THE CONTENTS OF THE eleuenth booke of the City of God 〈◊〉 Of that part of the worke wherein the deâ—…ion of the beginnings and ends of the â—…es the Heauenly and Earthly are deâ—… 〈◊〉 Of the knowledge of God which none can 〈◊〉 but through the Mediator betweene â—…d Man the Man Christ Iesus 〈◊〉 Of the authority of the canonicall scripâ—…â—…de by the spirit of God 〈◊〉 â—…at the state of the world is neither eâ—… nor ordained by any new thought of 〈◊〉 â—…f he meant that after which he meant â—…re 〈◊〉 â—…at we ought not to seeke to comprehend â—…te spaces of time or place ere the world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the World and Time had both one â—…g nor was the one before the other 〈◊〉 Of the first sixe daies that had morning â—…g ere the Sunne was made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we must thinke of Gods resting the 〈◊〉 â—…fter his six daies worke 〈◊〉 â—…is to bee thought of the qualities of 〈◊〉 â—…ording to scripture 〈◊〉 â—…e vncompounded vnchangeable 〈◊〉 Father the Sonne and the Holy 〈◊〉 God in substance and quality euer 〈◊〉 same 〈◊〉 â—…ether the Spirits that fell did euer 〈◊〉 the Angells in their blisse at their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 happinesse of the iust that â—…as yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reward of the diuine promise comâ—… the first men of Paradise before sins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whether the Angells were created in 〈◊〉 of happinesse that neither those that 〈◊〉 â—…hey should fall nor those that perseueâ—…â—…ew they should perseuer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this is meant of the deuill Hee aâ—… in the truth because there is no 〈◊〉 him 〈◊〉 Thâ—… meaning of this place The diuell 〈◊〉 from the beginning 〈◊〉 Of the different degrees of creatures 〈◊〉 â—…ble vse and reasons order do differ 17. That the vice of malice is not naturall but against nature following the will not the Creator in sinne 18. Of the beauty of this vniuerse augmented by Gods ordinance out of contraries 19. The meaning of that God seperated the light from the darkenesse 20. Of that place of scripture spoken after the seperation of the light and darkenesse And God saw the light that it was good 21. Of Gods eternall vnchanging will and knowledge wherin he pleased to create al things in forme as they were created 22. Concerning those that disliked some of the good Creators creatures and thought some things naturally euill 23. Of the error that Origen incurreth 24. Of the diuine Trinity notifying it selfe in some part in all the workes thereof 25. Of the tripartite diuision of all philosophicall discipline 26. Of the Image of the Trinity which is in some sort in euery mans nature euen before his glorification 27. Of Essence knowledge of Essence and loue of both 28. Whether we draw nearer to the Image of the holy Trinity in louing of that loue by which we loue to be and to know our being 29. Of the Angells knowledge of the Trinity in the Deity and consequently of the causes of things in the Archetype ere they come to be effected in workes 30. The perfection of the number of sixe the first is compleate in all the parts 31. Of the seauenth day the day of rest and compleate perfection 32. Of their opinion that held Angells to be created before the world 33. Of the two different societies of Angells not vnfitly tearmed light and darkenesse 34. Of the opinion that some held that the Angells were ment by the seuered waters and of others that held waters vncreated FINIS THE ELEVENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD. Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of that part of the worke wherein the demonstration of the beginings and ends of the two Citties the heauenly and the earthly are declared CHAP. 1. WE giue the name of the Citty of GOD vnto that society wherof that scripture beareth wittnesse which hath gotten the most excellent authority preheminence of all other workes whatsoeuer by the disposing of the diuine prouidence not the affectation of mens iudgements For there it is sayd Glorious things are spoken of thee thou Citty of God and in an other place Great As the LORD and greatly to bee praised in the Citty of our God euen vpon his holy mountaine increasing the ioy of all the earth And by and by in the same Psalme As wee haue heard so haue wee seene in the Citty of the Lord of Hoastes in the Citty of our God God â—…th established it for euer and in another The riuers streames shall make glad the Citie of God the most high hath sanctified his tabernacle God is in the middest of it vnâ—…ed These testimonies and thousands more teach vs that there is a Citty of God whereof his inspired loue maketh vs desire to bee members The earthly cittizens prefer their Gods before this heauenly Citties holy founder knowing not that he is the God of gods not of those false wicked and proud ones which wanting his light so vniuersall and vnchangeable and beeing thereby cast into an extreame needy power each one followeth his owne state as it were and begs peculiar honors of his seruants but of the Godly and holy ones who select their owne submission to him rather then the worlds to them and loue rather to worship him their God then to be worshipped for gods themselues The foes of this holy Citty our former ten bookes by the helpe of our Lord King I hope haue fully â—…ffronted And now knowing what is next expected of mee as my promise viz. to dispute as my poore talent stretcheth of the originall progresse and consummation of the two Citties that in this worldly confusedly together 〈◊〉 the assistance of the same God and King of ours I set pen to paper intending 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shew the beginning of these two arising from the difference betweene 〈◊〉 â—…gelical powers Of the
anew that was neuer acciâ—… 〈◊〉 it before e If they say that the happinesse misery haue bin coeternaleâ—… then must they be so still then followes this absurdity that the soule being 〈◊〉 shall not be happy in this that it foreseeth the misery to come If it 〈◊〉 foresee their blisse nor their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is it happily a false vnderstandâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a most fond assertion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they hold that the misery and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…ed each other froÌ„ al eternity but that afterwards the soule beâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no more to misery yet doth not this saue theÌ„ from being câ—…ed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was neuer truly happy before but then begineth to enioy 〈◊〉 new vncertâ—… happines so they coÌ„fesse that this so strang vnexpected 〈◊〉 thing befâ—…ls the soule then that neuer befel it before which new changes cause 〈◊〉 â—…y deny yâ— God eternally foreknew they deny him also to be the author of that 〈◊〉 which were wicked to doe And then if they should say that hee 〈◊〉 resolued that the soule should not become eternally blessed how farre 〈◊〉 â—…m quitting him from that mutability which they disallow But if 〈◊〉 â—…ledge that it had f a true temporall beginning but shall neuer 〈◊〉 â—…ral end hauing once tried misery and gotten cleare of it shal neuer 〈◊〉 â—…ble more this they may boldly affirme with preiudice to Gods immuâ—… will And so they may beeleeue that the world had a temporall origiâ—… 〈◊〉 that God did not alter his eternall resolution in creating of it L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a made Epicurus his question Câ—…c de nat deor 1. Uelleius reasons of it b They 〈◊〉 This is a maine doubt mightily diuided and tossed into parts by great wittes and 〈◊〉 â—…tes Some hold the world neuer made nor euer ending so doe the Peripatetiâ—…â—…y â—…y Latines as Pliny and Manilius follow them Cato the elder saith that of the 〈◊〉 â—…me said it was created but must bee eternall as they in the other booke said Plaâ—… said it was from eternity but must haue an end Some that God made it corrupâ—…â—…dlesse as preserued by the diuine essence and these are Pythagoreans Some say it 〈◊〉 beginning and must haue an end the Epicureans Anaxagoras Empedocles and the 〈◊〉 this Of these Plut. de Plac. Philoso Galen Histor. Philosoph if that booke bee his 〈◊〉 die nat Macrobius and others doe write Aphrodiseus stands to Aristotle beâ—…â—…inion was the most battered at Galen made the sences iudges of all the whole 〈◊〉 because wee see the same world all in the same fashion therefore it was vncreaâ—… bee eternall For as Manilius saith The Father sees not one world the Sonne anoâ—… of them that make it eternall say that God made it Some giue it no cause of beeâ—… it cause of it selfe and all besides Arist. de caelo mundo c Order Chance 〈◊〉 â—…ke so singularly an ordered worke nor any other reason or work-man but beauâ—… could produce so beauteous an obiect All the Philosophers schooles that smelt of 〈◊〉 held directly that nothing prooued the world to bee of Gods creating so much 〈◊〉 â—…ll beauty thereof Plato the Stoikes Cicero Plutarch and Aristotle were all thus 〈◊〉 Cic. de nat de lib. 2. d In that of the soule Plato thrusts their eternal soules into 〈◊〉 â—…nto prisons for sins coÌ„mitted e If they They must needs say they were either euer 〈◊〉 euer wretched or successiuely both which if it be the alteration of the soules naâ—…â—…use it perforce For what vicissitude of guilt and expiation could there bee for so 〈◊〉 â—…sand yeares of eternity so constant as to make the soules now blessed and now miâ—… A true Some read a beginning as number hath number begins at one and so runs 〈◊〉 the great number may stil be increased nor can you euer come to the end of numâ—… hath no end but is iustly called infinite 〈◊〉 we ought not to seeke to comprehend the infinite spaces of time or place ere the world was made CHAP. 5. 〈◊〉 then let vs see what wee must say to those that make God the worlds 〈◊〉 and yet examine the time and what they wil say to vs when wee exaâ—… of the place They aske why it was made then and no sooner as wee â—…ke why was it made in this place and in no other for if they imagine inâ—…â—…paces of time before the world herein they cannot thinke that God did 〈◊〉 so likewise may they suppose infinite spaces of place besides the world 〈◊〉 if they doe not make the Deity to rest and not operate they must fall to 〈◊〉 a his dreame of innumerable worlds onely this difference there wil be 〈◊〉 all his worlds of the b casuall coagulation of Atomes and so by their 〈◊〉 dissolues them but they must make all theirs Gods handiworkes if the will not let him rest in all the inter-mirable space beyond the world and haue none of all them worlds no more then this of ours to bee subiect to dissolution c foâ—… we now dispute with those that doe as wee doe make God the incorporeall Creator of all things that are not of his owne essence For those that stand for many gods they are vnworthy to bee made disputants in this question of religion The other Philosophers haue quite d out-stript all the rest in fame and credit because though they werefarre from the truth yet were they nearer then the rest Perhaps they will neither make Gods essence dilatable not limmitable but as one should indeed hold will affirme his incorporeall presence in all that spacious distance besides the world imploied onely in this little place in respect of his immensity that the world is fixt in I doe not thinke they will talke so idly If they set God on worke in this one determinate though greatly dilated world that reason that they gaue why God should not worke in all those infinite places beyond the world let them giue the same why God wrought not in all the infinite times before the world But as it is not consequent that God followed chance rather then reason in placing of the worlds frame where it now standeth in no other place though this place had no merit to deserue it before the infinite others yet no mans reason can comprehend why the diuine will placed it so euen so no more is it consequent that wee should thinke that it was any chance made God create this world than rather then at any other time whereas all times before had their equall course and none was more meritorious of the creation then another But if they say men are fond to thinke there is any place besides that wherein the world is so are they say wee to immagine any time for God to bee idle in since there was no time before the worldes creation L. VIVES EPicurus a his dreame Who held not onely many worlds but infinite I shewed it elsewhere Metrodorus saith it as absurd to imagine but
saith they did eâ—…e flesh n Wee see many creatures Dogges Crowes and Foxes when they want flesh will eate fruites Figges and Chest-nuts especially and liue as well with them as with all the flesh in the world Finis lib. 15. THE CONTENTS OF THE sixteenth booke of the City of God 1. Whether there be any families of Gods citiâ—…ns named betweene Noah and Abraham 2. What prophetique misteries were in the sâ—…es of Noah 3. Of the generations of the three sonnes of Noah 4. Of the confusion of tongues and the building of Babilon 5. Of Gods comming downe to confound the language of those Tower-builders 6. The manner how GOD speaketh to his Angells 7. Whether the remote Iles were supplied with the beasts of al sorts that were saued in the Arke 8. Whether Adams or Noaths sonnes begot any monstrous kindes of men 9. Whether their bee any inhabitants of the 〈◊〉 called the Antipodes 10. Of the generation of Sem in which the City of God lyeth downe vnto Abraham 11. That the Hebrew tongue so called afterâ—… of Heber was the first language vpon 〈◊〉 and remayned in his family when that great confusion was 12. Of that point of time wherein the Citty 〈◊〉 GOD began a new order of succession in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Why there is no mention of Nachor Thaâ—… 〈◊〉 in his departure from Caldea into Meâ—…ia 14. Of the age of Thara who liued in Charra vntill his dyinge day 15. Of the time wherein Abraham receiued the promise from God departed from Charra 16. The order and quality of Gods promises made vnto Abraham 17. Of the three most eminent kingdomes of 〈◊〉 world the cheefe of which in Abrahams 〈◊〉 â—…as most excellent of all 18. Of Gods second promise to Abraham that 〈◊〉 his seed should possesse the land of Canaan 19. How God preserued Saras chastity in Egipt when Abraham would not be knowne that she was his wife but his sister 20. Of the seperation of Lot and Abraham without breach of charity or loue betweene 〈◊〉 21. Of Gods third promse of the land of Caâ—… to Abraham and his seede for euer 22. How Abraham ouerthrew the enemies of 〈◊〉 â—…mits freed Lot from captiuity and was â—…ed by Melchisedech the Priest 23. Of Gods promise to Abraham that hee would make his seed as the starres of heauen and that he was iustified by faith before his circumsision 24. Of the signification of the sacrifice which Abraham was commanded to offer when he desired to be confirmed in the thâ—…gs he beleeued 25. Of Agar Saras bondwoman whome shee gaue as concâ—…e vnto Abraham 26. Of Gods promise vnto Abraham that Sara though she were olâ—… should haue a son that should be the father of the â—…tion and how this promise was sealed in the mistery of circumsision 27. Of the man-child that if it were not circumsised the eighâ—… day it perished for breaking of Gods couenant 28. Of the changing of Abrahams and Saras names who being the one to barrâ—… and both too old to haue children yet by Gods bounty were both made fruitfull 29. Of the three men or Angells wkerin God appeared to Abraham in the plaine of mambrâ—… 30. Lots deliuerance Sodomes distruction Abimaleches lust and Sarahs chastity 31. Of Isaac borne the time prefixed and named so because of his parents laughter 32. Abrahams faith and obedience proued in his intent to offer his sonne Sarahs death 33. Of Rebecca Nachers neece whom Isaac married 34. Abrahams marrying Keturah after Sarahs death and the meaning thereof 35. The appointment of God concerning the two twins in Rebeca's woombe 36. Of a promise and blessing receiued by Isaac in the manner that Abraham had receiued his 37. Of Esau and Iacob and the misteries included in them both 38. Of Iacobs iourny into Mesopotamia for a wife his vision in the night as he went his returne with foure women whereas hee went but for one 39. Iacob enstiled Israel The reason of this change 40. Iacobs departure into Egipt with seuenty fiue soules how to bee taken seeing some of them were borne afterwards 41. Iacobs blessing vnto his sonne Iudah 42. Of Iacobs changing of his hands from the heads of Iosephs sons when he blessed them 43 Of Moyses his times â—…osua the Iudges the Kings Sâ—…ule the first 〈◊〉 Dauid the cheefe both in merrit and in misticall reference FINIS THE SIXTEENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Whether there be any families of Gods cittizens named betweene Noah and Abraham CHAP. 1. TO finde in the euidences of holy writ whether the Glorious Citty of GOD continued on in a good course after the deluged or through the second inundation of impiety was so interrupted as Gods religion lay wholy vnrespected is a very difficult matter because that in all the canonicall scriptures after that Noah and his three sonnes with his and their wiues were saued by the Arke from their deluge we cannot finde any one person vntill Abrahams time euidently commended for his piety only Noahs propheticall blessing of his two sonnes Sem and Iaphet wee doe see and know that he knew what was to follow along time after Wherevpon he cursed his middlemost sonne who had offended him not in himselfe hee layd not I say the curse vpon himselfe but vpon his grand-child saying Cursed be Canaan a seruant of seruants shall hee be vnto his brethren This Canaan was Chams sonne his that did not couer but rather discouer his fathers nakednesse a And then did he second this with a blessing vpon his eldest sonnes saying blessed be the Lord God of Sem and let Canaan be his seruant The Lord make Iaphet reioyce b that he may dwell in the tents of Sem all which together with Noahs planting a vine-yeard beeing drunken with the wine and vncouered in his sleepe all those circumstances haue their propheticall interpretations and mysticall references L. VIVES ANd a then A diuersity of reading the best lies before you b That he may dwel Hierome saith it is meant of the Christians who expelling the Iewes doe dwell and inioye the light of the holy scriptures What prophetique misteries were in the sonnes of Noah CHAP. 2. BVt their true euent hath now cleared their former obscurity for what diligent obseruer sees them not all in Christ Sem of whose seed Christs humâ—…nity came is interpreted Named And who is more named then Christ whose name is now so fragrant that the propheticall Canticle compareth it to an 〈◊〉 powred out in whose houses that is in whose churches the diffused nations shall inhabite For Iaphet is diffused But Cham who is interpreted hotte Noaâ—…s middle sonne beeing as distinct from both and remayning betweene both beeing neither of the first fruites of Israell nor of the fullnesse of the nations what is hee but a type of our hotte heretiques not hotte in the spirit of wisdome but of a turne-coate suttletie that burneth in their hearts to the
taken and the Temple destroied 26. The Romaines were freed from their Kings and Israell from captiuity both at one time 27. Of the times of the Prophets whose bookes wee haue how they prophecied some of them of the calling of the nation in the declyning of the Assirrian Monarchy and the Romanes erecting 28. Prophecies concerning the Ghospell in Osee and Amos. 29. Esay his prophecies concerning Christ. 30. Prophecies of Micheas Ionas and Ioel correspondent vnto the New Testament 31. Prophecies of Abdi Nahum and Abacuc concerning the worlds saluation in Christ. 32. The prophecy contained in the song and praier of Abacuc 33. Prophecies of Hieremy and Zephany concerning the former theames 34. Daniels and Ezechiells prophecies concerning Christ and his church 35. Of the three prophecies of Agge Zachary and Malachi 36. Of the bookes of Esdras and the Machabees 37. The Prophets more ancient then any of the Gentile philosophers 38. Of some scriptures too ancient for the church to allow because that might procure a suspect that they are rather counterfit then truâ—… 39. That the Hebrew letters haue bin euer continued in that language 40. The Egiptians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 claime their wisdome the age of 10000 〈◊〉 41. The dissention of Philosophers 〈◊〉 concord of canonicall scriptures 42. Of the translations of the Old 〈◊〉 out of Hebrew into Greeke by the ordinance 〈◊〉 God for the benefit of the nations 43. That the translation of the 〈◊〉 most authenticall next vnto the Hebrew 44. Of the destruction of Niniuy which the Hebrew prefixeth forty daies vnto and the â—…tuagints but three 45. The Iewes wanted Prophets euer after the repairing of the Temple and were afflicted euen from thence vntill Christ came to 〈◊〉 that the Prophets spake of the building of the other Temple 46. Of the words Becomming Flesh 〈◊〉 Sauiours Birth and the dispersion of the Ieweâ—… 47. Whether any but Israelites before Christ time belonged to the City of God 48. Aggeis prophecy of the glory of 〈◊〉 house fulfilled in the church not in the Temple 49. The churches increase vncertaine because of the commixtion of Elect and reprobate in this world 50. The Ghospell preached and gloriousâ—… confirmed by the bloud of the preachers 51. That the church is confirmed euen by the schismes of heresies 52. Whether the opinion of some be credible that their shal be no more persecutions after ten ten past but the eleauenth which is that of Aâ—…techristes 53. Of the vnknowne time of the last pâ—…secution 54. The Pagans foolishnesse in affirâ—… that christianity should last but three hundreth sixty fiue yeares FINIS THE EIGHTEENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Arecapitulation of the seauenteene bookes past concerning the two Citties continuing vnto the time of Christs birth the Sauiour of the world CHAP. 1. IN my confutations of the peruerse contemners of Christ in respect of their Idols and the enâ—…ious enemies of christianity which was all that I did in my first ten bookes I promised to continue my discourse through the originall progresse limmites of the two Citties Gods and the Worldâ—… as far as should concerne the generation of mankinde Of this my triplet promise one part the originalls of the citties haue I declared in the next foure bookes part of the second the progresse from Adam to the deluge in the fifteenth booke and so from thence vnto Abraham I followed downe all the times as they lay But whereas from Abrahams fathers time vntill the Kingdome of the Israelites where I ended the sixteenth booke and from thence vnto our Sauiours birth where I ended the seauenteenth I haue onely caried the Citty of God along with my pen whereas both the Citties ran on together in the generations of mankinde this was my reason I desired first to manifest the descent of those great and manifold promises of God from the beginning vntill Hee in whom they all were bounded and to be fulfilled were come to be borne of the Virgin without any interposition of ought done in the Worldly citty during the meane space to make the Citty of God more apparent although that all this while vntill the reuelation of the New Testament it did but lie inuolued in figures Now therefore mâ—…st I beginne where I left and bring along the Earthly Citty from Abrahams time vnto this point where I must now leaue the heauenly that hauing brought both their times to one quantity their comparison may shew them both with greater euidence Viues his Preface vnto his commentaries vpon the eighteenth booke of Saint Augustine his Citty of God IN this eighteenth booke wee were to passe many darke waies and often-times to feele for our passage daring not fixe one foote vntill wee first groped where to place it as one must doe in darke and dangerous places Here wee cannot tarry all day at Rome but must abroade into the worlds farthest corner into linages long since lost and countries worne quite out of memory pedegrees long agoe laid in the depth of obliuion must wee fetch out into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like Cerberus and spread them openly Wee must into Assyria that old Monarchy 〈◊〉 once named by the Greekes And Sycionia which the very Princes therof sought to suppresse from memory themselues debarring their very fathers from hauing their names set on their tombes as Pausanias relateth and thence to Argos which being held the most antique state of Greece is all enfolded in fables then Athens whose nimble wits ayming all at their countries honour haue left truth sicke at the heart they haue so cloied it with eloquence and wrapped it vp in cloudes Nor is Augustine content with this but here and there casteth in hard walnuts and almonds for vs to crack which puts vs to shrewd trouble ere wee can get out the kernell of truth their shells are so thicke And then commeth the latine gests all hackt in peeces by the discord of authors And thence to the Romanes nor are the Greeke wise-men omitted It is fruitlesse to complaine least some should thinke I doe it causelesse And here and there the Hebrew runneth like veines in the body to shew the full course of the Two Citties the Heauenly and the Earthly If any one trauelling through those countries and learning his way of the cunningest should for all that misse his way some times is not he pardonable I pray you tho and will any one thinke him the lesse diligent in his trauell none I thinke What then if chance or ignorance lead me astray out of the sight of diuers meane villages that I should haue gone by my way lying through deserts and vntracted woods and seldome or neuer finding any to aske the right way of am I not to bee borne with I hope yes Uarro's Antiquities are all lost And the life of Rome None but Eusebius helped mee in Assyria but that Diodorus Siculus and some others set mee in once or twise I had a booke by mee called Berosus
of Iuda kiiled Cbr. 2. 34. 21. he whome Christ said was killed betweene the Temple and the Altar Mat. 23. 35. b Malachi His name interpreted is His Angell and so the seauenty called him where-vpon Origen vpon this prophet saith that hee thinketh it was an Angell that prophecyed this prophecy if we may beleeue Hieromes testimony herein Others call him Malachi for indeed names are not to be altered in any translation No man calleth Plato Broade Or Aristotle good perfection or Iosuah the Sauiour or Athens Minerua Names are to be set downe in the proper Idiome other-wise the names of famous men being translated into seuerall tongues should obscure their persons fame by being the more dispersed which makes me wonder at those that will wring the Greeke names c. vnto their seuerall Idiomes wherein their owne conceit doth them grosse wrong Caesar was wise to deale plainely in giuing the french Germaine each his contries names only making them declinable by the Latine But to Malachi Some by concordance of their stides say that he was Esdras and prophecied vnder Darius the sonne of Histaspis Of Esdras in the next chapter c Reioyce greatly This whole quotation and the rest differ much from our vulgar translation d Upon a colt The Euangelist S. Mathew readeth it vpon a colt and the fole of an asse â—…sed to the yoke cha 21. ver 5. The Iewes that were yoaked vnder so many ceremonies were prefigured herein But the free and yong colt as the seauenty do translate it was the type of the Gentiles take which you will God sitteth vpon both to cure both from corruption and to bring both saluation e Shalbe incense offred The seauenty read it is offred because the Prophets often speake of things to come as if they were present yea and some-times as if they were past The translation of the seauenty is some-what altred in the following quotation Of the bookes of Esdras and the Machabees CHAP. 36. AFter Agee Zachary Malachy the three last Prophets in the time of the said captiuity a Esdras wrote but he is rather held an Historiographer then a Prophet As the booke of b Hester is also contayning accidents about those times all tending to the glory of God It may bee said that Esdras prophecied in this that when the question arose amongst the young men what thing was most powerfull one answering Kings the next wine and the third women for they often command Kings c yet did the third adde more and said that truth conquered althings Now Christ in the Gospell is found to bee the truth From this time after the temple was re-edified the Iewes had no more kings but princes vnto d Aristobulus his time The account of which times wee haue not in 〈◊〉 canonicall scriptures but in the others e amongst which the bookes of the Machabees are also which the church indeed holdeth for canonicall f because of the vehement and wonderfull suffrings of some Martires for the law of God before the comming of Christ. Such there were that endured intollerable â—…ments yet these bookes are but Apocryphall to the Iewes L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a A most skilfull scribe of the law he was Hierom saith he was that Iosedech whose 〈◊〉 Iesus was priest He they say restored the law which yâ— Chaldaees had burnt not without 〈◊〉 assistance changed the hebrew letters to distinguish theÌ„ froÌ„ the Samaritanes Gentiles which then filled Iudea Euseb. The Iewes afterwards vsed his letters only their accents differed from the Samaritans which were the old ones that Moyses gaue them b Hester 〈◊〉 â—…tory fell out saith Iosephus in the time of Artaxerxes other-wise called Cyrus for Xerxes was the sonne of Darius Histaspis and Artaxerxes surnamed Long-hand was sonne to him in whose time the Iewes were in such danger by meanes of Haman because of Mardochee Hesters vncle as there booke sheweth This Nicephorus holdeth also But Eusebius saith this could not bee that the Iewes should bee in so memorable a perill and yet Esdras who wrot their fortunes vnder Artaxerxes neuer once mention it So that hee maketh this accident to fall out long after in the time of Artaxerxes Mnemon bastard sonne to Darius and him the Hebrewes called Assuerus saith hee Indeed Bede is of this minde also But I feare Eusebius his accompt is not so sure as Iosephus but in this wee recite opinions onely leauing the iudgement c Yet did the third This was Zarobabel that said truth was about all Esd. 33. los. Ant. lib. 11. but the third and fourth booke of Esdras are Apocryphall Hierome reiecteth them as dreames d Aristobulus Sonne to Ionathas both King and Priest he wore the first diademe in Iudaea foure hundred eighty and foure yeares after the captiuity vnder Nabucadonosor e Machabees Hierome saw the first of those bookes in Hebrew the latter hee knew to bee penned first in Greeke by the stile Iosephus wrot the history of the Machabees as Hierome saith Contra Pellagian I cannot tell whether hee meane the bookes that we haue for scripture or another Greeke booke that is set forth seuerall and called Iosephâ—…ad Machabeos There is a third booke of the Machabees as yet vntranslated into Latine that I know of that I thinke the Church hath not receiued for canonicall f Because of â—…or there were seuen brethren who rather then they woold breake the law endured together with their mother to be flayed quicke rather then to obey that foule command of Antiochus against God The Prophets more ancient then any of the Gentile Philosophers CHAP. 37. IN our a Prophets time whose workes are now so farre diuulged there were no Philosophers stirring as yet for the first of them arose from b Pithagoras of Samos who began to bee famous at the end of the captiuity So that all other Philosophers must needes bee much later c for Socrates of Athens the chiefe Moralist of his time liued after Esdras as the Chronicles record And â—…o one after was Plato borne the most excellent of all his scholers To whom if we ad also the former seauen who were called sages not Philosophers and the Naturalists that followed Thales his study to wit Anaximander Anaximenes Anaxagoras and others before Pythagoras professed Philosophy not one of these was before the Prophets for Thales the most ancient of them all liued in Romulus his time when this Propheticall doctrine flowed from the fountaine of Israell to be deriued vnto all the world Onely therefore the Theologicall Poets Orpheus Linus Musaeus and the others if there were anymore were before our canonicall prophets But they were not more ancient then our true diuine Moyses who taught them one true God and whose bookes are in the front of our Canon and therfore though the learning of Greece warmeth the world at this day yet neede they not boast of their wisdome being neither so ancient nor so excellent as our diuine religion and the true wisdome we confesse not that
and this he relateth by way of recapitulation as it was reuealed vnto him I saw saith he a great white throne and one that sate on it from whose face flew away both the earth and heauen and their place was no more found He saith not and heauen and earth flew away from his face as importing their present flight for that befell not vntill after the iudgement but from whose face flew away both heauen and earth namely afterwards when the iudgment shall be finished then this heauen and this earth shall cease and a new world shall begin But the old one shall not be vtterly consumed it shall onely passe through an vniuersall change and therefore the Apostle saith The fashion of this world goeth away and I would haue you with-out care The fashion goeth away not the nature Well let vs follow Saint Iohn who after the sight of this throne c. proceedeth thus And I sawe the dead both great and small stand before God and the bookes were opened and another booke was opened which is the booke a of life and the dead were iudged of those things which were written in the bookes according to their workes Behold the opening of bookes and of one booke This what it was hee sheweth which is the booke of life The other are the holy ones of the Old and New-Testament that therein might be shewed what God had commanded but in the booke b of life were the commissions and omissions of euery man on â—…th particularly recorded If we should imagine this to be an earthly booke 〈◊〉 as ours are who is he that could imagine how huge a volume it were or how long the contents of it all would be a reading Shall there be as many Angells as men and each one recite his deeds that were commited to his guard then shall there not bee one booke for all but each one shall haue one I but the Scripture here mentions but one in this kind It is therefore some diuine power â—…ed into the consciences of each peculiar calling all their workes wonderfully strangely vnto memory and so making each mans knowledge accuse or excuse his owne conscience these are all and singular iudged in themselues This power diuine is called a booke and fitly for therein is read all the facts that the doer hath committed by the working of this hee remembreth all But the Apostle to explaine the iudgement of the dead more fully and to shâ—…w how it compriseth greate and small he makes at it were a returne to what he had omitted or rather deferred saying And the sea gaue vp her dead which were within 〈◊〉 and death and Hell deliuered vp the dead which were in them This was before that they were iudged yet was the iudgment mentioned before so that as I said he returnes to his intermission hauing said thus much The sea gaue vp her dead c. As afore he now proceedeth in the true order saying And they were iudged euery 〈◊〉 according to his workes This hee repeateth againe here to shew the order 〈◊〉 was to manage the iudgment whereof hee had spoken before in these words And the dead were iudged of those things which were written in the bookes acâ—…g to their workes L. VIVES OF a life So readeth Hierome and so readeth the vulgar wee finde not any that readeth it Of the life of euery one as it is in some copies of Augustine The Greeke is iust as wee â—…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of life without addition Of the dead whom the Sea and death and hell shall giue vp to Iudgement CHAP. 15. BVt what dead are they that the Sea shall giue vp for all that die in the sea are not kept from hell neither are their bodyes kept in the sea Shall we say that the sea keepeth the death that were good and hell those that were euill horrible â—…dity Who is so sottish as to beleeue this no the sea here is fitly vnderstood to imply the whole world Christ therefore intending to shew that those whome he found on earth at the time appointed should be iudged with those that were to rise againe calleth them dead men and yet good men vnto whom it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are dead and your life is hidden with Christ in God But them he calleth euill of whome hee sayd Let the dead bury their dead Besides they may bee called dead in that their bodies are deaths obiects wherefore the Apostle saith The 〈◊〉 is dead because of sinne but the spirit is life for righteousnesse sake shew that in a mortall man there is both a dead body and a liuing spirit yet said hee not the body is mortall but dead although according to his manner of speach hee had called bodies mortall but alittle before Thus then the sea gaue vppe her dead the world waue vppe all mankinde that as yet had not approached the graue And death and hell quoth hee gaue vp the dead which were in them The sea gaue vp his for as they were then so were they found but death and hell had theirs first called to the life which they had left then gaue them vp Perhaps it were not sufficient to say death onely or hell onely but hee saith both death and hell death for such as might onely die and not enter hell and hell for such as did both for if it bee not absurd to beleeue that the ancient fathers beleeuing in Christ to come were all at rest a in a place farre from all torments and yet within hell vntill Christs passion and descension thether set them at liberty then surely the faithfull that are already redeemed by that passion neuer know what hell meaneth from their death vntill they arise and receiue their rewards And they iudged euery one according to their deedes a briefe declaration of the iudgement And death and hell saith he were cast into the lake of fire this is the second death Death and Hell are but the diuell and his angells the onely authors of death and hells torments This hee did but recite before when he said And the Diuell that deceiued them was cast into a lake of fire and brimstone But his mistical addition Where the beast and the false Prophet shall be tormented c. That he sheweth plainly here Whosoeuer was not found written in the booke of life was cast into the lake of fire Now as for the booke of life it is not meant to put God in remembrance of any thing least hee should forget but it sheweth who are predestinate vnto saluation for God is not ignorant of their number neither readeth hee this booke to finde it his prescience is rather the booke it selfe wherein all are written that is fore-knowen L. VIVES IN a a place They call this place Abrahams bosome wherein were no paines felt as Christ sheweth plainely of Lazarus Luc. 16. and that this place was farre from the dungeon of the wicked but where it is or what is
ignes Vp to that round ithyes Where the darke ayre doth kisse the spangled skies For in that region 'twixt the Moone and vs The Demi-gods and spirits generous Of those whom vertuous ardor guided well On earth in euer-lasting glory dwell Homer saith that the Elysian fields are in the farthest parts of Spaine whence the Fauonian windes blowe Witnesse Strabo who saith also that the Riuer Limaea now called Liuia was whilom called Lethe So doth Silius and Mela call it when Decimus Brutus lead the Romaine souldiours that way they were afraide to passe it least they should haue forgotten their country wiues friends them-selues and all The translation of Strabo calleth it Essâ—… but it is an errour Silius saith it runnes amongst the Grauii Mela amongst the Celtici Indeede the Insulae fortunata a second Elysium are not farre from this part of Spaine Finis lib. 21. THE CONTENTS OF THE TWO and twentith booke of the City of God 1. Of the estate of Angels and of Men. 2. Of the eternall and vnchangeable will of God 3. The promise of the Saints eternall blisse and the wickeds perpetuall torment 4. Against the wise-men of the world that hold it impossible for mans body to bee transported vp to the dwellings of ioy in heauen 5. Of the resurrection of the body beleeued by the whole world excepting some few 6 That loue made the Romaines deifie their founder Romulus and faith made the Church to loue her Lord and maister Christ Iesus 7. That the beleefe of Christs deity was wrought by Gods power not mans perswasion 8. Of the miracles which haue beene and are as yet wrought to procure and confirme the worlds beleefe in Christ. 9. That all the miracles done by the Martyrs in the name of Christ were onely confirmations of that faith whereby the Mariyrs beleeued in Christ. 10. How much honour the Martyres deserue in obtaining miracles for the worship of the true God in respect of the Deuills whose workes tend all to make men thinke that they are Gods 11. Against the Platonists that oppose the eleuation of the body vp to Heauen by arguments of elementary ponderosity 12. Against the Infidels calumnies cast out in scorne of the Christians beleefe of the resurrection 13. Whether Abortiues belong not to the resurrection if they belong to the dead 14. Whether Infants shall rise againe in the stature that they dyed in 15. Whether all of the resurrection shall bee of the stature of Christ. 16. What is meant by the confirmation of the Saints vnto the Image of the Sonne of God 17. Whether that women shall retaine their proper sexe in the resurrection 18. Of Christ the perfect man and the Church his body and fulnesse 19. That our bodies in the resurrection shall haue no imperfection at all what-so-euer they haue had during this life but shall â—…e perfect both in quantity and quality 20. That euery mans body how euer dispersed heere shall bee restored him perfect at the resurrection 21. What new and spirituall bodies shall bee giuen vnto the Saints 22. Of mans miseries drawne vpon him by his first parents and taken away from him onely by Christs merits and gratious goodnesse 23. Of accidents seuered from the common estate of man and peculiar onely to the iust and righteous 24. Of the goods that God hath bestowed vpon this miserable life of ours 25. Of the obstinacie of some few in denying the resurrection which the whole world beleeueth as it was fore-told 26. That Porphiries opinion that the blessed soules should haue no bodies is confuted by Plato him-selfe who saith that the Creator promised the inferiour Deities that they should neuer loose their bodies 27. Contrarieties betweene Plato and Porphery wherein if either should yeeld vnto other both should finde out the truth 28. What either Plato Labeo or Varro might haue auailed to the true faith of the resurrection if they had had an harmony in their opinions 29. Of the quality of the vision with which the Saints shall see GOD in the world to come 30. Of the eternall felicity of the Citty of GOD and the perpetuall Sabboth FINIS THE TVVO AND TVVENTITH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the estate of Angels and of men CHAP. 1. THIS present volume being the last of this whole worke shall containe a discourse of the eternall beatitude of the Citty of God Which Cittie is not called eternall as if it should continue for the space of so many or so many thousand ages and then haue an end but as it is written in the Ghospell Of his kingdome there shall bee none end Nor shall this perpetuitie preserue the forme by succession as a Baye tree seemeth to keepe a continuall verdure though one leafe fall of and another spring vp but euery Cittizen therein shall bee immortall and man shall attaine to that which the Angells haue neuer forgone This God the founder of this Citty will effect for so hee hath promised who cannot lye and who to confirme the rest hath effected part of his promises already Hee it is that made the world with all things sensible and intelligible therein whose chiefe worke the spirits were to whome hee gaue an vnderstanding making them capable of his contemplation and combining them in one holy and vnited society which wee call the Citty of God holy and heauenly wherein God is their life their nutriment and their beatitude Hee gaue a free election also vnto those intellectuall natures that if they would for sake him who was their blisse they should presently bee enthralled in misery And fore-knowing that certaine of the Angels proudly presuming that them-selues were sufficient beatitude to them-selues would forsake him and all good with him hee did not abridge them of his power knowing it a more powerfull thing to make good vse of such as were euill then to exclude euill for altogether Nor had there beene any euill at all but that those spirits though good yet mutable which were formed by the omnipotent and vnchangeable Deitie procured such euill vnto them-selues by sinne which very sinne prooued that their natures were good in them-selues For if they had not beene so although inferiour to the maker their apostacie had not fallen so heauie vpon them For as blindnesse beeing a defect prooueth plainely that the eye was made to see the excellencie of the eye beeing heereby made more apparent for other-wise blindnesse were no deffect so those natures enioying GOD prooued them-selues to bee created good in their very fall and that eternall misery that fell vpon them for forsaking GOD who hath giuen assurance of eternall perseuerance vnto those that stood firme in him as a fitte reward for their constancy He also made man vpright of a free election earthly yet worthy of Heauen if he stuck fast to his Creator otherwise to pertake of such misery as sorted with a nature of that kinde and fore-knowing likewise that he
of the incorruptible body Of mans bodily health in this world and the weakenesse of it in respect of immortality I thinke our thirteenth booke conteineth what will satisfie Let such as haue not read this booke or will not rehearse what they haue read read the passages of this present volume already recorded L. VIVES NOt a Peters Magick He toucheth at Porphyryes slandering of Saint Peter with sorcery and Magicall enchantments as you may read in the end of the eighteenth booke That Porphyryes opinion that the blessed soules should haue no bodiss is confuted by Plato himselfe who saith that the Creator promised the inferiour deities that they should neuer loose ther bodyes CHAP. 26. YEa but saith Porphyry a blessed soule must haue no body so that the bodies incorruptibility is nothing worth if the soule cannot bee blessed vnlesse it want a body But hereof wee haue sufficiently argued in the thirteenth booke onely I will rehearse but one onely thing If this were true then Plato their great Maister must goe reforme his bookes and say that the GODS must goe and leaue their bodies for hee saith they all haue celestiall bodyes that is they must dye ere they can bee blessed how-so-euer that hee hath made them promised them immortality and an eternall dwelling in their bodies to assure them of their blisse and this should come from his power-full will not from their natures The same Plato in the same place ouer-throwes their reason that say there shall be no resurrection because it is impossible for GOD the vncreated maker of the other Gods promising them eternity saith plainly that hee will doe a thing which is impossible for thus quoth Plato hee said vnto them Because you are created you cannot but hee mortall and dissoluble yet shall you neuer dye nor be dissolued fate shall not controule my will which is a greater bond for your perpetuity then all those where-by you are composed No man that heareth this bee hee neuer so doltish so hee bee not deafe will make any question that this was an impossibility which Platoes Creator promised the deities which hee had made For saying You cannot bee eternall yet by my will you shall bee eternall what is it but to say my will shall make you a thing impossible Hee therefore that as Plato saith did promise to effect this impossibility will also raise the flesh in an incorruptible spirituall and immortall quality Why doe they now crye out that that is impossible which GOD hath promised which the world hath beleeued and which it was promised it should beleeue seeing that Plato him-selfe is of our minde and saith that GOD can worke impossibilities Therefore it must not bee the want of a body but the possession of one vtterly incorruptible that the soule shall be blessed in And what such body shall bee so fitte for their ioy as that wherein whilest it was corruptible they endured such woe They shall not then be plagued with that desire that Virgil relateth out of Plato saying Rursus incipiunt in corpora velle reuerti Now gan they wish to liue on earth againe I meane when they haue their bodies that they desired they shall no more desire any bodyes but shall possesse those for euer without beeing euer seuered from them so much as one moment Contrarieties betweene Plato and Porphyry wherein if eyther should yeeld vnto other both should find out the truth CHAP. 27. PLato and Porphyry held diuers opinions which if they could haue come to reconcile they might perhaps haue prooued Christians Plato said That the soule could not bee alwayes without a body but that the soules of the wisest at length should returne into bodyes againe Porphyry sayd That when the purged soule ascendeth to the father it returnes no more to the infection of this world Now if Plato had yeelded vnto Porphyry that the soules returne should bee onely into an humaine body and Porphyry vnto Plato that the soule should neuer returne vnto the miseries of a corruptible body if both of them ioyntly had held both these positions I thinke it would haue followed both that the soules should returne into bodies and also into such bodies as were befitting them for eternall felicity For Plato saith The holy soules shall returne to humaine bodyes and Porphyry saith The holy soules shall not returne to the euills of this world Let Porphyry therefore say with Plato They shall returne vnto bodyes and Plato with Porphyry they shall not returne vnto euills And then they shall-both say They shall returne vnto such bodyes as shall not molest them with any euills namely those wherein GOD hath promised that the blessed soules should haue their eternall dwellings For this I thinke they would both grant vs that if they confessed a returne of the soules of the iust into immortall bodies it should bee into those wherein they suffred the miseries of this world and wherein they serued GOD so faithfully that they obteined an euerlasting deliuery from all future calamities What either Plato Labeo or Varro might haue auailed to the true faith of the resurrection if there had beene an Harmonie in their opinions CHAP. 28. SOme of vs liking and louing Plato a for a certaine eloquent and excellent kinde of speaking and because his opinion hath beene true in some things say that he thought some thing like vnto that which we doe concerning the Resurrection of the b dead Which thing Tully so toucheth in lib. de rep that hee affirmeth that hee rather spake in sport than that he had any intent to relate it as a matter of truth For c he declareth a man reuiued and related some things agreeable to Platoes disputations d Labeo also saith that there were two which dyed both in one day and that they met together in a crosse-way and that atferward they were commanded to returne againe to their bodies and then that they decreed to liue in perpetuall loue together and that it was so vntill they dyed afterward But these authors haue declared that they had such a resurrection of body as they haue had whome truly wee haue knowne to haue risen againe and to haue beene restored to this life but they doe not declare it in that manner that they should not dye againe Yet Marcus Varro recordeth a more strange admirable and wonderfull matter in his bookes which hee wrote of a Nation of the people of Rome I haue thought good to set downe his owne words Certaine Genethliaci wisards Haue written saith he that there is a regeneration or second birth in men to bee borne againe which the Greekes call f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They haue written that it is brought to passe and effected in the space of foure hundred and fortie yeares so that the same body and soule which had bene foretime knit together should returne againe into the same coniunction and vnion they had before Truly this Varro or those Genethliaci I know not who they are For he
vnlesse it be shored vppe by the worship of many gods whom the blinded Pagans haue beene accustomed to worship and adore auerring but their truth is meere false-hood that neglect and contempt of their vnworthy adoration hath beene the fountaine from whence these bitter waters of aduerse occurrences haue streamed abundantly and ouerflowed them But the other fiue following are not meale-mouthed but speake boldly against them which confesse that the spring of worldly euills is not exhausted nor shal euer be dried vp but the current flowing some-time more some-times lesse some-times swiftly some times slowly changing their state according to the circumstance of places times and persons yet fondly are they opinionated for verity hath not made them a warrant that the deuout adoration of many gods in which sacrifices are offered vnto their imaginary Deity is profitable for the life which wee hope for after death Therefore in these ten bookes the absurdity of these two vaine opinions both deadly foes vnto Christian religion is discouered and confuted But least some man may vpbraid mee that I am too forward to disproue the assertions of others and slow enough to proue mine owne the other part of this worke which is confined within the bounds of twelue bookes is directed to that purpose Although in the first ten where it is needfull wee are not behinde hand to confirme the truth of our owne opinions and also to infringe the authority of contrary oppositions in the twelue bookes ensewing Therefore the first foure of the twelue following containe the originall of two Citties of which one belongeth to GOD the other to this World The second foure containe their progresse The third foure which are the last conteine their due bounds Now though all the two and twenty bookes are compiled together of both Citties yet they haue taken their title from the better part and haue the name of the Citty of God printed on their fore-head In the tenth booke it ought not to bee set downe for a miracle that the fire falling from heauen ranne betweene the deuided sacrifices when ABRAHAM sacrificed because this was shewed vnto him in a vision In the seauenteenth booke where it is sayd of SAMVEL He was not of the sonnes of ARON it should rather haue beene sayd He was not the sonne of the Priest For it was a more lawfull custome that the sonnes of the Priests should succeed in the roome of the deceassed Priests For the Father of SAMVEL is found in the sonnes of ARON but hee was not a Priest yet not so in his sonnes as if ARON had begot him but in such sort as all of that people are said to bee the sonnes of ISRAEL This worke beginneth thus That most glorious society and celestiall Cittie of GOD c. THE CONTENTS OF THE first booke of the City of God 1. Of the aduersaries of the name of Christ spared by the Barbarians in the sacking of Rome onely for Christs sake 2. There neuer was warre wherein the Conquerors would spare them whome they conquered for the gods they worshipped 3. Of the Romaines fondnesse in thinking that those gods could helpe them which could not helpe Troy in her distresse 4. Of the Sanctuary of Iuno in Troy which freed not any that fled into it from the Greeks at the Citties sack whereas the Churches of the Apostles saued all commers from the Barbarians at the sack of Rome Caesars opinion touching the enemies custome in the sack of Citties 5. That the Romaines themselues neuer spared the Temples of those Citties which they conquered 6. That the cruell effects following the losses of warre did but follow the custome of war wherein they were moderated it was through the power of the name of Iesus Christ. 7. Of the commodities and discommodities commonly communicated both to good and ill 8. Of the causes of such corrections as fall both vpon the good and bad together 9. That the Saints in their losse of things temporall loose not any thing at all 10. Of the end of this transitory life whether it be long or short 11. Of buriall of the dead that it is not preiudiciall to the state of a Christian soule to be forbidden it 12. The reasons why wee should bury the bodies of the Saints 13. Of the captiuity of the Saints and that 〈◊〉 they neuer wanted spirituall comfort 14. Of Marcus Regulus who was a famous example to animate all men to the enduring of voluntary â—…tiuity for their religion which notwithstanding was vnprofitable vnto him by reason of his Paganisme 15. Whether the taxes that the holy Uirgins suffered against their wills in their captiuities could pollute the vertues of their minde 16. Of such as chose a voluntary death to avoide the feare of paine and dishonor 17. Of the violent lust of the souldiers executed vpon the bodies of the captiues against their consents 18. Of Lucrecia that stab'd her selfe because Tarquins sonne had rauished her 19. That their is no authority which allowes christians to bee their owne deaths in what cause so euer 20. Of some sort of killing men which notwithstanding are no murthers 21. That voluntary death can neuer bee any signe of magnanimity or greatnesse of spirit 22. Of Cato who killed himselfe being not able to endure Caesars victory 23. That the Christians excell Regulus in that vertue wherein he excelled most 24. That sinne is not to bee avoided by sinne 25. Of some vnlawfull acts done by the Saints and by what occasion they were done 26. Whether wee ought to flie sinne with voluntary death 27. How it was a Iudgement of GOD that the enemy was permitted to excercise his lust vpon the Christians bodies 28. What the seruants of Christ may answer the Infidells when they vpbraide them with Christs not deliuering them in their afliction from the fury of the enemies fury 29. That such as complaine of the Christian times desire nothing but to liue in filthy pleasures 30. By what degrees of corruption the Romans ambition grew to such a height 31. Of the first inducing of stage-plaies 32. Of some vices in the Romaines which their Citties ruine did neuer reforme 33. Of the clemency of GOD in moderating this calamity of Rome 34. Of such of GODS elect as liue secretly as yet amongst the Infidells and of such as are false Christians 35. What subiects are to be handled in the following discourse FINIS THE FIRST BOOKE OF SAINT AVGVSTINE Bishop of Hippo his Cittie of God vnto MARCELLINVS Of the aduersaries of the name of Christ spared by the Barbarians in the sacking of Rome onely for Christs sake CHAP. 1. THAT most glorious society and celestiall Citty of Gods faithfull which is partly seated in the course of these declining times wherein he that liueth a by faith is a Pilgrim amongst the wicked and partly in that solid estate of eternitie which as yet the other part doth paciently expect vntill b righteousnesse be turned into iudgment being then by the
Liâ—… lib. 25. Marcellus entring vpon the walles and looking ouer all the citty standing at that time 〈◊〉 and goodly is said to haue shed teares partly for ioy of this so great a conquest and partly for pitty of the Cities ancient glory The ouer-throwe of the Athenian nauie the wracke of two great armies with their Captaines so many warres and rich Kings and all that before him to be in a moment on fire came all into his minde at once This is also in Ualerius Maximus de humanitate e Nay he had a care Liuie as before Marcellus by a generall consent of the Captaines forbad the soldiers to violate any free body leauing them all the 〈◊〉 â—…or spoile which edict contained the assurance of the sayd free women from death and all other violence as well aâ—… that of their chastities f Fabius the conqueror of Tarentum In the second Carthaginian warre Tarentum a famous citie in Calabria fell from the Romanes vnto Hanâ—…bal but 〈◊〉 Salinator the Captaine of the Romane garrison retired into the tower This Citie Fabâ—… Maximus recouered and gaue his soldiors the spoile of it This is that Fabius that in the said second Punicke warre by his sole wisdome put life into all the Romanes dying hopes and by his cunning protraction blunted the furie of Hannibal And of him Enius said truly Vnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem One mans wise set delay restor'd vs all I neither can nor list now to stand vpon all the errors of the first Commentator of this booke it were too tedious and too troublesome But because in this place he goeth astray with many others who indeed in other mens iudgements are learned in such matters but in their owne iudgements most learned nor to say trueth are they vnlearned I could not choose but giue the reader this admonition that this Fabius is not hee that was called Maximus but his Grandfather was called so because hee being Censor with P. Decius diuided the whole commonty of Rome into foure Tribes which he named Vrbanae though I deny not that this Fabius of whom Augustine speaketh deserued this name but the world as then did not giue it him g Secretary Hereof read Liuie in his 27. Booke That the cruell effects following the losses of warre did but follow the custome of warre and wherein they were moderated it was through the power of the name of Iesus Christ. CHAP. 6. THerefore all the spoile murther burning violence and affliction that in this fresh call amitie fell vpon Rome were nothing but the ordinary effects following the a custome of warre But that which was so vnaccustomed that the sauage nature of the Barbarians should put on a new shape and appeare so mercifull that it would make choise of great and spacious Churches to fill with such as it meant to shew pitty on from which none should bee haled to slaughter or slauerie in which none should bee hurt to which many by their courteous foes should be conducted and out of which none should bee lead into bondage This is due to the name of Christ this is due to the Christian profession he that seeth not this is blinde hee that seeth it and praiseth it not is thanklesse hee that hinders him that praiseth it is madde God forbid that any man of sence should attribute this vnto the Barbarians brutishnesse It was God that struck a terror into their truculent and bloudy spirits it was he that bridled them it was he that so wonderously restrained them that had so long before fore-told this by his Prophet b I will visit their offences with the rod and their sinne with scourges yet will I not vtterly take my mercy from them L. VIVES CVstome a of warre Quintilian recordes the accidents that follow the sacking of Cities in his eight booke thus The flames were spread through the temples a terrible cracking of falling houses was heard and one confused sound of a thousand seuerall clamours Some fled they knew not whether some stuck fast in their last embraces of their friends the children and the women howled and the old men vnluckily spared vntill that fatall day then followed the tearing away of all the goods out of house and temple and the talke of those that had carried away one burden and ranne for another and the poore prisoners were driuen in chaines before their takers and the mother endeuouring to carry her silly infant with her and where the most gaine was there went the victors together by th' eares Now these things came thus to passe because the soldiers as they are a most proud and insolent kinde of men without all meane and modestie haue no power to temper their auarice lust or furie in their victory and againe because taking the towne by force if they should not do thus for terror to the enemie they might iustly feare to suffer the like of the enemy b I will visit It is spoken of the sonnes of Dauid Psal. 89. If they be not good c. Of the commodities and discomodities commonly communicated both to good and ill CHAP. 7. YEa but will a some say Why doth God suffer his mercy to be extended vnto the gracelesse and thankelesse Oh! why should we iudge but because it is his worke that maketh the sunne to shine daily both on good and bad the raine to fal both on the iust and vniust For what though some by meditating vpon this take occasion to reforme their enormities with repentance other some as the Apostle saith despising the ritches of Gods goodnes and long suffering in their hardnesse of heart and impenitency b do lay vp vnto them-selues wrath against the day of wrath and the reuelation of Gods iust iudgement who will c reward each man according to his workes Neuerthelesse Gods patience still inuiteth the wicked vnto repentance as this scourge doth instruct the good vnto patience The mercy of God imbraceth the good with loue as his seuerity doth correct the bad with paines For it seemed good to the almighty prouidence to prepare such goods in the world to come as the iust onely should inioy and not the vniust and such euils as the wicked only should feele and not the godly But as for these temporall goods of this world hee hath left them to the common vse both of good and badde that the goods of this world should not be too much desired because euen the wicked doe also partake them and that the euils of this world should not bee too cowardly auoyded where-with the good are sometimes affected But there is great difference in the d vse both of that estate in this world which is called prosperous and that which is e called aduerse For neither do these temporall goodes extoll a good man nor doe the euill deiect him But the euill man must needs bee subiect to the punishment of this earthly vnhappinâ—…sse because hee is first corrupted by this earthly happinesse
vndoubted faith in our scriptures all which made choyce rather to endure the tirany of their enemies then bee their owne butchers But now we will prooue out of their owne records that Regulus was Cato's better in this glory For Cato neuer ouer-came Caesar vnto whom he scorned to be subiect and chose to murder himselfe rather then bee seruant vnto him But Regulus ouer-came the Africans and in his generallship returned with diuers noble victories vnto the Romanes neuer with any notable losse of his Citizens but alwaies of his foes and yet being afterwards conquered by them hee resolued rather to endure slauery vnder them then by death to free himselfe from them And therein hee both preserued his paciencie vnder the Carthaginians and his constancy vnto the Romanes neither depriuing the enemy of his conquered body nor his countrymen of his vnconquered minde Neither was it the loue of this life that kept him from death This hee gaue good proofe of when without dread hee returned back vnto his foes to whō he had giuen worse cause of offence in the Senate-house with his tongue then euer he had done before in the battaile with his force therefore this so great a conqueror and contemner of this life who had rather that his foes should take it from him by any torments then that hee should giue death to himselfe howsoeuer must needes hold that it was a foule guilt for man to bee his owne murderer Rome amongst all her worthies and eternized spirits cannot shew one better then hee was for hee for all his great victories continued b most poore nor could mishap amate him for with a fixt resolue and an vndanted courage returned he vnto his deadliest enemies Now if those magnanimous and heroicall defenders of their earthly habitacles and those true and sound seruants of their indeede false gods who had power to cut downe their conquered foes by lawe of armes seeing themselues afterwardes to bee conquered of their foes neuerthelesse would not be their owne butchers but although they feared not death at al yet would rather endure to bee slaues to their foes superiority then to bee their owne executioners How much more then should the Christians that adore the true God and ayme wholie at the eternall dwellings restraine themselues from this foule wickednesse whensoeuer it pleaseth God to expose them for a time to taste of temporall extremities either for their triall or for correction sake seeing that hee neuer forsaketh them in their humiliation for whom hee being most high humbled himselfe so low e especially beeing that they are persons whom no lawes of armes or military power can allowe to destroy the conquered enemies L. VIVES IN a his flesh For hee was afflicted with a sore kinde of vlcere b Most poore Liuy in his eighteene booke and Valerius in his examples of pouerty write this When Attilius knew that his generallship was prolonged another yeare more hee wrote to the Senate to haue them send one to supply his place His chiefe reason why hee would resigne his charge was because his seauen acres of ground beeing all the land hee had was spoyled by the hired souldiers which if it continued so his wife and children could not haue whereon to liue So the Senate giuing the charge of this vnto the Aediles looked better euer after vnto Attilius his patrimony c Especialy being that they He makes fighting as far from Christian piety as religious humanity is from barbarous inhumanity That sinne is not to be auoided by sinne CHAP. 24. VVHat a pernicious error then is heere crept into the world that a man should kill himselfe because either his enemy had iniured him or means to iniure him whereas hee may not kill his enemy whether hee haue offended him or bee about to offend him This is rather to bee feared indeede that the bodie beeing subiect vnto the enemies lust with touch of some enticing delight do not allure the will to consent to this impurity And therefore say they it is not because of anothers guilt but for feare of ones owne that such men ought to kill themselues before sinne be committed vpon them Nay the minde that is more truly subiect vnto God and his wisdome then vnto carnall concupiscence will neuer be brought to yeeld vnto the lust of the owne flesh be it neuer so prouoked by the lust of anothers But if it be a damnable fact and a detestable wickednesse to kill ones selfe at all as the truth in plaine tearmes saith it is what man will bee so fond as to say let vs sinne now least we sinne hereafter let vs commit murder now least wee fall into adultery hereafter If wickednesse be so predominant in such an one as hee or shee will not chuse rather to suffer in innocence than to escape by guilt is it not better to aduenture on the vncertainety of the future adultery then the certainety of the present murder is it not better to commit such a sinne as repentance may purge then such an one as leaues no place at all for repentance This I speake for such as for auoyding of guilt not in others but in themselues and fearing to consent to the lust in themselues which anothers lust inciteth doe imagine that they ought rather to endure the violence of death But farre bee it from a Christian soule that trusteth in his God that hopeth in him and resteth on him farre bee it I say from such to yeeld vnto the delights of the flesh in any consent vnto vncleanesse But if that a concupiscentiall disobedience which dwelleth as yet in our b dying flesh doe stirre it selfe by the owne licence against the law of our will how can it bee but faltlesse in the body of him or her that neuer consenteth when it stirres without guilt in the body that sleepeth L. VIVES COncupiscentiall a Disobedience The lust of the bodie is mooued of it selfe euen against all resistance and contradiction of the will and then the will being ouercome by the flesh from hence ariseth shame as we will shew more at large hereafter b Dying flesh Our members being subiect vnto death doe die euery day and yet seeme to haue in them a life distinct from the life of the soule if then the lustfull motions that betide vs in sleepe bee faltlesse because the will doth not consent but nature effects them without it how much more faltlesse shall those bee wherein the will is so so farre from resting onely that it resists and striues against them Of some vnlawfull acts done by the Saints and by what occasion they were done CHAP. 25. BVt there were a some holy women say they in these times of persecution who flying from the spoylers of their chastities threw themselues head-long into a swift riuer which drowned them and so they died and yet their martirdomes are continually honored with religious memorialls in the Catholike Church Well of these I dare not iudge rashly in any thing
not to destroy Carthage but euen not to beginne a warre with the Carthaginians without a lawfull and sufficient cause Liuie and others c As if they were young punies Ualerius writeth that Appius Claudius vsed often to say that imployment did far more extâ—…l the people of Rome then quiet that excesse of leisure and rest melted them into slothfulnesse but the rough name of businesse kept the manners of the cittie in their pristine state vndeformed when the sweet sound of quiet euer ledde in great store of corruption d When Carthage was raized Salust in his war of Iugurth saith thus for before Carthage was raized the Senate and People of Rome gouerned the weale-publike wel quietly and modestly betwixt thâ—…-selues nor was there any contention for glory or domination amongst them the feare of the foes kept all the Citty in good arts orders but that feare being once remoued and abolished then the attendants of prosperous estates pride and luxury thrust in vnrestrained e And bloudy sediâ—… As first that of Tiberius Gracchus then that of Caius his brother in which two was the first ciuill effusion of Cittizens bloud beheld the first of these happened tenne yeares after Carthage was destroyed f By continual giuing of worse and worse causes For through the sedition of Caius Gracchus was the office of the Tribuneship inuented and bestowed on Liâ—… Drusus whom the Senators opposed against the Gentlemen who stood for the law that Gracchus had made Hence arose the war called Sociale Bellum because Drusus reformed not the citty as hee promised and hence arose the warre of Mithridates who taking aduantage of this discord of Italie made many thousands of the Italians that traffick'd in his dominions to bee slaine and hence arose the ciuill warre of Marius who sought to gette the vndertaking of this Prouince and warre of Mithridates from Sylla And from the seedes of this warre sprung the warres of Sertorius Lepidus the conspiracy of Catiline and lastly the warre of Pompey And from that sprung the Empire of Caesar and after his death the ciuil warres of Anthony of Brutus and Cassius at the Philippi of Sextus Pompeius in Sicilia and that of Actiâ—… And lastly the common-weales freedome turned into a tiriannical monarchy By what degrees of corruption the Romaines ambition grew to such a height CHAP 30. FOr when 〈◊〉 eâ—…er this lust of soueraignty cease in proud mindes vntill it 〈◊〉 by coâ—… of honours attained vnto the dignitie of regall domination And if their ambition didde not preuaile they then hadde no meane to continue their honours Now ambition would not preuaile but amongst a people wholly corrupted with coueteousnes and luxury And the people is alwâ—…s infected with these two contagions by the meanes of affluent prosperity which Nasica did wisely hold fit to be fore-seene and preuented by not condiscending to the abolishing of so strong so powerfull and so ritch a citty of their enemies thereby to keepe luxurie in awfull feare that so it might not become exorbitant and by that meanes also couetousnesse might be repressed Which two vices once chained vp vertue the citties supporter might flourish and a liberty befitting this vertue might stand strong And hence it was out of this most circumspect zeale vnto his country that your said high Priest who was chosen by the Senate of those times for the best man without any difference of voices a thing worthy of often repetition when the Senate would haue built a a Theater disswaded them from this vaine resolution and in a most graue oration perswaded them not to suffer the b luxurie of the Greekes to creepe into their olde conditions nor to consent vnto the entrie of forraigne corruption to the subuersion and extirpation of their natiue Romaine perfection working so much by his owne onely authoritie that the whole bench of the iudicious Senate being moued by his reasons expresly prohibited the vse of c those mooueable seates which the Romaines began as then to vse in the beholding of Playes How earnest would hee haue beene to haue cleansed the citie of Rome of the d Playes themselues if hee durst haue opposed their authoritie whom he held for Gods being ignorant that they were malitious Diuels or if hee knew it then it seemes hee held that they were rather to bee pleased then despised For as yet that heauenly doctrine was not deliuered vnto the world which purifying the heart by faith changes the affect with a zealous piety to desire and aime at the blessings of heauen or those which are aboue the heauens and freeth men absolutely from the slauery of those proud and vngracious Deuills L. VIVES BVilt a a Theater Liuie in his 48. booke and Valerius Maximus de Instit. antiq write that Ualerius Messala and Cassius being Censors had giuen order for a Theater to bee built wherein the people of Rome might sitte and see playes But Nasica laboured so with the Senate that it was held a thing vnfit as preiudiciall to the manners of the people So by a decree of the Senate all that preparation for the Theater was laide aside and it was decreed that no man should place any seates or sitte to behold any playes within the citie or within a mile of the walles And so from a little while after the third Affrican warre vntill the sacke of Corinthe the people beheld all their playes standing but as then Lucius Memmius set vp a Theater for the Playes at his Triumph but it stood but for the time that this triumph lasted The first standing Theater Pompey the Great built at Rome of square stone as Cornelius Tacitus writeth lib. 14. the modell whereof hee had at Mytilene in the Mithridatique warre Cauea here in the text signifieth the middle front of the Theater which afterward was diuided into seates for the Gentlemen seuered into rankes and galleries Some-times it is taken for the whole audience as Seruius noteth vpon the eight of the Aeneads b The luxurie of the Greekes the Grecians had Theaters before the Romaines many ages and the very Greeke name prooues that they came first from Greece For Theater is deriued of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is spectare to behold c Those moueable seates standing but for a time For such Theaters were first in vse at Rome before the standing the continuing Theaters came in and were made with mooueable seates as Tacitus saith and the stage built for the present time d The Playes themselues Such as were presented vpon the Stage whereof in the next booke we shall discourse more at large Of the first inducing of Stage-playes CHAP. 31. BVt know you that know not this and marke you that make shew as if you knew it not and murmur at him that hath set you free from such Lords that your Stage-playes those a spectacles of vncleannesse those licentious vanities were not first brought vp at Rome by the corruptions of the men but by the direct commands of
sacriâ—…es 5. Of the obscaenaties vsed in the sacrifices offred vnto the mother of the gods 6. That the Pagan gods did neuer establish the doctrine of liuing well 7. That the Philosophers instructions are weake and bootlesse in that they beare no diuine authoritie because that the examples of the Gods are greater confirmation of vices in men then the wise mens disputations are on the contrary 8. Of the Romaine Stage-playes wherin the publishing of their foulest impurities did not any way offend but rather delight them 9. What the Romaines opinion was touching the restraint of the liberty of Poefie which the Greekes by the councell of their Gods would not haue restrained at all 10. That the Deuils through their settled desire to doe men mischiefe were willing to haue any villanie reported of them whether true or false 11. That the Greeks admitted the Plaiers to beare office in their commonweales least they should seeme vniust in despising such men as were the pacifiers of their 〈◊〉 12. That the Romaines in abridging thâ—…r liberty which their Poets would haue vpon men and allowing them to vse it vpon their Gods did herein shew that they prised themselues aboue the Gods 13. That the Romaines might haue â—…serued their Gods vnworthinesse by the 〈◊〉 of such obscane solemnitiâ—… 14. That Plato who would not allow Poets to dwell in a well gouerned Citie shewed herein that his sole worth was better then all the Gods who desire to bee honored with Stage-playes 15. That flattery and not Reason created some of the Romaine Gods 16. That if the Romaine Gods had had any care of iustice the Citty should haue had her forme of gouernment from them rather then to borrow it of other nations 17. Of the rape of the Sabine women and diuerse other wicked facts done in Romes most ancient honorable times 18. What the history of Salust reports of the Romains conditions both in their times of danger and those of securitie 19. Of the corruptions ruling in the Romaine state before that Christ abolished the worship of their Idols 20. Of what kind of happinesse and of what conditions the accusers of Christianitie desire to pertake 21. Tullies opinion of the Romaine common-weale 22. That the Romaine Gods neuer respected whether the Citty were corrupted and so brought to destruction or no. 23. That the variety of temporall estates dependeth not vpon the pleasure or displeasure of those Deuils but vpon the iudgments of God Almighty 24. Of the acts of Sylla wherein the Deuils shewed themselues his maine helpers and furtherers 25. How powerfully the Deuils incite men to villanies by laying before them examples of diuine authority as it were for them to follow in their villanous acts 26. Of certaine obscure instructions concerning good manners which the Deuils are said to haue giuen in secret whereas all wickednesse was taught in their publique solemnities 27. What a great meanes of the subuersion of the Romaine estate the induction of those Playes was which they surmized to be propitiatory vnto the Gods 28. Of the saluation attained by the Christian religion 29. An exhortation to the Romaines to renounce their Paganisme THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE CITTY OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the method which must of necessity be vsed in this disputation CHAP. 1. IF the weake custome of humaine sence durst not bee so bold as to oppose it selfe against the reasons of apparant truth but would yeeld this languid infirmitie vnto wholesome instruction as vnto a medicine which were fittest to apply vntill by Gods good assistance and faiths operation it were throughly cured then those that can both iudge well and instruct sufficiently should not need many words to confute any erronious opinion or to make it fully apparant vnto such as their desires would truly informe But now because there is so great and inueterate a dâ—…sease rooted in the mindes of the ignorant that they will out of their extreame blindnesse whereby they see not what is most plaine or out of their obstinate peruersnesse whereby they will not brooke what they see defend their irrationall and brutish opinions after that the truth hath beenetaught them as plaine as one man can teach another hence it is that a there ariseth a necessitie that bindeth vs to dilate more fully of what is already most plaine and to giue the truth not vnto their eyes to see but euen into their heads as it were to touch and feele Yet notwithstanding this by the way What end shall wee make of alteration if we hold that the answerers are continually to be answered For as for those that either cannot comprehend what is said vnto them or else are so obstinate in their vaine opinions that though they do vnderstand the truth yet will not giue it place in their minds but reply against it as it is written of them like spectators of iniquitie those are eternally friuolous And if wee should binde our selues to giue an answer to euery contradiction that their impudencie will thrust forth how falsly they care not so they do but make a shew of opposition vnto our assertions you see what a trouble it would be how endlesse and how fruitlesse And therefore sonne Marcelline I would neither haue you nor any other to whom this our worke may yeeld any benefit in Iesus Christ to read this volume with any surmise that I am bound to answer whatsoeuer you or they shall heare obiected against it least you become like vnto the women of whom the Apostle saith that they were alwayes learning and neuer able to come vnto the knowledge of the truth L. VIVES Hâ—… 〈◊〉 iâ—… that a there ariseth a necessity The latine text is fit necessitus spoken by a Gâ—…e figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Demosthenes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 necessitas for necesse and it is an ordinary phrase with them though the Latynes say est necessitas as Quintilian hath it Arepetition of the Contentes of the first booke CHAP. 2. THerefore in the former booke wherein I began to speake of the City of God to which purpose all the whole worke by Gods assistance shall haue reserence I did first of all take in hand to giue them their answere that are so shamelesse as to impute the calamities inflicted vpon the world and in particular vpon Rome in her last desolation wrought-by the Vandales vnto the religion of Christ which forbids men to offerre seruice or sacrifice vnto deuills whereas they are rather bound to ascribe this as a glory to Christ that for his names sake alone the barbarous nations beyond all practise and custome of warres allowed many and spacious places of religion for those ingratefull men to escape into and gaue such honor vnto the seruants of Christ not only to the true ones but euen to the counterfeit that what the law of armes made lawfull to doe vnto all men they held it vtterly vnlawfull to offer vnto them
Scirent longos vbi circumflectere cursus Saith Virgil. Here did Aencas sette vpon an oke A signall which inform'd the Saylers plaine How far to row and where to turne againe Aevead 〈◊〉 I haue seeene this place of the text read thus in an old copy Quâ mollis flexus et vnde which indeed is not much amisse Anthony of Lebrixa our industrious gramarian readeth it so d Wealthes meane Out of Plato whence Persius hath all his morallitie In the dialogue called Phaedo Socrates prayeth thus O my deare Pan and all you other goddes giue me that eternal beautie grant that all my externall adiuncts may bee confined to my affects within let me thinke him onely wealthy that is wise Let me haue but so much of riches as no man but he that is temperate can sway or dispose off Thus prayed Socrates and indeed moderat wealth is better worth wishing then excesse e And that for which This he hath from Alcibiades in Plato lib. 2. de voto Wherein Plato teacheth him what to pray for The said sentence of Socrates Valerius rehearseth also Lib. 7. Of prayers Iuuenall saith thus Orandum est vt sit mens sana in corpore sano Pray for a sound soule in as sound a breast Perhaps this limitation of Persius hath reference to that which followeth How to vse money f How to vse money Asper in the text ioyned with Nummus signifieth the roughnesse of the coyne being newly stampt and which is worne smooth by passing from hand to hand So Plinie calles carued vessells which are graced with any bosses or branches standing out Aspera rough Suetonius saith that Nero sought for tried gold and rough or new coyned money with exceeding greedinesse Whether it be taken heere for newlly coyned or because rough peeces were better then the smooth or what they were I know not But that the same vneuen'd peeces were called rough the definition of roughnesse in Plato his Timaeus doth shew Roughnes saith he is hardnesse commixt with vneuenesse g God in vs intends This is out of Plato also who maketh God the commander of al mankind assigning euery one his particular station as in a pitched field from whence hee may not depart without his command And it is a good help vnto the instruction of our life that each of vs know in what ranke of mankind he is placed so to adapt his life to his estate and discharge his function duly be he a husbadman or a citizen a free man or a seruant a craftsman a scholler a minister a soldiour an officer 〈◊〉 Prince or a priuate man That the Philosophers instructions are weake and bootlesse in that they beare no diuine authority because that the examples of the gods are greater confirmations of vices in men then the wise-mens disputations are on the contrary part CHAP. 7. DO you think they will mention their Philosophy schooles vnto vs as for them first of al they are deriued from Greece and not from Rome or if you say they are now Romaine because Greece is become a Prouince of the Romaines I answer againe that the instructions giuen there are not of the documents of your gods but the inuentions of man whose quicke wits especiall indeauour was to find by disputation a what secrets were hid in the treasury of nature b what was to bee desired and what to be auoided in our Morallity c And what was cohaerent by the Lawes of disputation or not following the induction or quite repugnant vnto it And some of these gaue light to great inuentions as the grace of God assisted them but yet they euermore erred as the frailty of man possessed them the diuine prouidence iustly opposing d their vain glory to shew the tract of piety to rise from humblenesse vnto height by their comparrison Which wee shall hereafter take an occasion to search into further by the will of the true and euerlasting God But if it were true that these Philosophers inuented any meanes sufficient to direct one to the attaining of a happy course of life is there not far greater reason to giue them d diuine honours then the other How much more honest were it for to heare Platoes bookes read in a Temple of his then the Galli gelded in the diuels To view the e effeminate consecrated the lunatike gashed with cuttes and each thing else either cruell or beastiall or bestially cruell or cruelly bestiall so commonly celebrated in the sollemnities of such goddes Were it not far more worthy to haue some good lawes of the gods rehearsed vnto the youth for their instruction in integrity then to passe the time in vaine commendations of the labours of illuded antiquitie but indeed f all the worshippers of such gods as soone as they are initiate vnto those luxurious and venemous adorations g As Persius saith do looke more after Iupiters deeds then either Platoes doctrine or Catoes opinions h And here-vpon it is that Terence bringes in the lustfull youth gazing vpon a table picture wherein was drawne how Ioue sent downe a showre of gold into the lap of Danae and this was a fit president for this youth to follow in his lust with a boast that he didde but imitate a god But what god saith he Euen he that shakes the Temples with his thunder since he aid thus shal I a meane wretch to him make bones of it No I did it with all mine heart L. VIVES WHat a secrets were hid Hee touches the three kindes of Phylosophy in this place the Naturall b what was to be desired Here the Morall c What was coherent Here the Rationall or Logicall Of these hereafter d Their vaine glory Because all that they inuented they ascribed vnto their owne wittes sharpnesse and not a whit vnto gods influence Of this Lactantius disputeth at large e Effeminate consecrated Al these Galli were al of them beastly villaines Sodomites giuen to al filthinesse in the world Of whome Apuleyus relates most abhominable things in the eighth and ninth book of his Asse So doth Lucian also whence Appuleyus had his argument f All the worships The examples of those whom we reuerence do moue vs much for we indeauor to imitate them in al things be they gods or men the people affects the fashion of the Prince the schollers of the maister they honour and all mortall men their conditions whom they hold immortall And here-vppon is our Sauiour Christ and his Saints set before al of our religion to be obserued and imitated Plato lib. de Repub. 2. amongst diuers reasons why he wil not tollerate Poets in his common-wealth brings this for one because their fictions of the gods giue examples very preiudiciall vnto the honesty of the readers as their warres thefts seditions adulteries and such like Out of which Lucian hath the words he giues to Menippus in his Necromantia I saith he being a boy and hearing Hesiod and Homer singing of seditions and wars not onely those
and there are Mimikes which are called otherwise Plaine-feete plani-pedes wearing neither shooes nor buskins but comming bare-foote vpon the Stage The Satyres notwithstanding and the Miâ—…kes are both included vnder the Comedie And some say so is the Tragedie too But the Tragedie discourseth of lamentable fortunes extreame affects and horrible villanies but farre from turpitude The Comedie treates of the Knaueries and trickes of loue being brought into it by Menander to please the Macedonians that stood affected to such passages The Satyre containeth the looser Faunes and Siluanes whose rusticall iestes delighted much and sometimes they would lament But as they were vâ—…lceanely and slouenly goddes so were their speeches often times foule and dishonest to heare But the Mimikes forbore no beastlinesse but vsed extreeme licentiousnesse And yet these were more tollerable then other things which were acted in the sollemnities of Bacchus which for their incredible filthinesse were expelled out of Italie by a decree of the Senate Also in the Saturnalia and Floralia which twoo feastes were celebrated by common strumpets and the most raskally sort of all men The actors of the Floralia though they reuerenced not their owne goddesse yet when Cato came they reuerenced him and would not act them in his presence What the Komaines opinion was touching the restraint of the liberty of Poesie which the Greekes by the counsaile of their Goades would not haue restrained at all CHAP. 9. WHat the Romaines held concerning this point a Cicero recordeth in his bookes which he wrote of the Common wealth where Scipio is brought in saying thus If that the priutledge of an old custome had not allowed them Comedies could neuer haue giuen such proofes of their vâ—…esse vpon Theaters And some of the ancient Greekes pretended a conuenince in their vicious opinion and made it a law that c the Comedian might speake what he would of any man by his name Wherfore as Africanus saith well in the same booke Whom did not the Poet touch nay whom did he not vexe whom spared he perhaphs so saith one he quipt a sort of wicked seditious vulgar fellowes as d Cleo e Clytophon and f Hyperbolus to that we assent quoth hee againe though it were fitter for such falts to bee taxed by the g Censor then by a Poet but it was no more decent that h Pericles should bee snuffed at hauing so many yeares gouerned the Citty so well both in warre and peace then it were for i our Plautus or Naeuius to deride k Publius or Cneius Scipio or for l Caecilius to mocke m Marcus Cato And againe a little after Our twelue Tables quoth hee hauing decreed the obseruation but of a very few things n vpon paine of death yet thought it good to establish this for one of that few that none should o write or acte any verse derogatory from the good name of any man or preiudiciall vnto manners Excellently well for our liues ought not to bee the obiects for Poets to play vpon but for lawfull magistracy and throughly informed iustice to iudge vpon nor is it fit that men should here them-selues reproached but in such places as they may answere and defend their owne cause in Thus much out of Cicero in his fourth booke of The Common wealth which I thought good to rehearse word for word onely I was forced to leaue out some-what and some-what to transpose it for the easier vnderstanding For it giues great light vnto the proposition which I if so be I can must prooue and make apparant Hee proceedeth further in this discourse and in the end concludeth thus that the ancient Romanes vtterly disliked that any man should be either praised or dispraised vpon the stage But as I said before the Greekes in this though they vsed lesse modesty yet they followed more conuenience seeing they saw their gods so well to approue of the represented disgraces not onely of men but euen of themselues when they came vpon the stage whether the plaies were fictions of Poetry or true histories of their deeds and I wish their worshippers had held them onely worth the laughing at and not worth imitation for it were too much pride in a Prince to seeke to haue his owne fame preserued when hee sees his gods before him set theirs at six and seauen For where as it is said in their defence that these tales of their gods were not true but merely poeticall inuentions and false fictions why this doth make it more abhominable if you respect the purity of your religion and if you obserue the malice of the diuil what cuÌ„ninger or more deceitful fetch can there be For when an honest worthy ruler of a contry is slandered is not the slaÌ„der so much more wicked impardonable as this parties life that is slandered is clearer and sounder from touch of any such matter what punishment then can be sufficient for those that offer their gods such foule and impious iniury L. VIVES CIcero a recordeth in his If of all the ancient monuments of learning which are either wholy perished or yet vnpublished if I should desire any one extant it should bee Cicero his sixe bookes de Republica For I doubt not but the worke is admirable and gesse but by the fragments which are extant I doe heare that there are some that haue these bookes but they keepe them as charily as golde apples but vntill they come forth to light let vs make vse of the coniectures recorded in other places of Cicero his workes b where Scipio The Cornelian family amongst other sur-names got vp that of Scipio from one of their bloud that was as a staffe Scipionis Vicè to his kinde and sickly Father Of this family were many famous men of whom wee meane to speake some-what in their due places This whom Tully brings in speaking in his worke De Republica was sonne vnto L. Aemilius Paulus that conquered Perseus King of Macedon Scipio the sonne of the greater Scipio African adopted him for his sonne and so he was called Aemilianus of the stock of whence he was discended He razed Carthage and Numance c The Comedian this was the olde Comedy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of this we said before that the citizens for feare of being brought vpon the stage would either begin to liue well if so they intended or at least forbeare to bee seene do euill Socrates said it was meete to expose ones selfe freely to the Comick Pen for if they write true of our vices they are a meane to reforme vs if they write false it concernes not vs. Yet euen Socrates himselfe that innocent hurtlesse man was mocked by Aristophanes in his Nebulae a knauish comedie set forth onely to that end And this was one of the greatest proofes that the Poets of this Old kinde of Comedy at that time had mercenarie Pens and followed peruerse and maleuolent affects c Cleon hee was a Lether-seller a seditious
man reade Liuy lib. 1. Dionysius and Plutarch of his whole life besides diuers others e all to insufficient This is plaine for they fetched lawes frō others f it is not reported Yes he fained that he conferred with Aegeria but she was rather a Nimph then a goddesse besides this is known to be a fable g the most learned Here I cannot choose but ad a very conceited saying out of Plautus his comedy called Persa Sagaristio the seruant askes a Virgin how strong dost thou think this towne is If the townsmen quoth shee againe bee well mannered I thinke it is very strong if treachery couetousnesse and extortion bee chased out and then enuie then ambition then detraction then periury then flattery then iniury then and lastly which is hardest of all to get out villanie if these be not all thrust forth an hundred walls are all too weake to keepe out ruine Of the rape of the Sabine women and diuers other wicked facts done in Romes most ancient and honorable times CHAP. 17. PErhaps the gods would not giue the Romaines any lawes because as Salust a saith Iustice and honestie preuailed as much with them by nature as by lawe very good b out of this iustice and honestie came it I thinke that the c Sabine virgins were rauished What iuster or honester part can be plaide then to force away other mens daughters with all violence possible rather then to receiue them at the hand of their parents But if it were vniustly done of the Sabines to deny the Romaines their daughters was it not farre more vniustly done of them to force them away after that deniall There were more equitie showne in making warres vpon those that would not giue their daughters to beget alliance with their neighbours and countrimen then with those that did but require back their owne which were iniuriously forced from them Therefore Mars should rather haue helped his warlike sonne in reuenging the iniury of this reiected proferre of marriage that so he might haue wonne the Virgin that he desired by force of armes For there might haue beene some pretence of warlike lawe for the conqueror iustly to beare away those whom the conquered had vniustly denied him before But he against all law of peace violently forced them from such as denied him them and then began an vniust warre with their parents to whom hee had giuen so iust a cause of anger d Herein indeed he had good and happy successe And albeit the e Circensian playes were continued to preserue the memory of this fraudulent acte yet neither the Cittie nor the Empire did approoue such a president and the Romaines were more willing to erre in making Romulus a deity after this deed of iniquitie then to allow by any law or practise this fact of his in forcing of women thus to stand as an example for others to follow Out of this iustice and honesty likewise proceeded this that g after Tarquin and his children were expulsed Rome because his sonne Sextus had rauished Lucresse Iunius Brutus being consull compelled h L. Tarquinius Collatine husband to that Lucresse his fellow officer a good man and wholy guiltlesse to giue ouer his place and abandon the Cittie which vile deed of his was done by the approbation or at least omission of the people who made Collatine Consul aswell as Brutus himself Out of this iustice and honesty came this also that h Marcus Camillus that most illustrious worthy of his time that with such ease sudued the warlike Veientes the greatest foes of the Romaines and tooke their cheefe citty from them after that they had held the Romains in ten yeares war and foiled their armies so often that Rome hir selfe began to tremble and suspected hir owne safety that this man by the mallice of his backe-biting enemies and the insupportable pride of the Tribunes being accused of guilt perceiuing the citty which he had preserued so vngrateful that he needs must be condemned was glad to betake him-selfe to willing banishment and yet i in his absence was fined at ten thousand Asses k Being soone after to be called home again to free his thankelesse country the second time from the Gaules It yrkes me to recapitulate the multitude of foule enormities which that citty hath giuen act vnto l The great ones seeking to bring the people vnder their subiection the people againe on the other side scorning to be subiect to them and the ring-leaders on both sides aiming wholy rather at superiority and conquest then euer giuing roome to a thought of iustice or honesty L. VIVES SAlust a saith In his warre of Catiline speaking of the ancient Romaines he saith thus The law is a ciuill equity either established in literall lawes or instilled into the manners by verball instructions Good is the fount moderatour and reformer of all lawe all which is done by the Iudges prudence adapting it selfe to the nature of the cause and laying the lawe to the cause not the cause to the lawe As Aristotle to this purpose speaketh of the Lesbian rule Ethic. 4. This is also termed right reason as Salust againe saith in his Iugurth Bomilchar is guilty rather by right and reason then any nationall lawe Crassus saith Tully in his Brutus spake much at that time against that writing and yet but in right and reason It is also called equitie ' That place saith Cicero for Caecinna you feare and flie and seeke as I may say to draw mee out of this plaine field of equitie into the straite of words and into all the literall corners in this notwithstanding saith Quintilian the iudges nature is to bee obserued whether it be rather opposed to the lawe then vnto equitie or no. Hereof wee haue spoken some-thing in our Temple of the lawes But the most copious and exact reading hereof is in Budaeus his notes vpon the Pandects explaining that place which the Lawyers did not so well vnderstand Ius est ars aequi boni This mans sharpenesse of witte quicknesse of iudgement fulnesse of diligence and greatnesse of learning no Frenchman euer paralleld nor in these times any Italian There is nothing extant in Greeke or Latine but he hath read it and read it ouer and discussed it throughly In both these toungs he is a like and that excellently perfect Hee speakes them both as familiarly as he doth French his naturall tongue nay I make doubt whether hee speake them no better hee will read out a Greeke booke in Latine words extempore and out of a Latine booke in Greeke And yet this which wee see so exactly and excellently written by him is nothing but his extemporall birthe Hee writes with lesse paines both Greeke and Latine then very good schollers in both these tongues can vnderstand them There is no cranke no secret in all these tongues but he hath searcht it out lookt into it and brought it forth like Cerberus from darknesse into
vncleane plaies as members of the heauenly society when thou holdest the men that onely acted them as vnworthy to bee counted in the worst ranke of the members of thy Cittie The heauenly Cittie is farre aboue thine where truth is the victory holinesse the dignity happinesse the peace and eternity the continuance Farre is it from giuing place to such gods if thy cittie doe cast out such men Wherefore if thou wilt come to this cittie shunne all fellowshippe with the deuill Vnworthy are they of honest mens seruice that must bee pleased with dishonesty Let christian reformation seuer thee from hauing any commerce with those gods euen as the Censors view seperated such men from pertaking of thy dignities But as concerning temporal felicity which is all that the wicked desire to enioye and temporall affliction which is all they seeke to auoide hereafter wee meane to shew that the deuills neither haue nor can haue any such power of either as they are held to haue though if they had wee are bound rather to contemne them all then to worshippe them for these benefites which seeing that thereby we should vtterly debarre our selues of that which they repine that wee should euer attaine hereafter I say shall it bee prooued that they haue no such powre of those things as these thinke they haue that affirme that they are to bee worshipped for such endes And here shall this booke end L. VIVES ANd a Fabricii Fabricius was Consull in Pyrrhus his warre at which time the Romaines vertue was at the height he was valourous poore continent and a stranger to all pleasure and ambition b If nature haue giuen thee The Stoikes held that nature gaue euery man some guifts some greater some lesser and that they were graced increased and perfitted by discipline education and excercise c it is now day Alluding vnto Paul Rom. 13. 12. The night is past and the day is at hand The day is the cleere vnderstanding of goodnesse in whose powre the Sunne is as the Psalmist faith The night is darke and obscure d in some of thy Children Meaning that some of the Romaines were already conuerted vnto Christ. e no stone of the Capitol Ioues Idoll vpon the capitoll was of stone and the Romaines vsed to sweare by Ioue that most holy stone which oth became afterwards a prouerbe f who will neither limmit They are the words of Ioue in Virgil Aeneid 1. promising the raysing vp of the Romaine Empire But with farre more wisdome did Saluste orat ad Caium Caesarem senen affirme that the Romaine estate should haue a fal And African the yonger seeing Carthage burne with the teares in his eyes recited a certaine verse out of Homer which intimated that Rome one day should come to the like ruine g Iuno did not Aeneides the first Finis Lib. 2. THE CONTENTS OF THE third booke of the City of God 1. Of the aduerse casualties which onely the wicked doe feare and which the world hath alwaies beene subiect vnto whilest it remained in Paganisme chapter 1. 2. Whether the Gods to whom the Romaines and the Greekes exhibited like worship had sufficient cause giuen them to let Troy be destroied chap. 2. 3. That the gods could not iustly be offended at the adultery of Paris vsing it so freely and frequently themselues chap. 3. 4. Of Varro's opinion that it is meete in pollicy that some men should faigne themselues to be begotten of the gods chap. 4. 5. That it is alltogither vnlikely that the gods reuenged Paris his fornication since they permitted Rhea's to passe vnpunished chap. 5. 6. Of Romulus his murthering of his brother which the gods neuer reuenged chap. 6. 7. Of the subuersion of Illium by Fimbria a captaine of Marius his faction chap. 7. 8. Whether it was conuenient to commit Rome to the custody of the Troian gods chap. 8. 9. Whether it bee credible that the gods procured the peace that lasted all Numa's raigne chap. 9. 10. Whether the Romaines might desire iustly that their citties estate should arise to preheminence by such furious warres when it might haue rested firme and quiet in such a peace as Numa procured chap. 10. 11. Of the statue of Apollo at Cumae that shed teares as men thought for the Grecians miseries though he could not help them cap. 11. 12. How fruitlesse their multitude of gods was vnto the Romaines who induced thē beyond the institution of Numa chap. 12 13. By what right the Romaines attained their first wiues chap. 13 14. How impious that warre was which the Romaines began with the Albanes and of the nature of those victories which ambition seekes to obtaine chap. 14 15. Of the liues and deaths of the Romaine Kings chap. 15 16. Of the first Romaine Consulls how the one expelled the other out of his country and he himselfe after many bloudy murthers fell by a wound giuen him by his wounded foe chap. 16 17. Of the vexations of the Romaine estate after the first beginning of the consulls rule And of the little good that their gods all this while did them chap. 17 18. The miseries of the Romaines in the African wars and the small stead their gods stood them there in chap. 18 19. Of the sad accidents that befell in the second African warre wherein the powres on both sides were wholy consumed chap. 19 20. Of the ruine of the Saguntines who perished for their confederacy with Rome the Romainē gods neuer helping them chap. 20 21. Of Romes ingratitude to Scipio that freed it from imminent danger and of the conditions of the cittizens in those times that Saluste commendeth to haue beene so vertuous chap. 21 22. Of the edict of Mythridates commanding euery Romaine that was to be found in Asia to be put to death chap. 22 23. Of the more priuate and interior mischieues that Rome indured which were presaged by that prodigious madnesse of all the creatures that serued the vse of man chap. 23 24. Of the ciuill discord that arose from the seditions of the Gracchi chap. 24 25. Of the temple of Concord built by the Senate in the place where these seditions and slaughters were effected chap 25 26. Of the diuers warres that followed afther the building of Concords temple chap. 26 27. Of Silla and Marius chap. 27 28. How Silla reuenged Marius his murders chap. 28 29. A comparison of the Gothes irrupsions with the calamities that the Romaines indured by the Gaules or by the authors of their ciuill warres chap. 29 30. Of the great and pernitious multitude of the Romaines warres a little before the comming of Christ. chap. 30 31. That those men that are not suffered as now to worship Idolls shew themselues fooles in imputing their present miseries vnto Christ seeing that they endured the like when they did worship the diuills chap. 31. FINIS THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE CITTY OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the aduerse
Alexander Paris his rape of Hellen wife vnto Menelaus b the Troians at what time and by whom Rome was built Dionisius Solinus Plutarch and diuers others discourse with great diuersity he that will know further let him looke in them c Aeneas his mother for Paris vsed Venus as his baud in the rape of Hellen and Ueâ—… in the contention of the goddesses for beauty corrupted the iudgement of Paris with promise of Hellen d Aeneas he was sonne to Anchises and Uenus Uirgil Tunc ille Aeneas quem Dà rdanio Anchisa Alma Venus Phryg as gâ—…nuit Syâ—…oeÌ„ntis od vnâ—…s Art thou that man whom beaâ—…teous Uenus bore got by 〈◊〉 on smooth Symois shore And Lucretius Aeneadum genitrix hominum diuumque volâ—…ptas Alma Venus Mother t' Aâ—…eas liue the gods delight Faire Uenus e Vulcan Husband vnto Venus f Romulus not be Dionysius Ilia a Vestal Virgin going to Mars his wood to fetch some water was rauished in the Church some say by some of her sutors some by her vncle Amulius being armed others by the Genius of the place But I thinke rather that Romulus was the son of some soldiar and Aeneas of some whore and because the soldiars are vnder Mars and the whores vnder Venus therefore were they fathered vpon them Who was Aeneas his true mother is one of the sound questions that the grammarians stand vpon in the foure thousand bookes of Dydimus as Seneca writeth g If the one bee so Illud and illud for hoc and illud a figure rather Poeticall then Rhetoricall h By Venus her law A close but a conceited quippe Mars committed adultery with Venus This was lawfull for Mars by Venus lawe that is by the law of lust which Venus gouerneth then why should not the same priuiledge in lust bee allowed to Venus her selfe beeing goddesse thereof that which is lawfull to others by the benefit of Venus why should it not bee permitted to Venus to vse her selfe freely in her owne dominion of lust seeing she her-selfe alloweth it such free vse in others i Caesar This man was of the Iulian family who was deriued from Iulus Aeneas his sonne and so by him to Venus This family was brought by King Tullus from Alba longa to Rome and made a Patrician family Wherefore Caesar beeing dictator built a temple to Venus which hee called the temple of mother Uenus my Aunt Iulia saith Caesar in Suetonius on the mothers side is descended from Kings and on the fathers from gods For from Anâ—…us Martius a King the Martii descended of which name her mother was and from Venus came the Iulii of which stocke our family is sprung k His grand-mother Set for any progenitrix as it is often vsed l Romulus of old And Caesar of latâ—… because of the times wherein they liued being at least sixe hundred yeares distant Of Varro's opinion that it is meete in policy that some men should faigne themselues to be begotten of the gods CHAP. 4. BVt doe you beleeue this will some say not I truly For Varro one of their most learned men doth though faintly yet almost plainely confesse that they all are false But that it is a profitable for the citties saith he to haue their greatest men their generalls and gouernours beleeue that they are begotten of gods though it be neuer so false that their mindes being as illustrate with part of their parents deitie may bee the more daring to vndertake more seruent to act and so more fortunate to performe affaires of value Which opinion of Varro by me here laid downe you see how it opens a broad way to the falshood of this beleefe and teacheth vs to know that many such fictions may be inserted into religion whensoeuer it shall seeme vse-full vnto the state of the city to inuent such fables of the gods But whether Venus could beare Aeneas by Anchises or Mars beget Romulus of Syluta b Numitors daughter that we leaue as we find it vndiscussed For there is almost such a question ariseth in our Scriptures Whether the wicked angells did commit fornication with the daughters of men and whether that therevpon came Giants that is huge and powrefull men who increased and filled all the earth L. VIVES IT is a profitable It is generally more profitable vnto the great men themselues who hereby haue the peoples loue more happily obliged to them This made Scipio that he would neuer seeke to change that opinion of the people who held that hee was begot by some god and Alexander in Lucian saith it furthered him in many great designes to bee counted the sonne of Iupiter Hamon For hereby he was feared and none durst oppose him that they held a god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Barbarians obserued mee with reuerence and amazement and none durst with-stand mee thinking they should warre against the gods whose confirmed sonne they held mee b Numitors daughter Numitor was sonne to Procas the Albian King and elder brother to Amulius But being thrust by his brother from his crowne he liued priuately Amulius enioying the crowne by force and fraude Numitor had Lausus to his sonne and Rhea or Ilia Syluia to his daughter the boy was killed the daughter made Abbesse of the Vestals by Amulius meaning by colour of religion to keepe her from children-bearing who not-with-standing had two sonnes Romulus and Remus by an vnknowne father as is afore-said That it is altogether vnlikely that the gods reuenged Paris his fornication since they permitted Rhea's to passe vnpunished CHAP. 5. WHerefore now let vs argue both the causes in one If it be certaine that wee read of Aeneas and Romulus their mothers how can it bee that the gods should disallow of the adulteries of mortall men tollerating it so fully and freely in these particulars If it be not certaine howsoeuer yet cannot they distaste the dishonesties of men that are truly acted seeing they take pleasure in their owne though they be but faigned Besides if that of Mars with Rhea be of no credit why then no more is this of Venus with Anchises Then let not Rhea's cause be couered with any pretence of the like in the gods She was a virgin Priest of Vesta and therefore with farre more iustice should the gods haue scourged the Romaines for her offence then the Troians for that of Paris for the a ancient Romaines them-selues did punish such vestalls as they tooke in this offence by burying them quick b neuer censuring others that were faultie in this kind with death but euer with some smaller penalty so great was their study to correct the offences of persons appertaining to religion with all seuerity aboue others L. VIVES THE a ancient If a virgin vestall offended but lightly the high Priest did beate her but being conuicted of neglect of chastitie or whoredome shee was caried in a coffin to the gate Collina as if shee went to buriall all her friends and
Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the Contents of the first Booke CHAP. 1. AT my first entrance vpon this Discourse of the Citty of God I held it conuenient first of all to stop their mouthes who in their extreame desire of onely temporall blisse and greedinesse after wordly vanities doe make their exclaime vpon Christianity the true and onely meane of saluation whensoeuer it pleases God in his mercy to correct and admonish them rather then in his iustice to punish or afflict them with any temporall inconuenience And because the vnlearned and vulgar sort of those persons are incited against vs the more by the endeuours and examples of those whom they holde learned thinking vpon their assertions that such calamities as haue befallen them of late neuer befell in times past and being confirmed in this error by such as know it for an error and yet dissemble their knowledge wee thought it fi◅e to shew how farre this their opinion swarued from the truth out of such bookes as their owne authors haue left vnto posterity for the better vnderstanding of the estates of precedent ages and to make it plaine apparant that those imaginary gods which they either did worship as then in publick or as now in secret are nothing but most foule vncleane spirits and most deceitfull and malignant deuils so that their onely delight was to haue most bestiall abhominable practises either published as their true exploits or faigned of them by poe◅icall muentions these they cōmanded to be publikely presented in playes at solemne feastes to the end that mans infirmitie presuming vpon these patternes as vpon diuine authorities might neuer be with-drawne from acting the like wickednesse This we confirmed not by meere coniectures but partly by what of late times our selfe hath beheld in the celebration exhibited vnto such gods and partly by their owne writings that left those reports recorded not as in disgrace but as in the honour of the gods So that Varro a man of the greatest learning and authoritie amongst them of any writing of diuinity and humanitie and giuing each obiect his proper attribute according to the worth due respect thereof sticketh not to affirme that those stage playes are not matters of humaine inuention but meerely diuine things whereas if the cittie were quit of all but honest men stage-plaiers should haue no roome in meere humanity Nor did Varro affirme this of himselfe but set it downe as he had seene the vse of these playes in Rome being there borne and brought vp L. VIVES NOw must we passe from the historicall acts of the Romaines vnto their religion sacrifices ceremonies In the first bookes we asked no pardon because for the Romaine acts though they could not be fully gathered out of one author a great part of them being lost with the writings of eloquent Liuie yet out of many they might But in the foure bookes following we must needes intreate pardon if the reader finde vs weake either in diligence or abilitie For there is no author now extant that wrote of this theame Varro's Antiquities are lost with a many more if wee had but them we might haue satisfied Saint Augustine that had his assertions thence But now we must pick y◠vp frō seuerall places which we here produce least comming without any thing we should seeme both to want ornaments bare necessaries If it haue not that grace that is expected we are content in that our want is not wholy to bee shamed at and our endeuours are to bee pardoned in this respect that many learned and great Schollers to omitte the vulgar sort haue beene willingly ignorant in a matter of such intricate study and so little benefite which makes our diligence the lesse faultie This Varro testifies Iuuenall seemes to bee ignorant whether Money were worshipped in Rome for a goddesse or no. Satyra 1. Et si funesta pecunia templo Nondum habitas nullas nummorum ereximus aras Though fatall money doth not sit Ador'd in shrine nor hath an altar yet Notwithstanding Varro reckoneth vp her with God Gold and God Siluer amongst the deities Who wonders then if we be not so exact in a thing that the goodnesse of Christ hath already abolished out of humaine businesses as some of those idolators were or as Varro himselfe was who not-with-standing did truly obiect vnto the Priests that there was much in their deities which they vnderstood not hee being the best read of all that age Besides humaine learning should sustaine no losse if the memory as well as the vse of those fooleries were vtterly exterminate For what is one the better scholler for knowing Ioues tricks of lust or Uenus hers what their sacrifices are what prodigies they send which God owes this ceremonie and which that I my selfe know as much of these dotages as another yet will I maintaine that the ignorance of these things is more profitable then in any other kinde and therefore I haue had the lesse care to particularize of the deities kindes temples altars feasts and ceremonies of euery God and Goddesse though I would not send the reader empty away that desireth to haue some instruction herein The contents of the second and third booke CHAP. 2. AND hauing propounded a methode of our discourse in the end of the first booke whereof we haue prosecuted some parcels in the bookes following now we know that we are to proceed in these things which our order obligeth vs to relate We promised therefore to say some-what against those that impute the Romaines calamities vnto Christianitie and to make a peculiar relation of the euills that wee should finde their cittie or the prouinces thereof to haue endured ere their sacrifices were prohibited all which questionlesse they would haue blamed vs for had they befallen them in the times of our religious lustre and authoritie This we performed sufficiently I thinke in the two last bookes in the former of them reciting the euills which were either the onely ones or the sorest and most extreame I meane those corruptions of manners In this last of those which these fooles haue so maine a feare to suffer as afflictions a of body and goods which the best men often-times pertake of as well as the worst But for the things that make them euill and depraue their soules those they detaine with more then patience with extremitie of desire Then I toucht a little at the citty and so came downe speedily to Augustus But if I would haue dilated not vpon these reciprocall hurts that one man doth to another as was desolations c. but vpon the things that befall them by the very elements and from nature which b Apuleius briefly speakes of in one place of his booke De Mundo saying that all earthly things haue their changes c reuolutions and dissolutions for he saith that by an exceeding earth-quake the ground opened at a certaine time and swallowed vp whole
king domes to good and to bad not rashly nor casually but as the time is appointed which is well knowne to him though hidden for vs vnto which appointment not-with-standing hee doth not serue but as a Lord swayeth it neuer giuing true felicitie but to the good For this both a subiects and Kings may eyther haue or wante and yet bee as they are seruants and gouernours The fulnesse indeed of it shall bee in that life where b no man shall serue And therefore here on earth hee giueth kingdomes to the bad as well as to the good least his seruants that are but yet proselites should affect them as great maâ—…ters And this is the mysterie of his olde Testament wherein the new was included that c there all the gifts and promises were of this world and of the world to come also to those that vnderstood them though the eternall good that was meant by those temporall ones were not as yet manifested nor in whâ—… gifts of God the true felicitie was resident L. VIVES SUbiects a and Stoicisme A slaue wise is a free man a King foolish a 〈◊〉 b No man shall serue Some bookes wante the whole sentence which followeâ—… And therefore c. c There all The rewards promised to the kâ—…pers of the law in the old Testament were all temporall how be it they were misticall types of the Celestiall Of the Iewes kingdome which one God alone kept vnmoued as long as they kept the truth of religion CHAP. 34. TO shew therefore that all those temporall goods which those men gape after that can dreame of no better are in Gods hands alone and in none of their Idolls therefore multiplied he his people in Aegipt from a a very few and then deliuered them from thence by miraculous wounders Their women neuer called vpon Lucina when their children multiplied vpon them incredibly and when he preserued them from the b Aegiptians that persecuted them and would haue killed all their children They suckt without Ruminas helpe slept without Cunina eate and dranke without Educa and Potica and were brought vp without any of these puppy-gods helpes married without the Nuptiall gods begot children without Priapus crossed through the diuided sea without calling vpon Neptune and left al their foes drowned behind them They dedicated no Goddesse Mannia when heauen had rained Manna for them nor worshipped the Nymphes when the rocke was cleft and the waters flowed out they vsed no Mars nor Bellona in their warres and conquered not without Victory but without making Victory a goddesse They had corne oxen hony apples without Segetia Bobona Mella or Pomona And to conclude all things that the Romaines begged of so many false gods they receiued of one true God in far happier measure had they not persisted 〈◊〉 their impious curiosity in running after strange gods as if they had beene enchaunted and lastly in killing of Christ in the same kingdome had they liued happily still if not in a larger And that they are now dispersed ouer the whole earth is gods especiall prouidence that what Alters Groues Woods and Temples of the false gods he reproueth and what sacrifices he forbiddeth might all be discerned by their bookes as their fall it selfe was foretold them by their pâ—…phets And this least the Pagans reading them with ours might thinke wee had fâ—…igned them But now to our next booke to make an end of this tedious one L. VIVES FRom a very few The Sonnes of Israell that went into Aegipt were 70. Gen. 49. b Aegiptians Here is a diuersity of reading but all one sence and so is there often else-where which I forbeare to particularize or to note all such occurences Finis lib. 4. THE CONTENTS OF THE fifth booke of the City of God 1. That neither the Romaine Empire nor any other Kingdome had any establishment from the powre of Fortune nor from the starres chapter 1. 2. Of the mutuall Sympathie and dssimillitude of the health of body and many other accidents in twinnes of one birth 3. Of Nigidius the astrologians argument in this question of the twinnes drawne from the potters wheele 4. Of Esau and Iacob two twinnes and of the diuersity of their conditions and quallities 5. How the Mathematicians may bee conuicted of professing direct vanity 6. Of twinnes of different sexes 7. Of the election of daies of marriage of planting and of sowing 8. Of their opinion that giue not the name of Fate the position of the starres but vnto the dependance of causes vpon the will of God 9. Of Gods fore-knowledge and mans freedome of election against the opinon of Cicero 10. Whether Necessity haue any dominion ouer the will of man 11. Of Gods vniuersall prouidence ruling all and comprising all 12. How the ancient Romaines obtained this encrease of their Kingdome at the true Gods hand beeing that they neuer worshipped him 13. Of ambition which beeing a vice is notwithstanding herein held a vertue that it doth restraine vices of worse natures 14. That we are to auoide this desire of humaine honour the glory of the righteous beeing wholy in God 15. Of the tempor all rewardes that God bestowed vpon the Romaines vertues and good conditions 16. Of the reward of the eternall Cittizens of heauen to whome the examples of the Romaines vertues were of good vse 17. The fruites of the Romaines warres both to themselues and to those with whom they warred 18. How farre the Christians should bee from boasting of their deedes for their eternall country the Romaines hauing done so much for their temporall city and for humaine glory 19. The difference betweene the desire of glory and the desire of rule 20. That vertue is as much disgraced in seruing humaine glory as in obeying the pleasures of the body 21. That the true God in whose hand and prouidence all the state of the world consisteth did order and dispose of the Monarchy of the Romaines 22. That the Originalls and conclusions of warres are all at Gods dispose 23. Of the battaile wherein Radagaisus an idolatrous King of the Gothes was slaine with all his army 24. The state and truth of a christian Emperors felicity 25. Of the prosperous estate that God bestowed vpon Constantine a christian Emperor 26. Of the faith and deuotion of Theodosius Emperor 27. Augustines invectiue against such as wrote against the bookes already published FINIS THE FIFTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus That neither the Romaine Empire nor any other Kingdome had any establishment from the power of fortune or from the starres CHAP. 1. WHereas it is apparant to all mens discretion that felicity is the hope of al humane desires and that she is no goddesse but merely the gift of a god and consequently that there is no god worthy of worshippe but he in whose power it lieth to bestow this felicity vpon men so that if shee were a goddesse herselfe the worship of al the
Obruit aduersas aciâ—…s reuolutáque tela Vertit in auctores turbine repulit hast as O nimium dilecte deo cui fundit ab antris Aeolus armatas hyemes cui miâ—…itat aether Et coniurati veniunt ad classica venti Swift victory needs not be sought Shee 's thine this fight thou and â—…hy father fought Their natiue strength nor did it boote the foe To man his fortes the trench and rockes fell flatte And left away for thee to enter at For thee the North-winde from the heights descended In whiâ—…le-windes raining all the darts they bended At thee on their owne brests in pointed showers O Gods belou'd to whom the stormy powers Raisd from the deepe in armes ethercall And windes are prest to helpe when thou doost call Tâ—… Claudiâ—…n hath it differing some-what from Augustines quotation It may be the versâ—…s were spred at first as Augustine hath them for he liued in Claudians time In the copie of Colâ—… it is râ—…d lust as it is in the text O nimium dilecte deo cui militet â—…ther c. And so in Orosius and 〈◊〉 e Footemen An office in court that was belonging to the speedy dispatch of the Princes message not much vnlike our Lackeys at this day Footmen they were called both of old by Tully and of late times by Martiall Suetonius mentioneth them in his Nero He neuer trauelled â—…r made a iourney saith he of Nero without a thousand Caroches their mules shodde all with silâ—…r his muletours all in silken raiments and all his coatch-men and foote-men in their bracâ—…lets and ritch coates And in his Titus Presently he sent his foote-men to the others mother who was a farre off to tell her very carefully that her sonne was well The Romaine Emperor remoouing into Greece gaue Greeke names to all the offices about them and amongst others these foot-men were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 runners Such they had of old also as Alexander the great had Philonides that ranne 1200. furlongs in one day Plinie f When they were They would not be quiet when the warres were finished but hauing no foes left to kill made them-selues some continually to practise murther vpon g Valens A chiefe Arrian hee did extreame harme to the Bishops and religious men in the Church and put many of them to death and sent Arian Bishops to the Gothes that desired to be instructed in the Christian faith h Humilitie The Thessalonicans cittizens of a towne of Macedonia so called hauing by a tumult begun in the Theater expelled the Magistrates out of the towne Theodosius being here-at greeuously offended intended to punish this iniurious act most seuerely yet by the Bishops intreaties pardoned them Not-with-standing the wronged parties hauing many friends in court that ceased not dayly to animate and vrge Theodosius to this reuenge at length being ouer-come by their intreaties hee sent an armie and put a many thousands of the citizens to death For which deed Ambrose Bishop of Millaine on good-Friday excommunicated him â—…arring him the Church vntill he had satisfied for his crime by a publick repentance He obeyed and prostrating himselfe humbly before the world as the old custome was professed himselfe repentant and sorry for his offence intreated pardon first of God and the whole hoast of heauen next of the Bishop and lastly of all the whole church and being thus purged was restored to the vse of Church and Sacraments Augustines inuectiue against such as wrote against the Bookes already published CHAP. 27. BVt now I see I must take those in hand that seeing they are conuicted by iust plaine arguments in this that these false gods haue no power in the distribution of temporall goods which fooles desire onely now goe to affirme that they are worshipped not for the helpes of this life present but of that which is to come For in these fiue bookes past wee haue sayd enough to such as like little babyes cry out that they would faine worship them for those earthly helpes but cannot be suffred The first three Bookes I had no sooner finished and let them passe abroade vnto some mens hands but I heard of some that prepared to make I know not what an answer to them or a reply vpon them Afterward I heard that they had written them and did but watch a a time when to publish it securely But I aduise them not to wish a thing so inexpedient b It is an easie thing for any man to seeme to haue made an answer that is not altogether silent but what is more talkatiue then vanitie which cannot haue the power of truth by reason it hath more tongue then truth But let these fellowes marke each thing well and if their impartiall iudgements tell them that their tongue-ripe Satyrisme may more easily disturbe the truth of this world then subuert it let them keepe in their trumperies and learne rather to bee reformed by the wise then applauded by the foolish For if they expect a time not for the freedome of truth but for the licensing of reproch God forbid that that should bee true of them which Tully spoake of a certaine man that was called happy in hauing free leaâ—…e to â—…ffend c O wretched hee that hath free libertie to offend And therefore what euer hee be that thinketh himselfe happy in his freedome of reproâ—…hing others I giue him to vnderstand that farre happyer should he be in the lacke of that licence seeing that as now hee may in forme of consultation contradict or oppose what hee will setting aside the affecting of vaine applause and heare what hee will and what is fit in honest graue free and friendly disputation L. VIVES WAtch a a time Many write against others and watch a time for the publication to the hurt of the aduersary and their owne profit Such men writing onely to doe mischiefe are to be hated as the execrable enemies of all good iudgments For who cannot doe iniurie And what a minde hath hee that thinketh his guifts and learning must serue him to vse vnto others ruine If they seeke to doe good by writing let them publish them then when they may doâ—… others the most good and their opponents the least hurt Let them set them forth whilâ—… 〈◊〉 aduersary liues is lusty and can reply vpon them and defend his owne cause Plâ—…â—…tes that Asinius Pollio had Orations against Plancus which hee meant to publish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 death least hee should come vpon him with a reply Plancus hearing of it tush saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is none but ghosts will contend with the dead which answer so cutte the combes of the â—…ions that all Schollers made ieasts and mockes of them b It is easye The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the voluntary censurer of the contentions betweene the greatest Schollers if 〈◊〉 silent presently condemne him and giue him for conquered without any other tryall and holding him the sufficient answerer that doth not hold his peace If both write
holde nothing more excellent But the other two the first and the third them he distinguisheth and confineth to the Stage and the Citty for wee see that that the pertinence of them to the Cittie hath no consequence why they should pertaine to the VVorld though there bee Citties in the VVorld for false opinion may gette that a beleefe of truth in a Citty which hath not any nature nor place in any part of the VVorld And for the Stage where is that but in the Cittie There ordained by the Citty and for what end but Stage-playes And what Stage-playes but of their goddes of whome these bookes are penned with so much paynes L. VIVES FIrst a fabulare The word Snetonius vseth Hee loued saith hee of Tiberius the reading of Fabular History euen were it ridiculous and foolish b Second The Platonistâ—… chiefly the Stoikes reduced all these goddes fables vnto naturall causes and natures selfe as their heads Plato in Cratylo Cic. de nat deor Phurnut and others But this they doe wring for sometimes in such manner that one may see they do but dally c Heraclitus an Ephesian he wrote a book that needed an Oedipus or the Delian Swimmer and therfore he was called Scotinus darke He held fire the beginning and end of all thinges and that was full of soules and daemones spirits His opinion of the fire Hippasus of Metapontus followed d Numbers Pithagoras held that God our soules and all things in the world consisted vpon numbers and that from their harmonies were all things produced These numbers Plato learning of the Italian Pythagoreans explained them and made them more intelligible yet not so but that the râ—…ader must let a great part of them alone This Cicero to Atticus calleth an obscure thing Plato his numbers c Or of Atomes Epicurus in emulation of Democritus taught that all things consisted of little indiuisible bodies called therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from which notwithstanding he excluded neither forme magnitude nor waight f Then which they hold Nature knoweth nothing more faire or more spacious Seneca Plato in Timeo Tull. de nat deor 2. and other Phylosophers hold this Of the fabulous and pollitike diuinity against Varro CHAP. 6. VArro seeing thou art most acute and doubtlesse most learned yet but a man neither God nor assisted by Gods spirit in the discouery of truth in diuinity thou seest this that the diuine affaires are to bee excluded from humaine vanities and yet thou fearest to offend the peoples vitious opinions and customes in these publike superstitions being notwithstanding such as both thy selfe held and thy written workes affirme to bee directly opposite to the nature of the Deitiâ—…s or such as mens infirmitie surmized was included in the Elements What doth this humaine though excelling wit of thine in this place what helpe doth thy great reading afford thee in these straits Thou art desirous to honor the naturall gods forced to worship the ciuill thou hast found some fabulous ones whom thou darest speak thy minde against giuing a the ciuill some part of their disgrace whether thou wilt or no for thou saist the fabulous are for the Theater the naturall for the world the ciuill for the citty the world beeing the worke of God the Theater Citty of men nor are they other gods that you laugh at then those you worship Nor be your plaies exhibited to any but those you sacrifice vnto how much more subtile were they diuided into some natural and some instituted by men And of these later the Poets bookes taught one part and the priests another yet notwithstanding with such a cohaerence in vntruth yâ— the diueâ—… that like no truth approue theÌ„ both but setting aside your natural diuinity wherof hereafter pleaseth it you to aske or hope for life eternall of your Poetique ridiculous Stage-goddes No at no hand GOD forbid such sacriligious madnesse Will you expect them of those goddes whome these presentations do please and appease though their crimes bee the thinges presented I thinke no man so brainlessly sottish Therefore neither your fabulous diuinity nor your politique can giue you euerlasting life For the first soweth the goddes turpitude and the later by fauouring it moweth it The first spread lies the later collect them The first hanteth the deities with outragious fixions the later imputeth these fixions to the honour of the deities The first makes songs of the goddes lasciuious pranks and the later sings them on the gods feast daies The first recordeth the wickednesses of the goddes and the later loueth the rehearsall of those recordes The first either shameth the goddes or fayneth of them The later either witnesseth the truth or delighteth in the fixion Both are filthy and both are damnable But the fabulous professeth turpitude openly and the politique maketh that turpitude her ornament Is there any hope of life eternall where the temporall suffers such pollution Or doth wicked company and actes of dishonest men pollute our liues and not the society of those false-adorned and filthyly adored fiendes If their faultes be true how vile are they worshipped If false how wicked the worshippers But some ignorant person may gather from this discourse that it is the poeticall fixions only and Stage-presentments that are derogatory from the Deities glory but not the Doctrine of the Priests at any hand that is pure and holy Is it so No if it were they would neuer haue giuen order to erect playes for the goddes honour nor the goddes would neuer haue demaunded it But the Priestes feared not to present such thinges as the goddes honours in the Theaters when as they hadde practised the like in the Temples Lastly our said Author indeauoring to make Politike Diuinity of a third nature from the naturall and fabulous maketh it rather to bee produced from them both then seuerall from eyther For hee saith that the Poets write not so much as the people obserue and the Phylosophers write too much for them to obserue both with notwithstanding they do so eschew that they extract no small part of their ciuill religion from either of them Wherefore wee will write of such thinges as the Poetique and the politique diuinities do communicate Indeed we should acknowledge a greater share from the Phylosophers yet som we must thank the Poets for Yet in anotherplace of the gods generations hee saith the people rather followed the Poets then the Phylosophers for he teacheth what should be don there what was done that the Philosophers wrote for vse the Poets for delight and therfore the poesies that the people must not follow describe the gods crimes yet delight both gods and men for the Poets as he said write for delight and not for vse yet write such thinges as the gods effect and the people present them with L. VIVES GIuing a the ciuill The Coleine readeth Perfundas which wee translate Varro's reproches of the fabulous gods must needes light in part vpon the politique goddes who deriue from
fact by the villens of his Court and amongst the rest the Christians whom Nero was assured should smart for all because they were of a new religion so they did indeede and were so extreamely tortured that their pangs drew teares from their seuerest spectators Seneca meane while begged leaue to retire into the contrie for his healths sake which not obtayning hee kept himselfe close in his chamber for diuers moneths Tacitus saith it was because hee would not pertake in the malice that Nero's sacriledge procured but I thinke rather it was for that hee could not endure to see those massacres of innocents b Manichees They reuiled the old Testament and the Iewes lawe August de Haeres ad Quodvultdeum Them scriptures they sayd GOD did not giue but one of the princes of darkenesse Against those Augustine wrote many bookes That it is plaine by this discouery of the Pagan gods vanity that they cannot giue eternall life hauing not power to helpe in the temporall CHAP. 12. NOw for the three Theologies mythycall physicall and politicall or fabulous naturall and ciuill That the life eternall is neither to be expected from the fabulous for that the Pagans themselues reiect and reprehend nor from the ciuill for that is prooued but a part of the other if this bee not sufficient to proue let that bee added which the fore-passed bookes containe chiefely the 4. concerning the giuer of happinesse for if Felicity were a goddesse to whom should one goe for eternall life but to her But being none but a gift of GOD to what god must we offer our selues but to the giuer of that felicity for that eternall and true happinesse which wee so intirely affect But let no man doubt that none of those filth-adored gods can giue it those that are more filthyly angry vnlesse that worship be giuen them in that manner and herein proouing themselues direct deuills what is sayd I thinke is sufficient to conuince this Now hee that cannot giue felicity how can he giue eternall life eternall life wee call endlesse felicity for if the soule liue eternally in paines as the deuills do that is rather eternall death For there is no death so sore nor sure as that which neuer endeth But the soule beeing of that immortall nature that it cannot but liue some way therefore the greatest death it can endure is the depriuation of it from glory and constitution in endlesse punishment So hee onely giueth eternall life that is endlessely happy that giueth true felicity Which since the politique gods cannot giue as is proued they are not to bee adored for their benefits of this life as wee shewed in our first fiue precedent bookes and much lesse for life eternall as this last booke of all by their owne helpes hath conuinced But if any man thinke because old customes keepe fast rootes that we haue not shewne cause sufficient for the reiecting of their politique Theology let him peruse the next booke which by the assistance of GOD I intend shall immediately follow this former Finis lib. 6. THE CONTENTS OF THE seauenth booke of the City of God 1. Whether diuinity be to be found in the select gods since it is not extant in the politique Theology chapter 1. 2. The selected gods and whither they be excepted from the baser gods functions 3. That these gods elections are without all reason since that baser gods haue nobler charges 4. That the meaner gods beeing buried in silence more better vsed then the select whose 〈◊〉 were so shamefully traduced 〈◊〉 Of the Pagans more abstruse Phisiologicall doctrine 6. Of â—…rro his opinion that GOD was the soule 〈◊〉 world and yet had many soules vnder 〈◊〉 on his parts al which were of the diuine nature 7. Whether it stand with reason that Ianus and Terminus should be two gods 8. 〈◊〉 the worshippers of Ianus made him two 〈◊〉 yet would haue him set forth with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…es power and Ianus his compared 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…ther Ianus and Ioue bee rightly diâ—… 〈◊〉 or no. 〈◊〉 Of Ioues surnames referred all vnto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God not as to many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iupiter is called Pecunia also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the interpretation of Saturne and 〈◊〉 â—…roue them both to be Iupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the functions of Mars and Mercury 〈◊〉 Of certaine starres that the Pagans call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of Apollo Diana and other select gods 〈◊〉 â—…ts of the world 〈◊〉 That Varro himselfe held his opinions of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be ambiguous 18. The likeliest cause of the propagation of Paganisme 19. The interpretations of the worship of Saturne 20. Of the sacrifices of Ceres Elusyna 21. Of the obscaenity of Bacchus sacrifice 22. Of Neptune Salacia and Venillia 23. Of the earth held by Varro to be a goddesse because the worlds soule his God doth penetrate his lowest part and communicateth his essence there-with 24. Of Earths surnames and significations which though they arose of diuers originalls yet should they not be accounted diuers gods 25. What exposition the Greeke wise-men giue of the gelding of Atys 26. Of the filthinesse of this great Mothers sacrifice 27. Of the Naturallists figments that neither adore the true Diety nor vse the adoration thereto belonging 28. That Varro's doctrine of Theology hangeth no way togither 29. That all that the Naturalists refer to the worlds parts should be referred to GOD. 30. The means to discerne the Creator from the Creatures and to auoide the worshipping of so many gods for one because their are so many powers in one 31. The peculiar benefits besides his common bounty that GOD bestoweth vpon his seruants 32. That the mistery of our redemption by Christ was not obscure in the precedent times but continually intimated in diuers significations 33. That Christianity onely is of power to lay open the diuills subtilly and delight in illuding of ignorant men 34. Of Numa his bookes which the Senate for keeping their misteries in secret did command should be burned 35. Of Hydromancy whereby Numa was mocked with apparitions FINIS THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Whether diuinity be to be found in the select Gods since it is not extant in the Politique Theologie CHAP. 1. VVHereas I employ my most diligent endeauor about the extirpation of inueterate and depraued opinions which the continuance of error hath deeply rooted in the hearts of mortall men and whereas I worke by that grace of GOD who as the true GOD is able to bring this worke to effect according to my poore talent The quicke and apprehensiue spirits that haue drawne full satisfaction from the workes precedent must beare my proceedings with pardon and pacience and not thinke my subsequent discourse to bee superfluous vnto others because it is needlesse vnto them The affirmation that diuinity is not to bee sought for terrestriall vies though thence wee must desire all earthly supplies that we neede but for the celestiall glory which is neuer not eternall
for the thing it selfe and a flaggon a set in Libers 〈◊〉 to signifie wine taking the continent for the contained so by that huâ—… shape the reasonable soule in the like included might bee expressed of 〈◊〉 â—…ure they say that God or the gods are These are the mysticall doctrines 〈◊〉 â—…is sharpe witt went deepe into and so deliuered But tell mee thou accâ—…n hast thou lost that iudgement in these mysteries that made thee say that they that first made Images freed the Cittie from all awe and added error to error and that the old Romaines serued the gods in better order without any statues at all They were thy authors for that thou spokest against their successors For had they had statues also perhaps feare would haue made thee haue suppressed thy opinion of abolishing Images and haue made thee haue sought further for these vaine Mythologies and figments for thy soule so learned and so ingenious which we much bewaile in thee by being so ingratefull to that God by whom not with whom it was made nor was a part of him but a thing made by him who is not the life of all things but all lifes maker could neuer come to his knowledge by these mysteries But of what nature and worth they are let vs see Meane time this learned man affirmeth the worlds soule intirely to bee truly God so that all his Theologie being naturall extendeth it selfe euen to the nature of the reasonable soule Of this naturall kinde hee speaketh briefly in his booke whence we haue this wherein wee must see whether all his mysticall wrestings can bring the naturall to the ciuill of which he discourseth in his last booke of the select Gods if he can all shall be naturall And then what need hee bee so carefull in their distinction But if they be rightly diuided seeing that the naturall that he liketh so of is not true for hee comes but to the soule not to God that made the soule how much more is the ciuill kinde vntrue and subiect that is all corporall and conuersant about the body as his owne interpretations being dilligently called out shall by my rehearsall make most apparent L. VIVES FLaggon a Oenophorum of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wine and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to carry Iuuenall vseth the word Sat. 6. and Apuleius Asin. l. 2. 8. and Martiall Pliny saith it was a worke of the rare painter Praxitales but he meanes a boy bearing wine Beroaldus out of this place gathereth that they vsed to set a flaggon of wine in Bacchus temple It is more then hee can gather hence though it may be there was such an vse Of Varro his opinion that God was the soule of the world and yet had many soules vnder him in his parts all which were of the diuine nature CHAP. 6. THe same Varro speaking further of this Physicall Theology a saith that he holds God to be the soule of the world which the Greekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and b that this world is God But as a whole man body and soule is called wise of the soule onely so is the world called God in respect of the soule onely being both soule and body Here seemingly he confesseth one God but it is to bring in more for so he diuides the world into heauen and earth heauen into the ayre and the skie earth into land and water all which foure parts he filles with soules the skye c highest the ayre next then the water and then the earth the soules of the first two hee maketh immortall the latter mortall The space betweene the highest heauen and the Moone hee fills with soules ethereall and starres affirming that they both are and seeme celestiall Gods d Betweene the Moone and the toppes of the windes he bestoweth ayry soules but inuisible saue to the minde calling them Heroes Lares and Genij This he briefly recordeth in his prologue to his naturall Theologie which pleased not him alone but many Philosophers more whereof with Gods helpe we will discourse at full when wee handle the ciuill Theologie as it respecteth the select gods L. VIVES THeology a saith The Platonists Stoiks Pythagorians and the Ionikes before them all held God to bee a soule but diuersly Plato gaue the world a soule and made them conioyned god But his other god his Mens he puts before this later as father to him The Stoikes and hee agree that agree at all Thales and Democritus held the worlds soule the highest god b That this Plato the Stoikes and many Phylosophers held this c Skie the highest Aristotle puts the fire aboue the ayre and the heauen the Platonists held the heauen to be fiery and therefore called Aether And that the ayre next it was a hurtlesse fire kindled by it This many say that Plato heldâ—… following Pythagoras who made the vniuersall globe of 4. bodies But Uarro heere maketh ayre to be next heauen as the Stoikes did especially and others also Though the Platoâ—… and they differ not much nor the Peripatetiques if they speak as they meane and be rightly vnderstood But aether is the aire as well as the skie and fire as caelum is in latine Virgil. Illa leuem fugiens raptim secat aethera pennis With swift-wing'd speede she cuts the yeelding aire a 〈◊〉 the moone The first region of the Ayre Aristotle in his Physicks ending at the toppe of the cloudes the second contayning the cloudes thunder rayne hayle and snowâ—… the 〈◊〉 from thence to the Element of fire Whether it stand with reason that Ianus and Terminus should bee two godees CHAP. 7. I 〈◊〉 therfore whome I begun with what is he The a world Why this is a plaine and brief answer but why hath b he the rule and beginnings then and another one Terminus of the ends For therfore they haue two c months dedicated to them Ianuary to Ianus and February to Terminus And so the d Terminaâ—… then kept when the e purgatory sacrifice called f Februm was also kept 〈◊〉 the moneth hath the name Doth then the beginning of things belong to the â—…ld to Ianus and not the end but vnto another Is not al things beginning 〈◊〉 world to haue their end also therein What fondnesse is this to giue him 〈◊〉 â—…se a power and yet a double face were it not better g to call that double-faced statue both Ianus and Terminus and to giue the beginnings one face and the 〈◊〉 another because he that doth an act must respect both For in all actions 〈◊〉 that regardeth not the beginning fore-seeth not the end So that a respectiue memory and a memoratiue prouidence must of force go together But if they imagine that blessednes of life is but begun and not ended in this world and that therefore the world Ianus is to haue but power of the beginnings why then they should put Terminus amongst the selected gods before him For though they were both imploied about one subiect yet Terminus should haue
Terminus is already heard But the causes that Ioue swayeth are not effects but efficients nor can the facts begun or ended be before them for the agent is alwayes before the acte Wherefore let Ianus haue sway in beginnings of acts Ioue yet hath dominion in things before his For nothing is either ended or begun without a precedent efficient cause Now as for this great natures maister and cause-disposing God if the vulgar call him Ioue and adore him with such horrible imputations of villanie as they doe they had better and with lesse sacriledge beleeue no God at all They had better call any one Ioue that were worthy of these horred and hatefull horrors or set a stocke before them and call it Ioue with intent to blaspheme him as Saturne had a stone laide him to deuoure in his sonnes stead then to call him both thunderer and letcher the worlds ruler and the womens rauisher the giuer of all good causes to nature and the receiuer of all bad in himselfe Againe if Iaâ—…s bee the world I aske where Ioues seate is is our author hath said that the true Gods are but parts of the worlds soule and the soule it selfe well then hee that is not such is no true God How then Is Ioue the worlds soule and Ianus the body this visible world If it be so Ianus is no god for the worlds body is none but the soule and his parts onely witnesse them-selues So Varro saith plainly hee holds that God is the worlds soule and this soule is god But as a wise man hath body and soule and yet his name of â—…ise is onely in respect of his soule So the world hath soule and body yet is called God onely in reference to the soule So then the worlds body alone is no god but the soule either seperate or combined with the body yet so that the god-head rest onely in it selfe if Iâ—… then be the world and a god how can Ioue be a part of Ianus onely and yet so great a god for they giue more to Ioue then Ianus Iouis omnia plena all is full of Ioâ—…e say they Therefore if Ioue be a god the king of gods they cannot make any but him to bee the world because hee must reigne ouer the rest as ouer his owne parts To this purpose Varro in his booke of the worship of the gods which he published seuerall from these other set downe a distich of Valerius c Sorâ—…nus his making it is this Iupiter omnipotens regum rex ipse deusque Progenitor genitrixque deum deus vâ—…us omnis High Ioue Kings King and Parent Generall To all the gods God onely and God all These verses Varro expâ—…undeth and calling the giuer of seed the male and the receiuer the female accounted Ioue the world that both giueth all seed it selfe and receiueth it into it selfe And therefore Soranus saith hee called Ioue Progenitor genitrixque father and mother Full Parent generall to all c. and by the same reason is it that he was called one and the same all for the f world is one and all things are in that one L. VIVES IOue a or Iupiter For they are both declinable nominatiues Genetiuo Iouis and Iupâ—…ris though wee vse the nominatiue onely of the later and the other cases of the first as the Greekes doe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Uirgils Georgic 2. calling the inuestigators of causes happy as the Philosophers did of the Peripatetiques and Academikes Arist. Ethic. 10. Cicero de finib 5. c Soranus Mentioned by Cicero de Oratore 1. Plin. lib. 3. Solin Polihist Plut. Probl. Macrob. Saturn Seru. in Georg. 1. Hee was a learned Latine counted the best scholler of the Gowned professors Cic. de orat 1. Varro was so held also but Soranus before him as Ennius the best Poet before Uirgill Hee had honors at Rome and the tribuneship for one and because hee spoake the secret name of Rome which no man might vtter hee lost his life Pliâ—… Solin Macrob. and Plutarch though in Pompeyes life Plutarch saith that Q. Valeriâ—… the Philosopher which most vnderstood to be Soranus was put to death by Pompey But this is but at the second hand saith he from Oppius let vs beware how wee trust a friend to Caesar in a storiâ—… of Pompey Some say hee died suddenly Others that hee was crucified Seru. d Iupiter The old copies read Iupiter omnipotens regum rerumque deumque for the first verse e Gâ—…uer of seede Orph. Hymn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. God as a man begets as woman breedes f World is So held all the best Philosophers against Anaximander Anaximenes Aristarchus Xenophanâ—…s Diogenes Leucippus Democritus and Epicurus all which held many worlds Whether Ianus and Ioue be rightly distinguished or no. CHAP. 10. WHerefore Ianus being the world and Ioue the world also and yet the world but one why then are not Ianus and Ioue one Why haue the seuerall Temples seuerall altars rites and statues all seuerall Because the originall is one thing and the cause another and therefore their names and natures are distinct herein Why how can this bee If one man haue two authorities or two sciences because they are distinct is he therefore two officers or two tradesmen So then if one GOD haue two powers ouer causes and ouer originalls must hee needs therefore be two Gods because they are two things If this may bee faith then let Ioue be as many gods as he hath surnames for his seuerall authorities for all his powers whence they are deriued are truly distinct let vs looke in a few of them and see if this be not true Of Ioues surnames referred all vnto him as one god not as to many CHAP. 11. THey called him a Victor Inâ—…incible Helper Impulsor Stator b Hundred footeâ—… the Râ—…fter c the Nourisher Ruminus and inunmerable other names too long d to rehearse All the names they gaue one God for diuers respect and powers yet did they not make him a god for each peculiar because he conquered was vnconquered helped the needy had power to inforce to stay to establish to ouerturne because he bore vp the world like a e rafter because he nourished all and as it were gaue all the world suck Marke these powers conferred with the epithites Some are of worth some idle yet one gods worke they are f all as they say I thinke there is more neerenesse of nature betweene the causes and the beginnings of things for which they make one world two gods Ianus and Ioue who they say both contayneth all and yet giueth creatures sucke yet for these two works of such different qualities is not Ioue compelled to become two gods but playeth the one part as he is Tigillus The Rafter and the other as he in Ruminus the Dugg-bearer I will not say that it were fitter for Iuno to suckle the words creatures then Iupiter especially hauing power to make a
the watry playnes g The Moone Porph. Naturall deor interpretat That in the Sunne saith he is 〈◊〉 that in the Moone Miuerua signifiyng wisdome h Worlds fire Ours that we vse on earth belonging as I say to generation Though herein as in all fictions is great diuersity of opiâ—…ons Phurnutus saith Vulan is the grosser fire that wee vse and Iupiter the more pure fire and Prudentius saith Ipse ignis qui nostrum seruit ad usum Vulcanus ac perhibetur et in virtute supernâ Fingitur ac delubra deus ac nomine et ore Assimulatus habet nec non regnare caminis Fertur Aeoliae summus faber esse vel Aetna The fire that serues our vse Hight Vulcan and is held a thing diuine Grac't with a stile a statue and a shrine The chimeys god he is and keepes they say Great shops in Aetna and Aeolia i onely Heauen Ennius Aspice hoc sublime candens quem inuocant omnes Iouem behold yond flaming light which each call Ioue k Get the starre In the contention for Lucifier or the day starre That Varro him-selfe held his opinions of the Gods to be ambiguous CHAP. 17. BVt euen as these cited examples do so all the rest rather make the matteâ—… intricate then plaine and following the force of opiniatiue error sway this way and that way that Varro himselfe liketh better to doubt of them then to deliuer this or that positiuely for of his three last bookes hauing first ended that of the certaine gods then hee came into that of the a vncertaine ones and there hee saith If I set downe ambiguities of these gods I am not blame worthy Hee that thinketh I ought to iudge of them or might let him iudge when he readeth them I had rather call all my former assertions into question then propound all that I am to handle in this booke positiuely Thus doth hee make doubts of his doctrine of the certaine gods aswell as the rest Besides in his booke of the select ones hauing made his preface out of naturall theology entring into these politique fooleries and mad fictions where truth both opposed him antiquity oppressed him here qd he I wil write of the gods to whom the Romaines haue built temples diuersity of statues bâ—… I wil write so as xenophanes b Colophonus writeth what I thinke not what I wil defend for man may thinke but God is he that knoweth Thus timerously he promiseth to speake of things not knowne nor firmely beleeued but only opinatiue doubted of being to speake of mens institutions He knew that ther was the world heauen and earth stars al those together with the whole vniuerse subiect vnto one powerfull and inuisible king this he firmely beleeued but hee durst not say that Ianus was the world or that Saturne was Ioues father and yet his subiect nor of the rest of this nature durst he affirme any thing confidently L. VIVES THe a Vncertaine Of these I haue spoken before now a little of the vnknowne for it is an error to hold them both one The territories of Athens had altars to many vokowne gods Actes 17. and Pausanias in Attic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the altars of the vnâ—… gods These Epimenides of Creete found for the pestilence being sore in that country 〈◊〉 â—…d them to expiate their fields yet not declaring what god they should invoâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expiation Epimenides beeing then at Athens bad them turne the cattell that they would offâ—… into the fields and the priests to follow them and where they staied there kill them and â—…er them to the vnknowne propiciatory God Therevpon arose the erection of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which continued euen vnto Laertius his time This I haue beene the willinger to 〈◊〉 â—…cause of that in the Actes b Xenophanes Sonne to Orthomenes of Ionia where 〈◊〉 the Poet was borne Apolodorus out of Colophon Hee held all things incompreâ—… â—…nst the opinion of Laërtius Sotion Eusebius following Sotion saith hee did hold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sences salfe and our reason for company he wrote of the gods against Homer and Heâ—… There was another Zenophanes a lesbian and a Poet. The likeliest cause of the propagation of paganisme CHAP. 18. OF all these the most credible reason is this that these gods were men that by the meanes of such as were their flatterers a had each of them rites and sacrifices ordained for them correspondent vnto some of their deedes manners wittes fortunes and so forth and that other men rather diuells sucking in these errors and delighting in their ceremonies nouelties so gaue them their propagation beeing furthered with poetiall fictions and diabolicall illusions For it were a likelier matter that an vngratious sonne did feare killing by as vngratious a father and so expelled him from his kingdome then that which hee saith that Ioue is aboue Saturne because the efficient cause which iâ—… â—…es is before the materiall which is Saturnes For were this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should neuer haue beene before Ioue nor consequently his faâ—…â—…or the cause goeth alwaies before the seede but the seede neuer geâ—… the cause But in this endeauor to honour the vaine fables or impiâ—… of men with naturall interpretations their most learned men are 〈◊〉 into such quandaries that wee cannot choose but pitty their vanity asâ—… 〈◊〉 the others L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a each In this place the Copies differ but our reading is the most authenâ—… and most ancient Some Copies leaue out By the meanes of such as were their 〈◊〉 But it is not left out in the olde manuscripts wee reade it as antiquitie leauâ—… 〈◊〉 The interpretations of the worship of Saturne CHAP. 19. Sâ—… say they deuoured all his children that is all seedes returne to 〈◊〉 earth from whence they came and a clod of earth was laide in steed of 〈◊〉 for him to deuoure by which is meant that men did vse to bury their 〈◊〉 in the earth before that plowing was inuented So then should Saturne bâ—… called the earth it selfe and not the seedes for it is the earth that doth as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deuoure the owne of-spring when as the seedes it produceth are all returned into it againe But what correspondence hath mens couering of corne with cloddes vnto the laying of Saturne a clod in steed of Ioue is not the corne which is couered with the clod returned into the earthes wombe as well as the rest For this is spoken as if hee that laid the clod tooke away the seede Thus say they by the laying of this clod was Ioue taken from Saturne when as the laying of the clod vpon a seede maketh the earth to deuoure it the sooner Againe beeing so Ioue is the seed not the seedes cause as was sayd but now But these mens braines runne so farre a stray with those fond interpretations that they know not well what to say A sickle hee beareth for his husbandry they say Now in a his raigne was not husbandry inuented and therefore as our author interpreteth the
of vntiâ—… iâ—… be so ragged that it bee past wearing Some say they kept them to make childrens sâ—…g cloathes off And thus for Greece Rome had a great yearely feast of Ceres which mouâ—…ers might not be present at Liu. They had also the mariages of Ceres or Orcus wherein it was an offence to bring wine but frankincence onely and tapers whereof Plautus saith I 〈◊〉 you are about Ceres feasts for I see no wine Aulular Of this sacrifice read Macrob. 〈◊〉 and Seruius vpon Virgils Georgikes lib. 1. vpon this place Cuncta tibi Cerem pubes agrestis adoret Cui tu lacte fauos miti dilue Baccho Call all the youth vnto these rites diuine And offer Ceres hony milke or wine â—…re were also the Cerealia games in Ceres honour whereof Politian a great scholler hath 〈◊〉 in his Miscellanea whose iudgement least some bee mistaken by I will write mine 〈◊〉 hereof First the old Circian games that Romulus ordained to Hipposeidon and these 〈◊〉 are not al one these are farre later in originall Againe these later were kept long 〈◊〉 Memmius his time Liu. namely the sixteenth yeare of the second African warre by 〈◊〉 â—…ates decree Gn. Seruillus Geminus beeing dictator and Aaelius Paetus Maister of the 〈◊〉 Nor doe Tacitus or Ouid comptroll this in saying the Cerealia were kept in the great 〈◊〉 The Cereal Aediles were made for the cornes prouision not for the plaies though 〈◊〉 made some to Ceres But I maruell that Politian thinketh that that Memmius whome 〈◊〉 made Aedile was hee to whom Lucretius dedicated his booke or if it shall please you 〈◊〉 sonne when as Lucretius died in the second consulships of Pompey and Crassus and the worke was written in Memmius his youthfull daies True it is one error begets many I would not haue any man thinke this spoken in derogation from the glory of so great a scholler for 〈◊〉 is not to bee reiected for beeing deceiued hee was but a man My words ayme at the â—…fit of the most not at detraction from him or any If any man thinke otherwise which is 〈◊〉 know hee that it is no iniury to reprehend either Politian or any man else of the cunningâ—… in matter of antiquity But of the Cerealia let this suffice Of the obscaenity of Bacchus sacrifices CHAP. 21. BVt now for Libers a sacrifices who ruleth not onely all moisture of seedes and fruites whereof wine seemes principall but of creatures also To â—…ibe their full turpitude It irkes me for losse of time but not for these mens â—…ish pride Amongst a great deale of necessary omission let this goe whereas hee saith that Libers sacrifices were kept with such licence in the high-waies in Italy that they adored mens priuities in his honour their beastlinesse exulting and scorning any more secrecie This beastly sight vpon his feast daies was honorably mounted vpon a b waggon and first rode thus through the country and then was brought into the city in this pompe But at c Lauinium they kept a whole month holy to Liber vsing that space all the beastly words they could deuise vntill the beastly spectacle had passed through the market place and was placed where it vsed to stand And then must the most honest matron of the towne crowne it with a garland Thus for the seeds successe was Liber adored and to expell witch-craft from the fields an honest matron must doe that in publike which an whore should not do vpon the stage if the matrons looked on For this was Saturne accounted insufficient in this charge that the vncleane soule finding occasion to multiply the gods and by this vncleanesse being kept from the true GOD and prostitute vnto the false through more vncleane desires might giue holy names to these sacriledges and entangle it selfe in eternall pollution with the diuells L. VIVES LIbers a sacrifices Kept by the Thebans on mount Cythaeron euery third yeare in the nights and called therefore Nyctilena Seru. and of the yeares Trieretica or Triennalia Herein were the Phally that is huge priuy members vsed Herodot Plutarch de cupid op The Agiptians vsed little statues with such huge perpendents the other nations caried the members onely about for fertility sake The feasts were called Phallogogia Theodoret. lib. 3. Why Priapus and Bacchus haue feasts together there bee diuers reasons 1. Because they were companions 2. because without Bacchus ' Priapus can doe naught and therefore was held the sonne of Bacchus and Uenus 3. because Bacchus is Lord of seede whereof Priapus is the chiese instrument and therefore god of gardens and hath his feasts kept by the husbandmen with great ioye Now Diodorus saith that Osyris whome hee counteth Bacchus being cut in peeces by Typhon and euery friend bearing part away none would take the priuy member so it was cast into Nyle Afterwards Isis hauing reuenged his murther got all his body againe onely that shee wanted and so consecrated an Image thereof and for her comfort honored it more then all the other parts making feasts to it calling it Phallus at the Priests first institution Nazianzene reckneth both Phalli and Ithyphalli but I thinke they differ not but that for the more erection it was called Ithyphallus of the greeke b Waggons To yoake mise in waggons saith Horace in his Satyres lib. 2. It is adiminutiue of waynes Plaustra much difference is about Plaustra and Plostra U. Probus is for Plostra Florius told Vespasian hee must say plaustra so the next day he called him Flaurus for Florus Suctonius c At Lauinium A towne in Latinum built by Aeneas and named after his wife Alba longa was a colony of this of Alba before is sufficient spoken Of Neptune Salacia and Venilia CHAP. 22. NOw Neptune had one Salacia to wife gouernesse they say of the lowest parts of the sea why is Venilia ioyned with her but to keep the poore soule prostitute to a multitude of deuills But what saith this rare Theology to stoppe our mouthes with reason Venilia is the flowing tide Salacia the ebbing What two goddesses when the watter ebbing and the water flowing is al one See how the soules lust a flowes to damnation Though this water going bee the same returning yet by this vanity are two more deuills inuited to whom the soule b goeth and neuer returneth I pray the Varro or you that haue read so much and boast what you haue learned explayne mee this not by the eternall vnchanging nature which is onely god but by the worlds soule and the parts which you hold true gods The error wherein you make Neptune to bee that part of the worlds soule that is in the sea that is some-what tolerable but is the water ebbing and the water flowing two parts of the world or of the worlds soule which of all your wits conteineth this vnwise credence But why did your ancestors ordaine yee those two goddesses but
that they would prouide that you should not bee ruled by any more gods but by many more deuills that delighted in such vanities But why hath Salacia that you call the inmost sea being there vnder her husband lost her place for you bring her vp aboue when shee is the ebbing tide Hath shee thrust her husband downe into the bottome for entertaining Venilia to his harlot L. VIVES LUst a flowes Alluding to the sea b Goeth and neuer returneth Spoken of the damned that neither haue ease nor hope at all He alludeth to Iob. 10. vers 21. Before I goe and shall not returne to the land of darkenesse and shadow of death euen the land of misery and darknesse which both the words them-selues shew and the learned comments affirme is meant of hell Of the earth held by Varro to be a goddesse because the worlds soule his god doth penetrate his lowest part and communicateth his essence there-with CHAP. 23. WE see one earth filled with creatures yet being a masse of elemental bodies and the worlds lowest part why call they it a goddesse because it is fruitfull why are not men gods then that make it so with labour not with worship No the part of the worlds soule say they conteined in her maâ—…eth hir diuine good as though that soule were not more apparant in man without all question yet men are no gods and yet which is most lamentable are subiected so that they adore the inferiors as gods such is their miserable error Varro in his booke of the select gods putteth a three degrees of the soule in all nature One liuing in all bodies vnsensitiue onely hauing life this he saith we haue in our bones nailes and haire and so haue trees liuing without sence Secondly the power of sence diffused through our eyes eares nose mouth and touch Thirdly the highest degree of the soule called the minde or intellect confined b onely vnto mans fruition wherein because men are like gods that part in the world he calleth a god and in vse a Genius So diuideth hee the worlds soule into three degrees First stones and wood and this earth insensible which we tread on Secondly the worlds sence the heauens or Aether thirdly her soule set in the starres his beleeued gods and by them descending through the earth goddesie Tellus and when it comes in the sea it is Neptune stay now back a little from this morall theologie whether hee went to refresh him-selfe after his toile in these straites back againe I say to the ciuill let vs plead in this court a little I say not yet that if the earth and stones bee like our nailes and bones they haue no more intellect then sence Or if our bones and nailes be said to haue intellect because wee haue it hee is as very a foole that calleth them gods in the world as hee that should â—…me them men in vs. But this perhaps is for Philosophers let vs to our ciuill theame For it may bee though hee lift vp his head a little to the freedome of 〈◊〉 naturall theologie yet comming to this booke and knowing what he had to â—…oe hee lookes now and then back and saith this least his ancestors and others should be held to haue adored Tellus and Neptune to no end But this I say seeing â—…th onely is that part of the worlds soule that penetrateth earth why is it not 〈◊〉 intirely one goddesse and so called Tellus which done where is Orcus 〈◊〉 and Neptunes brother father Dis and where is Proserpina his wife that some opinions there recorded hold to be the earths depth not her fertility If they say the soule of the world that passeth in the vpper part is Dis and that in the loâ—…er Proserpina what shall then become of Tellus for thus is she intirely diuided into halfes that where she should be third there is no place vnlesse some will say that Orcus and Proserpina together are Tellus and so make not three but one or two of them yet 3. they are held worshiped by 3. seuerall sorts of rites by their altars priests statues and are indeed three deuills that do draw the deceiued soule to damnable whoredome But one other question what part of the worlds soule is Tellumo No saith he the earth hath two powers a masculine to produce and a feminine to receiue this is Tellus and that Tellumo But why then doe the Priests as he sheweth adde other two and make them foure Tellumo Tellus c Altor Rusor for the two first you are answered why Altor of Alo to nourish earth nourisheth all things Why Rusor of Rursus againe all things turne againe to earth L. VIVES PUtteth three a degrees Pythagoras and Plato say the soule is of three kindes vegetable sensitiue reasonable Mans soule say they is two-fold rationall and irrationall the later two-fold affectionate to ire and to desire all these they doe locally seperate Plat. de Rep. l. 4. Aristotle to the first three addeth a fourth locally motiue But he distinguisheth those parts of the reasonable soule in vse onely not in place nor essence calling them but powers referred vnto actions Ethic. Alez Aphrodiseus sheweth how powers are in the soule But this is not a fit theame for this place But this is all it is but one soule that augmenteth the hayre and bones profiteth the sences and replenisheth the heart and braine b Onely vnto This place hath diuersities of reading some leaue out part and some do alter but the sence being vnaltered a note were further friuolous c Altor Father Dis and Proserpina had many names in the ancient ceremonies Hee Dis Tellumo Altor Rusor Cocytus shee Uerra Orca and Nâ—…se Tellus Thus haue the priests bookes them Romulus was also called Altellus of nourishing his subiects so admirably against their enuious borderers Iupiter Plutonius saith Trismegistus rules sea and land and is the nourisher of all fruitfull and mortall foules In Asclepio Of earths surnames and significations which though they arose of diuerse originals yet should they not be accompted diuerse Gods CHAP. 24. THerefore earth for her foure qualities ought to haue foure names yet not to make foure gods One Ioue serues to many surnames and so doth one Iuno in all which the multitude of their powers constitute but one God and one goddesse not producing multitude of gods But as the vilest women are some-times ashamed of the company that their lust calleth them into so the polluted soule prostitute vnto all hell though it loued multitude of false gods yet it som-times lothed them For Varro as shaming at this crew would haue Tellus to be but one goddesse They a call her saith hee the Great mother and her Tymbrell is a signe of the earths roundnesse the turrets on her head of the townes the seates about her of her eternall stability when all things else are mooued her 〈◊〉 Priests signifie that such as want seede must follow the earth
for what pride those wicked fiendes had their fall Hence arose those routes of gods whereof partly wee haue spoken and others of other nations as well as those wee now are in hand with the Senate of selected gods selected indeed but for villany not for vertue Whose rites Varro seeking by reason to reduce to nature and to couer turpitude with an honest cloake can by no meanes make them square together because indeed the causes that hee held or would haue others hold for their worship are no such as he takes them nor causes of their worship For if they or their like were so though they should not concerne the true God nor life eternall which true religion must affoord yet their colour of reason would be some mitigation for the absurd actes of Ignorance which Varro did endeuour to bring about in diuers their theater-fables or temple-mysteries wherein hee freed not the theaters for their correspondence with the temples but condemned the temples for their correspondence with the theaters yet endeuouring with naturall reasons to wipe away the filthy shapes that those presentments imprinted in the sences Of Numa his bookes which the Senate for keeping their mysteries in secret did command should be burned CHAP. 34. BVt contrarywise we do finde as Varro himselfe said of Numa his bookes that these naturall reasons giuen for these ceremonies could no way be allowed of nor worthy of their priests reading no not so much as their secret reseruing For now I will tell yee what I promised in my third booke to relate in conuenient place One a Terentius as Varro hath it in his booke de Cultu deorum had some ground neare to mount Ianiculus and his seruants plowing neare to Nâ—… his tombe the plough turned vp some bookes conteining the ceremonies institutions b Terentius brought them into the citty to the Praetor who hauing looked in them brought this so weighty an affaire before the Senate where hauing read some of the first causes why hee had instituted this and that in their religion The Senate agreed with dead Numa and like c religious fathers gaue order to the Praetor for the burning of them Euery one here may beleeue as he list nay let any contentious mad patron of absurd vanity say here what he list Sufficeth it I shew that the causes that Nâ—… their King gaue for his owne institutions ought neither to bee shewed to people senate no nor to the Priests them-selues and that Numa by his vnlawfull 〈◊〉 came to the knowledge of such deuillish secrets as he was worthy to be 〈◊〉 â—…ded for writing of Yet though hee were a King that feared no man hee duâ—… for all that either publish them or abolish them publish them he would noâ—…â—…are of teaching wickednesse burne them he durst not for feare of offendiâ—… deuils so he buried them where he thought they would be safe d not 〈◊〉 â—…he turning vp of his graue by a plough But the Senate fearing to reâ—… their ancestors religion and so agreeing with Numa's doctrine yet held 〈◊〉 â—…kes too pernicious either to bee buried againe least mens madder cuâ—… should seeke them out or to bee put to any vse but burning to the end 〈◊〉 seeiâ—…g they must needs stick to their old superstition they might doe it with â—…ame by concealing the causes of it whose knowledge would haue disturâ—… whole cittie L. VIVES 〈◊〉 Terentius The storie is written by Liuy Ualerius Plutarch and Lactantius Liuy 〈◊〉 â—…erius his ordinary follower say that Q. Petilius found the bookes Pliny out of 〈◊〉 that Gn. Terentius found them in one chest not two Liuy calles that yeares 〈◊〉 C. Bebius Pamphilus and M. Amilius Lepidus for whom Hemina putteth P. Corâ—…â—…gus after Numa his reigne DXXXV of the bookes the seuerall opinions are 〈◊〉 13. cap. 13. b Terentius Petilius they sayd some say he desired the Pretor they 〈◊〉 â—…ead others that he brought a Scriuener to read them The historie in Liuy lib. 40. 〈◊〉 and Plinie lib. 1. 'T is sufficient to shew the places He saith he brought them inâ—… for though Numa's tombe were in the cittie namely in the foureteenth region 〈◊〉 yet being beyond Tyber such as came to the Senate house seemed to come out 〈◊〉 â—…bes or countrie c Religious fathers as touched with feare that religion should 〈◊〉 by the publication of those bookes Some read religious in reference vnto bookes 〈◊〉 â—…ng scruples of religion in mens mindes for that is the signification of the Latine 〈◊〉 any man will read it irreligious d Not fearing It was a great and religious 〈◊〉 â—…as had ouer Sepulchers of old none might violate or pull them downe it was a 〈◊〉 twelue tables and also one of Solons and Numa's of most old law-giuers Greekes â—…es belonging rather to their religion then their ciuill law for they held Sepulchers 〈◊〉 â—…les of th' Infernall gods and therefore they wrote vpon them these letters D. M. S. 〈◊〉 â—…anibus sacrum A place sacred to the gods of Hell and their sollemnities were 〈◊〉 â—…cia Cicero de legib lib. 2. Of Hydromancie whereby Numa was mocked with apparitions CHAP. 35. 〈◊〉 Nâ—…ma him-selfe being not instructed by any Prophet or Angell of God 〈◊〉 faine to fall to d Hydromancie making his gods or rather his deuills to 〈◊〉 in water and instruct him in his religious institutions Which kinde of 〈◊〉 â—…n saith Varro came from Persia and was vsed by Numa and afterwards 〈◊〉 â—…thagoras wherein they vsed bloud also and called forth spirits infernall 〈◊〉 â—…ncie the greekes call it but Necromancie or Hydromancie whether ye like 〈◊〉 it is that the dead seeme to speake How they doe these things looke they 〈◊〉 for I will not say that their lawes prohibited the vse of such things in 〈◊〉 cities before the comming of our Sauiour I doe not say so perhaps they 〈◊〉 allowed it But hence did Numa learne his ordinances which he published 〈◊〉 publishing their causes so afraide was he of that which he had learned 〈◊〉 which afterward the Senate burned But why then doth Varro giue them such a sort of other naturall reasons which had they beene in Numa's bookes they had 〈◊〉 beene burned or else Varro's that were dedicated to c Caesar the priest should haue beene burned for company So that Numa's hauing nymph a â—…ia to his wife was as Varro saith nothing but his vse of water in Hydromâ—…cy For so vse actions to bee spiced with falshood and turned into fables So by that Hydromancy did this curious King learne his religious lawes that hee gaue the Romaines and which the Priests haue in their bookes marry for their causes them hee learned also but kept to himselfe and after a sort entoumbed them in death with himselfe such was his desire to conceale them from the world So then either were these bookes filled with the deuills best all desires and thereby all the politique Theology that presenteth them such filthynesses made
opinion of Idolatry and how hee might come to know thâ—… the Aegiptian superstitions were to be abrogated 24. How Hermes openly confessed his progenitors error and yet bewailed the destruction of it 25. Of such things as may bee common in Angells and Men. 26. That all paganisme was fully contaiâ—…d in dead men 27. Of the honor that Christians giue to â—…he Martirs FINIS THE EIGHTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD. Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the questions of naturall Theologie to bee handled with the most excellent Philosophers CHAP. 1. NOw had wee need to call our wittes together in farre more exacte manner then we vsed in our precedent discourses for now wee are to haue to doe with the Theology called naturall nor deale wee against each fellow for this is neither the ciuill nor stage-theology the one of which recordes the gods filthy crimes and the other their more filthy desires and both shew â—…lls and not gods but against Philosophers whose very name a truely iâ—…ed professeth a loue of wisdome Now if GOD b bee wisdome as 〈◊〉 scripture testifieth then a true Philosopher is a louer of GOD. But 〈◊〉 the thing thus called is not in all men that boast of that name for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are called Philosophers are not louers of the true wisdome we must 〈◊〉 as wee know how they stand affected by their writings and with â—…te of this question in due fashion I vndertake not here to refute all â—…ophers assertions that concerne other matters but such onely as perâ—… Theology which e word in greeke signifieth speech of diuinity 〈◊〉 that kinde either but onely such as holding a deity respecting matâ—…â—…iall yet affirme that the adoration of one vnchangeable GOD sufâ—… vnto eternall life but that many such are made and ordained by him 〈◊〉 â—…red also for this respect For these doe surpasse Varro his opinion in 〈◊〉 at the truth for hee could carry his naturall Theology no farther 〈◊〉 world and the worldes soule but these beyond all nature liuing acâ—… a GOD creator not only of this visible world vsually called Heauen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but of euery liuing soule also and one that doth make the reasonâ—… blessed by the perticipation of his incorporeall and vnchangeable 〈◊〉 that these Philosophers were called Platonists of their first founder Plato 〈◊〉 that none that hath heard of these opinions but knoweth L. VIVES Vâ—…y a name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wisdomes loue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wisdomes louer whose contrary is 〈◊〉 opposition to wisdome as Speusippus saith b Bee wisdome Wisdome the 7. Pâ—…o the Hebrewes chapter 1. Doe call the sonne the wisdome of the father by which hee â—…de the world c. The thing Lactantius holds this point strongly against the Philosophers 〈◊〉 â—…eins hath an elegant saying I hate saith hee the men that are idle indeede and Phiâ—…all in word But many haue handled this theme d All that A different reading all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pâ—…rpose e Word in greekâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speech or discourse or reason concerning GOD 〈◊〉 is all these Of the two kinds of Philosophers Italian and Ionian and of their authors CHAP. 2. VVHerefore concerning this Plato as much as shall concerne our purpose I will speake in briefe with a remembrance of such as before him held the same positions The greeke monuments a language the most famous of all the nations doe record a two kinds of Philosophers th' Italian b out of that part of Italy which was whilom called Magna Grecia and the c Ionian in the country now called Greece The Italian had their originall from d Pythagoras of Samos e who also was the first author they say of the name of Philosophers For whereas they were before called wise men that professed a reformed course of life aboue the rest hee beeing asked what hee professed answered hee was a Philosopher that is a louer and a longer after wisdome but to call himselfe a wise man hee held a part of too great arrogance But the Ionikes were they whose chieÌ„fe was f Thales Milesius g one of the seauen Sages But the h other sixe were distinguished by their seuerall courses of life and the rules they gaue for order of life But Thales to propagate his doctrine to succession searched into the secrets of nature and committing his positions vnto monuments and letters grew famous but most admired hee was because hee got the knowledge of k Astrologicall computations and was able to prognosticate the eclipses of Sunne and Moone yet did hee thinke that all the world was made of l water that it was the beginning of all the elements and all thereof composed m Nor did hee teach that this faire admired vniuerse was gouerned by any diuine or mentall power After him came n Anaximander his scholler but hee changed his opinion concerning the natures of things holding that the whole world was not created of one thing as Thales held of water but that euery thing had originall from his proper beginnings which singular beginnings hee held to be infinite that infinit worlds were thereby gotten all which had their successiue original continuance and end o nor did he mention any diuine minde as rector of any part hereof This man left p Anaximenes his scholler and successor who held all things to haue their causes from the q infinite ayre but hee professed their was gods yet made them creatures of the ayre not creators thereof But r Anaxagoras his scholler first held the diuine minde to bee the efficient cause of all things visible out of an infinite matter consisting of s vnlike partes in themselues and that euery kinde of thing was produced according to the Species but all by the worke of the diuine essence And t Diogenes another of Anaximenes his followers held that the u ayre was the substance producing all things but that it was ayded by the diuine essence without which of it selfe it could doe nothing To Anaxagoras succeeded x Archelaus and y hee also held all things to consist of this dissimilitude of partes yet so as there was a diuine essence wrought in them by dispersing and compacting of this z consonance and dissonance This mans scholler was a Socrates Plato his Maister for whose sake I haue made this short recapitulation of these other L. VIVES TWo a kindes The sects of Philosophers at first were so great in Greece that they were distinguished by the names of the Seigniories they liued in One of Italy the country where Phythagoras the first Maister of one opinion taught another of Ionia Thales his natiue soile wherein Miletum standeth called also saith Mela Ionia because it was the chiefe Citty of that country So did Plato and Aristotle distinguish such as were of more antiquity then these b Out of that part At Locris saith Pliny beginneth the coast of that part of Italy called Magna Grecia it is extended into three bares and confronteth the Hadriatique sea now
called Golfo De Venetia which the Grecians vsed oftentimes to crosse ouer I wonder that sâ—…e haue held al Italy to be called so because Pliny doth write thus What haue the Greciaâ—…s a most vanie-glorious nation shewne of themselues in calling such a part of Italy Magna Grecia Great Greece Whereby hee sheweth that it was but a little part of Italy that they 〈◊〉 thus Of the 3. baies I spoke of one of them containes these fiue Citties Tarentum Meâ—…us Heraclea Croto and Turii and lieth betweene the promontories of Sales and Laâ—… Mela. It is called now Golfo di Taranto Here it is said Pythagoras did teach c Ioâ—… Ionia is a country in Asia Minor betweene the Lydians the Lycaonians and our sea â—…ing Aeolia and Caria on the sides this on the South-side that on the North Miletus is the â—…se Citty saith Mela both for all artes of warre and peace the natiue soile of Thales the â—…sopher Tymotheus the Musician Anaximander the Naturalist and diuers other whose wâ—…s haue made it famous Thales taught his fellow cittizen Anaximander he his fellow cittizen also Anaximenes hee Anaxagoras of Clazomene Pericles Archelaus and Socrates of Athens and Socrates almost all Athens d Pythagoras Aristoxenus saith hee was of Tyrrheâ—… in â—…e that the Greekes tooke from the Italians hee went into Egipt with King Amasis and râ—…ng backe disliking the tyrannous rule of Polycrates of Samos hee passed ouer to Italy â—…y who also Cicero Tnsc. 5. out of Heraclides of Pontus relateth that Pythagoras beeing â—…ked of Leontes the Phliasian King what hee professed hee answered that whereas the rest of his prosâ—… had called themselues wise men Sophi hee would bee called But a louer of wisdome a Pâ—…pher with a more modest respect of his glory And herevpon the name Sophi grew quite â—…of custome as ambitious and arrogant and all were called Philosophers after that foâ—… indeâ—… the name of wise is Gods peculiar onely f Thales The first Naturalist of Greece 〈◊〉 first yeare of the 35. Olympiad after Apollodorus his account in Laertius g 〈◊〉 A sort of youthes hauing bought at a venture a draught of the Milesian fishers 〈◊〉 â—…awne vp a tablet of gold they fell to strife about it each would haue had it so vnto 〈◊〉 his oracle they went who bad them giue it vnto the wise So first they gaue it vnâ—… 〈◊〉 whom the Ionians held wise he sent it vnto another of the seauen and hee to anâ—… and so till it came to Solon who dedicated it to Apollo as the wisest indeed And these 〈◊〉 had the same of wisdome ouer all Greece and were called the seauen Sages h The otâ—… Chilo of Lecedaemon Pittacus of Mitilene Bias of Priene Cleobulus oâ—… Lindus Periâ—… â—…orynthe and Solon of Athens of these at large in the eighteenth booke i Comâ—… 〈◊〉 Some say that the Astrology of the Saylers was his worke others ascribe it vnto Râ—…â—…f â—…f Samos Laban the Argiue saith he wrote 200. verses of Astrology k Astrologiâ—… Endâ—…s saith hee presaged the eclipses Hist. Astrolog Amongst the Greeks saith Pliny lib. 〈◊〉 Thales in the fourth yeare of the 48. Olympiade was the first that found their 〈◊〉 of eclipses and prognosticated that which fell out in King Halliattes time in the â—…XX yeare after the building of Rome So saith Eusebius and Cicero de diuinat lib. 1. Whâ—…e for Haliattes he writeth Astiages But they liued both at one time and had warres one â—…ith another l Water As Homere calls the sea father of all Plutarch in Placit Philos and oâ—…e giue Thales his reason because the seede of all creatures animate is moist and so is all â—…nt Nay they held that the seas moisture nourisheth and increaseth the stars m Nor did 〈◊〉 Velleius in Tully affirmeth that Thales thought all things to bee made of water and 〈◊〉 the essence that was the cause of all their production is God and Laertius saith that hee 〈◊〉 all things full of Daemones and beeing asked whether the gods knew not a mans euill â—…ds Yes said he and thoughts too But this proues Gods knowledge onely and noâ—… his operation to be auouched by him n Anaximander A Milesian also but not hee that wrote the Histories He held an infinite element was the substance of the production of all things but â—…er shewed whether it was fiery ayry earthly or watry Hee held besides that the partes of 〈◊〉 infinite thinÌ„g were successiuely changed but that the whole was imâ—…utable Aristot. Pluâ—… 〈◊〉 Euseb. o Nor did he Herein Plutarch reprehendeth him for finding the mattâ—… and â—…t the efficient cause For that infinite element is the matter but without some efficient cause it can doe nothing But Tully saith that hee affirmed that there were naturall gods farre distance East and West and that these were their inumerable worlds De nat deor lib. 1. So that these contraries their originall and there efficient are all one namely that eternall cold and heate as Euseb â—…e prâ—…par Euang. saith and Aristotle intymateth Phys. lib. 1. p Anaximenes Sonne to Eurystratus a Mâ—…lesian also borne Olympiad 64. He died in the yeare of Craesus his ouerthrow as Apollodorus counteth q Infinite ayre Infinite saith Eusebius in kinde but not in qualities of whose condensation and rarefaction all things haue their generation Hee held the ayre god generated infinite and eternally mouing The stars the Sunne and the Moone were created hee held of the earth Cicero r Anaxagoras Borne at Clazomene a towne in Ionia he died Olymp. 88. beeing 62. yeares of age His worke saith Plutarch and Laertius beganne thus There was one vniuersall masse an essence came and disioyned it and disposed it For hee held a matter or masse including infinite formes of creation and parcells of contraries and others all confused together which the diuine essence did compose and seperate and so made flesh of many parcells of flesh of bones bone and so of the rest yet are these other parcells formally extant in the whole as in their bones there is parcells of flesh and fire and sinewes c. For should bread or meate giue encrease to a bone or the bloud vnlesse there were seedes or little parcells of bone and bloud in the bread though from their smallenesse they be inuifible Arist. Plutarch Laertius s Vnlike Or like either is right For as Aristotle saith Anaxagoras held infinite partes in euery body both contrary and correspondent which hee called Homogenia or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 similaria like Symilarities Gaza translateth it For in bodies they are partes that are similare as in fire water flesh bone c. and here the name of each part is the name of the whole each drop of water is water and each bit of flesh is flesh and so of the rest then are there also partes dissimilar as in a man an horse and so forth wherein are parts seuerally called as bones nerues bloud skin and such
and Phoronis the first they picture with Erected priuities for hauing beheld Proserpina the later the Laebadians worshippe in a caue and cal him Trophonius n Trismegistus As the French say trespuissant and we thrice mighty But the latter wrot not Trismegistus but his grand-father did yet both were called Hermes Trismegistus The first Theut was a great king a great Priest a Philosopher Thus it pleaseth some to describe his greatnesse o Isis. Isis Osiris do much good saith Hermes his booke p In both their natures Hermes had it without nature extra naturam q Adored The Egyptians had innumerable things to their gods Garlike and Onions by which they swore as Pliny saith and many creatures after whome they named their citties Crocodilopolâ—…s Lycopolis Leontopolls and Lâ—…polis vpon the crocodyle the wolfe the lion and the place-fish So Apis first instituting the adoration of the Oxe was adored himselfe in an oxes shape Mercury in a dogs Isis in a cowes Diodorus writeâ—…h that their leaders wore such crests on their helmets Anubis a dog Alexander the great a wolfe c. whence the reuerence of those creatures first arose and therevpon those Princes being dead they ordained them diuine worships in those shapes This is that which Mercury saith their soules were adored that in their liues had ordayned honor to those creatures as indeed the Princes wearing them on their helmes and sheelds made them venerable and respected and the simple people thought that much of their victories came from them and so set them vp as deities Of the Honor that Christians giue to the Martires CHAP. 27. YEt we erect no temples alters nor sacrifices to the martirs because not they but their god is our God wee honor their memories as Gods Saints standing till death for the truth that the true religion might be propagated and all Idolatry demolished whereas if any others had beleeued right before them yet feare forbad them confesse it And who hath euer heard the Priest at the altar that was built vp in gods honor and the martires memories say ouer the body I offer vnto thee Peter or vnto thee Paul or a Cyprian hee offers to God in the places of their memorialls whome God had made men and martirs and aduanced them into the society of his Angells in heauen that wee at that sollemnity may both giue thanks to God for their victories and bee incouraged to endeuor the attainement of such crownes and glories as they haue already attained still inuocating him at their memorialls wherefore all the religious performances done there at the martires sollemnities are ornaments of their memories but no sacrifices to the dead as vnto gods and b those that bring banquets thether which notwithstanding the better Christians do not not is this custome obserued in most places yet such as do so setting them downe praying ouer them and so taking them away to eate or bestow on those that neede all this they do onely with a desire that these meates might be sanctified by the martirs in the god of martirs name But hee that knoweth the onely sacrifices that the Christians offer to God c knoweth also that these are no sacrifices to the Martires wherefore we neither worshippe our Martires with Gods honors nor mens crimes neither offer them sacrifices nor turne their d disgraces into any religion of theirs As for Isis Osiris his wife and the Aegyptian goddesse and her parents that haue beene recorded to haue beene all mortall to whome she sacrificing e found three graines of barley and shewed it vnto her husband and Hermes her counsellour and so they will haue her to be Ceres also what grosse absurdities are hereof recorded not by Potes but their own Priests as Leon shewed to Alexander and he to his mother Olimpia let them read that list and remember that haue read and then but consider vnto what dead persones and dead persons workes their diuinest honors were exhibited God forbid they should in the least respect compare them with our Martirs whome neuerthelesse wee account no gods wee make no priests to sacrifice vnto them it is vnlawfull vndecent and Gods proper due neither do wee please them with their owne crimes or obscaene spectacles whereas they celebrate both the guilt that there gods incurred who were men and the fayned pleasures of such of them as were flat deuills If Socrates had had a god he should not haue bin of this sort But such perhaps as loued to excell in this damnable art of making gods thrust such an one vpon him being an inocent honest man and vnskilfull in this their pernicious practise What need wee more none that hath his wits about him will now hold that these spirits are to be adored for the attainement of eternall blisse in the life to come Perhaps they will say that all the gods are good but of these spirits some are good and some badde and that by those that are good wee may come to eternity and therefore ought to adore them well to rip vp this question the next booke shall serue the turne L. VIVES OR a Cyprian Bishoppe of Carthage most learned as wittnesse his holy works Heâ—… receiued the crowne of Martirdome vnder Ualerian so Pontius his Deacon writeth b Thâ—…se A great custome in Afrike Aug. confess lib. 6. where he saith that his mother at Millaine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…otage and bread and wine to the Martirs shrines and gaue them to the porter Bâ—… Ambrose forbad her both for that it might bee an occasion of gluttony and for the resemblance it had with paganisme c Knoweth also Many Christians offend in not distinguishing betweene their worship of God and the Saints nor doth their opinion of the Saints want much of that the Pagans beleeued of their gods yet impious was Uigilantius to bar the Martirs all honor and fond was Eunomius to forbeare the Churches least hee should bee compelled to adore the dead The Martyres are to be reuerenced but not adored as god is Hieron câ—…tra vigilant d Disgraces But now euen at the celebration of Christs passion and our redemption it is a custome to present plaies almost as vile as the old stage-games should I be â—…lent the very absurdity of such shewes in so reuerend a matter would condemne it sufficiently There Iudas plaieth the most ridiculous Mimike euen then when he betraies Christ. There the Apostles run away and the soldiors follow and all resounds with laughter Then comes Peter and cuttes off Malchus care and then all rings with applause as if Christs betraying were now reuenged And by and by this great fighter comes and for feare of a girle denies his Maister all the people laughing at her question and hissing at his deniall and in all these reuells and ridiculous stirres Christ onely is serious and seuere but seeking to mooue passion and 〈◊〉 in the audience hee is so farre from that that hee is cold euen in the diuinest matters to the
great guilt shame and sinne both of the priests that present this and the people that behold it But wee may perhaps finde a fitter place for this thaeme e Found the graine of barley And wheate also saith Diodor. lib. 1. and therevpon some Citties present them both in her ceremonies But Osiris her husband first obserued their profit and taught the world it chiefly barley that maketh ale in such countries as want wine and is now vsed in the North parts But they made meate of it in old time Plin. lib. 18. out of an Athenian ceremony that Menander reporteth prouing it of elder inuention then wheate For had they found wheate sooner saith Pliny barly would haue bin out of request for bread as it was presently vpon the finding of wheate thence-forth becomming meate for beasts Finis lib. 8. THE CONTENTS OF THE ninth booke of the City of God 1. The scope of the aforepassed disputation and what is remaining to treate of chapter 1. 2. Whether amongst the spirits of the ayre that are vnder the gods there bee any good ones that can further a man in the attainement of true blessednesse 3. What qualities Apuleius ascribeth vnto the diuells to whom he giueth reason but no vertue 4. The opinions of the Stoikes and Peripatetiques concerning perturbatioÌ„s of the minde 5. That the Christians passions are causes of the practise of vertue not Inducers vnto vice 6. What passion the spirits that Apuleius maketh Mediators betweene the Gods Men are subiect vnto by his owne confession 7. That the Platonists doe but seeke contentions in saying the Poets defame the gods whereas their imputations pertaine to the diuells and not the gods 8. Apuleius his definition of the gods of heauen spirits of ayre and men of earth 9. Whether ayery spirits can procure a man the Gods friendships 10. Plotines opinion that men are lesse wretched in their mortality then the diuills are in their eternity 11. Of the Platonists that held mens soules to become Daemones after death 12. Of the three contraries whereby the Platonists distinguish the diuills natures from the Mens 13. How the diuills if they be neither blessed with the Gods nor wretched with Men may be in the meane betwixt both without participation of either 14. Whether mortall men may attaine true happinesse 15. Of the mediator of God and Man the Man Christ Iesus 16. Whether it bee probable that the Platonists say that the gods auoiding earthly contagion haue no commerce with men but by the meanes of the ayry spirits 17. That vnto that be atitude that consisteth in participation of the chiefest good wee must haue onely such a Mediator as Christ no such as the deuill 18. That the diuills vnder collour of their intercession seeke but to draw vs from God 19. That the word Daemon is not vsed as now of any Idolater in a good sence 20. Of the quality of the diuills knowledge whereof they are so proud 21. In what manner the Lord would make himselfe knowne to the diuills 22. The difference of the holy Angells knowledge and the diuills 23. That the Pagan Idols are falsely called gods yet the scripture allowes it to Saints and Angells FINIS THE NINTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD. Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus The scope of the afore-passed disputation and what is remayning to treat of CHAP. 1. IN these controuersies of the gods some haue held deities of both natures good and euill others of better mindes did the gods that honor to hold theÌ„ all good But those a that held the first held the ayery spirits to be gods also and called them gods as they called the gods spirits but not so ordinarily Indeed they confesse that Ioue the Prince of all the rest was by Homer b called a Daemon But such as affirmed all the gods were good ones and farre better then the best men are iustly mooued by the artes of the ayry spirits to hold firmely that the gods could doe no such matters and therefore of â—…ce â—…re must bee a difference betweene them and these spirits and that what euer â—…asant affect or bad act they see caused wherein these spirits doe shew thâ—… 〈◊〉 power that they hold is the diuills worke and not the gods But yet 〈◊〉 â—…ey place these spirits as mediators betweene their gods and men as if 〈◊〉 â—…an had no other meanes of commerce to carry and recarry praiers 〈◊〉 the one to the other this beeing the opinion of the most excellent â—…ers the Platonists with whom I choose to discusse this question wheâ—…â—…ration of many gods be helpfull to eternall felicity In the last booke 〈◊〉 how the deuils delighting in that which all wise and honest men abâ—… 〈◊〉 in the foule enormous irreligious fictions of the gods crimes not 〈◊〉 in the damnable practise of Magike can be so much nearer to the gods that 〈◊〉 must make them the meanes to attaine their fauors and wee found it â—…terly impossible So now this booke as I promised in the end of the other must 〈◊〉 â—…cerne the difference of the gods betwixt themselues if they make any 〈◊〉 â—…or the difference of the gods and spirits the one beeing farre distant from men as they say and the other in the midst betweene the gods and men but of the difference of these spirits amongst themselues This is the present question L. VIVES THese a that held Plato held all the gods to bee good but the Daemones to bee neither good not euill but neuters But Hermes hath his good angells and his bad And Porphery 〈◊〉 â—…s helpfull Daemones and his hurtfull as some of the Platonists hold also b Homer calâ—… Plâ—…arch de defect Oracul saith that Homer confounded the deities and Demones togeâ—…r â—…ng both names promiscually Hee calls Ioue a Daemon which word as one interpreteth it is sometimes vsed for good and sometimes bad And Iliad 1. hee saith Ioue with the other daeâ—… calling all the gods by that name vpon which place his interpretor saith Hee calleth 〈◊〉 Daemones either for their experience wisdome or gouernment of man So saith Iulius 〈◊〉 Homer called the Gods Daemones and Plato calleth the worlds Architect the great Daemon for Deity Daemon are both taken in one sence This Daemon Plato mentioneth De republ But it is a question whether he meane the Prince of al the world or the deuills Prince for they haue their Hierarchy also Euery spirit saith Proclus De anima et daemone in respect of that which is next vnder it is called a Daemon and so doth Iupiter in Orpheus call his father Saâ—… And Plato himselfe calls those gods that gouerne propagation and protect a man without mediation Daemones To declare saith he in Timaeus the generation and nature of the other Daemones were more then man can comprehend for each power that protecteth a man without anothers mediation is a daemon be it a God or lesse then a God Thus farre
sentence is Plato 〈◊〉 wee rehearsed it in the last book Hee calls heauen our countrey because hence we are exiled Our bright countrey because all thinges there are pure certaine and illustrate here soule fickle and obscure There is the father of this vniuerse and all thinges about him as the King of all as Plato writes to Dyonisius How shall wee gette thether being so farre and the way vnpasseable by our bodies Onely one direct and ready way there is to it to follow God with all our indeaâ—…r of imitation This onely eleuateth vs thether That vnto that beatitude that consisteth in participation of the greatest good wee must haue onely such a mediator as Christ no such as the diuell CHAP. 17. TO auoyd this inconuenience seeing that mortall impurity cannot attayne to the height of the celestiall purity wee must haue a Mediator not one bodyly mortall as the goddes are and mentally miserable as men are for such an one will rather maligne then further our cure but one adapted vnto our body by nature and of an immortall right eousnesse of spirit whereby not for distance of place but excellence of similitude hee remayned aboue such an one must giue vs his truly diuine helpe in our â—…ure from corruption and captiuity Farre bee it from this incorruptible GOD to feare the corruption of a that man which hee putte on or of those men with whome as man hee conuersed For these two Documents of his incarnation are of no small value that neyther true diuinity could bee contaminate by the flesh nor that the diuels are our bettets in hauing no flesh This as the Scripture proclaymeth is the Mediator betweene GOD and man the man CHRIST IESVS of whose Diuinity equall with the father and his humanity like vnto ours this is now no fiâ—…e place to dispute L. VIVES OF e that man The Phraze of Hierome Augustine and all the Latine Fathers The Greekes vse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in CHRIST that is man nor haue they any other Phraze to vse for the Sonne of GOD his assumption of man The later Diuines as if they only were Diuines and hadde found out all CHRISTS Deity and humanity say that it was not mâ—…n but manhood that hee tooke vpon him And this say they is the best ground against hereâ—… As if Augustine and Hierome were no body I but they meant manhood say these though they said man Well then speake you as they didde and thinke so too But you are the neate Polishers of the rude antient Latine and Greeke Mary the best iest is you will 〈◊〉 none to contradict the fathers and giue them the first opposition your selues and in this you thinke you shew rare acutenesse But if an other do but leaue your â—…ripples and sticke to the fathers you presently proclayme him an Heretique For if any of your learners of Diâ—…inity desiring to seeme more religious and almost attayning it should say that CHRIST assured man hee is presently thrust from the Lecture for an heretike O but say they man is but the name of the subiect but manhood declares the nature Good God 〈◊〉 Her etique will not thinke you would deride him if hee vse it thus And would not deâ—…ide vs if wee should vse it so That the diuels vnder coullor of their intercession seeke but to draw vs from God CHAP. 18. BVt those false and deceiptfull mediators the diuells wretched in vncleanesse of spirit yet working strange effects by their aëreall bodyes seeke to draw vs from profit of soule shewing vs no way to GOD but sweating to conceale that wholy from vs For in the corporall way which is most false and erroneous a way that righteousnesse walkes not for our ascent to GOD must be by this spirituall likenesse not by corporall eleuation but as I sayd in this corporall way that the diuels seruants dreame doth ly through the Elements the diuels are placed in the midst betweene the celestiall Goddes and the earthly men and the gods haue this preheminence that the distance of place keepeth them from contagion of man so that rather they beleeue that the diuels are infected by man then he mundified by them for so would he infect the gods think they but for the far distance that keeps them cleane Now who is he so wretched as to thinke any way to perfection there where the men do infect the spirits are infected and the gods subiect to infection And wil not rather select that way where the polluted spirits are abandoned and men are purged from infection by that vnchangeable God and so made fit persons for the fellowship of the Angels euer vnpolluted That the word Daemon is not vsed as now of any Idolater in a good sence CHAP. 19. BVt to auoyd controuersie concerning wordes because some of these Daemonseruers and Labeo for one say that a whome they call Demones others call Angels now must I say some-what of the good Angels whome indeed they deny not but hadde rather call them Daemons then Angels But we as scripture and consequently Christianity instructs vs acknowledge Angels both good and euill but no good Daemons But wher-soeuer in our scripture Daemon or Daemonium is read it signifieth an euill and vncleane spirit and is now so vniuersally vsed in that sence that euen the c Pagans them-selues that hold multitude of gods and Daemons to be adored yet bee they neuer such schollers dare not say to their slaue as in his praise thou hast a Daemon who-soeuer doth say so knoweth that he is held rather to cursse then commend Seeing therefore that all eares do so dislike this word that almost none but taketh it in ill part why should we bee compelled to expres our assertion further seeing that the vse of the word Angell will 〈◊〉 abolish the offence that the vse of the word Daemon causeth L. VIVES WHâ—… a they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a messenger and thence in the Greekès we read often 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the messengers face Euripid. Iphgen So the Daemones being held the goddes messengers and interpretors are called Angeli and so is Mercury for his office Trismegistus and Capella both call him so and auerre the duenesse of his name as declaring our secret thought to the higher powers b Wee as Scripture The Ghospell speakes much of good Angels and Christ nameth the diuels Angels c Pagans I said before that after Christ was borne the name of a Daemon grew into suspect and so into hatred as the epithite of an euill essence as well to the vulgar as the Phylosophers Of the quality of the diuels knowledge whereof they are so proud CHAP. 20. YEt the originall of this name if we looke into diuinity affordes some-what â—…th obseruation for they were called in Greeke a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for their knowâ—… Now the apostle speaking in the holy spirit saith Knowledge puffeth vppe 〈◊〉 â—…ifieth that is knowledge is then good when it linketh with charity
promiseth to â—…ie the minde by the inuocation of deuills 11. Of Porpheries epistle to Anebuns of Aegâ—…t desiring him of instruction in the seuerâ—… kâ—…des of Daemones 12. Of the miracles that God worketh by his Angels ministry 1â—… How the inuisible God hath often made â—…selfe visible not as hee is really but as wee câ—…ld be able to comprehend his sight 14. How but one God is to be worshipped for all things temporall and eternall all being in the pâ—…er of his prouidence 15. Of the holy Angels that minister to Gods prouidence 16. Whether in this question of Beatitude we 〈◊〉 trâ—…st those Angels that refuse the diuine â—…ship and ascribe it all to one God or those thâ—… require it to themselues 17. Of the Arke of the Testament and the miracles wrought to confirme the lawe and the promise 18. Against such as deny to beleeue the scriptures concerning those miracles shewen to Gods people 19. The reason of that visible sacrifice that the true religion commands vs to offer to one God 20. Of the onely and true sacrifice which the mediator betweene God and Man became 21. Of the power giuen to the deuils to the greater glorifying of the Saints that haue suffered martyrdome and conquered the ayrie spirits not by appeasing them but by adhering to God 22. From whence the Saints haue their power against the diuels and their pure purgation of heart 23. Of the Platonists principles in their purgation of the soule 24. Of the true onely beginning that purgeth and reneweth mans whole nature 25. That all the Saints in the old law and other ages before it were iustified onely by the mistery and faith of Christ. 26. Of Porphery his wauering betweene confession of the true God and adoration of the Deuils 27. Of Porphery his exceeding Apuleius in impietie 28. What perswasions blinded Porphery from knowing Christ the true wisdome 29. Of the inearnation of our Lord Iesus Christ which the impious Platonists shame to acknowledge â—…0 What opinions of Plato Pophery confuted and corrected 31. Against the Platonists holding the soule coeternall with God 32. Of the vniuersall way of the soules freedome which Porphery sought amisse and therefore found not That onely Christ hath declared it FINIS THE TENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus That the Platonists themselues held that One onely God was the giuer of all beatitude vnto men and Angels but the controuersie is whether they that they hold are to be worshipped for this end would haue sacrifices offered to themselues or resigne all vnto God CHAP. 1. IT is perspicuous to the knowledge of all such as haue vse of reason that man desireth to be happy But the great controuersies arise vppon the inquisition whence or how mortall infirmity should attaine beatitude in which the Phylosophers haue bestowed all their time study which to relate were here too tedious and as fruitlesse He that hath read our 8. booke wherein we selected with what Phylosophers to handle this question of beatitude whether it were to be attained by seruing one God the maker of the rest or the others also need not looke for any repititions here hauing 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 memory if it fayle him we choose the Platonists as worthily held the most â—…thy Philosophers because as they could conceiue that the reasoâ—…ble 〈◊〉 soule of man could neuer be blessed but in participation of the light of God the worlds creator so could they affirme that beatitude the ayme 〈◊〉 all 〈◊〉 was vn-attainable without a firme adherence in pure loue vnâ—…â—…hangeable One that is GOD. But because they also gaue way to Pagâ—… 〈◊〉 becomming vaine as Paul saith in their owne imaginations and beleeâ—… oâ—… would be thought to beleeue that man was bound to honor many gods and some of them extending this honor euen to deuills whom wee haue indifferently confuted it reâ—…eth now to examine by gods grace how these immortall and blessed creatures in heauen be they in thrones a dominations principalities or powers whom they call gods and some of them good Daemones or â—…gels as we doe are to be beleeued to desire our preseruation of truth in religion 〈◊〉 piety that is to be more plaine whether their wills be that we should offâ—…r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and sacrifice or consecrate ours or our selues vnto them or onely to god 〈◊〉 iâ—… both their God ouâ—… the peculiar worship of the diuinity or to speaâ—…e â—…preslie the deitie because I haue no one fit Latine word to expresse 〈◊〉 â—…d I will vse the Greeke b Latria which our brethren in all translatiâ—… doe translate Seruice But that seruice wherein we serue men 〈◊〉 by the Apostle in these words Seruants bee obedient to your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expressed by another Greeke word But Latria as our Euangeliâ—… 〈◊〉 â—…her wholy or most frequently signifieth the honour due vnto GOD. Iâ—… 〈◊〉 therefore translate it 〈◊〉 of Colo to worshippe or to tiâ—… wâ—… 〈◊〉 it with more then God for wee c worship coliâ—… 〈◊〉 men of honorâ—… memory or presence besides Colo in generall vse is propâ—…â—…o d things vnder vs as well as those whome wee reuerence or adore 〈◊〉 â—…omes the word Colonus for a husbandman or an inhabitant And the â—…lled Caelicolae of Caelum Heauen and Colo to inhabite not to adore or 〈◊〉 yet e as husband-men that haue their name from the village of the â—…ossesse but as that rare Latinist saith Vrbs antiqua fuit f Tyrij tenuêre 〈◊〉 being here the inhabitants not the husbandmen And herevpon the 〈◊〉 haue beene planted and peopled by other greater cities as one hiue â—…duceth diuerse are called colonies So then we cannot vse Colo with â—…o God without a restraint of the signification seeing it is communiâ—…â—…o many sences therefore no one Latine word that I know is sufficient 〈◊〉 the worship due vnto God For though Religion signifie nothing so 〈◊〉 the worship of GOD and there-vpon so wee translate the Greeke 〈◊〉 yet because in the vse of it in Latine both by learned and ignorant â—…erred vnto linages affinities and all kindreds therefore it will not â—…oyde ambiguitie in this theame nor can wee truly say religion is noâ—…t Gods worship the word seeming to be taken originally from huâ—… and obseruance So Piety also is taken properly for the worship of 〈◊〉 the Greekes vse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet is it attributed also vnto the duty towards 〈◊〉 and ordinarily vsed for i the workes of mercy I thinke because â—…ands it so strictly putting it in his presence k for and l before 〈◊〉 Whence came a custome to call God Pious Yet the Greekes neuer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though they vse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for mercy or piety often But in some 〈◊〉 more distinction they choose rather to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gods worship â—…lainely worship or good worship But wee haue no one fit worde â—…sse either of these The Greeke
it selfe If you wil I wil proceed if not let it alone Then Glaucus replied that hee should go on with the son and leaue the father till another time So he proceeds to discourse of the birth and sonne of good and after some questions saith that good is as the sun and the son is as the light we haue from the sun And in his Epistle to Hermias he speaketh of such as were sworne to fit studies and the Muses sister lerning by God the guide father of al things past and to come And in his Epinomis hee saith that by that most diuine Word was the world and al therin created This word did so rauish the wise man with diuine loue that he conceiued the meanes of beatitude For many say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is meant of the Word not of the world and so wee haue vsed it in the eighth book speaking of Plato's opinion of beatitude So that Plato mentions the father and the son expresly mary the third he thought was indeclareable Though hee hold that in the degrees of Diuinity the soule of the world the third proceedeth from the beginning and the begininnings sonne Mens which soule if one would stand for Plato might easily be defended to be that spirit that mooued upon the waters which they seeme to diffuse through the whole masse and to impart life and being to euery particular And this is the Trine in diuinity of which he writeth to Dionysius aenigmatically as him-selfe saith Al thinges are about the King of al and by him haue existence the seconds about the second and yâ— thirds about the third I omit to write what Trismegistus saith Iamblichus from him we are all for the Platonist but I cannot omitte Serapis his answer to Thules the King of Egipt in the Troian wars who inquyring of him who was most blessed had this answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. First God and then the sonne and next the spirit All coëternall one in act and merit b The son Porphyry explaning Plato's opinion as Cyril saith against Iultan puts three essences in the Deity 1 God almighty 2. the Creator 3. the soule of the world nor is the deity extended any further Plato he both cal the Creator 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fathers intellect with the Poets though obscurely touch at calling Minerua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 borne without a mother the wisedom brought forth out of the fathers brain c Plotine he wâ—…ote a book of the three persons or substances yâ— first hee maketh absolute and father to the second that is also eternall and perfect Hee calleth the father Mens also in another place as Plato doth but the word arose from him For hee sayth De prouâ—…d lib. 2. in the begining all this whole vniuerse was created by the Mens the father and his Worde d Alme religion tyeth vs to haue a care how wee speake herein e Sabellians They said that the person of the father and â—…f the Son was all one because the scripture saith I and the Father am one Of the true onely beginning that purgeth and renueth mans whole nature CHAP. 24. BVt Porphyry beeing slaue to the malicious powers of whome hee was ashamed yet durst not accuse them would not conceiue that Christ was the beginning by whose incarnation wee are purged but contemned him in that flesh which he assumed to be a sacrifice for our purgation not apprehending the great sacrament because of his diuell-inspired pride which Christ the good Mediator by his owne humility subuerted shewing him-selfe to mortals in that mortal state which the false Mediators wanted and therefore insulted the more ouer mens wretcheds soules falsely promising them succors from their immortality But our good and true Mediator made it apparant that it was not the fleshly substance but sinne that is euil the flesh and soule of man may be both assumed kept and putte off without guilt and bee bettered at the resurrection Nor is death though it be the punishment of sinne yet payd by Christ for our sinnes to bee anoyded by sinne but rather if occasion serue to bee indured for iustice For Christs dying and that not for his owne sinne was of force to procure the pardon of all other sinnes That hee was the beginning this Platonist did not vnderstand else would hee haue confessed his power in purgation For neither the flesh nor the soule was the beginning but the word all creating Nor can the flesh purge 〈◊〉 by it selfe but by that word that assumed it when the word became flesh dwels in vs. For hee speaking of the mysticall eating of his flesh and some that vnderstood not beeing offended at it and departing saying This is a hard saying who can heare it Answered to those that staid with him It is the spirit that quickneth the flesh profiteth nothing Therfore the beginning hauing assumed flesh and soule mundifieth both in the beleeuer And so when the Iewes asked him who hee was hee answered them that hee was the a beginning which our flesh and bloud beeing incumbred with sinfull corruption can neuer conceiue vnlesse he by whome wee were and were not doe purifie vs. Wee were men but iust wee were not But in his incarnation our nature was and that iust not sinfull This is the mediation that helpeth vp those that are falne and downe This is the seed that the Angels sowed by dictating the law wherein the true worship of one God was taught and this our Mediator truly promised L VIVES THe a beginning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Augustine will haue the Sonne to bee a beginning but no otherwise then the father as no otherwise GOD. And this hee takes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Valla and Erasmus say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can be no nowne here but an aduerbe as in the beginning I wil speake my minde here of briefly though the phraze be obscure and perhaps an Hebraisme as many in the new Testament are Christ seemeth not to say hee is the beginning but beeing asked who hee was he hauing no one word to expresse his full nature to all their capacities left it to each ones minde to thinke in his minde what he was not by his sight but by his wordes and to ponder how one in that bodily habite could speake such thinges It was the Deity that spake in the flesh whence all those admirable actes proceeded Therefore he said I am hee 〈◊〉 the beginning and I speake to you vsing a mortall body as an instrument giuing you no more precepts by angels but by my selfe This answer was not vnlike that giuen to Moyses I am that I am but that concerned Gods simple essence and maiesty this was more later and declared God in the fâ—…me of man That all the saints in the old law and other ages before it were iustified only by the mistery and faith of Christ.
The knowledge De genes ad lit lib. 4. Where hee calleth it morning when the Angells by contemplating of the creation in themselues where is deepe darkenesse lift vp themselues to the knowledge of God and if that in him they learne all things which is more certaine then all habituall knowledge then is it day It growes towards euening when the Angels turne from God to contemplate of the creatures in themselues but this euening neuer becommeth night for the Angells neuer preferre the worke before the worke man that were most deepe darke night Thus much out of Augustine the first mentioner of mornings euenings knowledges What wee must thinke of Gods resting the seauenth day after his sixe daies worke CHAP. 8. BVt whereas God rested the seauenth day froÌ„ al his workes sanctified it this is not to be childishly vnderstood as if God had taken paines he but spake the word and a by that iâ—…telligible and eternal one not vocall nor temporal were all things created But Gods rest signifieth theirs that rest in God as the gladnesse of the house signifies those yâ— are glad in the house though some-thing else and not the house bee the cause thereof How much more then if the beauty of the house make the inhabitants glad so that wee may not onely call it glad vsing the continent for the contained as the whole Theaâ—…er applauded when it was the men the whole medowes bellowed for the Oxen but also vsing the efficient for the effect as a merry epistle that is making the readers merry Theâ—…fore the scripture affirming that God rested meaneth the rest of all things in God whom he by himself maketh to rest for this the Prophet hath promised to all such as he speaketh vnto and for whom he wrote that after their good workes which God doth in them or by them if they first haue apprehended him in this life by faith they shal in him haue rest eternal This was prefigured in the sanctification of the Saboath by Gods command in the old law whereof more at large in due season L. VIVES BY a that intelligible Basil saith that this word is a moment of the will by which wee conceiue better of things What is to be thought of the qualities of Angels according to scripture CHAP. 9. NOw hauing resolued to relate this holy Cities originall first of the angels who make a great part thereof so much the happier in that they neuer a were pilgrims let vs see what testimonies of holy wriâ—…t concerne this point The scriptures speaking of the worlds creation speake not plainly of the Angels when or in what order they were created but that they were created the word heauen includeth In the beginning God created heauen and earth or rather in the world Light whereof I speake now are there signified that they were omitted I cannot thinke holy writ saying that God rested in the seauenth day from all his workes the same booke beginning with In the beginning God created heauen and earth to shew that nothing was made ere then Beginning therefore with heauen earth and earth the first thing created being as the scripture plainely saith with-out forme and voide light being yet vn made and darknesse being vpon the deepe that is vpon a certaine confusion of earth and waters for where light is not darknesse must needes be then the creation proceeding and all being accomplished in sixe dayes how should the angels bee omitted as though they were none of Gods workes from which hee rested the seuenth day This though it be not omitted yet here is it not plaine but else-where it is most euident The three chilâ—… sung in their himne O all yee workes of the Lord blesse yee the Lord amongst which they recken the angels And the Psalmist saith O praise God in the heauens 〈◊〉 him in the heights praise him all yee his angells praise him all his hoasts praise 〈◊〉 sâ—…e and Moone praise him staâ—…res and light Praise him yee heauens of heauens 〈◊〉 the waters that be aboue the heauens praise the name of the Lord for hee spake the 〈◊〉 and they were made he commanded they were created here diuinity calls the â—…ls Gods creatures most plainly inserting them with the rest saying of all He spâ—…ke the word and they were made who dares thinke that the Angels were made after the sixe daies If any one bee so fond hearken this place of scripture confounds him vtterly e When the starres were made all mine angels praised mee with a loude voice Therefore they were made before the starres and the stars were made the fourth day what they were made the third day may wee say so God forbid That dayes worke is fully knowne the earth was parted from the waters and two â—…nts tooke formes distinct and earth produced all her plants In the second day then neither Then was the firmament made betweene the waters aboue and below and was called Heauen in which firmament the starres were created the fourth day c Wherefore if the angels belong vnto Gods sixe dayes worke they are that light called day to commend whose vnity it was called one day not the first day nor differs the second or third from this all are but this one doubled vâ—…to 6. or 7. sixe of Gods workes the 7. of his rest For when God said Let there be light there was light if we vnderstand the angels creation aright herein they are made partakers of that eternall light the vnchangeable wisdome of God all-creating namely the onely be gotten sonne of God with whose light they in their creation were illuminate and made light called day in the participation of the vnchangeable light day that Word of God by which they all things else were created For the true light that lightneth euery man that coÌ„meth into this world this also lightneth euery pure angell making it light not in it selfe but in God from whom if an Angell fall it becommeth impure as all the vncleane spirits are being no more a light in God but a darknesse in it selfe depriued of all perticipation of the eternall light for Euill hath no nature but the losse of good that is euill L. VIVES NEuer were a pilgrims But alwayes in their country seeing alwayes the face of the father b When the starres Iob. 38 7. So the Septuagints doe translate it as it is in the teâ—…t c Wherefore if The Greeke diuine put the creation of spirituals before that of things corporall making God vse them as ministers in the corporall worke and so held Plato Hierome following Gregorie and his other Greeke Maisters held so also But of the Greekes Basil and Dionysius and almost all the Latines Ambrose Bede Cassiodorus and Augustine in this place holds that God made althings together which agreeth with that place of Ecclesiasticus chap. 18. vers 1. He that liueth for euer made althings together Of the vncompounded vnchangeable Trinity the Father the Sonne
eyther excerciseth the humility or beates downe the pride nothing a at all in nature being euill euill being but a priuation of good but euery thing from earth to heauen ascending in a degree of goodnesse and so from the visible vnto the inuisible vnto which all are vnequall And in the greatest is God the great workeman yet b no lesser in the lesse which little thinges are not to be measured to their owne greatnesse beeing neare to nothing but by their makers wisedome as in a mans shape shane his eye-brow a very nothing to the body yet how much doth it deforme him his beauty consisting more of proportion and parilyty of parts then magnitude Nor is it a wonder that c those that hold some nature bad and produced from a bad beginning do not receiue GODS goodnesse for the cause of the creation but rather thinke that hee was compelled by this rebellious euill of meere necessity to fall a creating and mixing of his owne good nature with euill in the suppression and reforming thereof by which it was so foyled and so toyled that he had much adoe to re-create and mundifie it nor can yet cleanse it all but that which hee could cleanse serues as the future prison of the captiued enemy This was not the Maniches foolishnes but their madnesse which they should abandon would they like Christians beleeue that Gods nature is vnchangeable incorruptible impassible and that the soule which may be changed by the will vnto worse and by the corruption of sinne be depriued of that vnchangeable light is no part of God nor Gods nature but by him created of a farre inferiour mould L. VIVES NOthing a at all This Augustine repeats often and herein do al writers of our religion besides Plato Aristotle Tully and many other Philosophers agree with him Plato in his Timaeus holds it wicked to imagine any thing that God made euill he being so good a God him-selfe for his honesty enuied nothing but made all like him-selfe And in his 2. de rep he saith The good was author of no euill but only of things good blaming Hesiod and Homer for making Ioue the author of mischiefe confessing God to be the Creator of this vniuerse therby shewing nothing to be euill in nature I will say briefly what I thinke That is good as Aristotle saith iâ—…â—…s â—…etorik which we desire either for it selfe or for another vse And the iust contrary is euil wâ—…efore in the world some things are vsefull and good some auoideble bad Some 〈◊〉 and indifferent and to some men one thing is good and to others bad yea vnto one man at seuerall times seuerall good bad or neuter vpon seueral causes This opinioÌ„ the weaknesse of our iudgements respects of profit do produce But only that is the diuine iudgement which so disposeth all things that each one is of vse in the worlds gouernment And hee knoweth all without error that seeth all things to bee good and vsefull in their due seasons which the wise man intimates when hee saith That God made all things good each in the due time Therefore did hee blesse all with increase and multiplication If any thing were alwayes vnprofitable it should bee rooted out of the creation b No lesse Nature is in the least creatures pismires gnats bees spiders as potent as in horses oxâ—…n whales or elephants and as admirable Pliny lib. 11. c Those This heresie of the Manichees Augustine declareth De heres ad Quod vult deum Contra Faust. Manich. De Genes ad liter Of the error that Origen incurreth CHAP. 23. Bvt the great wonder is that some hold one beginning with vs of all thinges and that God created all thinges that are not of his essence otherwise they could neuer haue had beeing And yet wil not hold that plaine good beleefe of the Worlds simple and good course of creation that the good God made all thinges good They hold that all that is not GOD after him and yet that all is not good which none but God could make But the a soules they say not part but creatures of God sinned in falling from the maker being cast according to their deserts into diuers degrees down from heauen got certaine bodies for their prisons And ther-upon the world was made say they not for increase of good but restrrint of bad and this is the World Herein is Origen iustly culpable for in his Periarchion or booke of beginnings he affirmes this wherein I haue much maruaile that a man so read indiuine scriptures should not obserue first how contrary this was to the testimony of scripture that confirmeth all Gods workes with this And God saw that it was good And at the conclusion God saw all that hee made and loe it was very good Auerring no cause for this creation but onely that the good God should produce good things where if no man had sinned the world should haue beene adorned and filled b onely with good natures But sin being commited it did not follow that all should be filled with badnes the far greater part remaining still good keeping the course of their nature in heauen nor could the euil willers in breaking the lawes of nature auoyd the iust lawes of the al-disposed God For as a picture sheweth well though it haue black colors in diuers places so the Vniuerse is most faire for all these staines of sins which notwithstaÌ„ding being waighed by themselues do disgrace the lustre of it Besides Origen should haue seene and all wise men with him that if the world were made onely for a penall prison for the transgressing powers to bee imbodyed in each one according to the guilt the lesse offenders the higher and lighter and the greater ones the baser and heauier that then the Diuels the worst preuaricators should rather haue bin thurst into the basest that is earthly bodies then the worst men But that we might know that the spirits merits are not repaid by the bodies qualitie the worst diuell hath an c ayry body and man though he be bad yet of farre lesse malice and guilt hath an earthly body yea had ere his fall And what can be more fond then to thinke that the Sunne was rather made for a soule to be punished in as a prison rather then by the prouidence of God to bee one in one world as a light to the beauty and a comfort to the creatures Otherwise two ten or en hundred soules sinning all a like the world should haue so many Sunnes To auoyd which we must rather beleeue that there was but one soule sinned in that kind deseruing such a body rather then that the Makers miraculous prouidence did so dispose of the Sunne for the light comfort of things created It is not the soules whereof speake they know not what but it is their owne soules that are so farre from truth that they must needes be attanted and restraned Therefore these three I
althings in number weight measure that if he should say too much of number hee should seeme both to neglect his owne grauity and measure and the wise-mans c Let this The Iewes in the religious keeping of their Sabboth shew that 7. was a number of much mistery Hierome in Esay Gellius lib. 3. and his emulator Macrobius in Somn. Scip. lib. 1. record the power of it in Heauen the Sea and in Men. The Pythagorists as Chalcidius writeth included all perfection nature sufficiency herein And wee Christians hold it sacred in many of our religious misteries d That 3. is An euen number sayth Euclid is that which is diuisible by two the odde is the contrary Three is not diuisible into two nor any for one is no number Foure is diuided into two and by vnites and this foure was the first number that gotte to halfes as Macrobius sayth who therefore commendeth 7. by the same reason that Aug. vseth here e For all Aug. in Epist. ad Galat. f By this number Serm. de verb dom in monte This appellation ariseth from the giftes shewne in Esay Chap. 32. Of their opinion that held Angels to be created before the world CHAP. 32. BVt if some oppose and say that that place Let there be light and there was light was not meant of the Angels creation but of some a other corporall light and teach that the Angels wer made not only before the firmament diuiding the waters and called heauen but euen before these words were spoken In the beginning God made heauen and earth Taking not this place as if nothing had bene made before but because God made all by his Wisedome and Worde whome the Scripture also calleth a a beginning as answered also to the Iewes when they inquired what he was I will not contend because I delight so in the intimation of the Trinity in the first chapter of Genesis For hauing said In the beginning God made heauen and earth that is the Father created it in the Son as the Psalme saith O Lord how manyfold are thy workes In thy wisedome madest thou them all presently after he mentioneth the Holy Spirit For hauing shewed the fashion of earth and what a huge masse of the future creation God called heauen and earth The earth was without forme void and darknesse was vpon the deepe to perfect his mention of the Trinity he added c And the spirit of the Lord moued vpon the waters Let each one take it as he liketh it is so profound that learning may produce diuers opinions herein all faithfull and true ones so that none doubt that the Angels are placed in the high heauens not as coeternals with God but as sure of eternall felicity To whose society Christ did not onely teach that his little ones belonged saying They shall be equal vvith the Angels of God but shewes further the very contemplation of the Angels saying Se that you despise not one of these little ones for I say vnto you that in heauen their Angels alway behold the face of my Father vvhich is in Heauen L. VIVES SOme a other corporeall Adhering to some body b Beginning I reproue not the diuines in calling Christ a beginning For he is the meane of the worlds creation and cheefe of all that the Father begotte But I hold it no fit collection from his answere to the Iewes It were better to say so because it was true then because Iohn wrote so who thought not so The heretikes make vs such arguments to scorne vs with at all occasion offered But what that wisely and freely religious Father Hierome held of the first verse of Genesis I will now relate Many as Iason in Papisc Tertull. contra Praxeam and Hillar in Psalm Hold that the Hebrew text hath In the Sonne God made Heauen and earth which is directly false For the 70. Symachus and Theodotion translate it In the beginning The Hebrew is Beresith which Aquila translates in Capitulo not Ba-ben in the Son So then the sence rather then the translation giueth it vnto Christ who is called the Creator of Heauen and earth as well in the front of Genesis the head of all bookes as in S. Iohns Ghospell So the Psalmist saith in his person In the head of the booke it is written of me viz. of Genesis and of Iohn Al things were made by it without it was made nothing c. But we must know that this book is called Beresith the Hebrewes vsing to put their books names in their beginnings Thus much word for word out of Hierome c And the spirit That which wee translate Ferebatur moued sayth Hierome the Hebrewes read Marahefet forwhich we may fitly interprete incubabat brooded or cherished as the hen doth heregges with heate Therfore was it not the spirit of the world as some thinke but the holy spirite that is called the quickner of all things from the beginning If the Quickner then the maker if the Maker then the God If thou send forth thy word saith he they are created Of the two different societies of Angels not vnfitly tearmed light and darkenesse CHAP. 33. THat some Angels offended and therfore were thrust into prisons in the worlds lowest parts vntill the day of their last iudiciall damnation S. Peter testifieth playnely saying That God spared not the Angels that had sinned but cast them downe into hell and deliuered them into a chaynes of darkenesse to be kept vnto damnation Now whether Gods prescience seperated these from the other who doubteth that he called the other light worthily who denyeth Are not we heare on earth by faith and hope of equality with them already ere wee haue it called light by the Apostle Ye were once darkenesse saith he but are now light in the Lord. And well doe these perceiue the other Apostaticall powers are called darkenesse who consider them rightly or beleeue them to bee worse then the worst vnbeleeuer Wherefore though that light which GOD sayd should bee and it was bee one thing and the darkenesse from which GOD seperated the light bee another yet the obscurity of this opinion of these two societies the one inioying GOD the other swelling in b pride the one to whome it sayd Praise GOD all â—…ee his Angels the other whose Prince said All these will I giue thee if thou wilt fall downe and worship mee the one inflamed with GOD'S loue the other blowne bigge with selfe-loue whereas it is sayd God resisteth the proud and giueth grace to the lowly the one in the highest heauens the other in the obscurest ayre the one piously quiet the other madly turbulent the one punishing or releeuing according to Gods c iustice and mercy the other raging with the ouer vnreasonable desire to hurt and subdue the one allowed GODS Minister to all good the other restrayned by GOD from doing d the desired hurt the one scorning the other for doing good against their wills
eldest holds them resolued into most pure ayre which S. Thomas dislikes for such bodies could neuer penetrate the fire nor the heauens But he is too Aristotelique thinking to binde incomprehensible effectes to the lawes of nature as if this were a worke of nature strictly taken and not at the liberty of GODS omnipotent power or that they had forced through fire and heauen by their condensed violence Some disliked the placing of an element aboue heauen and therefore held the Christalline heauens composed of waters of the same shew but of a farre other nature then the Elementary Both of them are transparent both cold but that is light and ours heauy Basill sayth those waters doe coole the heate of the heauens Our Astronomicall diuines say that Saturnes frigidity proceedeth from those waters ridiculous as though all the starres of the eighth spere are not cooler then Saturne These waters sayth Rede are lower then the spirituall heauens but higher then all corporeall creatures kept as some say to threaten a second deluge But as others hold better to coole the heate of the starres De nat◅rer But this is a weake coniecture Let vs conclude as Augustine doth vpon Genesis How or what they are we know not there they are we are sure for the scriptures authority weigheth downe mans witte c In stead of Another question tossed like the first How the elements are in our bodies In parcels and Atomes peculiar to each of the foure saith Anaxagoras Democritus Empedocles Plato Cicero and most of the Peripatetiques Arabians Auerroes and Auicen parcels enter not the bodies composition sayth another but natures only This is the schoole opinion with the leaders Scotus and Occam Aristole is doubtfull as hee is generally yet holdes the ingresse of elements into compoundes Of the Atomists some confound all making bodies of coherent remaynders Others destroy all substances Howsoeuer it is wee feele the Elementary powers heate and drought in our gall or choller of the fire heate and moysture ayry in the blood colde and moyst watery in the fleame Colde and dry earthly in the melancholly and in our bones solydity is earth in our brayne and marrow water in our blood ayre in our spirits cheefely of the heart fire And though wee haue lesse of one then another yet haue some of each f But there And thence is all our troublesome fleame deriued Fitly it is seated in the brayne whether all the heate aspyreth For were it belowe whither heate descendeth not so it would quickly growe dull and congeale Whereas now the heate keepes it in continuall acte vigor and vegetation Finis lib. II. THE CONTENTS OF THE twelfth booke of the Citty of God 1. Of the nature of good and euil Angells 2. That no essence is contrary to God though al the worlds frailty seeme to bee opposite vnto this immutable eternity 3. Of gods enemies not by nature but will which hurting them hurteth their good nature because there is no vice but hurteth nature 4. Of vselesse and reason-lesse natures whose order differeth not from the Decorum held in the whole vniuerse 5. That the Creator hath deserued praise in euery forme and kind of Nature 6. The cause of the good Angels blisse and the euills misery 7. That wee ought not to seeke out the cause of the vicious will 8. Of the peruerse loue wherby the soule goeth from the vnchangeable to the changeable good 9. Whether he that made the Angels natures made their wils good also by the infusion of his loue into them through his holy Spirit 10. Of the falsenes of that History that saith the world hath continued many thousand years 11. Of those that hold not the Eternity of the world but either a dissolution and generation of innumerable worlds or of this one at the expiration of certaine yeares 12. Of such as held Mans Creation too lately effected 13. Of the reuolution of Tymes at whose expiration some Phylosophers held that the Vniuerse should returne to the state it was in at first 14. Of Mans temporall estate made by God out of no newnesse or change of will 15. Whether to preserue Gods eternall domination we must suppose that he hath alwaies had creatures to rule ouer and how it may bee held alwaies created which is not coeternall with God 16. How wee must vnderstand that God promised Man life eternall before all eternity 17. The defence of Gods vnchanging will against those that fetch Gods works about frō eternity in circles from state to state 18. Against such as say thinges infinite are aboue Gods knowledge 19. Of the worlds without end or Ages of Ages 20. Of that impious assertion that soules truly blessed shall haue diuer s reuolutions into misery againe 21. Of the state of the first Man and Man-kinde in him 22. That God fore-knew that the first Man should sin and how many people he was to translate out of his kind into the Angels society 23. Of the nature of Mans soule being created according to the Image of God 24. Whether the Angels may bee called Creators of any the least creature 25. That no nature or forme of any thing liuing hath any other Creator but God 26. The Platonists opinion that held the Angels Gods creatures Man the Angels 27. That the fulnesse of Man-kind was created in the first Man in whome God fore-saw both who should bee saued and who should bee damned FINIS THE TVVELFTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the nature of good and euill Angels CHAP. 1. BEfore I speake of the creation of man wherein in respect of mortall reasonable creatures the two Citties had their originall as we shewed in the last booke of the Angels to shew as well as wee can the congruity and conuenience of the society of Men with Angels and that there are not foure but rather two societies of Men and Angels qualitied alike and combined in eyther the one consisting both of good Angels and Men and the other of euill that the contrariety of desires betweene the Angels good and euill arose from their diuers natures and beginnings wee may at no hand beleeue God hauing beene alike good in both their creations and in all things beside them But this diuersity ariseth from their wils some of them persisting in God their common good and in his truth loue and eternity and other some delighting more in their owne power as though it were from them-selues fell from that common al-blessing good to dote vppon their owne and taking pride for eternity vayne deceit for firme truth and factious enuy for perfect loue became proud deceiptfull and enuious The cause of their beatitude was their adherence with GOD their must their miseries cause bee the direct contrary namely their not adherence with GOD. Wherefore if when wee are asked why they are blessed and wee answere well because they stucke fast vnto GOD and beeing asked why they
natures whome amongst other things it prophecied should beleeue it L. VIVES OR a Essentiall As hauing essence b As soone Hee plainely confesseth that the Angells were all created in grace De corrept et grat Before they fell they had grace Hierome also vpon Osâ—…a affirmes that the Deuills were created with great fulnesse of the holy spirit But Augustine De genes ad lit seemes of another mind saying the angelicall nature was first created vnformall The Diuines here vpon are diuided some following Lombard Sent. 2. dist 4. Ales and Bâ—…nture deny that the Angells were created in grace Saint Thomas holds the contrary I dare not nor haue not where withal to decide a matter so mightily disputed and of such moment Augustine in most plaine words and many places houlds that they were created in grace as that of Exechiel seemes also to import Thou sealest vp the sunne and art full of wisdome and perfect in beauty c Made it Shewing that God gaue them more grace when they shewed their obedience of this I see no question made in such measure as hee assured them of eternity of blisse d Receiued lesse If all the Angells had grace giuen them it then should haue bin distributed with respect of persons to some more and to some of the same order lesse But it was giuen gradually to the orders not to each particular Angell where-vpon some of the same order fell and some stood though both had grace giuen them alike e Secret Hee doubts not of the glory but of the glories place before the iudgement for they may be blesed any where God in whose fruition they are blessed being euery where Of the falsenesse of that History that saith the world hath continued many thousand yeares CHAP. 10. LEt the coniectures therefore of those men that fable of mans and the worlds originall they knowe not what passe for vs for some thinke that men 〈◊〉 beene alwaies as of the world as Apuleis writeth of men Seuerally mortall but generally eternall b And when we say to them why if the world hath alwaies beene how can your histories speake true in relation of who inuented this or that who brought vp artes and learning and who first inhabited this or that region they answered vs the world hath at certaine times beene so wasted by fires and deluges that the men were brought to a very few whose progenie multiplied againe and so seemed this as mans first originall whereas indeed it was but a reparation of those whome the fires and flouds had destroyed but that man cannot haue production but from man They speake now what they thinke but not what they know being deceiued by a sort of most false writings that say the world hath continued a many thousand yeares where as the holy scriptures giueth vs not accompt of c full sixe thousand yeares since man was made To shew the falsenesse of these writings briefly and that their authority is not worth a rush herein d that Epistle of Great Alexander to his mother conteining a narration of things by an Aegiptian Priest vnto him made out of their religious mysteries conteineth also the Monarchies that the Greeke histories recorde also In this Epistle e the Assyrian monarchie lasteth fiue thousand yeares and aboue But in the Greeke historie from Belus the first King it continueth but one thousand three hundred yeares And with Belus doth the Egiptian storie begin also The Persian Monarchie saith that Epistle vntill Alexanders conquest to whom this Priest spake thus lasted aboue eight thousand yeares whereas the Macedonians vntill Alexanders death lasted but foure hundred foure score and fiue yeares and the Persians vntill his victory two hundred thirty three yeares by the Greekâ—… story So farre are these computations short of the Egiptians being not equall with them though they were trebled For f the Egiptians are said once to haue had their g yeares but foure moneths long so that one full yeare of the Greekes or ours is iust three of their old ones But all this will not make the Greeke and Egiptian computations meete and therefore wee must rather trust the Greeke as not exceeding our holy scriptures accompt But if this Epistle of Alexander being so famous differ so farre from the most probable accompt how much lesse faith then ought we to giue to those their fabulous antiquities fraught with leasings against our diuine bookes that fore-told that the whole world should beleeue them and the whole world hath done so and which prooue that they wrote truth in things past by the true occurrences of things to come by them presaged L. VIVES SEuerally a mortall Apuleius Florid. l. 2. cunctim generally or vniuersally of cunctus all b And when Macrobius handleth this argument at large De somn scip and thinkes he puts it off with that that Augustine here reciteth Plato seemes the author of this shift in his Timaus where Critias relating the conference of the Egiptian Priest and Solon saith that wee know not what men haue done of many yeares before because they change their countrie or are expelled it by flouds fires or so and the rest hereby destroyed Which answer is easily confuted fore-seeing that all the world can neither bee burned nor drowned Arist. Meteor the remainders of one ancient sort of men might be preserued by another and so deriued downe to vs which Aristotle seeing as one witty and mindfull of what he saith affirmeth that we haue the reliques of the most ancient Philosophy left vs. Metaphys 12. Why then is there no memory of things three thousand yeares before thy memory c Full six thousand Eusebius whose account Augustine followeth reckoneth from the creation vnto the sack of Rome by the Gothes 5611. yeares following the Septuagints For Bede out of the Hebrew reserueth vnto the time of Honorius and Theodosius the yonger when the Gothes tooke Rome but 4377. of this different computation here-after d That Epistle Of this before booke eight e The Assyriâ—… Hereof in the 18. booke more fitly Much liberty do the old chroniclers vse in their accompt of time Plin. lib. 11 out of Eudoxus saith that Zoroaster liued 6000. yeares before Plato's death So faith Aristotle Herimippus saith he was 5000. yeares before the Troian warre Tully writes that the Chaldees had accounts of 470000. yeares in their chronicles De diuinat 1. 〈◊〉 saith also that they reckned from their first astronomer vntill great Alexander 43000. yeares f The Egiptians Extreame liers in their yeares Plato writes that the Citty Sais in Egipt had chronicles of the countries deedes for 8000. yeares space And Athens was built 1000. yeares before Sais Laertius writes that Vulcan was the sonne of Nilus and reckneth 48863. yeares betweene him and Great Alexander in which time there fell 373. ecclipses of the Sunne and 832. of the Moone Mela lieth alittle lower saying that the Egiptians reckon 330. Kings before Amasis and aboue 13000. yeares But the lie wanted
should be saued and who should be damned CHAP. 27. BVt now because we must end this booke let this bee our position that in the first man the fore-said two societies or cities had originall yet not euidentlie but vnto Gods prescience for from him were the rest of men to come some to be made fellow cittizens with the Angels in ioy and some with the Deuils in torment by the secret but iust iudgment of God For seeing that it is written All the wayes of the Lord bee mercy and truth his grace can neither bee vniust nor his iustice cruell Finis lib. 12. THE CONTENTS OF THE thirteenth booke of the City of God 1. Of the first Mans fall and the procurement of mortality 2. Of the death that may befall the immortal soule and of the bodies death 3. Whether death propagated vnto all men from the first bee punishment of sinne to the Saints 4. Why the first death is not with-held from the regenerate from sinne by grace 5. As the wicked vse the good law euill so the good vse death which is euill well 6. The generall euill of that death that seuereth soule and body 7. Of the death that such as are not regenerate doe suffer for Christ. 8. That the Saints in suffering the first death for the truth are quit from the second 9. Whether a man at the houre of his death may be said to be among the dead or the dying 10. Whether this mortall life be rather to bee called death then life 11. Whether one may bee liuing and dead both together 12. Of the death that God threatned to punish the first man withall if he transgressed 13. What punishment was first laid on mans preuarication 14. In what state God made Man and into what state he fell by his voluntary choyce 15. That Adam forsooke God ere God forsooke him and that the soules first death was the departure from God 16. Of the Philosophers that held corporall death not to bee penall whereas Plato brings in the Creator promising the lesser Gods that they should neuer leaue their bodies 17. Against the opinion that earthly bodies cannot be corruptible nor eternall 18. Of the terrene bodies which the Philosophers hold cannot bee in heauen but must fall to earth by their naturall weight 19 Against those that hold that Man should not haue beene immortall if hee had not sinned 20. That the bodies of the Saints now resting in hope shall become better then our first fathers was 21. Of the Paradice when our first parents were placed and that it may be taken spiritually also with-out any wrong to the truth of the historie as touching the reall place 22. That the Saints bodies after resurrection shall bee spirituall and yet not changed into spirits 23. Of bodies animate and spirituall these dying in Adam and those beeing quickned in Christ. 24. How Gods breathing a life into Adam and Christs breathing vpon his Apostles when hee said Receiue the holy spirit are to bee vnderstood FINIS THE THIRTEENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the first Mans fall and the procurement of mortalitie CHAP. 1. HAuing gotten through the intricate questions of the worlds originall and man-kindes our methode now calleth vs to discourse of the first mans fall nay the first fall of both in that kind and consequently of the originall and propagation of our mortality for God made not man as he did Angels that though they sinned yet could not dye but so as hauing a performed their course in obedience death could not preuent them from partaking for euer of blessed and Angelicall immortality but hauing left this course death should take them into iust damnation as we said in the last booke L. VIVES HAuing a performed Euery man should haue liued a set time vpon earth and then being confirmed in nature by tasting of the tree of life haue beene immortally translated into heauen Here are many questions made first by Augustine and then by Lombard dist 2. What mans estate should haue beene had he not sinned but these are modest and timerous inquirers professing they cannot finde what they seeke But our later coments vpon Lumbard flie directly to affirmatiue positions vpon very coniectures or grounds of nature I heare them reason but I see them grauelled and in darknesse where yet they will not feele before them ere they goe but rush on despight of all break-neck play What man hath now wee all know to our cost what he should haue had it is a question whether Adam knew and what shall we then seeke why should we vse coniectures in a things so transcendent that it seemes miraculous to the heauens as if this must follow natures lawes which would haue amazed nature had it had existence then What light Augustine giues I will take and as my power and duty is explaine the rest I will not meddle with Of the death that may befall the immortall soule and of the bodyes death CHAP. 2. BVt I see I must open this kinde of death a little plainer For mans soule though it be immortall dyeth a kinde of death a It is called immortall because it can neuer leaue to bee liuing and sensitiue and the body is mortall because it may be destitute of life and left quite dead in it selfe But the death of the soule is when God leaueth it the death of the body is when the soule leaueth it so that the death of both is when the soule being left of God leaueth the body And this death is seconded by that which the Scripture calles the b second death This our Sauiour signified when hee said feare him which is able to destroy both body and soule in hell which comming not to passe before the body is ioyned to the soule neuer to be seperated it is strange that the body can be sayd to die by that death which seuereth not the soule from it but torments them both together For that â—…all paine of which wee will speake here-after is fitly called the soules deaâ—… because it liueth not with God but how is it the bodies which liueth with the soule for otherwise it could not feele the corporall paines that expect it after the resurrection is it because all life how-so-euer is good and all paine euill that the body is said to dye wherein the soule is cause of sorrow rather then life Therefore the soule liueth by God when it liueth well for it cannot liue without God working good in it and the body liueth by the soule when the soule liueth in the body whether it liue by God or no. For the wicked haue liâ—…â—…body but none of soule their soules being dead that is forsaken of God lâ—…g power as long as their immortall proper life failes not to afforde them 〈◊〉 but in the last damnation though man bee not insensitiue yet this sence of 〈◊〉 â—…ing neither pleasing nor peacefull but sore and
freed a-many from it 2. Of the carnall life apparant in the soules viciousnesse as well as the bodies 3. That sinne came from the soule and not the flesh and that the corruption which sinne hath procured is not sinne but the punishment of sinne 4. What it is to liue according to man and to liue according to God 5. That the Platonists teach the natures of soule and bodie better then the Maniches yet they erre in ascribing sinne vnto the nature of the flesh 6. Of the quality of mans will vnto which all affections Good and Bad are subiect 7. That Amor and Dilectio are of indifferent vse in the Scriptures both for Good and Euill 8. Of the three passions that the Stoykes allow a wiseman excluding sadnes as foe to a vertuous mind 9. Of the perturbations of mind which the iust doe moderate and rule aright 10. Whether Man had those perturbations in Paradise before his fall 11. The fall of the first Man wherein Nature was made good and cannot bee repair'd but by the Maker 12. Of the quality of Mans first offence 13. That in Adams offence his Euill will was before his euill woorke 14. Of the pride of the transgressioÌ„ which was worse then the transgression it selfe 15. Of the iust reward that our first parents receiued for sinne 16. Of the euill of lust how the name is geâ—…rall to many vices but proper vnto venereall concupiscence 17. Of the nakednesse that our first parents discouered in themselues after their sinne 18. Of the shame that accompanieth copulation as well in common as in mariage 19. That the motions of wrath and lust are so violent that they doe necessarily require to bee suppressed by wisdome and that they were not 〈◊〉 our Nature before our fall depraued it 20. Of the vaine obscaenity of the Cynikes 21. Of the blessing of multiplication before sinne which the transgression did not abolish but onely linked to lust 22. That God first instituted and blessed the band of marriage 23. Whether if man had not sinned hee should haue begotten children in paradice and whether there should there haue bin any contention betweene chastity and lust 24. That our first parents had they liued without sinne should haue had their members of generation as subiect vnto their wills as any of the rest 25. Of the true beatitude vnattayne ablâ—… 〈◊〉 this life 26. That our first parents in Paradise migâ—… haue produced manking without any shamâ—… appetite 27. That the sinners Angels and men caâ—…not with their peruersenesse disturbe Gods prouidence 28. The state of the two Citties the Heauenly and the Earthly FINIS THE FOVRTEENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus That the inobedience of the first man had drawne all mankinde into the perpetuity of the second death but that Gods grace hath freed a many from it CHAP. 1. WE said in our precedent bookes that it was Gods pleasure to propagate all men from one both for the keeping of humaine nature in one sociable similitude and also for to make their vnity of originall be the meanes of their concord in heart Nor should any of this kinde haue dyed but the first two the one whereof was made of the other and the other of nothing had incurred this punishment by their disobedience in committing so great a sinne that their whole nature being hereby depraued was so transfused through all their off-spring in the same degree of corruption and necessity of death whose kingdome here-vpon became so great in man that all should haue beene cast headlong in the second death that hath no end by this due punishment but the vndue a grace of God acquitted some from it whereby it comes to passe that whereas man-kinde is diuided into so many nations distinct in language discipline habite and fashion yet is there but two sorts of men that doe properly make the two citties wee speake of the one is of men that liue according to the flesh and the other of those that liue according to the spirit either in his kinde and when they haue attained their desire either doe liue in their peculiar peace L. VIVES VNdue a grace For God owes no man any thing and therefore it is called grace because it comes gratis freely and because it maketh the receiuer gratum thankfull Who hath giâ—… vnto him first and hee shall be recompensed Rom. 11. 35. If it were due he should not then giue but restore it Not by the workes of righteousnesse which wee haue done but according to his 〈◊〉 hee saued vs. Tit. 3. 5. Of the carnall life apparant in the soules viciousnesse as well as the bodies CHAP. 2. WE must first then see what it is to liue according to the flesh and what according to the spirit The raw and inconsiderate considerer hereof not attending well to the scriptures may thinke that the Epicureans were those that liued according to the flesh because â—…hey made bodily pleasure that summum boâ—… and all such as any way held corporall delight to be mans chiefest good as the vulgar also which not out of Philosophy but out of their owne pronenesse to lust can delight in no pleasures but such as are bodily and sensible but that the Stoickes that placed this summum bonum in the minde liue according to the spirit for what is mans minde but his spirit But the Scriptures prooue them both to follow the courses of the flesh calling the flesh not onely an earthly animate body as it doth saying All flesh is not the same flesh for there is one flesh of men and another flesh of beasts and another of fishes and another of birdes but it vseth the worde in farre other significations amongst which one is that it calleth whole man that is his intire nature flesh vsing the part for the whole as By the workes of the lawe shall no flesh be iustified What meanes hee by no flesh but no man hee explaineth him-selfe immediatly a man is iustified by faith without the workes of the lawe And in another place No man is iustified by the lawe The word was made flesh What is that but man Some misconceiuing this place held that Christ had no humaine soule For as the part is taken for the whole in these words of Mary Magdalene They haue taken away my Lord and I know not where they haue laide him Meaning onely the flesh of Christ which shee thought they had taken out of the Sepulchre so is the part taken for the whole when wee say flesh for Man as in the quotations before Seeing therefore that the Scripture vseth flesh in so many significations too tedious heere to recollect To finde what it is to liue according to the flesh the course being enill when the flesh is not euill let vs looke a little diligently into that place of the Apostle Paul to the Galathians where hee saith The workes of the flesh are
victories For any part of it that warreth against another desires to bee the worlds conqueror whereas indeed it is vices slaue And if it conquer it extolls it selfe and so becomes the owne destruction but if wee consider the condition of worldly affaires and greeue at mans opennesse to aduersity rather then delight in the euents of prosperitie thus is the victory deadly for it cannot keepe a soueraigntie for euer where it got a victory for once Nor can wee call the obiects of this citties desires good it being in the owne humaine nature farre surmounting them It desires an earthly peace for most base respects and seeketh it by warre where if it subdue all resistance it attaineth peace which notwithstanding the aduerse part that fought so vnfortunately for those respects do want This peace they seeke by laborious warre and obteine they thinke by a glorious victory And when they conquer that had the right cause who will not gratulate their victory and be glad of their peace Doubtlesse those are good and Gods good guifts But if the things appertaining to that celestiall and supernall cittie where the victory shall be euerlasting be neglected for those goods and those goods desired as the onely goods or loued as if they were better then the other misery must needs follow and increase that which is inherent before Of that murderer of his brother that was the first founder of the earthly citie whose act the builder of Rome paralleld in murdering his brother also CHAP. 5. THerefore this earthly Citties foundation was laide by a murderer of his owne brother whom he slew through enuie being a pilgrim vpon earth of the heauenly cittie Wherevpon it is no wonder if the founder of that Cittie which was to become the worlds chiefe and the Queene of the nation followed this his first example or a archetype in the same fashion One of their Poets records the fact in these words b Fraterno primi madâ—…erunt sanguine muri The first walles steamed with a brothers bloud Such was Romes foundation and such was Romulus his murder of his brother 〈◊〉 as their histories relate onely this difference there is these bretheren were both cittizens of the earthly cittie and propagators of the glory of Rome for whose institution they contended But they both could not haue that glory that if they had beene but one they might haue had For he that glories in dominion must needs see his glory diminished when hee hath a fellow to share with him Therefore the one to haue all killed his fellow and by villanie grew vnto bad greatnesse whereas innocencie would haue installed him in honest meannesse But those two brethren Caine and Abel stood not both alike affected to earthly matters nor did this procure enuie in them that if they both should reigne hee that could kill the other should arise to a greater pitch of glory for Abel sought no dominion in that citty which his brother built but that diuell enuy did all the â—…chiefe which the bad beare vnto the good onely because they are good for the possession of goodnesse is not lessned by being shared nay it is increased 〈◊〉 it hath many possessing it in one linke and league of charity Nor shall hee 〈◊〉 haue it that will not haue it common and he that loues a fellow in it shall hâ—… it the more aboundant The strife therfore of Romulus Remus sheweth the â—…on of the earthly city in it selfe and that of Caine Abel shew the opposition 〈◊〉 â—…he city of men the city of God The wicked opose the good But the good 〈◊〉 â—…e perfect cannot contend amongst them-selues but whilst they are vnperâ—…â—…ey may contend one against another in that manner that each contends aâ—… him-selfe for in euery man the flesh is against the spirit the spirit against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So then the spirituall desire in one may fight against the carnall in anoâ—… or contrary wise the carnall against the spirituall as the euill do against the gâ—… or the two carnal desires of two good men that are inperfect may contend 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bad do against the bad vntil their diseases be cured themselues brought to â—…lasting health of victory L. VIVES Aâ—…type a It is the first pattent or copy of any worke the booke written by the authors â—…e hand is called the Archetype Iuuenall Et iubet archetypos iterum seruare Cleanthas And bids him keepe Cleanthes archetypes b 〈◊〉 Lucan lib. 8. The historie is knowne c His brother built Did Caine build a citty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meanes hee the earthly citty which vice and seperation from God built the latter I 〈◊〉 d The wicked This is that I say vice neither agrees with vertue nor it selfe for amity 〈◊〉 â—…ongst the good the bad can neither bee friends with the good nor with themselues Of the langours of Gods Cittizens endure in earth as the punishments of sinne during their pilgrimage and of the grace of God curing them CHAP. 6. BVt the langour or disobedience spoken of in the last booke is the first puâ—…ment of disobedience and therefore it is no nature but a corruption for 〈◊〉 it is said vnto those earthly prilgrimes and God proficients Beare a yee 〈◊〉 â—…hers burdens and so yee shall fulfill the Law of Christ and againe admonish the 〈◊〉 â—…fort the feble be patient towards all ouer-come euill with goodnesse see that 〈◊〉 hurt for hurt and againe If a man be fallen by occasion into any sinne you that 〈◊〉 â—…all restore such an one with the spirit of meekenesse considering thy selfe least 〈◊〉 be tempted and besides let not the sunne go downe vpon your wrath and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gospell If thy brother trespasse against thee take him and tell him his falt beâ—… 〈◊〉 and him alone 〈◊〉 â—…cerning the scandalous offenders the Apostle saith Them that sin rebuke 〈◊〉 the rest may feare and in this respect many things are taught concerning â—…g And a great charge is laid vpon vs to keep that peace there where that 〈◊〉 of the c seruants being commanded to pay the ten thousand talents hee ought because hee forcibly exacted his fellowes debt of an hundred pence Vnto which simily the Lord Iesus addeth this cloze So shall mine heauenly father doe vnto you except you forgiue each one his brothers trespasses from your hearts Thus are Gods cittizens vpon earth cured of their diseases whilest they are longing for the celestiall habitation But the Holy spirit worketh within to make the salue worke that is outwardly applied otherwise though God should speake to mankinde out of any creature either sensibly or in dreames and not dispose of our hearts with his inward grace the preaching of the truth would not further mans conuersion a whitte But this doth God in his secret and iust prouidence diuiding the vessells of wrath and mercy And it is his admirable and secret worke that sinne e being in vs rather the punishment of sinne as the Apostle
hee is thought to liue after the 〈◊〉 Where-vpon some thinke that hee liued this time not vpon earth 〈◊〉 was not a soule of those escaped but in the place to which his sonne 〈◊〉 â—…slated with him vntill the deluge were come and gone because they 〈◊〉 call the authoritie of these truthes into question seeing the Church 〈◊〉 â—…wed them nor beleeue that the Iewes haue the truth rather then we 〈◊〉 that this should rather bee an error in vs then in those oâ—… of whome 〈◊〉 it by the Greeke But say they it is incredible that the seuenty 〈◊〉 â—…ers who translated all at one time and in one senâ—… could erâ—… or would falsifie in a thing impertinent vnto them but that the Iewes enuying out translations of their lawe and their Prophets altered diuerse things in their bookes to subuert the authoritie of ours This opinionatiue suspicion euery one may take as hee please but this is once sure Mathusalem liued not after the deluge but dyed in the same yeare if the Hebrewes accoumpt be true Concerning the Septuagints translation I will speake my minde here-after when I come by Gods helpe to the times them-selues as the methode of the worke shall exact Sufficeth it for this present question to haue shewen by both bookes that the Fathers of old liued so long that one man might see a number of his owne propagation sufficient to build a cittie L. VIVES NOtable a question Hierome saith it was famous in all the Churches Hierom affirmes that the 70. erred in their accompt as they did in many things else and gathers out of the Iewes and Samaritanes bookes that Mathusalem dyed in that yeare wherein the deluge began Wherevpon Augustine doth iustly deride those that will rather trust the translation then the originall Of such as beleeue not that men of old time liued so long as is recorded CHAP. 12. NOr is any eare to bee giuen vnto those that thinke that one of our ordinary yeares would make tenne of the yeares of those times they were so short And therefore say they nine hundred yeares of theirs that is to say ninetie of ours their ten is our one and their hundred our tenne Thus thinke they that Adam was but twenty and three yeares olde when hee begot Seth and Seth but twentie and an halfe when hee begatte Enos which the Scriptures calles two hundred and fiue yeares For as these men hold the Scripture diuided one yeare into ten parts calling each part a yeare and each a part hath a sixe-folde quadrate because that in sixe dayes God made the world to rest vpon the seauenth whereof I haue already disputed in the eleuenth booke Now sixe times sixe for sixe maketh the sixe-fold quadrate is thirty sixe and ten times thirtie sixe is three hundred and sixtie that is twelue moneths of the Moone The fiue dayes remaining and that quarter of a day which b foure times doubled is added to the leape yeare those were added by the ancients afterwards to make vp the number of other yeares and the Romaines called them Dies intercalares dayes enterposed So Enos was nineteene yeares of age when hee begot Cayâ—…n the Scriptures saying hee was one hundred foure-score and ten yeares And so downe through all generations to the deluge there is not one in all our bookes that begot any sonne at an hundred or an hundred and twenty yeares or there-abouts but he that was the yongest father was one hundred and three score yeares of age because say they none can beget a childe at ten yeares of age which that number of an hundred maketh but at sixteene yeares they are of ability to generate and that is as the Scriptures say when they are one hundred and three-score yeere old And to prooue this diuersitie of yeares likely they fetch the Egiptian yeares of foure moneths the Acarnans of sixe moneths and the Latines of thirteene moneths c Pliny hauing recorded that some liued one hundred and fifty yeares some ten more some two hundred yeares some three hundred some fiue hundred some six hundred nay some eight hundred held that all this grew vpon ignorance in computation For some saith he made two years of summer and winter some made foure years of the foure quarters as the Arcadians did with their yeare of three monthes And the Egiptians saith he besides there little years of 4. months as we said before made the course of the Moone to conclude a yeare euery month Thus amongst them aithâ—…he are some recorded to haue liued a thousand yeares These probabilities haue some brought not to subuert the authority of holy writ but to prooue it credible that the Partiarches might liue so long and perswaded themselues thinking it no folly neither to perswade others so in like manner that their years in those daies were so little that ten of them made but one of ours a hundred of theirs ten of ours But I wil lay open the eminent falsenesse of this immediately Yet ere I do it I must first touch at a more credible suspicion Wee might ouerthrow this assertion out of the Hebrew bookes who say that Adam was not two hundred thirty but a hundred and thirty yeares old when hee begot his third son which if they make but thirteen years then he begot his first son at the eleauenth or twelfth yeare of his age And who can in natures ordinary course now beget a child so yong But let vs except Adam perhaps he might haue begotten one as soone as he was created for we may not thinke that he was created a little one as our children are borne But now his son Seth was not two hundred yeares old as wee read but a hundred and fifty when hee begot Enos and by their account but eleauen yeares of age What shall I say of Canaan who begot Malalehel at seauenty not at a hundred and seauenty yeares of age say the Hebrewes If those were but seauen yeares â—…at man can beget a child then L. VIVES EAch a part hath a A number quadrate is that which is formed by multiplication of it self 〈◊〉 three times three foure times foure and six times sixe The yeare hath 365. daies and sixe 〈◊〉 those computators did exclude the fiue daies and sixe houres and diuiding the three â—…dred sixty into ten partes the quotient was thirty sixe b Foure times Of this reade 〈◊〉 in Caesar. Censorin Macrob. and Bâ—…da Before Caesars time the yeare had three hundred â—…-fiue daies And obseruing that the true yeare required ten daies and six houres more it was put to the priests at the end of February to interpose two and twenty daies and because that these six houres euery fourth yeare became a day then it was added and this month was 〈◊〉 nothing but the intercalatory month In the intercalary month saith Asconius Tully 〈◊〉 for Milo Now this confused interposition Caesar beeing dictator tooke away comâ—…ding them to keepe a yeare of three hundred sixty fiue
nations to the other What greater proofe need wee then this to confirme that the Israelites and all the world besides are contained in Abrahams seed the first in the flesh and the later in the spirit Of Moyses his times Iosuah the Iudges the Kings Saul the first Dauid the chiefe both in merite and in mysticall reference CHAP. 43. IAcob and Ioseph being dead the Israelites in the other hundred fortie foure yeares at the end of which they left Egypt increased wonderfully though the Egyptians oppressed them sore and once killed all their male children for feare of their wonderfull multiplication But Moses was saued from those butchers and brought vp in the court by Pharaohs daughter the a name of the Egiptian Kings God intending great things by him and he grew vp to that worth that he was held fit to lead the nation out of this extreame slauery or rather God did it by him according to his promise to Abraham First hee fled into Madian for killing an Egiptian in defence of an Israelite and afterwards returning full of Gods spirit hee foyled the enchanters h of Pharao in all their opposition and laide the ten sore plagues vpon the Egiptians because they would not let Israel depart namely the changing of the water into bloud Frogges c Lyce d Gnattes morren of Cattell botches and sores Haile Grashoppers darkenesse and death of all the first borne and lastly the Israelites being permitted after all the plagues that Egypt had groned vnder to depart and yet beeing pursued afterwards by them againe passed ouer the redde Sea dry-foote and left all the hoast of Egipt drowned in the middest the sea opened before the Israelites and shut after them returning vpon the pursuers and ouer-whelming them And then forty yeares after was Israell in the deserts with Moyses and there had they the tabernacle of the testimonie where God was serued with sacrifices that were all figures of future euents the law being now giuen with terror vpon mount Syna for the terrible voyces and thunders were full prooses that God was there And this was presently after their departure from Egipt in the wildernesse and there they celebrated their Passe-ouer fiftie dayes after by offring of a Lambe the true type of Christs passing vnto his father by his passion in this world For Pascha in Hebrew is a passing ouer and so the fiftith day after the opening of the new Testament and the offring of Christ our Passeâ—…ouer the holy spirit descended downe from heauen he whom the scriptures call the finger of God to renew the memory of the first miraculous prefiguration in our hearts because the law in the tables is said to be written by the finger of GOD. Moyses being dead Iosuah ruled the people and lead them into the land of promise diuiding it amongst them And by these two glorious captaines were strange battels wonne and they were ended with happy successe God himselfe auouching that the losers sinnes and not the winners merits were causes of those conquests After these two the land of promise was ruled by Iudges that Abrahams seede might see the first promise fulfilled concerning the land of Canaan though not as yet concerning the nations of all the earth for that was to be fulfilled by the comming of Christ in the flesh and the faith of the Gospell not the precepts of the law which was insinuated in this that it was not Moyses that receiued the law but Iosuab h whose name God also changed that lead the people into the promised land But in the Iudges times as the people offended or obeyed God so varied their fortunes in warre On vnto the Kings Saul was the first King of Israel who being a reprobate and dead in the field and all his race reiected from ability of succession Dauid was enthroned i whose sonne our Sauiour is especially called In him is as it were a point from whence the people of God doe flowe whose originall as then being in the youthfull time thereof is drawne from Abraham vnto this Dauid For it is not out of neglect that Mathew the Euangelist reckoneth the descents so that hee putteth foureteene generations betweene Abraham and Dauid For a man may be able to beget in his youth and therefore he begins his genealogies from Abraham who vpon the changing of his name was made the father of many nations So that before him the Church of God was in the infancie as it were from Noah I meane vnto him and therefore the first language the Hebrew as then was inuented for to speake by For from the terme of ones infancie hee begins to speake beeing called an infant k a non sancto of not speaking which age of himselfe euery man forgetteth as fully as the world was destroyed by the deluge For who can remember his infancie Wherefore in this progresse of the Cittie of God as the last booke conteined the first age thereof so let this containe the second and the third when the yoake of the law was laide on their necks the aboundance of sinne appeared and the earthly kingdome had beginning c. intimated by the Heifer the Goate â—…d the Ramme of three yeares old in which there wanted not some faithfull persons as the turtle-doue and the Pidgeon portended L. VIVES THe a name of To anoyde the supposition that Pharao that reigned in Iacob and Iosephs time was all one Pharao with this here named Pharao was a name of kingly dignity in Egipâ—… Hieron in Ezechiel lib. 9. So was Prolomy after Alexander Caesar and Augustus after the two braue Romaines and Abimelech in Palestina Herodotus speaketh of one Pharao that was blinde They were called Pharao of Pharos an I le ouer-against Alexandria called Carpathoâ—… of old Proteus reigned in it The daughter of this Pharao Iosephus calleth Thermuth b Of Pharao Which Pharao this was it is doubtfull Amasis saith Apion Polyhistor as Eusebius citeth him reigned in Egipt when the Iewes went thence But this cannot be for Amasis was long after viz. in Pythagoras his time vnto whom he was commended by Polycrates king of Samos But Iosephus saith out of Manethon that this was Techmosis and yet sheweth him to vary from him-selfe and to put Amenophis in another place also Eusebius saith that it was Pharao Cenchres In Chron. and that the Magicians names were Iannes and Iambres Prep euangel ex Numenio c Lyce So doth Iosephus say if Ruffinus haue well translated him that this third plague was the disease called Phthiriasis or the lousie euill naming no gnattes Peter denatalibus and Albertus Grotus saith that the Cyniphes are a kinde of flye So saith Origen Albertus saith that they had the body of a worme the wings and head of a flye with a sting in their mouth where-with they prick and draw-bloud and are commonly bred in fens and marishes troubling all creatures but man especially Origen calleth them Snipes They do flie faith he but are so
small that hee that discerneth them as they flie must haue a sharpe eye but when they alight vpon the body they will soone make them-selues knowne to his feeling though his sight discerne them not Super Exod. By this creature Origen vnderstands logick which enters the mind with such stings of vndiscerned subtlety that the party deceiued neuer perceiueth till he be fetched ouer But the Latines nor the Greekes euer vsed either Cynipes or Snipes nor is it in the seauentie eyther but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gnat-like creatures saith Suidas and such as eate holes in wood Psal. 104. The Hebrew and Chaldee Paraphrase read lice for this word as Iosephus doth also d Horse-flyes Or Dogge-flies the vulgar readeth flyes onely e Grashoppers The fields plague much endamaging that part of Africa that bordereth vpon Egipt Pliny saith they are held notes of Gods wrath where they exceed thus f Groned vnder Perfracti perfractus is throughly tamed praefractus obstinate g Passe-ouer Phase is a passing ouer because the Angel of death passed ouer the Israelites houses smote them not hence arose the paschall feast Hieron in Mich. lib. 2. not of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to suffer as if it had beene from the passion In Matth. h Whose name In Hebrew Iosuah and Iesus seemes all one both are saluation and Iesus the sonne of Iosedech in Esdras is called Iosuah i Whose sonne Mat. 1. an 〈◊〉 all the course of the Gospell Christ is especially called the sonne of two Abraham or Dauid for to them was hee chiefly promised k à non fando And therefore great fellowes that cannot speake are some-times called infants and such also as stammer 〈◊〉 their language and such like-wise as being expresse dolts and sottes in matter of learning will challenge the names of great Artists Philosophers and Diuines Finis lib. 16. THE CONTENTS OF THE seauenteenth booke of the City of God 1. Of the times of the Prophets 2. At what time Gods promise concerning 〈◊〉 Land of Canaan was fulfilled and Israell â—…ed it to dwell in and possesse 3. The Prophets three meanings of earthly â—…lem of heauenly Ierusalem and of both 4. The change of the kingdome of Israel Anâ—…â—…uels mother a prophetesse and a type 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Church what she prophecied 5. The Prophets words vnto Heli the priest â—…g the taking away of Aarons priestâ—… 6. The promise of the priest-hood of the 〈◊〉 and their kingdome to stand eternally â—…ed in that sort that other promises of 〈◊〉 â—…nded nature are 〈◊〉 kingdome of Israell rent prefiguring â—…all diuision betweene the spirituall â—…ll Israel 〈◊〉 â—…ises made to Dauid concerning his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fulfilled in Salomon but in Christ. 〈◊〉 â—…phecy of Christ in the 88. psalme 〈◊〉 â—…s of Nathan in the booke of Kings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diuers actions done in the earthly Ieâ—… 〈◊〉 the kingdome differing from Gods 〈◊〉 to shew that the truth of his word conâ—…â—…he glory of an other kingdome and anâ—…â—…g 11. The substance of the people of God who 〈◊〉 Christ in the flesh who only had power to 〈◊〉 â—…e soule of man from hell 12. â—…her verse of the former psalme and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to whom it belongeth 13. Whether the truth of the promised peace may be ascribed vnto Salomons time 14. Of Dauids endeauors in composing of the psalmes 15. Whether all things concerning Christ his church in the psalmes be to bee rehearsed in this worke 16. Of the forty fiue psalme the tropes and truths therein concerning Christ and the church 17. Of the references of the hundreth and tenth psalme vnto Christs priest-hood and the two and twentith vnto his passion 18. Christs death and resurrection prophecied in psalme 3. et 40. 15. et 67. 19. The obstinate infidelity of the Iewes declared in the 69. psalme 20. Dauids kingdome his merrit his sonne Salomon his prophecies of Christ in Salomons bookes and in bookes that are annexed vnto them 21. Of the Kings of Israel and Iudah after Salomon 22. How Hieroboam infected his subiects with Idolatry yet did God neuer failed them in Prophets nor in keeping many from that infection 23. The state of Israel and Iudah vnto both their captiuities which befell at different times diuersly altered Iudah vnited to Israell and lastly both vnto Rome 24. Of the last Prophets of the Iewes about the time that Christ was borne FINIS THE SEVENTEENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the times of the Prophets CHAP. 1. THus haue we attained the vnderstanding of Gods promises made vnto Abraham and due vnto Israel his seed in the flesh and to all the Nations of earth as his seed in the spirit how they were fulfilled the progresse of the Cittie of God in those times did manifest Now because our last booke ended at the reigne of Dauid let vs in this booke proceed with the same reigne as farre as is requisite All the time therefore betweene Samuels first prophecy and the returning of Israel from seauenty yeares captiuity in Babilon to repaire the Temple as Hieremy had prophecied all this is called the time of the Prophets For although that the Patriarch Noah in whose time the vniuersall deluge befel and diuers others liuing before there were Kings in Israel for some holy and heauenly predictions of theirs may not vndeseruedly be called a Prophets especially seeing wee see Abraham and Moses chiefly called by those names and more expressly then the rest yet the daies wherein Samuel beganne to prophecy were called peculiarly the Prophets times Samuel anoynted Saul first and afterwards he beeing reiected hee anoynted Dauid for King by Gods expresse command and from Dauids loines was all the bloud royall to descend during that Kingdomes continuance But if I should rehearse all that the Prophets each in his time successiuely presaged of Christ during all this time that the Cittie of God continued in those times and members of his I should neuer make an end First because the scriptures though they seeme but a bare relation of the successiue deeds of each King in his time yet being considered with the assistance of Gods spirit will prooue either more or as fully prophecies of things to come as histories of things past And how laborious it were to stand vpon each peculiar hereof and how huge a worke it would amount vnto who knoweth not that hath any insight herein Secondly because the prophecies concerning Christ and his Kingdome the Cittie of God are so many in multitude that the disputations arising hereof would not be contained in a farre bigger volume then is necessary for mine intent So that as I will restraine my penne as neare as I can from all superfluous relations in this worke so will I not ommit any thing that shall be really pertinent vnto our purpose L. VIVES CAlled a Prophets The Hebrewes called them Seers because they saw the Lord in his predictions or prefigurations of any thing with
the eyes of the spirit though not of the dull flesh hence it is that scriptures call a prophecy a vision and Nathan is called the Seer 1. Kings The Greekes some-times vse the name of Prophet for their priests poets or teachers Adam was the first man and the first Prophet who saw the mistery of Christ and his church in his sleepe Then followeth Enoch Noah Abraham Isaac Iacob and his children Moyses c. Yet are not these reckned amongst the prophets for none of them left any bookes of the visions but Moyses whose bookes concerned ceremonies sacrifices and ciuill orders also But these were all figures of future things nor were those the propheticall times as those from Samuel were wherein there neuer were prophets wanting whereas before God spake but seldome and his visions were not so manifest as they were from the first King vnto the captiuity wherein were foure great bookes of prophecies written and twelue of the small At what time Gods promise concerning the Land of Canaan was fulfilled and Israell receiued it to dwell in and possesse CHAP. 2. VVEE said in the last booke that God promised two things vnto Abraham one was the possession of the Land of Canaan for his seed in these words Goe into the Land that I will shew thee and I will make thee a great nation c. The other of farre more excellence not concerning the carnall but the spirituall seed nor Israell onely but all the beleeuing nations of the world in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall all nations of the earth be blessed c. This we confirmed by many testiâ—… Now therefore was Abrahams carnall seed that is the Israelites in the 〈◊〉 promise now had they townes citties yea and Kings therein and Gods 〈◊〉 were performed vnto them in great measure not onely those that hee 〈◊〉 signes or by word of mouth vnto Abraham Isaac and Iacob but euen 〈◊〉 â—…so that Moyses who brought them out of the Egyptian bondage or any 〈◊〉 him vnto this instant had promised them from God But the proâ—…â—…cerning the land of Canaan that Israel should reigne ouer it from the 〈◊〉 Egipt vnto the great Euphrates was neither fulfilled by Iosuah that worâ—… of them into the Land of promise and hee that diuided the whole aâ—… the twelue tribes nor by any other of the Iudges in all the time after 〈◊〉 was there any more prophecies that it was to come but at this instant 〈◊〉 â—…ected And by a Dauid and his son Salomon it was fulfilled indeed and 〈◊〉 â—…gdome enlarged as farre as was promised for these two made all 〈◊〉 â—…ations their seruants and tributaries Thus then was Abrahams seed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so settled in this land of Canaan by these Kings that now no part of 〈◊〉 â—…ly promise was left vnfulfilled but that the Hebrewes obeying Gods â—…ements might continue their dominion therein without all disturâ—… in all security and happinesse of estate But God knowing they would 〈◊〉 vsed some temporall afflictions to excercise the few faithfull therein 〈◊〉 â—…ad left and by them to giue warning to all his seruants that the nations 〈◊〉 â—…erwards to containe who were to bee warned by those as in whom hee 〈◊〉 â—…llfill his other promise by opening the New Testament in the death of 〈◊〉 L. VIVES Bâ—…â—…id Hierome epist. ad Dardan sheweth that the Iewes possessed not all the lands 〈◊〉 promised theÌ„ for in the booke of Numbers it is sayd to be bounded on the South by the salt sea and the wildernesse of sinne vnto that riuer of Egypt that ranne into the sea by Rhinocorura on the west by the sea of Palestina Phaenicia Coele Syria and Cylicia on the North by Mount Taurus and Zephyrius as farre as Emath or Epiphania in Syria on the East by Antioch and the Lake Genesareth called now Tabarie and by Iordan that runneth into the salt sea called now The dead sea Beyond Iordan halfe of the land of the tribes of Ruben Gad lay and halfe of the tribe of Manasses Thus much Hierome But Dauid possessed not all these but onely that within the bounds of Rhinocorura and Euphrates wherein the Israelites still kept themselues The Prophets three meanings of earthly Ierusalem of heauenly Ierusalem and of both CHAP. 3. WHerefore as those prophecies spoken to Abraham Isaac Iacob or any other in the times before the Kings so likewise all that the Prophets spoke afterwards had their double refereÌ„ce partly to Abraháms seed in the flesh partly to that wherein al the nations of the earth are blessed in him being made Co-heires with Christ in the glory and kingdome of heauen by this New Testament So then they concerne partly the bond-woman bringing forth vnto bondage that is the earthly Ierusalem which serueth with her sonnes and partly to the free Citty of God the true Ierusalem eternall and heauenly whose children are pilgrims vpon earth in the way of Gods word And there are some that belong vnto both properly to the bond-woman and figuratiuely vnto the free woman for the Prophets haue a triple meaning in their prophecies some concerning the earthly Ierusalem some the heauenly and some both as for example The Prophet a Nathan was sent to tell Dauid of his sinne and to fortell him the euills that should ensue thereof Now who doubteth that these words concerned the temporall City whether they were spoken publikely for the peoples generall good or priuately for some mans knowledge for some temporall vse in the life present But now whereas wee read Behold the daies come saith the LORD that I will make a new couenant with the house of Israell and the house of Iudah not according to the couenant that I made with their fathers when I tooke them by the hand to bring them out of the Land of Egipt which couenant they brake although I was an husband vnto them saith the Lord but this is the couenant that I will make with the house of Israel after those daies saith the LORD I will put my law in their mindes and write it in their hearts and I wil be their GOD and they shal be my people This without aâ—…l doubt is a prophecy of the celestiall Ierusalem to whom God himselfe stands as a reward and vnto which the enioying of him is the perfection of good Yet belongeth it vnto them both in that the earthly Ierusalem was called Gods Cittie and his house promised to bee therein which seemed to be fulfilled in Salomons building of that magnificent temple These things were both relations of things acted on earth and figures of things concerning heauen which kinde of prophecy compounded of both is of great efficacy in the canonicall scriptures of the Old Testament and doth exercise the readers of scripture very laudably in seeking how the things that are spoken of Abrahams carnall seed are allegorically fulfilled in his seed by faith In b so much that some held that there was nothing in the scriptures fore-told and effected or
farre beyond our ayme if I should heere stand to referre all the propheâ—… Salomons three true bookes that are in the Hebrew Canon vnto the truth 〈◊〉 Christ and his church Although that that of the Prouerbs in the persons of the wicked Let vs lay waite for the iust without a cause and swallow them vppe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they that goe downe into the pit let vs raze his memory from earth and take 〈◊〉 his ritch possession this may easily and in few wordes bee reduced vnto CHRIST and his church for such a saying haue the wicked husbandmen in his euangelicall Parable This is the heire come let vs kill him and take his â—…tance In the same booke likewise that which wee touched at before â—…g of the barren that brought forth seauen cannot bee meant but of 〈◊〉 church of CHRIST and himselfe as those doe easilie apprehend 〈◊〉 snow CHRIST to bee called the wisdome of his father the wordes are Wisdome hath built her an house and hath hewen out her seauen pillers she hâ—…th killed her victualls drawne her owne wine and prepared her table Shee hath sent forth her maidens to crie from the higths saying He that is simple come hether to me and to the weake witted she saith Come and eate of my bread and drink of the wine that I haue drawne Here wee see that Gods wisdome the coeternall Word built him an house of humanity in a Virgins wombe and vnto this head hath annexed the church as the members hath killed the victuailes that is sacrificed the Mattires and prepared the table with bread and wine there is the sacrifice of Melchisedech hath called the simple and the weake witted for GOD saith the Apostle hath chosen the weakenesse of the world to confound the strength by To whom notwithstanding is said as followeth forsake your foolishnesse that yee may liue and seeke wisdome that yee may haue life The participation of that table is the beginning of life for in Eccelasiastes where hee sayth It is good e for man to eate and drinke we cannot vnderstand it better then of the perticipation of that table which our Melchisedechian Priest instituted for vs the New Testament For that sacrifice succeeded all the Old Testament sacrifices that were but shadowes of the future good as we heare our Sauiour speake prophetically in the fortieth psalme saying Sacrifice and offring thou dist not desire but a body hast thou perfited for me for his body is offered and sacrificed now insteed of all other offrings and sacrifices For Ecclesiastes meaneth not of carnall eating and drinking in those wordes that he repeateth so often as that one place sheweth sufficiently saying It is better to goe into the house of mourning then of feasting and by and by after the heart of the wise is in the house of mourning but the heart of fooles is in the house of feasting But there is one place in this booke of chiefe note concerning the two Citties and their two Kings Christ and the deuill Woe to the land whose King is a child and whose Princes eate in the morning Blessed art thou O land when thy King is the sonne of Nobles and thy Princes eate in due time for strength and not for drunkennesse Here he calleth the deuill a child for his foolishnesse pride rashnesse petulance and other vices incident to the age of boyish youthes But Christ he calleth the sonne of the Nobles to wit of the Patriarches of that holy and free Citty for from them came his humanity The Princes of the former eate in the morning before their houre expecting not the true time of felicity but wil hurry vnto the worlds delights head-long but they of the Citty of Christ expect their future beatitude with pacience This is for strength for their hopes neuer faile them Hope saith Saint Paul shameth no man All that hope in thee saith the psalme shall not be ashamed Now for the Canticles it is a certaine spirituall and holy delight in the mariage of the King and Queene of this citty that is Christ and the church But this is all in mysticall figures to inflame vs the more to search the truth and to delight the more in finding the appearance of that bridegrome to whom it is sayd there truth hath loued thee and of that bride that receiueth this word loue is in thy delights I ommit many things with silence to draw the worke towards an end L. VIVES HE a beganne well Augustine imitateth Salust In Bello Catil b Workes namely Iosephus affirmeth that he wrote many more viz. fiue thousand bookes of songs and harmonies three thousand of Prouerbs and Parables for hee made a parable of euery plant from the Isope to the Cedar and so did he of the beasts birds and fishes he knew the depth of nature and discoursed of it all God taught him bands exterminations and Amulets against the deuill 〈◊〉 the good of man and cures for those that were bewitched Thus saith Iosephus c Wisdome Some say that Philo Iudaeus who liued in the Apostles time made this booke He was the Apostles friend and so eloquent in the Greeke that it was a prouerbe Philo either Platonized 〈◊〉 Plato Philonized d Ecclesiasticus Written by Iesus the sonne of Syrach in the time of 〈◊〉 Euergetes King of Egipt and of Symon the high priest e For man to eate The Seauenty and vulgar differ a little here but it is of no moment Of the Kings of Israel and Iudah after Salomon CHAP. 21. VVE finde few prophecies of any of the Hebrew Kings after Salomon pertinent vnto Christ or the church either of Iudah or Israel For so were the two parts termed into which the kingdome after Salomons death was diuided for his sinnes and in his sonne Roboams time the ten Tribes that Ieroboam Salomons seruant attained beeing vnder Samaria was called properly Israel although the whole nation went vnder that name the two other Iudah and Beniamin which remained vnder Ierusalem least Dauids stocke should haue vtterly failed were called Iudah of which tribe Dauid was But Beniamin stuck vnto it because Saul who was of that tribe had reigned there the next before Dauid these two as I say were called Iudah and so distinguished from Israell vnder which the other ten tribes remained subiect for the tribe of Leui beeing the Seminary of Gods Priests was freed from both and made the thirteenth tribe Iosephs tribe being diuided into Ephraim and Manasses into two tribes whereas all the other tribes make but single ones a peece But yet the tribe of Leui was most properly vnder Ierusalem because of the temple wherein they serued Vpon this diuision Roboan King of Iudah Salomons sonne reigned in Ierusalem and Hieroboam King of Israel whilom seruant to Salomon in Samaria And whereas Roboaâ—… vould haue made warres vpon them for falling from him the Prophet forbad him from the Lord saying That it was the Lords deed So then that
it was no sinne either in the King or people of Israel but the Lords wil that was herein fulfilled which beeing knowne both partes tooke vppe themselues and rested for they were onely diuided in rule not in religion How Hieroboam infected his subiects with Idolatry yet did God neuer faile them in Prophets nor in keeping many from that infection CHAP. 22. BVt Hieroboam the King of Israell fell peruersly from God who had truely enthroned him as he had promised and fearing that the huge resort of all Israel to Hierusalem for they came to worship sacrifice in the Temple according to the law might be a mean to with-draw the from him vnto the line of Dauid their old King began to set vp Idols in his own Realme and to seduce Gods people by this damnable and impious suttlety yet God neuer ceased to reproue him for it by his Prophets and the people also that obeied him and his successors in it for that time were the two great men of God Helias and his disciple Heliseus And when Helias said vnto GOD LORD they haue staine thy Prophets and digged downe thine Altars and I onely am left and now they seeke my life hee was answered that God had yet seauen thousand in Israel that had not bowed downe the knee to Bâ—…l The state of Israel and Iudah vnto both their Captiuities which befell at different times diuersly altered Iudah vnited to Israel and lasty both vnto Rome CHAP. 23. NOr wanted there Prophets in Iudah that lay vnder Ierusalem in all these successions Gods pleasure was still to haue them ready to send out either for prediction of euents or reformation of maners For the Kings of Iuda did offend God also though in farre lesse measure then Israel and deserued punishment both they and their people All their good Kings haue their due commendations But Israel had not one good King from thence but all were wicked more or lesse So that both these kingdomes as it pleased God had their reuolutions of fortune now prosperous now aduerse through forraine and ciuill warres as Gods wrath or mercy was mooued vntill at length their sinnes prouoking him he gaue them all into the hands of the Chaldaeans who led most part of them captiues into Assyria first the tenne Tribes of Israel and then Iudah also destroying Ierusalem and that goodly Temple and that bondage lasted 70. years And then being freed they repaired the ruined Temple and then although many of them liued in other nations yet was the land no more diuided but one Prince onely reigned in Ierusalem and thether came all the whole land to offer and to celebrate their feasts at the time appointed But they were not yet secure from all the nations for then a came the Romanes and vnder their subiection must Christ come and finde his Israel L. VIVES THen a came Pompey the great quelled them first and made them tributaries to Rome Cicero and Antony being consulls And from that time they were ruled by the Romane Presidents of Syria and Prouosts of Iudaea That they paied tribute to the Romanes both prophane histories and that question in the Ghospell Is it lawfull to giue tribute vnto Caesar doe witnesse Of the last Prophets of the Iewes about the time that Christ was borne CHAP. 24. AFter their returne from Babilon at which time they had the Prophets Aggee Zacharie and Malachi and Esdras they had no more Prophets vntill our Sauiours birth but one other Zacharie and Elizabeth his wife and hard before his birth old Symeon Anna a widow and Iohn the last of all who was about Christs yeares and did not prophecy his comming but protested his presence a being before vnknowne Therefore saith CHRIST The prophets and the law prophecied vnto Iohn The prophecies of these fiue last wee finde in the Ghospell where the Virgin Our Lords Mother prophecied also before Iohn But these prophecies the wicked Iewes reiect yet an innumerable company of them did beleeue and receiued them For then was Israel truely diuided as was prophecied of old by Samuel vnto Saul and avouched neuer to bee altered But the reprobate Iewes also haue Malachie Aggee Zacharie and Esdras in their Canon and they are the last bookes thereof for their bookes are as the others full of great prophecies otherwise they were but few that wrote worthy of cannonicall authority Of these aforesaid I see I must make some abstracts to insert into this worke as farre as shall concerne Christ and his church But that I may doe better in the next booke L. VIVES BEing a before vnknowne Hee knew hee was come but hee knew not his person yet vntill the Holy Ghost descended like a doue and God the Father spake from heauen then hee â—…w him and professed his knowledge THE CONTENTS OF THE eighteenth booke of the City of God 1. A recapitulation of the 17. bookes past â—…rning the two Citties continuing vnto the time of Christs birth the Sauiour of the â—…ld 2. Of the Kings and times of the Earthly Citty correspondent vnto those of Abraham 3. What Kings reigned in Assiria and Sicyâ—… in the hundreth yeare of Abrahams age 〈◊〉 Isaac was borne according to the promise 〈◊〉 at the birth of Iacob and Esau. 4. Of the times of Iacob and his sonne Ioseph 5. Of Apis the Argiue King called Seraâ—… in Egipt and there adored as a deity 6. The Kings of Argos and Assiria at the 〈◊〉 of Iacobs death 7. In what Kings time Ioseph died in Eâ—… 8. What Kings liued when Moyses was 〈◊〉 and what Gods the Pagans had as then 9. The time when Athens was built and the 〈◊〉 that Varro giueth for the name 10. Varroes relation of the originall of the 〈◊〉 Areopage and of Deucalions deluge 11. About whose times Moyses brought 〈◊〉 out of Egipt of Iosuah in whose timâ—… hee 〈◊〉 12. The false Gods adored by those Greekâ—… Princes which liued betweene Israells freedome and 〈◊〉 death 13. What fictions got footing in the nations when the Iudges began first to rule Israell 14. Of the theologicall poets 15. The ruine of the Argiue Kingdome Picus Saturnes sonne succeeding him in Laurentum 16. How Diomedes was deified after the destruction of Troy and his fellowes said to be turned into birds 17. Of the incredible changes of men that Varro beleeued 18. Of the diuills power in transforming mans shape what a christian may beleeue herein 19. That Aeneas came into Italy when Labdon was Iudge of Israell 20. Of the succession of the Kingdome in Israell after the Iudges 21. Of the Latian Kings Aeneas the first and Auentinus the twelfâ—…h are made Gods 22. Rome founded at the time of the Assirian Monarchies fall Ezechias beeing King of Iudaea 23. Of the euident prophecy of Sybilla Erythraea concerning Christ. 24. The seauen Sages in Romulus his time Israell led into captiuity Romulus dieth and is deified 25. Philosophers liuing in Tarquinius Priscus his time and Zedechias his when Ierusalem was
greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in laine 〈◊〉 Pan and Vpon mount Lycaeus in Arcadia were three gods honored by the name of 〈◊〉 Bacchus and hornned Pan. I thinke the place but some others hold their driuing 〈◊〉 the wolues gaue them their names Some say they ruled in this metamorphizing of 〈◊〉 wolues and helped them to their natiue shapes againe Of the deuills power in transforming mans shape what a Christian may beleeue herein CHAP. 18. SOme perhaps will looke for our opinion heere touching this deceipt of the deuills a what a christian should do vpon this report of miracles amongst the infidells What shall wee say but get you out of the midst of Babilon this propheticall command wills vs to ply our faiths feete as fast as we can and quit our selues of this Worldly Citty compact of a confused crue of sinners and euill Angells and hie vs vnto the liuing God For the greater power wee behold in the deceiuer the firmer hold must we lay vpon our mediator by whom wee leaue the dregs and ascend vnto hight of purity So then if we should say all those tales are lies yet are there some that wil avow they haue either hard them for truth of persons of credite or haue seene them tried themselues For when I was in Italy I heard such a report there how certaine women of one place there would but giue one a little drug in cheese and presently hee became an asse and so they made him carry their necessaries whether they would and hauing done they reformed his figure againe yet had he his humane reason still b as Apuleus had in his asse-ship as himselfe writeth in his booke of the golden asse bee it a lie or a truth that hee writeth Well c either these things are false or incredible because vnusuall But we must firmely hold Gods power to bee omnipotent in all things but the deuills can doe nothing beyond the power of their nature which is angelicall although maleuolent vnlesse hee whose iudgements are euer secret but neuer vniust permit them d Nor can the deuills create any thing what euer shewes of theirs produce these doubts but onely cast a changed shape ouer that which God hath made altering onely in shew Nor doe I thinke the deuill can forme any soule or body into bestiall or brutish members and essences but they haue an vnspeakable way of transporting mans fantasiein a bodily shape vnto other senses this running ordinarylie in our dreams through a thousand seuerall things and though it be not corporall yet seemes to cary it selfe in corporall formes through all these things while the bodies of the men thus affected lie in another place being aliue but yet in an extasie farre more deepe then any sleepe Now e this phantasie may appeare vnto others sences in a bodily shape and a man may seeme to himselfe to bee such an one as hee often thinketh himselfe to be in his dreame and to beare burdens which if they be true burdens indeed the deuills beare them to delude mens eyes with the apparance of true burdens and false shapes For one Praestantius told me that his father tooke that drug in cheese at his owne house wherevpon he lay in such a sleepe that no man could awake him and after a few daies hee awaked of himselfe and told all hee had suffered in his dreames in the meane while how hee had beene turned into an horse and carried the souldiours victualls about in a f budget Which was true as he told yet seemed it but a dreame vnto him another told how one night before he slept an old acquaintance of his a philosopher came to him and expounded certaine Platonismes vnto him which hee would not expound him before So afterwards he asked him why he did it there which he would not doe in his own house when he was intreated I did it not quoth the other indeed I dreamed that I did it And so that which the one dreamed the other in a fantasticall appearance beheld These now were related by such as I thinke would not lie for had any one told them they had not beene to be beleeued So then those Arcadians whom the god nay the deuills rather turned into wolues and those fellowes of Vlisses g beeing charmed by Circe into Bestiall shapes had onely their fantasie occupied in such formes if there were any such matter But for Diomedes birds seeing there is a generation of them I hold them not to be transformed men but that the men were taken away and they brought in their places as the h hinde was in Iphigenias roome Agamemnons daughter The deuill can play such iugling â—…kes with ease by Gods permission but the Virgin beeing found aliue afterwards this was a plaine deceipt of theirs to take away her and set the hinde there But Diomedes fellowes because they were neuer seene the euill angells destroying them were beleeued to bee turned into i those birds that were brought out of their vnknowne habitations into their places Now for their washing of his temple their loue to the Greekes and their furie against others they may haue all this by the deuills instinct because it k was his endeuor to perswade that Diomedes was become a god thereby to make them iniure the true God by adoring fained ones and dead persons with temples altars priests and sacrifices who when they liued l had no life all which honours beeing rightly bestowed are peculiar to that one true and onely God L. VIVES VVHat a a Christian Some copies haue not this b As Apuleius Hee was a magitian doubtlesse but neuer turned into an asse Augustine saw how incredible that was but 〈◊〉 not red many Greekes he could not know whence he had his plot of the golden asse for 〈◊〉 names none that he followes as hee doth in his cosmography But Lucian before him 〈◊〉 â—…ow hee beeing in Thessaly to learne some magike was turned into an asse in stead of a 〈◊〉 that this was true but that Lucian delighted neither in truths nor truths likelihoods 〈◊〉 â—…ke did Apuleius make whole in latine adding diuers things to garnish it with more delight to such as loue Melesian tales and heere and there sprinckling it with his antiquaries 〈◊〉 and his new compositions with great liberty yet some-what suppressing the absurdity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…ame But wee loue now to read him because hee hath said some things there in that 〈◊〉 dexterity which others seeking to imitate haue committed grosse errors for I thinke 〈◊〉 grace of his in that worke is inimitable But Apuleius was no asse only he delights mens 〈◊〉 â—…th such a story as mans affection is wholy transported with a strange story c Either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 8. held them all false nor may we beleeue all the fables affirmed but the Greeks 〈◊〉 cruell liers that they would not want a witnesse for the most impudent fiction they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nor can To create is to make something of
the Greekes going to Troye that they should conquer and that Homer should write lyes But the common opinion is shee liued before the siege of Troy yet Eusebius drawes him to Romulus his time Indeede Strabo maketh more then one Erythream Sibyll saying there was one ancient one and another later called Athenais liuing in Alexanders time Lactantius saith Sibylla Erythraea was borne at Babilon and chose to bee called Erythraea The sixt was a Samian Eratosth saith hee found mention of her in the Samian Annales shee was called Phito the seauenth a Cumane called Amalthea and by other Herophile or Demophile Suidas calleth her Hierophile and saith shee brought nine bookes to King Tarquinius Priscus and asked him three hundred angels for them which hee denying and laughing at her shee burnt three of them before his face and asked him the whole summe for the rest Hee thinking shee was madde or drunke indeed scoffed at her againe shee burned other three and asked still the whole summe for the three remaining then the King was mooued in minde and gaue it her This is recorded by Pliny Dionys. Solin Gellius and Seruius concerning Tarquin the proud not the other Pliny saith shee had but three bookes burning two and sauing the third Suidas saith she had nine bookes of priuate oracles and burnt but two of them her tombe saith Solinus may be seene yet in Sicilia But he calleth her not Eriphile for that hee giues to the Erythraean Sybill who was more ancient then the Cumane Eusebius thinks that Hierophile was neither the Erythrean nor Cumane but the Samian that she liued in Numa's time Lâ—…ocrates being Archon of Athens The wife of Amphiaraus was called Eriphile also The eight was of Hellespont borne at Marmissum neare Troy liuing in the time of Solon and Cyrus Heracl Pontic The ninth was a Phrygian and prophecied at Aucyra The tenth a Tyburtine called Albumea worshipped at Tybur as a goddesse on the banke of the riuer Anienes in whose channell her Image was found with a booke in the hand of it These are Varro's Sybills There are others named also as Lampusia Calchas his daughter of Colophon whose prophecies were whilom extant in verse and Sybilla Elyssas also with them Cassandra also Priams daughter who prophecied her countries ruine was counted for a Sybill there was also Sybill of Epirus and Mantâ—… Tyresias daughter and lastly Carmentis Euanders mother and Fatua Faunus his wife all called Sybills Didiâ—…s Grammaticus is in doubt whether Sapho were a Sybill or no. Sâ—… de stud liberal Yet some in this place read Publica for Sybilla But which Sybill it was that wrote the verses conteyning the Romanes fate Varro him-selfe they sâ—…y could not tell Some sayd it was Sybilla Cumana as Virgill doth calling her Deiphobe daughter to Glaucus who was a Prophet and taught Apollo the art vnlesse you had rather read it 〈◊〉 for she as some say brought the bookes to Tarquin Priscus who hid them in the Capitol She liued in Rome sayth Solinus in the fifteenth Olympiad If that be so it was Tarqum Priscus not the Proud that bought her bookes For Priscus dyed and Seruius Tullus began his raigne the fourth yeare of the fifteenth Olympiade Epitelides of Laâ—…aedemon beeing victor in the Games and Archestratides beeing Archon of Athens That therefore is likelier that Uâ—…rro and Suidas affirme of Priscus then that which others sayd of Superbus if Solinus his Account bee true Her Chappell was to bee seene at Cumae but Varro thinketh it vnlikely that the Sybill that Aeneas talked with should liue vnto the fist King of Romes time and therefore hee thinketh it was Erythraea that sung the Romaines destinies Yet Dionys. sayth it was to her that Aeneas went lib. 4. Varro hath this further ground that when Apolloes Temple at Erythraea was burnt those very verses were found there Euen this is shee whome Uirgill calleth Cumaea for shee prophecyed at Cumae in Italy sayth Capella and so thinke I There is Cumae in Ionia by Erythrea but Aristotle sayth directly there is a Caue in Cumae a Citty of Italy in which Sybilla dwelt Shee whome others called Erythraea the Cumaeans for glory of their country call Cumaea Otherwise they meane some other For it was not Virgils Sybill that Cumane Sybilla that sold Tarquin the bookes Nor sayth Uirgill nor thinke wee that there were no verses in those bookes but of One Sybils This Tacitus sheweth saying of Augustus that whereas there were many fables spred vnder the Sybils names hee sent into Samos Erythrea Ilium Africke and to all the Italian Colonyes to bee at Rome with their verses at a day appoynted where a iudgement was past by the Quindecimuers and a censure vppon all that should haue of these verses in priuate Antiquity hauing decreed against it before And the Capitoll beeing repayred sayth Lactantius out of Varro they came thether from all places and cheefly from Erythraea with Sybills verses This also Feâ—…estella a dilligent Author recordeth and that P. Gabinius M. Octacilius and Luc. Valeriuâ—… went to Erythraea purposely about it and brought about a thousand verses to Rome which priuate men had copyed forth Thus farre Lactantius Stilico Honorius his step-father deâ—…ring to mooue the people against his sonne in law made away all the Sybills bookes Of which fact Claudian writeth thus Nec tantum Geticis grassatus proditor armis Ante Sybillinae fata cremauit opis Nor onely rag'd the Traytor in Gothes armes But burnt the fates of Sybils helpe from harmes And thus much of the Sybills b Sybill of Erythraea Lactantius citeth some of those verses from another Sybill it is no matter indeed which Sybills they are One Sybils they are sure to be and because shee was the most famous to her they assigne them c The first letter That the Sybils put misteries in their verses heads Tully can testifie Their Poems sayth he prooâ—…h them not mad for there is more cunning then turbulency in them beeing all conueyed into Acrosticks as Ennius also had done in some Shewing a minde rather 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 De diuinat lib. 2. Virgill also Aegl 4. Ultima Cumaei venit iam carminis aetas The Sybils prophecies draw to an end Nâ—…ly the time that shee included in her propheticall Acrosticks d Those verses The Greeke verses in Eusebius are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
Greece but that the Barbarians as Egypt for example had their peculier doctrines before Moyses time which they called their wisdome Otherwise our scripture would not haue said that Moyses was learned in al the wisdome of the Egyptians for there was hee borne adopted and brought vp worthily 〈◊〉 by the daughter of Pharao But their wisdome could not bee before our prophets for Abraham him-selfe was a prophet And what wisdome could there be in Egypt before Isis their supposed goddesse taught them letters This Isis was daughter to Inachus King of Argos who raigned in the times of Abrahams Grandchildren L. VIVES IN our a prophets Here Augustine prooues the Old Testament ancienter then all the philosophy of the greekes This question Iosephus handleth worthily against Apâ—…on so doth Euseb. prep euang and Iustin. Martyr Ad Gentes The case is plaine inough by our allegations vpon other chapters of this booke b Pythagoras Tully saith he liued in his progenitor Seruius Tullus his time and so saith Liuy lib. 1. True in his later yeares and in the whole time of Cyrus the Persian for hee flourished Olympiade sixty wherein Tarquin the proud beganne his 〈◊〉 He died according to Eusebius Olymp. 70. after the Iewes were freed from captiuity and liued quietly at Ierusalem c Socrates He liued Olymp. 77. saith Apollodorus almost forty â—…res after Darius sent the Iewes to the reparation of the temple d Sonne after was In the eighty eight Olympiad Apollod e By the daughter Maenis the daughter of Chenephres King 〈◊〉 Egipt hauing no children adopted a Iewish child called in hebrew Moyses in greeke Muâ—… This Eusebius lib. 9. praep citeth out of Artapanus Of some scriptures too ancient for the Church to allow because that might procure suspect that they are rather counterfeit then true CHAP. 38. NOw if I should goe any higher there is the Patriarch Noah before the great deluge we may very well cal him a prophet for his very Arke and his escape in that floud were propheticall references vnto these our times What was Enoch the seauenth from Adam Doth not the Canonicall Epistle of Iude sâ—…y that hee prophecied The reason that wee haue not their writings nor the Iewes neither is their to great antiquity which may procure a suspect that they are rather feigned to bee theirs then theirs indeed For many that beleeue aâ—… they like and speake as they list defend themselues with quotations from bookes But the cannon neither permitteth that such holy mens authority should be reiected nor that it should be abused by counterfeit pamphlets Nor is it any maruell that such antiquity is to be suspected when as we read in the histories of the Kings of Iuda and Israel which we hold canonicall of many things touched at there which are not there explaned but are said a to bee found in other bookes of the prophets who are sometimes named yet those workes wee haue not in our Canon nor the Iewes in theirs I know not the reason of this only I thinke that those prophets whom it pleased the holy spirrit to inspire wrote â—…e-things historically as men and other things prophetically as from the â—…outh of God and that these workes were really distinct some being held their own as they were men and some the Lords as speaking out of their bosomes so that the first might belong to the bettring of knowledge and the later to the conâ—…ming of religion to which the Canon onely hath respect besides which if there be any workes going vnder prophets names they are not of authority to better the knowledge because it is a doubt whether they are the workes of those prophets or no therefore wee may not trust them especially when they make against the canonical truth wheein they proue themselues directly false birthes L. VIVES TO bee found in a other For we read Concerning the deedes of Dauid c. they are written in the booke of Samuel the Seer and in the booke of Nathan the prophet and of Gad c. Chron. 1. 29. 29. so likewise of Salomons Chron. 29. 29. And of Iosaphats Chronic. 2. â—…0 34. That the Hebrew letters haue beene euer continued in that language CHAP. 39. VVEE may not therefore thinke as some doe that the hebrew tongue onely was deriued from Heber to Abraham that a Moyses first gaue the hebrew letters with the law no that tongue was deriued from man to man successiuely by letters aswell as language For Moyses appointed men to teach them before the law was giuen These the scriptures call b Grammaton Isagogos that is introductors of letters because they did as it were bring them into the hearts of men or rather their hearts into them So then no nation can ouer-poise our Prophets and Patriarches in antiquity of wisdome for they had diuine inspirations the Egyptians themselues that vse to giue out such extreame and palpable lies of their learnings are prooued short of time in comparison with our Patriarches For none of them dare say that they had any excellence of vnderstanding before they had letters that is before Isis came and taught them And what was their goodly wisdome thinke you Truely nothing but c Astronomy and such other sciences as rather seemed to exercise the wit then to eleuate the knowledge For as for morality it stirred not in Egypt vntill Trismegistus his time who was indeed long before d the sages and Philosophers of Greece but after Abraham Isaac Iacob Ioseph vea Moyses also for at the time when Moyses was borne was Atlas Prometheus his brother a great Astronomer lyuing and hee was grand-father by the mother-side to the elder Mercury who begot the father of this Trismegistus L. VIVES MOyses a first gaue It is the common opinion both of the Iewes Christians that Moyses did giue the first letters to that language Eupolemus Artapanus many other prophane authors affirme it also and that the Phaenicians had their letters thence Artapanus thinketh that Moyses gaue letters to the Egyptians also and that he was that Mercury whom all affirme did first make the Egyptian language literate If any one aske then in what letter that wisdome of Egipt that Moyses learned was contained hee shal be answered it went partly by tradition and partly was recorded by Hierogâ—…yphicks Philo the Iew saith Abraham inuented the Hebrew letters But that they were long before Abraham it seemes by Iosephus who saith that the sonnes of Seth erected two pillers one of stone and another of brick whereon the artes that they had inuented were ingrauen and that the stone piller was to bee seene in Syria in his time Antiq. lib. 1. These Augustine seemeth here to take for the Hebrew letters b Grammato isagogos Hierome translateth it Doctors and Maysters and Scribes They taught onely the letter of the scriptures and declined not from it an inch but the greater professors were the Pharises of Phares diuision for they seuered
namely that God framed the world and gouerned it most excellently of the honesty of vertue the loue of our countrey the faith of friendship iust dealing and all the appendances belonging to good manners they knew not to what end the whole was to bee referred The Prophets taught that from the mouth of God in the persons of men not with inundations of arguments but with apprehension of fear and reuerence of the Lord in all that understood them L VIVES ALthough a there be Vain-glory led almost all the ancient authors wrong stuffing artes with infamous errors grosse and pernicious each one seeking to be the proclamer of his own opinion rather then the preferrer of anothers Blind men they saw not how laudable it is to obey Good councell to agree vnto truth I knew a man once not so learned as arrogant who professed that hee would write much and yet avoyd what others had said before him as hee would fly a serpent or a Basiliske for that hee had rather wittingly affirme a lie then assent vnto the opinion b Anaxagoras A stone fell once out of the ayre into Aegos ariuer in Thracia and Anaxagoras who had also presaged it affirmed that heauen was made all of stones and that the sonne was a firy stone where-vpon Euripides his scholler calleth it a golden turfe In Phaetonte for this assertion Sotion accused him of impiety and Pericles his scholler pleaded for him yet was he fined at fiue talents and perpetuall banishment Others say otherwise But the most say that Pericles who was great in the Citty saued his life being condemned where-vpon the Poets faigned that Ioue was Angry at Anaxagoras and threw a thunder-bolt at him but Pericles stept betweene and so it flew another way c And all the rest Epicurus held Gods but excluded them from medling in humane affayres and hearing vs indeed his vnder ayme was Atheisme but the Areopage awed him from professing it for farewell such Gods as wee haue no neede on saith Cotta in Tully d Towne gallery There taught the stoikes e Schooles As the Peripatetiques in the Lycaeum f Gardens As the Epâ—…cureans did g Some held Of these we spake at large vpon the eight booke h What truth soeuer Euse. de praep Euang prooueth by many arguments that Plato had all his excellent position out of the scriptures Of the translations of the Old-Testament out of Hebrew into Greeke by the ordinance of God for the benefit of the nations CHAP. 42. THese scriptures one a Ptolomy a king of Egypt desired to vnderstand for after the strange admirable conquest of Alexander of Macedon surnamed the great wherein he brought all Asia and almost all the world vnder his subiection partly by faire meanes and partly by force who came also into Iudaea his nobles after his death making a turbulent diuision or rather a dilaceration of his monarchy Egypt came to be ruled by Ptolomyes The first of which was the soone of Lagus who brought many Iewes captiue into Egypt the next was Philadelphus who freed all those captiues sent guifts to the temple and desired Eleazar the Priest to send him the Old-testament whereof he had hard great commendations and therefore hee ment to put it into his famous library Eleazar sent it in Hebrew and then hee desired interpretours of him and he sent him seauenty two sixe of euery tribe all most perfect in the Greeke and Hebrew Their translation doe wee now vsually call the Septuagints b The report of their diuine concord therein is admirable for Ptolomy hauing to try their faith made each one translate by him-selfe there was not one word difference between them either in sence or order but al was one as if only one had done them all because indeede there was but one spirit in them all And God gaue them that admirable guift to giue a diuine commemdation to so diuin a worke wherin the nations might see that presaged which wee all see now effected L VIVES ONe a Ptolomy The Kings of Egypt were all called Pharaos vntill Cambyses added that kingdome vnto the Monarchy of Persia. But after Alexander from Ptolomy sonof Lagus they were al called Ptolomies vntil Augustus made Egipt a prouince Alexander was abroad 〈◊〉 an army 21. yeares in which time he subdued al Asia but held it but a while for in the 32. 〈◊〉 of his age he died and then his nobles ranne all to share his Empire as it had bin a broâ—… filled with gold euery one got what he could and the least had a Kingdome to his 〈◊〉 Antigonus got Asia Seleucus Chaldaea Cassander Macedonia each one somewhat Ptoâ—… Egypt Phaenicia and Ciprus hee was but of meane descent Lagus his father was one of Alexanders guard and hee from a common soldior got highly into the fauour of his Prince for his valor discretion and experience Being old and addicted to peace he left his crowne to his sonne Philadelphus who had that name either for louing his sister Arsinoe or for hating her afterwards a contrario He freed all the Iewes whome his father had made captiues and set Iudaea free from a great tribute and being now growen old and diseased by the perswasion of Demetrius Phalereus whome enuy had chased from Athens thether hee betooke him-selfe to study gathered good writers together buylt that goodly librarie of Alexandria wherein he placed the Old-Testament for hee sent to Eleazar for translators for the law and Prophets who being mindfull of the good hee had done to Iudaea sent him the seauenty two interpretours whome from breuity sake we call the seauenty as the Romaines caâ—…led the hundred and fiue officers the Centumuirs In Iosephus are the Epistles of Ptolomy to Eleazar and his vnto him lib. 12. There is a booke of the seauenty interpreters that goeth vnder his name but I take it to be a false birth b The report of Ptolomy honored those interpreters highly To try the truth by their Agreement saith Iustine hee built seauenty two chambers placing a translator in euery one to write therein and when they had done conferred them all and their was not a letter difference Apologet. ad Gent. The ruines of these Iustine saith he saw in Pharos the tower of Alexandria Menedemus the Philosopher admired the congruence in the translation Tertull. Aduers gentes Hierome some-times extolls their translation as done by the holy spirit and some-times condemneth it for euill and ignorant as hee was vehement in all opposition that story of their chambers â—…e scoffeth at for this he saith I know not what hee was whose lyes built the chambers for the seauenty at Alexandria where they might write seuerall when as Aristeas one of Ptolomies gard saith that they all wrote in one great pallace not as Prophets for a prophet is one thing and a translatour another the one speaketh out of inspiration and the other translateth out of vnderstanding Prolog in Pentateuch That the
whole fourth Aeglogue is and his digression vpon the death of Caesar. Georg. 1. And likewise in Ouid wee read these Esse quoque in fatis 〈◊〉 affore terris Quo â—…are quo tellus corrept aque regia 〈◊〉 Ardeat èt mundi moles operosa laboret There is a time when heauen men say shall burne When ayre and sea and earth and the whole frame Of this â—…ge 〈◊〉 shall all to ashes turne And likewise this Et Deus 〈◊〉 lustrat sub imagine terras God takes a view of earth in humaine shape And such also hath Lucaâ—… in his Pharsalian warre liber 12. Now if they say that all the assertions of ours recorded by great Authors bee fictions let mee heare the most direct â—…th that they can affiâ—… and I will finde one Academike or other amongst them that shall â—…ke a doubt of it Whether any but Israelites before Christs time belonged to the Citty of God CHAP. 47. â—…erefore any stranger be he no Israelite borne nor his workes allowed for 〈◊〉 â—…onicall by them if hee haue prophecied of Christ that wee can know or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bee added vnto the number of our testimonies not that wee need 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but because it is no error to beleeue that there were some of the Genâ—… 〈◊〉 whom this mystery was reuealed and who were inspired by the spirit of propâ—… to declare it were they elect or reprobate taught by the euill spiâ—… whom we know confessed Christ being come though the Iewes denied him 〈◊〉 do I thinke the Iewes dare auerre that a no man was saued after the proâ—… of Israel but Isralites Indeed there was no other people properly calâ—… 〈◊〉 people of God But they cannot deny that some particular men liued in 〈◊〉 â—…orld and in other nations that were belonging to the Heauenly hierarchy 〈◊〉 deny this the story of b holy Iob conuinceth them who was neither a 〈◊〉 Isralite nor c a proselite adopted by their law but borne and buried 〈◊〉 â—…aea and yet d is hee so highly commended in the scriptures that 〈◊〉 was none of his time it seemes that equalled him in righteousnesse whose 〈◊〉 though the Chronicles expresse not yet out of the canonicall authority of 〈◊〉 owne booke wee gather him to haue liued in e the third generation after 〈◊〉 Gods prouidence no doubt intended to giue vs an instance in him that there might be others in the nations that liued after the law of God and in his â—…ice thereby attaining a place in the celestiall Hierusalem which we must 〈◊〉 none did but such as fore-knew the comming of the Messias mediator beâ—… God and man who was prophecied vnto the Saints of old that he should 〈◊〉 iust as we haue seene him to haue come in the flesh thus did one faith vnite 〈◊〉 â—…he predestinate into one citty one house and one Temple for the liuing God 〈◊〉 what other Prophecies soeuer there passe abrod concerning Christ the viciâ—… may suppose that we haue forged therefore there is no way so sure to batter 〈◊〉 all contentions in this kinde as by citing of the prophecies conteyned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iewes bookes by whose dispersion from their proper habitations all ouer 〈◊〉 world the Church of Christ is hapily increased L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a No man Nature being vnpolluted with vicious opinion might possibly guidâ—… 〈◊〉 to God as well as the law of Moyses for what these get by the law those might get â—…out it and come to the same perfection that the Iewes came seeking the same end nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 difference other then if one traueller should cary an Iâ—…erary of his way with him 〈◊〉 â—…he other trust onely his memory So may he also now a dayes that liueth in the faithâ—… of the Ocean and neuer heard of Christ attaine the glory of a Christian by keeping 〈◊〉 abstracts of all the law and the Prophets perfect loue of God and his neighbour such 〈◊〉 is a law to man and according to the Psalmist He remembreth the name of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the night and keepeth his lawe This hath hee that seeth the Lords righteousnesse so 〈◊〉 blessing is it to bee good although you haue not one to teach you goodnesse And 〈◊〉 wanteth here but water â—…or here is the holy spirit as well as in the Apostles as Peter 〈◊〉 of some who receiued that before euer the water touched them So the naâ—… that haue no law but natures are a law to them-selues the light of their liuing well is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of God comming from his sonne of whome it is said Hee is the light which lighteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that commeth into the world b Holy Ioh. His holy history saith hee was of the 〈◊〉 of Huz Hierome saith Huz buylt Damascus and Traconitide and ruled betweene Palesâ—… and Caelosiria this the seauenty intimate in their translation Huz was of the sonne of 〈◊〉 the brother of Abraham There was an other Uz descended from Esau but Hierom 〈◊〉 him from Iobs kindred admitting that sonne of Aram for that saith hee it is 〈◊〉 â—…nd of the booke where hee is said to be the forth from Esau is because the booke was 〈◊〉 out of Syrian for it was not written in the Hebrew Phillip the Priest the next 〈◊〉 vpon Iob after Hierom saith thus â—…uz and Bâ—…z were the sons of Abraâ—…â—…ther â—…ther begot of Melcha sister to Sarah It is credible that this holy man Iob dwelt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bore his fathers name and that hee was rather of the stocke of Nachor 〈◊〉 though some suspect the contrary but the three Kings to wit Eliphaz Bildad 〈◊〉 were of the generation of Esau. Thus saith Phillip So that Iob was sonne 〈◊〉 by Melcham Origen followeth the vulgar and saith that hee was an Vzzite borne bred and there liued Now they the Minaeites and Euchaeites the Themanites are all of the race of Esau or Edom Isaacs sonne and all Idumaea was as then called Edom but now they are all called Arabians both the Idumaeans Ammonites and Moabites This is the opinion of Origen and the vulgar and like-wise of some of the Gentiles as of Aristeus Hist. Iudaic. c. c A proselite Comming from heathenisme to the law of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to come to d So highly commended In the booke of Iob and Ezech. 14. e In the third generation Some thinke that Genesis mentioneth him vnder the name of Iasub but there is no certenty of it Hierome saith that Eliphaz Esau's fonne by Adah is the same that is mentioned in the booke of Iob which if it be so Iob liued in the next generation after Iacob Aggees prophecy of the glory of Gods house fulfilled in the Church not in the Temple CHAP. 48. THis is that House of God more glorious then the former for all the precious compacture for Aggees prophecy was not fulfilled in the repayring of the Temple which neuer had that glory after the restoring that it had in Salomons time but rather lost it all the Prophets
fit it is and yet how subiect to crosses 6. The error of humaine iudgements in cases where truth is not knowne 7. Difference of language an impediment to humaine society The miseries of the iustest wars 8. That true friendship cannot be secure amongst the incessant perrills of this present life 9. The friendship of holy Angells with men vndiscernable in this life by reason of the diuells whom al the Infidells tooke to be good powers and gaue them diuine honors 10. The rewards that the Saints are to receiue after the passing of this worlds afflictions 11. The beatitude of eternall peace and that true perfection wherein the Saints are enstalled 12. That the bloudiest wars cheefe ayme is peace the desire which is natural in man 13. Of that vniuersal peace which no perturbances can seclude from the law of nature Gods iust iudgements disposing of euery one according to his proper desert 14. Of the law of Heauen and Earth which swayeth humaine society by councell and vnto which councell humaine society obeyeth 15. Natures freedome bondage caused by sinne in which man is a slaue to his own affects though he be not bond-man to any one besides 16. Of the iust law of souerainty 17. The grounds of the concord and discord betwixt the Cities of Heauen and Earth 18. That the suspended doctrine of the new Academy opposeth the constancy of Christianity 19. Of the habit and manners belonging to a Christian. 20. Hope the blisse of the heauenly Citizens during this life 21. Whether the Citty of Rome had euer a true common-wealth according to Scipio's definition of a common-wealth in Tully 22. Whether Christ the Christians God be he vnto whome onely sacrifice is to be offered 23. Porphery his relation of the Oracles touching Christ. 24. A definition of a people by which both the Romans and other kingdomes may challenge themselues common-weales 25. That there can be no true vertue where true religion wanteth 26. The peace of Gods enemies vsefull to the piety of his friends as long as their Earthly pillgrimage lasteth 27. The peace of Gods seruants the fullnesse wherof it is impossible in this life to comprehead 28. The end of the wicked FINIS THE NINETEENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus That Varro obserued 288. sects of the Philosophers in their question of the perfection of goodnesse CHAP. 1. WHereas I am now to draw my discourse from the progresse vnto the consummation of the state of those two hierarchies the celestiall and the terrestriall I must therefore first lay downe their arguments as farre as the quantity beseeming this volume may permit who intend to make them-selues vp a beatitude extant euen in the continuall misfortunes of mans temporall mortality wherein my purpose is to paralell their vaine positions with our assured hope which GOD hath giuen vs and with the obiect of that assurance namely the true blessednesse which he will giue vs that so confirming our assertions both with holy scriptures and with such reasons as are fitt to be produced against Infidels the difference of their grounds and ours may bee the more fully apparant About that question of the finall good the Philosophers haue kept a wonderfull coyle amongst them-selues seeking in euery cranke and cauerne thereof for the true beatitude for that is the finall good being onely desired for it selfe all other goods hauing in their attainments a reference vnto that alone We do not call that the finall good which endeth goodnesse that is which maketh it nothing but that which profiteth it which giueth it fulnesse of perfection nor do wee call that the end of all euill whereby it ceaseth to bee euill but that point which mischiefe ariseth vnto still reseruing the mischieuous nature that we call the end of mischiefe So then the great good and the greatest euil are the ends of all good and euill the finall goodnesse and the finall badnesse About which two there hath beene wonderfull inquisition to auoide the finall euill and attaine the finall good this was the daily endeuour of our worldly Philosophers who though they were guilty of much exorbitance of error yet the bounds of nature were such limits to their Aphorismes that they sought no further then either the body the mind or both wherein to place this summum bonum of theirs From this tripartite foundation hath M. Varro in his booke De Philosophia most wittily and diligently obserued 288. sects to haue originall not in esse but in posse so many seuerall positions may bee drawne from those three fountaines of which to make a briefe demonstration I must begin with that which hee rehearseth in the booke afore named viz. That there are foure things which euery one desireth by nature without helpe of maister or industry or that habite of life which is called a vertue and is learned by degrees namely eyther sensible pleasure or sensible rest or both b which Epicurus calleth by one name of pleasure or c the vniuersall first positions of nature wherein these and the rest are included as in the body health and strength and in the minde sharpnesse of witte and soundnesse of iudgement these foure therefore pleasure rest both and natures first positiues are in the fabricke of man vnder these respects that either vertue the effect of doctrine is to be desired for them or for it selfe or they for vertue or for themselues And here are foundations for twelue â—…ects for by this meanes they are all tripled I will show it in one and that will make it apparant in all the rest Bodily pleasure being either set vnder vertue aboue it or equall with it giueth life to three diuers opinions It is vnder vertue when vertue ruleth it and vseth it for it is a vertue to liue for our countries good and for the same end to beget our children neither of which can be excluded from corporall delight for without that wee neither eate to liue nor vse the meanes of carnall generation But when this pleasure is preferred before vertue then is it affected in meere respect of it selfe and vertues ataynement is wholly referred vnto that that is all vertues acts must tend to the production of corporall pleasure or else to the preseruation of it which is a deformed kind of life because therein vertue is slaue to the commands of voluptuousnes though indeed that cannot properly bee called vertue that is so But yet this deformity could not want patronage and that by many Philosopers Now pleasure and vertue are ioyned in equallity when they are both sought for them selues no way respecting others Wheresore as the subiection preheminence or equality of vertue vnto voluptuousnesse maketh three sects so doth rest delight and rest and the first positiues of nature make three more in this kinde for they haue their three places vnder aboue or equall to vertue as well as the other thus doth the number arise d vnto twelue
the fire falling from heauen and deuouring them imply the last torments of the wicked 13. Whether it bee a thousand yeares vntill the persecution vnder Antechrist 14. Sathan and his followers condemned a recapitulation of the Resurrection and the last iudgement 15. Of the dead whom the sea and death hell shall giue vp to iudgement 16. Of the new Heauen and the new Earth 17. Of the glorification of the church after death for euer 18. Saint Peters doctrine of the resurrection of the dead 19. Saint Pauls words to the Thessalonians Of the manifestation of Antechrist whose times shall immediatly fore-run the day of the LORD 20. Saint Pauls doctrine of the resurrection of the dead 21. Esaias his doctrine concerning the iudgment and resurrection 22. How the Saints shall goe forth to see the paines of the wicked 23. Daniels prophecy of Antichrist of the iudgment and of the kingdome of the Saints 24. Dauids prophecies of the worlds end the last iudgment 25. Malachies prophecy of the iudgement and of such as are to be purged by fire 26. Of the Saints offrings which God shall accept of as in the old time and the years before 27. Of the separation of the good from the bad in the end of the last iudgement 28. Moyses law to be spiritually vnderstood for feare of dangerous error 29. Helias his comming to conuert the Iewes before the iudgment 30. That it is not euident in the Old Testament in such places as say God shall iudge that it shal be in the person of Christ but onely by some of the testimonies where the LORD GOD speaketh FINIS THE TVVENTITH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Gods iudgements continually effected His last iudgement the proper subiect of this booke following CHAP. 1. BEing now to discourse of the day of GODS last iudgement against the faithlesse and the wicked wee must lay downe holy scriptures first for the foundation of our following structure Which some beleeue not but oppose them with fond and friuolous arguments wresting them either quite vnto another purpose or vtterly denying them to containe any thing diuine For I doe not thinke that man liueth who vnderstanding them as they are spoken and beleeuing that GOD inspired them into sanctified men will not giue his full assent vnto what they auerre but hee must needes professe as much bee he neuer so ashamed or afraid to auouch it or neuer so obstinate that he would conceale it and study to defend mere and knowne falshood against it Wherefore the whole church beleeueth and professeth that Christ is to come from heauen to iudge both the quicke and the dead and this wee call the day of GODS iudgement the last time of all for how many daies this iudgement will hold wee know not but the scripture vseth Daie for Time verie often as none that vseth to reade it but well discerneth it And wee when we speake of this daie doe adde last the last daie because that GOD doth iudge at this present and hath done euer since hee set man forth of paradice and chased our first parents from the tree of life for their offences nay from the time that hee cast out the transgressing Angells whose enuious Prince doth all that hee canne now to ruine the soules of men It is his iudgement that both men and deuills doe liue in such miseries and perturbations in ayre and earth fraught with nothing but euills and errors And if no man had offended it had beene his good iudgement that man and all reasonable creatures had liued in perfect beatitude and eternall coherence with the LORD their GOD. So that he iudgeth not onely men and deuills vnto misery in generall but hee censureth euery perticular soule for the workes it hath performed out of freedome of will For the deuills pray that they may not bee tormented neither doth GOD vniustly either in sparing them or punnishing them And man some-times in publike but continually in secret feeleth the hand of Almightie GOD punnishing him for his trespasses and misdeedes either in this life or in the next though no man canne doe well without the helpe of GOD nor any diuill can doe hurt without his iust permission For as the Apostle sayth Is there vnrighteousnesse in GOD GOD forbid and in another place Vnsearcheable are his iudgements and his waies past finding out I intend not therefore in this booke to meddle with Gods ordinary daylie iudgements or with those at first but with that great and last Iudgement of his by his gratious permission when CHRIST shall come from heauen To iudge both the quicke and the dead for that is properly called the Iudgement-day because a there shal bee no place for ignorant complaint vpon the happinesse of the bad and the misery of the good The true and perfect felicity in that day shal be assured onely to the good and eternall torment shall then shew it selfe as an euerlasting inheritance onely for the euill L. VIVES THere a shal be no place for In this life many men stumble at the good fortunes and prosperity of the badde and the sad misfortunes of the good They that know not that fortunes goods are no goods at all as the wicked doe beleeue they are doe wonder at this But indeede the wicked neuer enioy true good nor doth true euill euer befall the good For the names of goods and euills that are giuen to those things that these men admire are in farre other respect then they are aware of and that makes their fond iudgements condemne the ordering of things But at the last Iudgement of CHRIST where the truth of good and bad shall appeare then shall good fall onely to the righteous and bad to the wicked and this shal be there vniuersally acknowledged The change of humane estates ordered by Gods vnsearcheable iudgements CHAP. 2. BVt here on earth the euills endured by the good men instruct vs to endure them with pacience and the goods enioyed by the wicked aduise vs not to affect them with immoderation Thus in the things where GODS iudgements are not to bee discouered his counsell is not to bee neglected Wee know not why GOD maketh this bad man ritch and that good man poore that hee should haue ioy whose deserts wee hold worthier of paines and hee paynes whose good life wee imagine to merite content that the Iudges corruption or testimonies falsenesse should send the innocent away condemned much more vn-cleared and the iniurious foe should depart reuenged much more vnpunished that the wicked man should liue sound 〈◊〉 the Godly lie bedde-ridde that lusty youthes should turne theeues and those that neuer did hurt in worde bee plagued with extremity of sicknesse That silly infantes of good vse in the world should bee cut off by vntimeâ—… 〈◊〉 while they that seeme vnworthie euer to haue beene borne attaine long 〈◊〉 happie life that the guilty should be honoured and the Godlie
Father inherite you the kingdome prepared for you for if there were not another reigning of Christ with the Saints in another place whereof him-selfe saith I am with you alway vnto the end of the world the Church now vpon earth should not bee called his kingdome or the kingdome of heauen for the Scribe that was taught vnto the kingdome of God liued in this thousand yeares And the Reapers shall take the tares out of the Church which grew vntill haruest together with the good corne which Parable he expoundeth saying The â—…est is the end of the world and the reapers are the Angels as then the tares are gathered and burned in the fire so shall it be in the end of the world The sonne of man shall send forth his Angels and they shall gather out of his kingdome all things that offend What doth hee speake heare of that kingdome where there is no offence No but of the Church that is heere below Hee saith further Who-so-euer shall breake one of these least commandements and teach men so hee shall bee called the least in the kingdome of heauen but who-so-euer shall obserue and teach them the same shall bee called great in the kingdome of heauen Thus both these are done in the kingdome of heauen both the breach of the commandements and the keeping of them â—…hen hee proceedeth Except your righteousnesse exceed the righteousnesse of the Scribes and Pharisees that is of such as breake what they teach and as Christ 〈◊〉 else-where of them Say well but doe nothing vnlesse you exceed these that is â—…th teach and obserue you shall not enter into the kingdome of heauen Now the kingdome where the keeper of the commandements and the contemner were 〈◊〉 said to be is one and the kingdome into which he that saith and doth not shal not enter is another So then where both sorts are the church is that now is but where the better sort is only the church is as it shal be here-after vtterly exempt from euill So that the church now on earth is both the kingdom of Christ and the kingdome of heauen The Saints reigne with him now but not as they shall doe here-after yet the tares reigne hot with them though they grow in the Church â—…ngst the good seed They reigne with him who do as the Apostle saith If yee 〈◊〉 be risen with Christ seeke the things which are aboue where Christ sitteth at the 〈◊〉 â—…d of God Set your affections on things which are aboue and not on things 〈◊〉 are on earth of whome also hee saith that their conuersation is in heauen â—…ly they reigne with Christ who are with all his kingdom where he reigneth 〈◊〉 how do they reigne with him at all who continuing below vntill the worlds 〈◊〉 vntill his kingdome be purged of all the tares do neuer-the-lesse seeke their 〈◊〉 pleasures and not their redeemers This booke therefore of Iohnsâ—…th â—…th of this kingdome of malice wherein there are daily conflicts with the â—…my some-times with victory and some-times with foyle vntill the time of that most peaceable kingdome approach where no enemy shall euer shew his 〈◊〉 this and the first resurrection are the subiect of the Apostles Reuelation For hauing sayd that the deuill was bound for a thousand yeares and then was to bee loosed for a while hee recapitulateth the gifts of the Church during the sayd thousand yeares And I saw seates saith he and they sat vpon them and iudgement was giuen vnto them This may not bee vnderstood of the last iudgement but by the seales are 〈◊〉 the rulers places of the Church and the persons them-selues by whom it is gouerned and for the Iudgement giuen them it cannot be better explaned then in these words what-so-euer yee binde on earth shall be bound in heauen and what-so-euer yee loose on earth shall bee loosed in heauen Therefore saith Saint Paul 〈◊〉 haue I to doe to iudge them also that bee without doe not yee iudge them that 〈◊〉 within On. And I saw the soules of them which were slaine for the witnesse of Iesus 〈◊〉 for the word of God vnderstand that which followeth they raigned with Christ a 〈◊〉 yeares These were the martires soules hauing not their bodies as yet for 〈◊〉 soules of the Godly are not excluded from the Church which as it is now is 〈◊〉 kingdome of God Otherwise she shold not mention them nor celebrate their â—…ories at our communions of the body and bloud of Christ nor were it necessary 〈◊〉 â—…in our perills to run vnto his Baptisme or to be afraid to dy without it nor to seeke reconciliation to his church if a man haue incurred any thing that exacteth repentance or burdeneth his conscience Why doe we those things but that euen such as are dead in the faith are members of Gods Church Yet are they not with their bodies and yet neuer-the-lesse their soules reigne with Christ the whole space of this thousand yeares And therefore wee reade else-where in the same booke Blessed are the dead which dye in the Lord Euen so saith the spirit for they rest from their labours and their workes follow them Thus then the Church raigneth with Christ first in the quick and the dead for Christ as the Apostle saith that hee might thence-forth rule both ouer the quick and the dead But the Apostle heere nameth the soules of the martyrs onely because their kingdome is most glorious after death as hauing fought for the truth vntill death But this is but a taking of the part for the whole for wee take this place to include all the dead that belong to Chrsts kingdome which is the Church But the sequell And which did not worship the beast neither his Image neither had taken his marke vpon their fore-heads or on their hands this is meant both of the quick and dead Now although wee must make a more exact inquiry what this beast was yet is it not against Christianity to interpret it the society of the wicked opposed against the com pany of Gods seruants and against his holy Citty Now his image that is his dissimulation in such as professe religion and practise infidelity They faigne to bee what they are not and their shew not their truth procureth them the name of Christians For this Beast consisteth not onely of the professed enemies of Christ and his glorious Hierarchy but of the tares also that in the worlds end are to be gathered out of the very fields of his owne Church And who are they that adore not the beast but those of whome Saint Pauls aduise taketh effect Bee not vnequally yoaked with the Infidells These giue him no adoration no consent no obedience nor take his marke that is the brand of their owne sinne vpon their fore-heads by professing it or on their hands by working according to it They that are cleare of this be they liuing or be they dead they reigne with Christ
the meanes alone to him who concealeth the plainest workes of nature from our apprehensions Esaias his doctrine concerning the iudgement and the resurrection CHAP. 21. THe dead saith the prophet Esaias shall arise againe and they shall arise againe that were in the graues and all they shal be glad that are in the earth for the Dew that is from thee is health to them and the Land or earth of the wicked shall fall All this belongs to the resurrection And whereas he saith the land of the wicked shall fall that is to bee vnderstood by their bodies which shal be ruined by damnation But now if wee looke well into the resurrection of the Saints these wordes The dead shall arise againe belong to the first resurrection and these they shall arise againe that were in the graues vnto the second And as for those holie ones whom CHRIST shall meete in their flesh this is fittely pertinent vnto them All they shal be glad that are in the earth for the dewe that is from thee is health vnto them By health in this place is meant immortality for that is the best health and needes no daiely refection to preserue it The same prophet also speaketh of the iudgement both to the comfort of the Godly and the terror of the wicked Thus saith the Lord Behold I will incline vnto them as a floud of peace and the glory of the Gentiles like a flowing streame Then shal yee suck yee shal be borne vpon her shoulders and be ioyfull vpon her knees As one whom his mother comforteth so will I comfort you and yee shal be comforted in Ierusalem And when yee see this your hearts shall reioyce and your bones shal flourish as an herbe and the hand of the Lord shal be knowne vnto his seruants and his indignation against his enemies For be hold the Lord will come with fire and his chariots like a whirle-winde that hee may recompence his anger with wrath and his indignation with a flame of fire for the LORD will iudge with fyre and with his sword all flesh and the slaine of the LORD shal be many Thus you heare as touching his promises to the good hee inclineth to them like a floud of peace that is in all peacefull abundance and such shall our soules bee watred withall at the worldes end but of this in the last booke before This hee extendeth vnto them to whom hee promiseth such blisse that wee may conceiue that this floud of beatitude doth sufficently bedewe all the whole region of Heauen where we are to dwell But because he bestoweth the peace of incorruption vpon corruptible bodies therefore hee saith he will incline as if hee came downe-wards from aboue to make man-kinde equall with the Angells By Ierusalem wee vnderstand not her that serueth with her children but our free mother as the Apostle saith which is eternall and aboue where after the shockes of all our sorrowes bee passed wee shall bee conforted and rest like infants in her glorious armes and on her knees Then shall our rude ignorance bee inuested in that vn-accustomed blessednesse then-shall wee see this and our heart shall reioyce what shall wee see it is not set downe But what is it but GOD that so the Gospell might bee fulfilled Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see GOD. And all that blisse which wee now beleeue but like fraile-men in farre lesse measure then it is wee shall then behold and see Here wee hope there wee shall enioye But least wee should imagine that those causes of ioye concerned onelie the spirit hee addeth And your bones shall flourish as an herbe Here is a plaine touch at the resurrection relating as it were what hee had omitted These things shall not bee done euen then when wee doe see them but when they are already come to passe then shall wee see them For hee had spoken before of the new heauen and earth in his relations of the promises that were in the end to bee performed to the Saints saying I will create new Heauens and a new Earth and the former shall not hee remembered nor come into minde but bee you glad and reioyce therein for behold I will create Ierusalem as a reioycing and her people as a ioye and I will reioyce in Ierusalem and ioye in my people and the voice of weeping shal be heard no more in her nor the voice of crying c. This now some applie to the proofe of Chiliasme because that the Prophets manner is to mingle tropes with truthes to excercise the Reader in a fitte inquest of their spirituall meanings but carnall sloath contents it selfe with the litterall sence onely and neuer seekes further Thus farre of the Prophets wordes before that hee wrote what wee haue in hand now for-ward againe And your bones shall flourish like 〈◊〉 herbe that hee meaneth onelie the resurrection of the Saintes in this his addition prooues And the hand of the LORD shal bee knowne amongst his seruantes What is this but his hand distinguishing his seruants from such as scorne him of those it followeth And his indignation against his enemies or as another interprets it a against the vnfaithfull This is no threatning but the effect of all his threatnings For behold saith hee the LORD will come with fire and his chariots like a whirle-winde that hee may recompence his anger with wrath and his indignation with a flame of fire For the LORD will iudge with fire and with his sword all flesh and the slaine of the LORD shal bee many whither they perish by fire or sword or whirle-winde all denounce but the paine of the Iudgement for hee saith that GOD shall come as a whirle-winde that is vnto such as his comming shal be penall vnto Againe his chariots beeing spoke in the plurall imploy his ministring Angells But whereas hee saith that all flesh shal bee iudged by this fyre and sword wee doe except the Saints and imply it onelie to those which minde earthlie things and such minding is deadlie and such as those of whome GOD saith My spirit shall not alwaie striue with man because hee is but flesh But these words The slaine or wounded of the LORD shal bee many this implieth the second death The fire the sword and the stroke may all bee vnderstood in a good sence for GOD hath sayd hee would send fyre into the world And the Holie Ghost descended in the shape of fiery tongues Againe I came not saith CHRIST to send peace but the sworde And the scripture calls GODS Word a two edged sworde because of the two Testaments Besides the church in the Canticles saith that shee is wounded with loue euen as shotte with the force of loue So that this is plaine and so is this that wee read that the LORD shall come as a Reuenger c. So then the Prophet proceedes with the destruction of the wicked vnder the types of such as in the olde law forbare
affraide Therefore I came to one of them that stood by and asked him the truth of all this so hee told mee and shewed mee the interpretation of these things These foure great beasts are foure Kings which shall arise out of the earth and they shall take away the Kingdome of the most high and possesse it for euer euen for euer and euer After this I would know the truth of the fourth beast which was so vnlike the other verie fearefull whose teeth were of Iron and his nayles of Brasse which deuoured brake in peeces and stamped the rest vnder his feete Also to knowe of the tenne hornes that were on his head and of the other that came vppe before whom three fell and of the horne that had eyes and of the month that spake presumptuous things whose looke was more stoute then his fellowes I beheld and the same horne made battaile against the Saints yea and preuailed against them vntill the Ancient of daies came and Iudgement was giuen to the Saints of the most high and the time approached that the Saints possessed the Kingdome All this Daniel inquired and then hee proceedeth Then hee sayd the fourth beast shal be the fourth Kingdome on the earth which shal be vnlike to all the Kingdomes and shall deuoure the whole earth and shall tread it downe and shall breake it in peeces And the tenne hornes are tenne Kings that shall rise and another shall rise after them and hee shal be vnlike to the first and hee shall subdue three Kings and shall speake wordes against the most high and shall consume the Saints of the most high and thinke that hee may change times and lawes and they shal bee giuen into his hand vntill a time and halfe a time But the iudgement shall sit and they shall take away his dominion to consume and destroy it vnto the end And the kingdome and dominion and the greatnesse of the Kingdome vnder the whole Heauen shal be giuen vnto the holy people of the most high whose Kingdome is an euerlasting Kingdome and all powers shall serue and obey him Euen this is the end of the matter I Daniell had many cogitations which troubled me and my countenance changed in me but I kept the matter in mine heart These foure Kingdomes some hold to bee a those of the Assirians Persians Macedonians and Romaines How fittly read Hieromes commentaries vpon Daniel and there you may haue full instruction But that Antichrists Kingdome shal be most cruell against the Church although it last but a while vntill the Saints receiue the Soueraignty none that reads this place can make question of The time times and halfe a time is three yeares and a halfe a yeare two yeares and halfe a yeare and this is declared by a number of daies afterwards and by the numbers of monethes in other places of the Scriptures Times in this place seemeth indefinite but the b duall number is here vsed by the LXX which the Latines haue not but both the Greekes and c Hebrewes haue Times then standeth but for two times Now I am afraid indeede that wee deceiue our selues in the ten Kings whome Antichrist shall find as tenne men by our account but there are not so many Kings in the Romaine Monarchy so that Antichrist may come vpon vs ere wee bee aware What if this number imply the fullnesse of regality which shal be expired ere hee come as the numbers of a thousand a hundred seauen and diuers more do oftentimes signifie the whole of a thing I leaue it to iudgement On with Daniel There shal be a time of trouble saith hee chap. 12 such as neuer was since there began to bee a nation vnto that same time and at that time thy people shal be deliuered euery one that shal be found written in the booke And many that sleepe in the dust of the Earth shall awake some to euerlasting life and some to shame and perpetuall contempt And they that be wise shall shine as the brightnesse of the firmament and they that turne to righteousnesse shall shine as the starres for euer and euer How like is this place vnto that of the Ghospell concerning the resurection that saith They that are in the graues This they that are in the dust of the Earth that saith shall come forth this shal awake that they that haue done good vnto eternall life and they that haue done euill vnto euerlasting damnation this some to euerlasting life and some to perpetuall shame and contempt Nor thinke they differ in that the Gospell saith all that are in the graues and the Prophet saith â—…t Many for the Scripture sometimes vseth many for all So was it said vnto Abraham thou shalt bee a father of many nations and yet in another place in thy seed shall all nations be blessed Of this resurrection it was said thus to Daniell him-selfe a little after Go thou thy way till the end be for thou shalt rest and stand vp in thy lot at the end of the daies L. VIVES THose of the a Assirians For the first beast was like a Lyonesse bloudy and lustful and like an Eagle proud and long liued and such was the Assirian Empire The second like a Beare rough and fierry such was Cyrus founder of the Persian Monarchy The third like a winged Leopard head-long bloudy and rushing vpon death such was the Macedon who seemed rather to fly to souerainety then goe on foote for how soone did hee bring all Asia vnder the forth the strangest strongest bloudiest c. Of all such was the Romaine Empire that exceeded Barbarisme in cruelty filling all the world with the rust of hir owne breeding with bones of her massacring with ruines of her causing b The Duall The ancient Greekes had but singular and plurall the duall was added afterwards which the Latines would not imitate Dionys. Grammat yet the Greeke Poets doe often vse the plurall for the duall as yee may obserue in Homer c. c Hebrewes haue So saith Hierome vpon Daniel Dauids Prophecies of the worlds end and the last iudgment CHAP. 24. TOuching this last iudgment we finde much spoken of it in the Psalmes but I omit the most of it yet the plainest thereof I cannot but rehearse Thou afore time layd the foundation of the earth and the heauens are the workes of thy hands They shall perish but thou shalt endure they shall all waxe old as doth a garment as a vesture shalt thou change them and they shall bee changed but thou art the same and thy yeares shall not faile What reason now hath Porphyry to praise the Hebrewes for their adoration of the greatest God and yet blame the Christians for auoutching that the world shall haue an end seeing that these bookes of the Hebrews whose God hee confesseth to bee terrible to all the rest doe directly auerre it They shall perish what the heauens the greatest the safest the highest part of the world shall perish and shall
seruant namely that same forme of a seruant wherein the highest was humbled added the name of the man From whose stock hee was to deriue that seruile forme The spirit of God came vpon him in forme of a Doue as the Ghospell testifieth Hee brought forth iudgement to the Gentiles in fore telling them of future things which they neuer knew of before Hee dyd not crie out yet ceased hee not to preach Nor was his voyce heard with out or in the streete for such as are cut off from his fold neuer heare his voyce Hee neither broake downe nor extinguished those Iewes his persecutors whose lost integrity and abandoned light made them like brused Reedes and c smoaking flaxe hee spared them for as yet hee was not come to iudge them but to bee iudged by them Hee brought forth iudgment in truth by shewing them their future plagues if they persisted in their malice His face sâ—…one on the mount his fame in the whole world hee neither failed nor fainted in that both hee and his Church stood firme against all persecutions Therefore his foes neuer had nor euer shall haue cause to thinke that fulfilled which they wished in the Psalme saying When shall hee dye and his name perish vntill hee haue setled iudgement in the earth Loe here is that wee seeke The last iudgement is that which hee shall settle vpon earth comming to effect it out of heauen As for the last wordes the Iles shall hope in his name wee see it fulfilled already Thus then by this which is so vn-deniable is that prooued credible which impudence dares yet deny For who would euer haue hoped for that which the vnbeleeuers them-selues doe now behold as well as wee to their vtter heart-breaking and confusion d Who did euer looke that the Gentiles should embrace Christianity that had seene the Author thereof bound beaten mocked and crucified That which one theefe durst but hope for vpon the crosse in that now doe the nations farre and wide repose their vtmost confidence and least they should incurre eternall death are signed with that figure where-vpon hee suffered his temporall death Let none therefore make any doubt that Christ shall bring forth such a iudgment as the Scriptures doe promise except hee beleeue not the Scriptures and stand in his owne malicious blindnesse against that which hath enlightned all the world And this iudgment shall consist of these circumstances partly precedent and partly adiacent Helias shall come the Iewes shall beleeue Antichrist shall persecute Christ shall iudge the dead shall arise the good and bad shall seuer the world shall burne and bee renewed All this wee must beleeue shall bee but in what order our full experience then shall exceed our imperfect intelligence as yet Yet verily I doe thinke they shall fall out in order as I haue rehearsed them Now remaineth there two bookes more of this theame to the perfect performance of our promise the first of which shall treate of the paines due vnto the wicked and the second of the glories bestowed vpon the righteous wherein if it please GOD wee will subuert the arguments which foolish mortalls and miserable wretches make for them-selues against GODS holy and diuine pre mises and against the sacred nutriment giuen to the soule by an vnspotted faith thinking them-selues the onely wise-men in these their vngratious cauills and deriding all religious instructions as contemptible and ridâ—…culous As for those that are wise in GOD in all that seemeth most incredible vnto man if it bee auouched by the holy Scriptures whose truth wee haue already sufficiently prooued they laye hold vpon the true and omnipotent deity as the strongest argument against all opposition for hee they know cannot possiblye speake false in those Scriptures and with-all can by his diuine power effect that which may seeme more then most impossible to the vn beleeuers L. VIVES GHrist a in person According to this iudgement of Christ did the Poets faigne thâ—… Iudges of hell for holding Ioue to be the King of Heauen they auoutched his sonne to be iudge of hell yet none of his sonnes that were wholy immortall at first as Bacchus Apollo or Mercurie was but a God that had beene also a mortall man and a iust man withall such as Minos Aeacus or Rhadamanthus was This out of Lactantius lib. 7. b No mention Hierom. in 42. Esai c Smoking flaxe It was a custome of old saith Plutarch in Quaestionib neuer to put out the snuffe of the lampe but to let it die of it selfe and that for diuers reasons first because this fire was some-what like in nature to that inextinguible immortall fire of heauen secondly they held this fire to be a liuing creature and therefore not to bee killed but when it did mischiefe That the fire was aliuing creature the want that it hath of nutriment and the proper motion besides the grone it seemeth to giue when it is quenshed induced them to affirme Thirdly because it is vnfit to destroy any thing that belongeth to mans continuall vse as fire or water c. But wee ought to leaue them to others when our owne turnes are serued Thus far Plutarch The first reason tendeth to religion the second to mansuetude the third to humanity d Who did euer looke Christ was not ignoraâ—… of the time to come nor of the eternity of his doctrine as his leauing it to the publishing of onely twelue weake men against the malicious opposition of all Iudea and his commanding them to preach it throughout the whole world doth sufficiently prooue besides his prophecying to the Apostles that they should all abandon him and hee bee led to death that night and yet againe hee promiseth them to be with them to the end of the world Finis lib. 20. THE CONTENTS OF THE ONE and twentith booke of the City of God 1. Why the punishment of the damned is here disputed of before the happinesse of the Saints 2. Whether an earthly body may possibly bee incorruptible by fire 3. Whether a fleshly body may possibly endure eternall paine 4. Natures testimonies that bodies may remaine vndiminished in the fire 5. Of such things as cannot bee assuredlie knowne to be such and yet are not to be doubted of 6. All strange effects are not natures some are mans deuises some the deuills 7. Gods omnipotency the ground of all beliefe in things admired 8. That the alteration of the knowne nature of any creature vnto a nature vnknowne is not opposite vnto the lawes of nature 9. Of Hell and the quality of the eternall paines therein 10. Whether the fire of hell if it be corporall can take effect vpon the incorporeal deuills 11. Whether it be not iustice that the time of the paines should bee proportioned to the time of the sinnes and criâ—…es 12. The greatnesse of Adams sin inflicting eternall damnation vpon all that are out of the state of grace 13. Against such as hold that the torments after the
Iudgement shal be but the meanes whereby the soules shal be purified 14. The temporall paines of this life afflicting al man-kinde 15. That the scope of Gods redeeming vs is wholy pertinent to the world to come 16. The lawes of Grace that all the â—…regenerate are blessed in 17. Of some christians that held that hells paines should not be eternal 18. Of those that hold that the Intercession of the Saints shal saue all men from damnation 19. Of such as hold that heretiques shal be saued in that they haue pertaken of the body of Christ. 20. Of such as allow this deliuerance onely to wicked and reuolted Catholikes 21. Of such as affirme that al that abide in the Catholike faith shal be saued for that faith 22. Of such as affirme that the sinnes committed amongst the workes of mercy shal not be called into Iudgement 23. Against those that exclude both men deuils from paines eternal 24. Against those that would proue al damnation frustrate by the praiers of the Saints 25. Whether that such as beeing baptized by heretiques become wicked in life or amongst Catholiques and then fal away into heresies schismes or contynuing amongst Catholiques be of vicious conuersation can haue any hope of escaping damnation by the priuiledge of the Sacraments 26. What it is to haue Christ for the foundation where they are that shal be saued as it were by fire 27. Against those that thinke those sinnes shall not be laid to their charge wherewith they mixed some workes of mercy FINIS THE ONE AND TVVENTITH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Why the punishment of the damned is here disputed of before the happinesse of the Saints CHAP. 1. SEEing that by the assistance of Our LORD and SAVIOVR IESVS CHRIST the Iudge of the quick and the dead we haue brought both the Citties the one whereof is GODS and the other the deuills vnto their intended consummation wee are now to proceed by the helpe of GOD in this booke with the declaration of the punishment due vnto the deuill and all his confederacy And this I choose to doe before I handle the glories of the blessed because both these the wicked are to vndergo their sentences in body and soule and it may seeme more incredible for an earthly body to endure vndissolued in eternall paines then without all paine in euerlasting happinesse So that when I haue shewne the possibility of the first it may bee a great motiue vnto the confirmation of the later Nor doth this Methode want a president from the Scriptures themselues which some-times relate the beatitude of the Saints fore-most as here They that haue done good vnto the resurrection of life but they that haue done euill vnto the resurrection of condemnation and some times afterward as here The Sonne of man shall send forth his Angells and they shall gather out of his Kingdome al things that offend and them which doe iniquitie and shall cast them into a furnace of fire there shal be wayling and gnashing of teeth Then shall the iust shine like the Sunne in the Kingdome of the Father and againe And these shall goe into euerlasting paine and the righteous into life eternall Besides hee that will looke into the Prophets shall finde this ordeâ—… often obserued it were too much for me to recite all my reason why I obserue it heere I haue set downe already Whether an earthly bodie may possibly be incorruptible by fire CHAP. 2. WHat then shall I say vnto the vn-beleeuers to prooue that a body carnall and liuing may endure vndissolued both against death and the force of eternall fire They will not allowe vs to ascribe this vnto the power of God but vrge vs to prooue it to them by some example If wee shall answere them that there are some creatures that are indeed corruptible because mortall yet doe liue vntouched in the middest of the fire and likewise that there are a kinde a of Wormes that liue without being hurt in the feruent springs of the hot bathes whose heare some-times is such as none can endure and yet those wormes doe so loue 〈◊〉 liue in it that they cannot liue without it this either they will not beleeue vnlesse they see it or if they doe see it or heare it affirmed by sufficient authority then they cauill at it as an insufficient proofe for the proposed question for that these creatures are not eternall howsoeuer and liuing thus in this heate nature hath made it the meane of their growth and nutriment not of their torment As though it were not more incredible that fire should nourish any thing rather then not consume it It is strange for any thing to be tormented by the fire and yet to liue but it is stranger to liue in the fire and not to bee tormented If then this later be credible why is not the first so also L. VIVES A Kinde a of wormes There are some springs that are hot in their eruptions by reason of their passages by vaines of sulphurous matter vnder ground Empedocles holds that the fire which is included in diuers places of the earth giueth them this heate Senec. Quaest. nat lib. 3. Their waters are good for many diseases Many of those naturall bathes there are in Italy and likewise in Germany whereof those of Aquisgrane are the best Of these bathes read Pliny lib. 1. 32. In these waters doe the wormes liue that he speaketh of Whether a fleshly body may possibly endure eternall paine CHAP. 3. YEa but say they a there is no body that can suffer eternally but it must perish aâ—… length How can we tell that Who can tell whether the b deuills doe suffer in their bodies when as the confesse they are extreamely tormented If they answere that there is no earthly soule and visible body or to speake all in one no flesh that can suffer alwaies and neuer die what is this but to ground an assertion vpon meere sence and apparance for these men know no flesh but mortall and what they haue not knowne and seene that they hold impossible And what an argument it this to make paine the proofe of death when it is rather the testimony of life for though our question bee whether any thing liuing may endure eternall paine and yet liue still yet are wee sure it cannot feele any paine at all vnlesse it liue paine beeing inseperably adherent vnto life if it be in any thing at all Needs then must that liue that is pained yet is there no necessity that this or that paine should kill it for all paine doth not kill all the bodies that perish Some paine indeed must by reason that the soule and the body are so conioyned that they cannot part without great torment which the soule giueth place vnto and the mortall frame of man beeing so weake that it cannot withstand this c violence thereupon are they seuered But afterwards
condemne the wicked that not knowing this thing and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they might liue well and so there may bee some which may pray 〈◊〉 wicked how then doth hee performe it to them which hope in him seeing that 〈◊〉 they dreame by this sweetnesse he will not condemne them which doe not hope in him Therefore let vs seeke that sweetnesse of his which he performeth to them which hope in him and not that which hee is thought to effect vnto them which contemne and blaspheme him c In vaine therefore man inquireth that when he is departed out of the body which hee hath neglected to obtaine to himselfe beeing in the bodie That saying also of the Apostle d For God hath shut vp all in vnbeliefe that he may haue mercy on all is not spoken to that end that he will condemne none but it appeareth before in what sence it was spoken For when as the Apostle spake vnto the Gentiles to whom now beleeuing he wrote his Epistles concerning the Iewes who should afterward beleeue As yee saith hee in time past haue not beleeued GOD. Yet now haue obtained mercy through their vnbeliefe euen so now haue they not beleeued by the mercy shewed vnto you that they may also obtaine mercy Then he addeth whereby they flatter themselues in their errors and sayth For GOD hath shut vppe all in vnbeliefe that hee may haue mercy on all Who are they all but they of whom he did speake saying as it were Both yee and they Therefore GOD hath shut vp both Gentiles and Iewes all in vnbeliefe whom hee fore-knew and predestinated to bee made like the Image of his Sonne that beeing ashamed and cast downe by repenting for the bitternesse of their vnbeliefe and conuerted by beleeuing vnto the sweetnesse of the mercies of GOD might proclaime that in the Psalme How great is the multitude of thy sweetnesse Oh Lord which thou hast laid vp for them which feare thee but hast performed it to them which hope not in them-selues but in thee Therefore he hath mercy on all the vessells of mercy What meaneth of all That is to say of those of the Gentiles and also of those of the Iewes whom hee hath predestinated called iustified glorified not of all men and will conâ—…mne none of those L. VIVES FOr a some departed this life In the ancient bookes printed at Bruges and Coline those tenne or twelue lines which follow are not to bee found for it is written in this manner For the prayer either of the Church or of some godly persons is heard for some departed this â—…fe but for them whose life hath not beene spent so wickedly being regenerate in Christ c. Those things which follow are not extant in them neither in the copies printed at Friburge Neuer-the-lesse the stile is not dissonant from Augustines phrase peraduenture they are eyther wanting in some bookes or else are added heere out of some other worke of Augustine as the first Scholion afterward adioyned to the context of the speech Yet not so that they may b escape The particle of negation is to bee put formost that wee may read it yet not so that they may vnder-goe those punishments at any time In vaine c therefore man In the Bruges copie it is read thus In vaine therefore doth man inquire that after this body which hee hath neglected to get in the body d For GOD hath shut vp all in vnbeleefe Commonly wee read all things in the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say all men Paul signifieth that no man hath any occasion to boast that hee is glorious vnto GOD by his owne merits 〈◊〉 that it is wholy to be attributed to the goodnesse and bounty of GOD. Whether that such as beeing baptized by heretiques become wicked in life or amongst Catholiques and then fall away into heresies and schismes or continuing amongst Catholiques be of vicious conuersation can haue any hope of escaping damnation by the priuiledge of the Sacraments CHAP. 12. NOw let vs answer those who doe both exclude the deuills from saluation as the other before doe and also all men besides whatsoeuer excepting such 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 in CHRIST and made pertakers of his body and bloud and these they will haue saued bee their liues neuer so spotted by sinne or heresie 〈◊〉 â—…ostle doth plainely controll them saying The workes of the flesh are 〈◊〉 which are adultery fornication vncleanesse wantonnesse Idolatry c. 〈◊〉 such like whereof I tell you now as I told you before that they which doe such things 〈◊〉 not inherite the Kingdome of GOD. This were false now if that such men should become Saints at any time whatsoeuer But this is true scripture and therefore that shall neuer come to passe And if they bee neuer made 〈◊〉 of the ioyes of heauen then shall they bee euer-more bound in the â—…ines of 〈◊〉 for there is no medium wherein hee that is not in blisse might â—…ue a plaâ—… free from torment And therefore it is fitte wee see how our Sauiours words may bee vnderstood â—…ere hee sayth This is the bread that came downe from heauen that hee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it should not die I am the lyuing bread which came downe from heaâ—… 〈◊〉 of this bread hee shall liue for euer c. Those whome wee 〈◊〉 answere by and by haue gotten an interpretation for these places somewhat more restrained then those whome wee are to answere at this present For those other doe not promise deliuery to all that receiue the Sacraments but onely to the Catholikes of what manner of life soeuer for they onely are those that receiue the bodie of CHRIST not onely sacramentally but 〈◊〉 alâ—… 〈◊〉 they as beeing the true members of his bodie whereof the Apostle saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are one bread and one bodie Hee therefore that is in this â—…ity of CHRISTS members in one bodie the sacrament whereof the faithfull doe daylie communicate hee is truely sayd to receiue 〈◊〉 bodie and to drinke the bloud of CHRIST So that Heretiques and 〈◊〉 who are cut off from this bodie may indeed receiue the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 them no good but a great deale of hurt in that great 〈◊〉 it will both make their paines more heauy and their continuance 〈◊〉 For they are not in that vnity of peace which is expressed a in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But â—…ow these that can obserue that hee that is not in CHRIST cannot receiue his body 〈◊〉 doe ouer-shoote themselues in promising absolution at one time or other to all the â—…ators of superstition Idolatry or heresie First because they ought 〈◊〉 obserue how absurd and farre from all likely hood 〈◊〉 that those bee they more or lesse that haue left the church and become 〈◊〉 heretiques should bee in beer estate then those whome they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bee heretiques with them before that they were Catholikes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 church if to bee baptized and to receiue CHRISTS body in the church bee
would break the law that he bound him to and forsake his Maker yet did hee not take away his freedome of election fore-seeing the good vse that hee would make of this euill by restoring man to his grace by meanes of a man borne of the condemned seed of man-kinde and by gathering so many vnto this grace as should supply the places of the falne Angels and so preserue and perhaps augment the number of the heauenly Inhabitants For euill men do much against the will of God but yet his wisedome fore-sees that all such actions as seeme to oppose his will do tend to such ends as hee fore-knew to be good and iust And therefore wheras God is said To change his will that is to turne his meeknesse into anger against some persons the change in this câ—…se is in the persons and not in him and they finde him changed in their sufferances as a sore eye findeth the sun sharp and being cured findes it comfortable wheras this change was in the eie and not in the sun which keeps his office as he did at first For Gods operation in the hearts of the obedient is said to be his will where-vppon the Apostle faith It is God that worketh in you both will and deed For euen as that righteousnesse wherein both God him-selfe is righteous and whereby also a man that is iustified of God is such is termed the righteousnes of God So also is that law which hee giueth vnto man called his law whereas it is rather pertinent vnto man then vnto him For those were men vnto whom Christ said It is written also in your law though we read else-where The law of his God is in his heart and according vnto his wil which God worketh in man him-selfe is said to wil it because he worketh it in others who do will it as he is said to know that which hee maketh the ignorant to know For whereas S. Peter saith We now knowing God yea rather being knowne of God we may not hereby gather that God came but as then to the knowledg of those who hee had predestinate before the foundations of the world but God as then is said to know that which he made knowne to others Of this phraze of speach I haue spoken I remember heretofore And according vnto this Will wherby we say that God willeth that which he maketh others to will who know not what is to come hee willeth many things and yet effecteth them not The promise of the Saints eternall blisse and the wickeds perpetuall torment CHAP. 2. FOr the Saints doe will many things that are inspired with his holy will and yet are not done by him as when they pray for any one it is not hee that causeth this their praier though he do produce this will of praier in them by his holy spirit And therfore when the Saints do will and pray according to God wee may well say that God willeth it and yet worketh it not as we say hee willeth that him-self which he maketh others to wil. But according to his eternall wil ioined with his fore-knowledge therby did he create al that he pleased in heauen and in earth and hath wrought al things already as well future as past or present But when as the time of manifestation of any thing which God fore-knoweth to come is not yet come we say It shal be when God wil if both the time be vncertaine and the thing it selfe then we say It shall be if God will not that God shall haue any other will as than then hee had before but because that shall bee then effected which his eternall vnchanging will had from al eternity ordained The promise of the Saints eternall blisse and the wickeds perpetual torment CHAP. 3. VVHerefore to omit many wordes As we see his promise to Abraham In thy seed shall all nations be blessed fulfilled in Christ so shall that be fulfilled hereafter which was promised to the said seed by the Prophet The dead shal liue euen with their bodies shall they rise And whereas he saith I will create new heauens and a new earth and the former shall not be remembred nor come into minde But be you glad and reioice in the things I shal create For behold I will create Hierusalem as a reioycing and her people as a ioy c. And by another Prophet At that time shall thy people be deliuered euery one that shall bee found written in the booke of life and many that sleepe in the dust of the earth shall awake some to euer lasting life and some to shame and perpetuall contempt And againe they shall take the kingdome of the Saintes of the most High and possesse it for euer euen for euer and euer And by and by after His Kingdome is an euerlasting kingdome c. Together with all such places as I eyther put into the twentith booke or left vntouched All these things shall come to passe and those haue already which the infidels would neuer beleeue For the same GOD promised them both euen hee whome the pagan goddes do tremble before as Porphyry a worthy Phylosopher of theirs confesseth Against the wise men of the world that hold it impossible for mans bodie to be transported vp to the dwellings of ioy iâ—… heauen CHAP. 4. BVt the learned of the world thinke that they oppose this all-conuerting power very strongly as touching the resurrection when they vse that place of Cicero in his third booke de repub Who hauing affirmed that Romulus and Hercules were both deified yet were a not their bodies saith hee translated into heauen for nature will alow an earthly body no place but in the earth This is the wise mans argument which GOD knowes how vaine it is for admit that wee were all meere spirits without bodies dwelling in heauen and beeing ignorant of all earthly creatures and it should be told vs that one day we should be bound in corporal bodies might we not then vse this obiection to more power and refuse to beleeue that nature would euer suffer an â—…ncorporeall substance to bee bound or circumscribed by a corporeall one Yet is the earth full of vegetable soules strangely combined with earthly bodies Why then cannot God that made this creature transport an earthly body into heauen as well as he can bring a soule a purer essence then any celestiall body downe from heauen and inclose it in a forme of earth Can this little peece of earth include so excellent a nature in it and liue by it and cannot heauen entertaine it nor keepe it in it seeing that it liueth by an essence more excellent then heauen it selfe is Indeed this shall not come to passe as yet because it is not his pleasure who made this that we daily see and so respect not in a far more admirable manner then that shall be which those wise men beleeue not for why is it not more strange that a most pure
hath related their opinion concealing their names haue said something which although it be false because the soules returning into the bodies which they haue before managed will neuer after forsake them not-withstanding it serueth to stoppe the mouth of those babblers and to ouerthrow the strong hold of many arguments of that impossibility For they doe not thinke it an impossible thing which haue thought these things that dead bodies resolued into aire dust ashes humors bodies of deuouring beastes or of men them selues should returne againe to that they haue beene Wherefore let Plato and Porphyry or such rather as doe affect them and are now liuing if they accord with vs that holy soules shall returne to their bodies as Plato saith but not to returne to any eiuls as Porphyrie saith that that sequele may follow which our Christian faith doth declare to wit that they shall receiue such bodies as they shall liue happily in them eternally without any euill Let them I say assume and take this also from Varro that they returne to the same bodies in which they had beene before time and then there shall bee a sweete harmony betweene them concerning the resurrection of the flesh eternally L. VIVES FOr a certaine Three things moued not only Greece but the whole world to applaud Plato to wit integritie of life sanctity of precepts and eloquence The b dead Euseb lib. 11. thinketh that Plato learned the alteration of the world the resurrection and the iudgement of the damned out of the bookes of Moyses 〈◊〉 Plato relateth that all earthly thinges shall perish a cercaine space of time being expired and that the frame of the worlde shall bee moued and shaken with wonderfull and strange â—…otions not without a great destruction and ouerthrow of all liuing creatures and then that a little time after it shall rest and bee at quiet by the assistance of the highest God who shall receiue the gouernment of it that it may not fall and perish endowing it with an euerlasting flourishing estate and with immortalitie c For he declareth Herus Pamphilius who dyed in battell Plato in fine in lib. de rep writeth that he was restored to life the tenth day after his death Cicero saith macrob lib. 1. may be grieued that this fable was scoffed at although of the vnlearned knowing it well ynough him-selfe neuerthelesse auoyding the scandall of a foolish reprehension hee had rather tell it that he was raized than that he reuiued d Labeo Plin lib. 7. setteth downe some examples of them which being carried forth to their graue reuiued againe and Plutarch in 〈◊〉 de anima relateth that one Enarchus returned to life againe after hee died who said that his soule did depart indeed out of his bodie but by the commandement of Pluto it was restored to his bodie againe those hellish spirits being grieuously punished by their Prince who commaunded to bring one Nicandas a tanner and a wrastler forgetting their errant and foulie mistaking the man went to Enarchus in stead of Nicandas who dyed within a little while after e Genethliaci They are mathematicall pettie sooth-sayers or fortune-tellers which by the day of Natiuitie presage what shall happen in the whole course of mans life Gellius hath the Chaldaeans and the Genethliaci both in one place lib. 14. Against them saith he who name them-selues Caldaeans or Genethliaci and professe to prognosticate future thinges by the motion and posture of the stars f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regeneration or a second birth Lactant. also lib. 7. rehearseth these wordes of Chrysippus the stoicke out of his booke de prouidentia by which he confirmeth a returne after death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And wee saith hee certaine reuolutions of time being complet and finished after our death shall be restored to the same figure and shape which we haue now Of the quality of the vision with which the Saintes shall see GOD in the world to come CHAP. 29. NOw lette vs see what the Saintes shall doe in their immortall and spirituall bodies their flesh liuing now no more carnally but spiritually so far forth as the Lord shal vouchsafe to enable vs. And truly what maner of action or a rather rest and quietnesse it shall be if I say the truth I know not For I haue neuer seene it by the sences of the bodie But if I shall say I haue seene it by the mind that is by the vnderstanding alasse how great or what is our vnderstanding in comparison of that exceeding excellencie For there is the peace of God which passeth all vnderstanding as the Apostle saith what vnderstanding but ours or peraduenture of all the holy Angels For it doth not passe the vnderstanding of God If therefore the Saintes shall liue in the peace of GOD without doubt they shall liue in that peace Which passeth all vnderstanding Now there is no doubt but that it passeth our vnderstanding But if it also passe the vnderstanding of Angels for hee seemeth not to except them when hee saith All vnderstanding then according to this saying wee ought to vnderstand that we are not able nor any Angels to know that peace where-with GOD him-selfe is pacified in such sort as GOD knoweth it But wee beeing made partakers of his peace according to the measure of our capacity shall obtaine a most excellent peace in vs and amongst vs and with him according to the quantity of our excellency In this manner the holy Angels according to their measure do know the same but men now doe know it in a farre lower degree although they excell in acuity of vnderstanding Wee must consider what a great man did say Wee know in part and we prophecie in part vntill that come which is perfect And wee see now in a glasse in a darke speaking but then wee shall see him face to face So doe the holy Angels now see which are called also our Angels because we beeing deliuered from the power of darkenesse and translated to the kingdome of God hauing receiued the pledge of the Spirite haue already begunne to pertaine to them with whome wee shall enioy that most holy and pleasant Cittie of God of which wee haue already written so many books So therefore the Angels are ours which are the Angels of God euen as the Christe of God is our Christe They are the Angels of GOD because they haue not forsaken God they are ours because they haue begunne to account vs their Cittizens For the Lord Iesus hath sayd Take heed you doe not despise one of these little ones For I say vnto you that their Angels doe alwayes beholde the face of my father which is in heauen As therefore they doe see so also we shall see but as yet wee doe not see so Wherefore the Apostle saith that which I haue spoken a little before We see now in a glasse in a dark speaking but then wee shal see him face to face
Diuinity did not terrifie vs but take hold of our acceptance of this inuitation and so translate vs into ioy perpetuall But hee could neither haue bin inuited nor allured to this but onely by one like our selues nor yet could wee bee made happy but onely by God the fountaine of happynesse So then there is but one way Christs humanity by which all accesse lyeth to his Deity that is life eternall and beatitude Whether it be probable that the Platonists say That the gods auoyding earthly contagion haue no commerce with men but by the meanes of the ayry spirits CHAP. 16. FOr it is false that this Platonist saith Plato said God hath no commerce with man and maketh this absolute seperation the most perfect note of their glory and height So then the Diuels are left to deale and to bee infected by mans conuersation and therefore cannot mundifie those that infect them so that both become vnclean the diuels by conuersing with men and then men by adoration of the diuels Or if the diuels can conuerse with men and not bee infected then are they better then the gods for they cannot auoid this inconuenience for that he makes the gods peculiar to bee farre aboue the reach of mans corruption But a God the Creator whome we call the true God he maketh such an one out of Plato as words cannot describe at any hand nay and that the wisest men in their greatest height of abstractiue speculation can haue but now and then a sodaine and b momentary glimpse of the c vnderstanding of this God Well then if this high God d afford his ineffable presence vnto wise men sometimes in their abstractiâ—…e speculation though after a sodaine fashion and yet is not contaminate thereby why then are the gods placed so farre off sor feare of this contamination As though the sight of those ethaereal bodies that light the earth were not sufficient And if our sight of the starres whome hee maketh visible gods doe not â—…minate them then no more doth it the spirits though seene nearer hand Orâ—… mans speech more infectious then his sight and therefore the goddes to keepe them-selues pure receiue all their requests at the deliuery of the diuells What shall I say of the other senâ—…s Their smelling would not infect them if they were below or when they are below as diuells the smel of a quicke man is not infectâ—…s at all if the steame of so many dead carcasses in sacrifices infect not Their taste is not soÌ„ crauing of them as they should bee driuen to come and aske their meate of men and for their touch it is in their owne choyce For though e handling bee peculiar to that sence indeed yet may they handle their businesse with men to see them and heare them without any necessity of touching for men would dare to desire no further then to see and heare them and if they should what man can touch a God or a Spirit against their wils when we see one cannot touch a sparrow vnlesse he haue first taken her So then in sight hearing speech the goddes might haue corporeal commerce with man Now if the diuels haue thus much without infection and the gods cannot why then the goddes are subiect to contamination and not the diuels But if they bee infected also then what good can they doe a man vnto eternity whome beeing them-selues infected they cannot make cleane nor fit to bee adioyned with the gods between whom and men they are mediators And if they cannot doe this what vse hath man of their mediation Vnlesse that after death they liue both together corrupted and neuer come nearer the goddes nor inioy any beatitude either of them Vnlesse some will make the spirits like to spunges fetching all the filth from others and retayning iâ—… in them-selues which if it bee so the gods conuerse with spirits that are more vncleane then the man whose conuersation they auoyd for vncleanenesse sake Or can the gods mundifie the diuels from their infection vn-infected and cannot do so with men VVho beleeues this that beleeueth not the diuels illusions Againe if the lookes of man infect then those visible gods the f worlds bright eyes and the other stars are lyable to this infection and the diuels that are not seene but when they list in better state then they But if the sight of man not his infect then let them deny that they do see man we seeing their beames stretcht to the very earth Their beames looke vn-infected through all infection and them-selues cannot conuerse purely with men onely though man stand in neuer so much necessity of their helpe wee see the Sunnes and Moones beames to reflect vppon the earth without contamination of the light But I wonder that so many learned men preferring things intelligible euer-more before sensible would mention any corporall matter in the doctrine of beatitude VVhere is that saying of g Plotine Lette vs flie to our bright country there is the father and there is all VVhat flight is that h to become like to GOD. If then the liker a man is to GOD the nearer hee is also why then the more vnlike the farther off And mans soule the more it lookes after thinges mutable and temporall the more vnlike is it to that essence that is immutable and eternall L. VIVES GOD a the Creator Apul. de dâ—…o Sâ—…crat Dog Platon GOD is celestiall ineffable and vn-name-able whose nature is hard to finde ' and harder to declare words The of Plato are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To finde God is hard but to comprehend him impossible Thus farre Apuleius Plato in his Timaeus that to finde out the father of this vniuerse is a hard matter but to expresse his full nature to another vtterly impossible And in his Parmenides disputing of that One Hee saith it can neyther bee named defined 〈◊〉 comprehended seene nor imagined b Momentary Signifieth that the dimme light sodainly with-draweth it selfe leauing a slender species or light impression thereof only in the mindes of such as haue seene it yet such an one as giueth ample testimony of the â—…ensity and lustre thereof c Vnderstanding In the world there are some markes whereby the 〈◊〉 Maker may be knowne but that a farre off as a light in the most thicke and spatious dâ—…ke and not by all but only by the sharpest wits that giue them-selues wholly to speculation thereof d Afford his Nor doth the knowledge of God leaue the wise minde but is euer present when it is purely sought and holyly e Handling Contrectation of Tracto to handle f Worldet bright Apulei de deo Socrat. For as their maiesty required he dedicated heauen to the immortall goddes whome partly wee see and call them celestiall as you the worlds bright eye that guides the times Vos O Clarissima mundi Lumina saith Virgill of the Sunne and Moone Georg. 1. g Plotine Plato saith hee Coleyne copy h To become The