agayne to Gellius He sheweth that there were other which thought histories to be either an exposition or els a demonstration of thinges done But yerely chronicles were when things done in many yeres were compiled together obseruing the order of euery yeare c. According to which sentence this our booke cannot be called a yerely chronicle for that in the narrations thereof it oftentimes noteth not the yeres wherin things were done Moreouer the same author I meane Gellius addeth Sempronius Asellios mynde therin but this was the differēce betwene those whiche woulde leaue behinde them yearely chronicles and those which enterprised to write of thinges done by the Romaynes The yerely chronicles did declare that onely whiche was done and in what yeare it was done but that was not sufficient for an history to declare what was done but it must also shew by what counsell and after what sort they were done And a little after the same Aselio writeth in the same booke for neither can the bookes of the yerely chronicles any thing stirre vp the readers to be more quicke to defend the common wealth nor yet more slow to cōmit thinges vnaduisedly Furthermore bicause that by the knowledge of this booke men are admonished and stirred vp to the true worshippyng of god to repent to put their trust in god and to practise all dueties of lyfe cherefully It conteyneth an history and not yerely Chronicles Peraduenture I haue expounded these thinges with to many woordes but yet as I suppose with some fruicte The number of the yeares that the history of the iudges conteyneth But the space of the tyme which is comprehēded in these declarations if we may beleue Augustine in his xviii booke de ciuitate dei and 22. chap. is 329. yeares which he gathereth thus Whē Rome was builded the Hebrewes had bene in the land of Chanaan 718. yeares of which as he saith 27. perteyned vnto Iosua 329. to the Iudges 362. are referred vnto the kinges For Ezechias the king lyued in the tyme of Romulus God is the author of histories An history is not to be counted a thing of mans inuention when as god him selfe was the author therof which would haue the elders to expoūd to their children and their posteritie those thinges which he had done for Israell in Egipte in the sea and in the wildernes And he commaunded also as it is written in Exodus that the warre which was had against Amalech and the victory which the Hebrewes got of him Histories wer before Moyses time should be put in writing yea and this kind of writing began before Moyses for he maketh mencion both of the booke of the battails of the Lord as also of the booke of the iust men I will not speake of the Prophetes which with their prophecies oftētimes mixed histories I passe ouer Dauid who adourned here and there the psalmes whiche he song with histories I skip ouer our Euangelistes and the Actes which Luke wrote in which are written moste profitable histories in the new Testament If god be the author of these bookes as we must nedes beleue thē god must be counted the author of histories which is not a thing for him vnsemely for an history is a noble thīg as Cicero writeth in hys 2. The praise of an history boke de Oratore it is a witnes of times the light of truth the life of memory the maystres of life the messenger of antiquitie c. These prayses certainly are great and they agree not with euery kynde of histories but with those onely in which those rules are obserued What are requisite to a true history The Latin Historiographers are more faithful than the Grecians which the same author hath set forth in that place namely that it set forth no lies or be afraid to tel the truth that there be no suspicion of fauour or flattery Which order although the Latin Historiographers haue more faithfully accōplished than the Grecians for Quintilianus saith in his iiii chap. of his secōd boke that the greke Historiographers vsed as much licence in writing almoste as the Poets did yet Augustine in his .131 epistle to Memorius the Bishop when he amōg other liberall disciplines attributeth much to histories writing of the truth therof saieth that he cannot see how those histories whiche are written of men can wel follow the truth for that the writers are compelled to geue credite vnto men and oftentimes to gather together the brute of the vulgare people The holy histories are most true whiche writers neuerthelesse are yet excused if they kepe liberty and write nothing disceitfull but there can be nothing at al more true than the histories reuealed and written by the inspiration of god as our histories are Besides the truth whose knowledge without controuersie is most excellēt The commoditie of an historye by the reading of histories we get also other cōmodities and those very excellēt By them we attayne to matter and most aboundant plenty of moste profitable arguments For as Quintilianus writeth in the .iiii. chap. of his .12 boke Exāples and histories are iudgementes and testimonies The vse of examples is double And the profit of the examples is at the least way two fold One is that we should imitate vse allow and commend those thinges which we are taught to be done of holy mē We vnderstande by the diuyne historye that Abraham was a holye man and dearly beloued of god and also one that kepte very good hospitalitie Whereby we learne that hospitalitie is a noble vertue and very deare vnto God and againe we are taughte to auoyde those thinges which we see these godlye men to haue auoyded For when we consider howe Dauid woulde not kil Saul hys deadly enemye hauing twice libertie to doe it we gather that it is not to bee permitted that priuate men althoughe it laye in their power shoulde 〈◊〉 reuenge their priuate iniuries The other vse of examples is that of these thinges whiche are there declared perticularly when we shall perceaue that they be al like we may of them gather generally and vniuersally some one profitable sentence By the history of the Sodomites we note how greuously god punished most horrible fleshly filthines and that the tribe of Beniamin for the same cause was almost cleane put out and Ruben the first begotten son of Iacob for incest was put besides his place and dignity Dauid for committing aduoutry incurred horrible punishmentes and Ammon and Absolon for committing incest came to a most wycked end and Troy as the heathen testifye was vtterly ouerthrowen for aduoutry sake Of these things therfore in such sort considered which happened perticularly we plainly say that all these wandring and vnlawfull lustes of men are most greuously punished of god To which propositiō if we shal adde this sentence that now also throughout all Christendom such free and wādring filthy lust raigne euery where we may strongly conclude that for
8 And Iosua the Sonne of Nun the seruaunt of the Lorde dyed when he was an hundred and ten yeares olde 9 And they buryed him in the border of hys inheritance in Thimnath-Heres in mount Ephraim on the North syde of the hyl Gaas 10 And euen so also all that generation were put vnto their fathers and ther arose an other generation after them which neither knew the Lord nor yet the woorke which he had done for Israel Iosua lyued not so long tyme as dyd Moyses Iosua lyued not so long as Moyses whom he by the commaundement of the Lord succeded for Moyses was an .120 yeares old whē he dyed But the same thinges which we reade in this place concerning the death and buriall of Iosua are by as many wordes expressed in his own booke the .24 chap. The place wher they buryed him namely in mount Ephraim was his owne possession For of that Tribe came Iosua The Elders had sepulchers in theyr owne possessions And the Elders prouided to haue Funeralles and Sepulchres in their owne possessions For which cause it is written in the booke of Iosua towarde the ende that the bones of Ioseph which the Israelites brought with them out of Egipt were buryed in Sichem in that fielde I saye which Iacob had assigned as proper vnto Ioseph And it followeth Eleazer also the sonne of Aaron dyed whom they buryed in a hyll that pertayned to Phinehes his sonne which hil was geuen him in mount Ephraim But as touchyng the name of the Citye in that it is here called Thimnath-Haeres R. Selomoh Why the figure of the sun was set vpon the sepulchre of Iosua Rabi Selomoh toward the end of the booke of Iosua wryteth that Thimnath is as much as Temunath which is an Image And for so much as Chaeres signifieth the Sunne it declareth that the Chyldren of Israel placed the Image of the Sunne vpon the Sepulchre of Iosua that it myghte remayne as a monument of the myracle by hym wrought For he commaunded the Sunne and the Moone to stande styll vntil he had finished the battaile That therfore so noble a worke might not be had in obliuion he supposeth that his tombe was adourned with those tokens That this woord Chaeres signifieth the Sunne Esay the .19 chap. and Iob the .9 doo testifye Howbeit this is to be considered in the booke of Iosua that the name of this place doth vary For in the booke of Iosua it is wrytten Timuna Serech D. Kimhi which yet R. D. Kimhi thinketh to be al one the letters beyng somwhat transposed which is a familiar and a thing much vsed in the hebrewe toung as they that are learned in the same wel know It is lawfull to set foorth the benefites of god by certain tokens and outwarde signes Neither was it absurdly or wickedly done of the Israelites so to adourne the tombe of Iosua For it is meete that the benefites of God be set forth by tokens and certain monumentes They had not at that tyme the aboundaunce and vse of bookes which we haue And therfore they vsed certain outwarde Symboles and tokens to helpe and to renewe their memorye Iacob erected a stone in the place where he had sene God Moyses dyd set vp twelue pyllers there where he made a league betwene God and the people The same was done also when the people were passed ouer Iordane for they gathered twelue stones out of the chanell of the riuer which should be a token to their posteritye that God had by a great miracle dried vp the waters of Iordan when they passed ouer it For by reason of our naturall ingratitude we do easely forgette the benifites of god wherfore yf the figure of the sunne were set vpon the tombe of Iosua to testifye the miracle wherin god at the prayers of Iosuah had cōmaunded it to stand that therby the hebrewes might by his conduicte and leading obtayne a perfect and noble victorie this I say semeth not to be done ether vngodly or absurdely for the Image of the Sunne was not therfore put ther to bee worshipped neither wer there any holly assemblyes in that place A godly magistrate wonderfully profiteth the safety of the people wherin yt was Hereby it appeareth how a good and godly magistrate may wonderfully profite the healthe of the people For the Israelites departed not frō the worshipping of god so long as Iosua and the wyse and godly senatours lyued Aptly therfore is it wrytten in the Prouerbes the .29 chap When the vngodly beare rule the people mourne And in the same booke .20 chap a wyse king destroyeth the wicked And in the 29. a iuste king setteth vp the land Reason also sheweth that it is so for the people do therfore endeuour them selues to please their princes to fynd the more fauour at their handes and therefore they frame them selues to their maners and fashions And also bicause the people is by lawes and decrees compelled to obey the will and sentence of the princes They which dye ar sayde to be adioyned vnto the fathers They wer put vnto their fathers It is a kind of speche much vsed in the scriptures that they which do dye ar sayed to be adioyned to their fathers For as touching the bodye they ar buried with them and as concerning the soule they ar adioyned vnto them For if they haue lyued godly they lyue with their holy elders but yf vngodly they ar tormēted with their wicked progenitours if thei haue had any suche Howe some are sayde not to knowe the lord And there arose an other generation after them which knew not the lorde Not vndoubtedlye that any of them wer so rude that altogether they knew not god For the constante administration of the world the vndisturbed order of thynges do testifie crye that ther is a god But this knowledge wherof the history now speaketh is vnderstand to be that which hath annexed with it allowing Augustine fayth and obedience And they are thus sayd to be ignorant of god bycause they obeyed him not they did not put their hope and confidence in hym nether wer they zelouse to worshippe hym purelye and sincerely Augustine in his questions vpon this booke the 15. question affirmeth that it is playnely expressed in what sort the Israelites knew not god namely in those excellent and wonderful workes by which their elders came vnto the knowledge of the lord We rede also of Pharao that he as it is writtē in Exodus answered vnto Moyses that he knewe not the God of the Hebrues and the Lord eyther bicause he was not minded to hearken vnto his commaundements or els though after a sorte he knewe him yet he knewe not by certaine proofe that he was the God of the Hebrewes 11 And the children of Israel dyd euyll in the syght of the Lorde and serued Baalim 12 And they forsooke the Lorde the God of their Fathers whych brought them out of the
thing in dede the Magistrate doth not by himselfe but hee ought to haue a regarde that they may be in a redynes which should do them wel Wherefore either power extendeth most amply and comprehendeth al thinges but not after one and the selfe same maner And the rule of either of them is to bee taken out of the woord of God which is plaine to be in the Church Againe there are two subiections One is political and ciuil Two kinds of subiection whereunto all men are subiect who if they offend in any thing against the lawes let them at the iust Magistrates hand looke for imprysonment punishment by the pursse banishment death and outward paines But if they doo wel let them looke for honours rewardes dignities and prayse And after this maner the ciuil power is not subiect vnto the ministery of the woorde bicause by it it can not by these kindes of punishmentes be afflicted and constrained The other subiection is spiritual that is of faith and of obedience For strayghtway as sone as men heare of their duty out of the woord of God and that either this thing or that is to bee done or this or that thing to be auoyded they geue place beleue and obey Bycause they perceaue that that which is spoken is the woorde of God And these are the endes of eyther power A sentence of Valentiniā the Emperour And so is to be vnderstand that saying of Valentinian the Emperour out of the booke called Historia Tripartita which thing is had also in the distinction .63 chap. Valentinianus Chuse saith he suche a bishop vnto whom we which gouerne the Empire may sincerely submyt our heades and vse his admonicions as medicines c. By which wordes is vnderstand that it longeth vnto the Ecclesiastical power An error of the same Valentinian to admonish out of the woorde of God for saluacion Although the same Emperour afterward erred For when he had appointed Ambrose Pretor of the City of Millane the people did chuse him byshop Which thing when the Emperor knew A bishop ought not to haue a care onely ouer soules or onely ouer bodyes he gaue thankes vnto God therfore after this maner I had made hym ruler ouer the bodyes of men but thou wouldest haue him ruler ouer the soules c. Valentinian did not rightlye put a distinction betwene offices For why Ought bishops to haue a care onely ouer soules and not also ouer bodies What if they geue them selues to glotonye or dronkennes or liue licenciouslye touching outwarde thinges shall they not reproue these thinges Vndoubtedly they must reproue them Neither must princes haue a care onely ouer the bodies of men and neglect their soules For wee do not imagine that a prince is a neateherd or a swineherd to whom is committed onely the care of the belly flesh and skinne of his subiectes yea he must prouide that they may liue vertuously and godlily But what if Christian Princes when they are by the woorde of God admonished of publike and most grieuous synnes wil not heare neither amende that which they haue noughtely committed What I say shal the bishop do herein Ambrose excommunicated Theodosius the Emperor when he exercised so grieuous tiranny against the Thessalonians Innocentius also excommunicated Arcadius when he had exiled Iohn Chrisostome who admonished him freely and trulye as it is had in the dist 96. chap. Duo sunt in the dist 18. in the chap. Quoniam quidam And they are the wordes of the syxt Synode where it is decreed that ther should euery yeare be had two Sinodes And if princes would hinder them let them be excommunicated Eusebius But what do I make mencion of these latter thinges Let vs reade Eusebius in his .vi. booke and .xxxiiii. chap. where he saith that Philip the Emperor who liued in the tyme of Origene was the first Christian prince and when he would haue bene present together with the faithful on Easter euen and haue communicated with them in prayers the bishop bicause he was a wicked and noughty liuer reiected him among them that wer put to penance that he should make open confession before the Churche and acknowledge his synne otherwyse hee could by no meanes be admitted vnto the Communion This did the byshop at that tyme against the Emperour chiefe Monarche of the whole world Wherfore the ciuil power ought to be subiect vnto the woorde of God which is preached by the Ministers But againe the Ecclesiasticall power is subiect vnto the ciuil when the Ministers behaue themselues yll either in thinges humane or Ecclesiastical For these powers are after a sorte conuertible and sundry wayes are occupied about the selfe same thinges and mutually helpe one an other euē as Aristotle Theodectes calleth Rhethorike and Logike interchangeable artes Aristotle bicause either of them are occupied in the selfe same thinges after a sundry maner The Ecclesiastical power is subiect vnto the Magistrate not by a spiritual subiection but by a politike For as touching the Sacramentes and sermons it is not subiect vnto it bicause the Magistrate cannot bende the woord of God or the Sacramentes which the ministery vseth neither can he compel the pastors and Teachers of the Church to teach otherwise or in any other sorte to administer the Sacramentes then is prescribed by the woorde of God Howbeit ministers in that they are men and Citizens are without all doubte subiect vnto the Magistrate and also their lands riches and possessions So Christ payd tribute so also did the Apostles and the whole primatiue Churche when there were yet most holye men Their manners also are subiect vnto the censures and iudgementes of the Magistrates Farthermore we must adde that Ministers are subiect vnto the Magistrate not onely as touching those thinges which I haue rehearsed but also as I before signified cōcerning their function Bicause if they teache not right neither administer the Sacramentes orderly it is the office of the Magistrate to compel them to an order and to see that they teache not vnpurelye and that they myngle not fables Princes may put Ministers oute of their place if their be haue thē selues yll or that they abuse not the Sacramentes or delyuer them otherwise then the Lorde hath commaunded Also if they liue noughtelye and wickedly let them put them out of the holy ministerye This did Salomon who deiected Abiathar and substituted Sadok in his roume as it is written in the fyrst boke of Kinges the second chap. And in the new Testament Iustinian displaced Siluerius Vigilius which thing I doubt not but other princes did sometimes But how iustly I wil not presently declare this one thing I wil say that that thing was lawful for them in the causes now alledged But some man wil say that I speake now of the fact and not of the right Yea but I speake also of the right For the king ought to haue with him the law of God
matters wer referred to the people therfore we may say it was a coÌ„mon welth Wherfore it manifestly appeareth that the administratioÌ„ of matters of the Israelits was very well teÌ„pered of three kinds of gouernments What was the cause of the raysing vp of Iudges And bicause wheras many gouerne the common wealth it is nedefull when daungerous tymes doe happen for the better successe and expedition of thinges to be done one muste be appointed which may haue both the chief rule also the chief authoritie for the which cause the Romanes created often tymes both Empeâ—ors also Dictators So god wheÌ„ the Israelites wer most greuously oppressed of their enemies iudged it mete to deliuer them and bring theÌ„ to libertie he euermore stirred vp some one man by his spirit whom he endued with noble vertues streÌ„gth of body warlike arte and other gifts mete for that purpose which shuld be brought to passe by whose industry good successe the people might be deliuered from tyrantes Betwene forrayne nations and the Israelits in this similitude The difference betwen the iudges princes of the heathen thys difference is to be marked Emperors and Dictators were appointed and chosen of men But the iudges of the Hebrues wer not declared by the voyces of meÌ„ The iudges were neither properly lords nor kinges but by the ordinance inspiratioÌ„ of god They could not be properly called capitaynes or kinges or els lordes Posteritie or succession was here of no force neither was there a regard to one perticular tribe or family neither was there required the election of maÌ„ or the coÌ„mon assent of the people In humane publique weales these vse to take place but God in thys hys publique weale preferred whom he pleased to be iudge in the gouernmeÌ„t of things Besides that they which are chosen by the coÌ„moÌ„ voyce of meÌ„ must first be endued with excellent streÌ„gth vertues but god made those whoÌ„ he decreed to be Iudges setters at libertie of the Israelites notable and most excellent vppon the sodayne though they were neuer so much rude and vnmete of nature And that this is true witnesseth the 2. chapter of this boke where it is thus written God raised them vp Iudges which deliuered them out of the handes of their oppressours c. And therunto is added when the Lord had raised them vp a iudge he was with the iudge and deliuered Israell al the dayes of his lyfe Moreouer these men in time of theyr authoritye were not in dede Lords ouer the Israelites but onely wrought with authoritye admonition counsell and exercising warlyke trauayles This is made playne by that that Gedeon as it is written in the .8 chap when he had gotten the victorye ouer the Madianites when it was offred hym to be king ouer Israell he refused it For the people sayd vnto hym Reygne thou ouer vs and thy sonne By the which wordes they dyd not geue the kingdome onely vnto him but also to hys posteritye But he would none of it yea he answered them thus I wil not reign ouer you God shal reygne ouer you And it is written in the fyrst boke of Samuel that God sayd vnto the Prophet They haue not cast thee away but me The papists do impudentlye claime vnto theÌ„ selues the title of spirituall honour that I should not reygne ouer them It appeareth therefore manifestly that these Iudges were neyther kynges nor yet Lordes of the Israelites I would to god that this kynde of authoritye were diligently marked in the popysh Church where wicked men do so impudently vsurpe vnto themselues spirituall promotion seing that Christ hymselfe as he is the true priest so also is he oure only priest for he only pacifyeth the father towardes vs and they whiche are gouernoures of the Church here on earth are to be counted only as hys ministers Wherfore they can not clayme vnto themselues that title but they muste cast away Christ and do hym iniurye Neyther is thys to bee passed ouer that the Iudges whiche were ordayned of god dyd alwayes deliuer Israell from the miserye wherwith they were oppressed but the kinges into whom the common wealth did afterwards as it were degenerate did not alwaies deliuer the people out of bondage which was coÌ„mitted vnto them The estate of the Hebrues was better vnder the Iudges than vnder the kings yea they oftentimes destroyed them and compelled them at the length to slauery Wherfore it is to be iudged that the estate of the Hebrues was farre better vnder the iudges than vnder the Kynges not the God gouerned not that people in tyme of the kyngs but bycause hys administration shewed forth it self more in the time of the iudges And in dede the people was neuer led away into captiuity vnder the iudges although they were ofteÌ„ times oppressed by outward tyrantes which they deserued by their wickednes Almost al the iudges were good and holy men That age therfore might be called as it were a golden age Let vs marke also that there wer very few good and godly kings but almost al the Iudges were good and godly For although as they were men so sometymes they fel yet we must beleue that they returned againe into the right way and repented for they are not condemned at any time by any testimony or Iudgement of the scripture as far as I can perceiue How notably Syrach iudged of them he playnly declareth in hys booke of wisdom the 46. chap. But we leauyng his testimony aside let vs see what the Epistle to the Hebrues in the xi chap. doth ascribe vnto them where as it is thus sayd The tyme wil be to short for me to tel of Gedeon of Barach Sampson and of Iephthe c. All these certeinly were iudges and they are mencioned of there together with other holy men which were notable and of an excellent and wonderful faith Thou wilt aske peraduenture If god loked so wel to hys people as long as the iudges were ouer them Why the Israelites were so oftentimes oppressed of their enemies in the time of the iudges how came it to passe then that they were so often brought into bondage by their enemies For bicause God handled with them faithfully and by a couenaunt The league that was made is written in the 30. and 31. chap. of Deut where god promised the Hebrues that all things should prosper with them so long as they kept his lawes and worshipping of him But if they should fall from hym to Idols and cast away the lawes of their god then should they be deliuered into the handes of their enemies but in such sort that if they repented and would desire ayde of their god he would streightwaies be present with them to deliuer them from al the euils wherwith they should be oppressed But we shal not nede to stand long now about this matter bicause it he proceding forward of the history we shal manifestly perceaue
the holy oracles and wordes of god should get their credite by men which are otherwise lyers But these things they faine to the entēt that seyng they are manifestlye founde often tymes to haue decreed and ratified in the Sacraments doctrines farre otherwise than the holy scriptures will beare Whiche thing they would defend that they may do it bycause the Churche whiche doth bring authoritie and credite to the worde of God may alter things in the holy Scriptures as pleased it Wherfore we must resiste them by all meanes possible in this thyng which they take vpon them to do We may not suffre our selues to be brought to thys poynte to thincke that the Scriptures haue had their credite and authority by the Churche And yet do I not write these thynges as thoughe I woulde despise or contemne the dignitie of the Churche vnto the whiche There be three offices of the Churche touching the word of God The Churche as a witnesse kepeth the holy Bookes I do attribute thre offices and them moste excellent as touchyng the worde of GOD. The firste of them is that I do confesse that the Church as a witnesse hath kept the holy bokes But thereby it can not be proued that it is lawful for it to peruert or alter any thing in the holy bookes Experience teacheth vs that publique and priuate wrytinges are committed to scriueners whiche are commonly called notaryes to be layd vp and diligently kept of thē And yet there is none that is in his right wittes which wil say that he may alter any thing in them or wil beleue that their authoritie is of greater force than their willes were whiche desired to haue the same written The worde of God reuealed and written Neither shall it be here vnprofitable to obserue the difference betwene the worde of god as it was reuealed at the beginning to the Prophetes sainctes as it was afterwardes preached or written For we do easely acknowledge betwene these that there is onely difference of tyme and not of the authoritie or efficacie For we confesse that the worde vnwritten was more auncient than that which was afterward appointed to letters and we graunt that either cōferred together was geuen to the Churche but in suche sorte that the Churche as we haue sayd can not by any meanes wrest or chaunge it The office of the Churche is to publishe and preache the worde of God And this vndoubtedly is the second office of the Church to preach publish the wordes committed vnto it by God In which thing it is lyke a common crier who althoughe he do publishe the decrees of princes and magistrates yet he is not aboue the decrees or equal vnto them in authoritie But his whole office is faithfully to pronounce all thynges as he hath receaued them of the princes and magistrates And if he should otherwise do he should be counted altogether for a traytour Wherfore the ministers of the Churche ought to care and study for nothing so much as to be founde faithfull We acknowledge also the last office of the Churche to be The Churche discerneth the holy bokes frō counterfaite such as are Apochriphas that seyng it is endued with the spirite of God it must therfore discerne the sincere vncorrupted bookes of holy Scriptures from the counterfaite and Apocriphas whiche is not yet to be in authoritie aboue the worde as many do foolishely dreame For there are very many which can discerne the true propre writings of Plato and Aristotle from other falsely put to them yet in comparison of iudgement they are neither of greater lernyng nor yet of equall with Plato or Aristotle And euery one of vs cā easely know God from the deuill yet are we not to be coūted equal with God much lesse can we thinck that we do excel him So the Churche ought not bycause of this to preferre faith or authoritie thereof before the Scriptures Augustine But they say Augustine sayeth I would not beleue the Gospell except the authoritie of the Churche did moue me therunto But in that place is read to moue together for in very dede Faith is not poured in by the minister but by God it is the spirite of God which poureth faith into the hearers of his worde And bycause the ministers of the Churche are his instrumentes they are rather to be sayd to moue with than absolutely to moue The same Augustine writeth in his 28. booke and second chap. against Faustus that the Maniches ought so to beleue that the first chap. of Matthew was writtē by Matthew euen as they did beleue that the Epistle whiche they called Fundamentum was written by Maniche bycause vndoubtedly they were so kept by their elders from hande to hand deliuered vnto them This is it therfore that the Churche moueth withall to beleue the Gospell bycause faithfully it kepeth the holy scriptures preacheth them and discerneth them from straunge Scriptures The same father manifestly witnesseth in his 6. booke of his confessions the 4. and 5. chap. that God him selfe in very dede did geue authoritie to the holy scriptures Tertullianus Irenaeus But Tertullianus and Irenaeus hauing to do against heretikes did therfore send thē to the Apostolicall Churches bycause they did not admitte the whole scriptures Wherfore they would that they should take their iudgemēt of those Churches which were certainly knowen to be Apostolical For it was meete that those Churches should continuallye remayne both witnesses and also keapers of the holy scriptures and yet therfore they did not decree that the authoritie of the Churche should be preferred before the scriptures What is to be thought of a certayn rule of the Logiciens But the aduersaries say that they are led by the sentence whiche is cōmonly vsed among Logiciens Euery thyng is such a thyng by reason of an other VVherfore that other shal more be counted suche Wherfore they reason after this maner If by the Churche the Scripture hath hys authoritie it must nedes be that the Church much more hath that authoritie But they remēber not that this sentence put by the Logiciens taketh place onely in finall causes and is of no strength in efficient causes For althoughe our inferior worlde be made warme by the sunne and the starres yet doth it not thereby followe that they are farre more warmer And agayne when immoderate men by wyne are made droncke we can not therby conclude the wyne to be more dronken than they Yea the Logiciens teache this that this their sentence is then strong and of efficacy in efficient causes when such efficient causes are brought forth whiche are whole and perfect and not whiche are perciall and maymed whiche rule is not obserued of our aduersaries in this argument For the Churche is not the whole and perfect efficient cause of that faith and authoritie whiche the holy Scriptures haue with the faithfull For if it were
cause of the diuersity is this word Arba whych in his vsuall and proper signification signifeth the number whych the Latines cal Quatuor It is not certain that Adam and his wyfe were buryed in Hebron the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is foure Now some suppose the number of foure to be referred to the foure couple of men wyth theyr wiues which they say wer buried in that city Yet the holy scriptures make mēcion but of three for in the booke of Genesis .23 chap. we reade that Abraham and Sara wer buried there also in the .35 .49 chap. of the same booke we rede of Isaac and Rebeckaes burial there And lastly in the .50 chap. we fynde that Iacob was caried thither he him selfe before that had there buried his wife Lea. But concerning Adam Eue his wife whō they haue added vnto these we can finde nothing thereof in the holye scriptures For that which they alledge out of the .14 chap. of Iosua maketh nothing to the purpose for that the word Adam in that place is not the name of the first man Wherfore they can gather nothyng out of that place but that Arba was a certaine great man among the Anakims These are the words there Ha Adam Hagadol be Anakim Hui that is he was a great man among the Enakims But our interpretour translateth it thus Adā was counted the great among the Enakims Wherby it appeareth that he thought that Adam was a proper name But he was two wayes deceaued first he dyd not marke that the article Ha is ioyned to the word Adam which is neuer ioyned with proper names Wherfore it must needes be a common name whych must be referred to that woord Arba for that name was put a litle before The other errour is bycause we reade no where that the first man was reckoned amongst the Enakims that is to say Giauntes The opinion of others is that Hebron was called the City Arba bycause it was inhabited of .4 Giauntes namely Sesay Ahimman and Thalmay vnto which three brethren they adde Annak their Parent But the opinion of these men is easely confuted bycause that in the .14 chap. of Iosua toward the end it is by manifest wordes declared that this word Arba is the proper name of a Giaunt Wherfore it is manifest enough that this woord must not be referred to the number of four And by that meanes not onely this latter sentence but the first also is confuted which would haue this name Arba to haue a respect to the foure couple of men with their wyues buried in the old tyme in that City And vndoubtedly for the same cause also the opinion of others is not to be allowed which do thinke that the City was so called bycause although it were but one City yet it consisted of foure Cities and that this woord Arba is all one wyth this greeke woorde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whiche is foure Cities Wherefore I iudge it best to thyncke that it was so named of the buylder thereof named Arba Arba had three chyldren who how he came by that surname it is vncertaine Onely this we maye gather out of the scriptures that what so euer he was he had three chyldren which are called in this place and also in the booke of Iosua Sehai Ahimman and Thalmay And it is very lykely that they were deade long tyme before Iosua And when they were now dead then was there mencion made of them bicause their families which seme to haue bene of a wonderful huge stature were destroyed by Caleb and Othoniel And this is the reason why I suppose that these three brethrē liued not in Caleb and Othoniels tyme bycause this Citye as it is written in the booke of Numbers was a most auncient city and was buylt .vii. yeares before zoham that is Thamin the kingly Citye of the Egiptians And in zoham dyd Moyses and Aaron woorke the wonders before Pharao And if so be it was the kingly and noble city then it must nedes be built long time before Wherefore if Hebron were built before it and had the name thereof of Arba how could his children be on lyue at this time It cannot be so Besides thys Abraham had a lodging in this City bought there a double caue And from that time to Iosua his time wer almost .400 yeres It is not therefore very likely that the sonnes of him which builded so auncient a city should lyue tyl Iosua his tyme vnles any man wyl fayne that the same city was built long time before called by an other name then in processe of tyme casting away the first name it should be named by this most strong and mighty Giaunt But whether it be thus or no neither skilleth it much neither semeth it curiously to be sought for But this might somwhat moue some bycause Arba wherof we now speake is called in the .15 chap. of Iosua the father of Enak For if he had .3 sōnes which were named as well here as in the same booke of Iosua it wil then he doubtfull who that same Enak was What Hanack signifieth In which thyng sauyng the iudgement of a better learned I would thinke might be answered that it was not a proper name but a cōmon wherby at that time men of huge stature but such as were noble excellently adourned wer called For this word Enak in hebrewe is to gird or to compasse and is chiefly referred to chaines which are worne about the necke for comelynes sake And thereof is this name Enak deriued in the plural number hath both the masculine feminine forme it signifieth a chaine and is transferred to noble worthy men whom thou mayst cal chained Wherfore Sesay Ahimman Thalmay may be called the sōnes of Arba who was not called the father of them onely but also the father of Enak bycause euery one of his sōnes was noble Why giauntes were called Enakim wore a chaine or was a Giaunt for Giauntes also were called Enakim either bicause they wore chaines or els bycause they were of a notable stature of body for it may be that that word was applyed to all kynde of ornaments Of them is mencion also made in the booke of Numbers .13 chapter By how many names giaūtes are called in the holy scriptures Seing we are now by chaunce in hande with giauntes and that there is often mention made of them in the holy Scriptures it shall not be vnprofitable somewhat to speake of them Fyrste we muste knowe that they are called by diuerse names in the holy Scriptures as Enakim Eimim Zemasmim Nefalim Rephaim Why they were called Enakim manifestly appeareth by those things which we haue spoken before And they were called Eimim of the terror which they draue into others by their loke They were called Zemasmim of mischiefe bicause they trusting to their owne power and might were dispisers of lawes iustice and
honesty and euer went about wicked actes For Zemah in Hebrue signifyeth mischiefe They were also named Rephaim Bycause they made men which met them to be after a sorte amased for that worde signifyeth sometimes the dead Lastly they were called Nefalim as oppressors bycause they assayled al men tyrannously of this worde Nafal which is to fall or subuerte Some thinke that they are sometimes called Geborim but bycause we vse to referre the worde to power and properly strong men are called Geborim therfore I woulde not put it among these When glaūtes began Augustine Furthermore if thou wilte demaunde when giauntes beganne to be if we may follow Augustine de ciuitate Dei the .xvi. boke and xxiii chapter We must say that they beganne before the floude And therfore we beleue him bycause he hath proued it by the testimonye of the holy Scriptures for it is written in the vi of Genesis that giauntes were at that time on the earth whose kind although it was kept after the floude yet as he beleueth they were not in so great number Whether Giauntes were begotten of mē Besides this it may be doubted concerning their procreation and parents for there are some whiche thinke that they were not begotten of men but that Aungels or deuils were their parentes And this sentence they say is confirmed by that which is written in the booke of Genesis The sonnes of God seing the daughters of men that they were fayre they tooke them to wiues and of them were borne most mightye men or giauntes Concerning this fall of the Angels many of the old writers agree that it was bicause they vsed company with women and among other is Lactantius in his second booke and xv Chapter For his opinion was as it is there written that God feared least Sathan to whom he had graunted the gouernement of the worlde shoulde vtterly haue destroyed mankinde Lactantius and therfore he gaue vnto it Angels for tutors by whose industrye care it mighte be defended But they being prouoked as well by the wilinesse of Sathan as also allured by the beauty of fayre women committed filthines with them Wherfore they were throwen downe from their dignitie and made souldiers of the deuill This was Lactantius opinion but yet he sayth not that Giauntes were borne of those copulations of Angels with women but earthly deuils which abide on the earth to our greate hurte Eusebius of Cesaria Eusebius of Cesaria in hys .v boke de preparatione euangelica doth nothing in a manner disagree from them For he also sayth that Angels which fell begat of women whom they filthilye loued those deuils which afterward troubled the world many wayes and to thē he referreth al these which the Poets and historiographers haue writtē to haue bene Gods haue eyther in Metre or in Prose made mention of their battailes discordes lustes and sundrye and grieuous tumultes Augustine But Augustine in his xv boke de ciuitate Dei xxiii Chap. thinketh that this opinion of these old men can not be gathered out of that place of Genesis Men of the stocke of Seth were called the sonnes of God For he sayth that those which are there called the sonnes of god were in very dede men namely cōming of the stock of Seth. For whē they worshipped god truely and sincerely and called vpō him holily and purely being adorned with his fauor grace they are called by the scriptures the sonnes of God What was the fal of the sonnes of God But whē at the length they began to burne in filthy lust with those women which came of the stocke of Cain and by that meanes fel into fellowship with the vngodly taking them to their wiues and cleauing also to superstitions and wicked worshippings they were chaunged from the sonnes of God not only into men but also into fleshe And thys will I say by the way Aquila Aquila translating these words out of Hebrue They wer not saith he the sōnes of God but the sonnes of Gods for thys cause so called as I suppose bycause their progenitors were holy men Simmachus but their children miserably fell from god and godlines by inordinate loue of women And Symmachus translateth it The sonnes of the mightye But nowe to Augustine againe he constantly affirmeth that there can be nothing gathered out of that place of Genesis concerning the carnall copulation of Angels with women but thinketh rather that farre contrary may be proued by the wordes of God written in the same place For whē the scripture had there sayd that there were Giaunts on the earth and that the sonnes of God as it is sayd were gone out of the right way and Giaunts were brought forth there is added And god sayd my spirite shal not abide in man for euer bicause he is flesh By this sentence he declareth that those which so sinned were called men and not only as they were by nature but also they were called flesh wherunto by their filthy luste they did to much cleaue But they which be of the contrary opinion do thinke that they do bring a strong witnesse of Enoch which was the vii from Adam of whom Iudas maketh mention in his canonicall Epistle Enochs booke Augustine For in the booke which is intituled to be Enochs booke it is writtē that giauntes had their of springs of Angels and not of mē But Augustine answereth vnto this and sayth that that booke is altogether Apocripha therefore such fables as are rehearsed in it are not to be beleued It is not to be doubted he sayth but that Enoch wrote some godly thinges when as Iudas the Apostle manifestly testifieth the same But it is not necessary that we should beleue that all thinges which are written in that Apocriphal booke shoulde be of hys writing Forasmuch as they haue no sure authoritie Neither although Iudas brought thence some one certaine sentence is it supposed that therfore he by his authoritie hath allowed the whole booke Vnlesse thou wilt saye that Paule allowed all the things which were written by Epimenides Aratus and Menander bicause he brought one or two verses out of thē Ierome Which thing Ierome in his exposition vpō the first chap. of the Epistle to Titus declareth to be a very absurde thing and worthily to be laughed at And now as concerning Enoch it semeth meruelous how he being but the vii from Adam could write of those things of the altercation betwene Michael and the deuil for the body of Moyses when as if there wer any such thing as there is no doubt but there wer they must nedes haue come to passe a thousand and almost .500 yeares after Vnlesse we wil say that those things wer reuealed at that time by some notable strength of prophecy Neyther is it to be forgotten that those whiche do thinke that giauntes had Angels to their parentes not men do therfore seme to suppose so The reason of
them which thought giaūts were not borne of men bicause they thinke it is not possible the huge giauntes can be borne of mē of vsual bignesse stature Wherfore some of thē haue gone so farre that they haue affirmed that the first mā was a giaunt and that Noah also his childrē were Giaunts bicause they beleued not that the kind of mē could be either before or after the floud except their first progenitors had bene such if it were thought they should be borne of men But Augustine proueth that to be false sayth Augustine A womā giaūt that a litle before the ouerthrow made by the Gothes there was a womā at Rome of a giauntes stature whō very many out of diuerse countreyes came to see Which womans parents neuerthelesse exceded not the cōmon accustomed stature of other men The naturall cause of the great stature of giāts But as touching the cause of this huge bignesse of giaūtes if we should loke vpō nature thē can we bring no other reason but a strong naturall heate also a moysture which abundauntly largely ministreth matter for the heate doth extende the same not only into length but also it poureth out spreadeth it both to breadth also to thicknesse Giaunts therfore begā before the floud they wer also before the accōpanieng of the sonnes of god with the daughters of men after that also continued their generation Men therfore begat them and had a naturall cause such as we haue sayd There were also some without doubt after the floud for there is mencion made of them in the booke of Num. Deut. Iosua How huge the giauntes were Iudges Samuel Paralip and other holy bookes Concerning their bignesse stature we may partly gesse and partly we haue it expressedly described The coniectures are bycause Goliah had a cote of male weing v.m. sicles and a speare like a weauers beame and the Iron or top of his speare weighed 600. sicles We coniecture also that Og kyng of Basan was of a wonderfull bignesse and that by hys bed whiche being of Iron contayned 9. cubites in length And the Israelites compared with Enachim seemed as grassehopers These he signes wherby we may iudge howe bigge these men were But the bignesse of Goliah is described properly and distinctly in the booke of Samu. For it is sayd that he was 6. cubites and a hande bredth highe A cubite with the Grecians Latines And a cubite with the Grecians is two feete but with the Latines a foote and a halfe Some alledge the cause of this difference to be bycause the measure may be extended from the elbow to the hand being some tymes closed and sometymes open or stretched forth And thus much as concerning the stature of giauntes so farre as may be gathered by the holy Scriptures But we read among the Ethnickes farre more wonderfull thinges The Ethnikes opinion of gianntes Philostratus The common stature of men in our tyme. The measure of a foote such which seeme to some incredible Philostratus writeth in his booke of noble men that he sawe the carkase of a certain giaunt which was 30. cubites long and an other 22. cubites long and certain other also 12. But the cōmon stature of men in our tyme passeth littell aboue .5 feete And the measure of a foote agreeth both with the Grecians with the Latines for they both geue to euery foote 4. hand breadthes and euery hand breadth conteineth the breadth of 4. fingers that is the length of the litle finger But if the last fingers the thombe I saye and the litle finger should be stretched abroade then euery foote cōtaineth but two hand bredthes I thincke it not amisse also to declare here what Augustine writeth in the .15 Augustine booke de ciuit Dei 9. chap. where he reproueth those whiche obstinatly contend that there were neuer any men of so wonderfull huge a stature and testifieth that he him selfe sawe vpon the coaste of Vtica a tooth so great that being deuided it might easely be iudged to be an hundred fold bigger in forme and quantitie thē vsuall teth in our tyme are Vergil he also declareth in the same place that there were in oldetyme very many such bodyes of men by the verses of Vergil whiche are written in the 7. booke of Aenedos where he sheweth how Turnus tooke vp so great a stone from the groūde and threw at Eneas that 12. such men as the earth bringeth forth now of dayes could scarsely lifte whiche place he tooke out of the 6. boke of Iliades of Homere We may adde also vnto these the verses which the same Vergil hath writtē in the first of the Georgikes he shall wonder at the great bones digged out of the graues Moreouer Augustine bringeth Pliny the second who affirmeth in his 7. Pliny booke that nature the longer it procedeth in her course the lesser bodyes doth it bryng forth dayly Cipriane Whether the bodies of men haue decreased from the floud to our tyme. And he maketh mencion also of Homere whiche made complainte sometymes in his verses To whom I might adde the testimonie of Cipriane against Demetrian But if I should be asked the question whether I thought that the bodies of men whiche were brought forth after the floud are lesse than those whiche were before the floud I would peraduenture graunt vnto it Aulus Gellius but that they haue alwayes decreased from the floud euen to our tyme I would not easely consent to that and especially bycause of Aulus Gellius wordes whiche he wrote in the third booke where he sayth that the measure of the growth of mans body is 7. feete whiche seemeth also to be the measure at this day in mē of the bigger sort But lest I should dissemble any thing we read in the Apochriphas of Esdras the 4. booke about the ende of the .5 chap. that our bodyes are lesser nowe and shal be euery daye lesse bycause nature is alwayes made more weake And the same doth Cipriane as I haue a litle before sayd seme to affirme But why I would not so easely assent thereunto this is the cause for that I can se almost nothing altered in our time from the measure whiche Gellius defineth Pliny But now to Pliny agayne who sayth in his 7. booke that in Crete when a certayn mountaine was rent by an earth quake a dead body was founde standing whiche was 46. cubites long whiche some beleued to be Orions body other some Othus It is also left in writing that the body of Orestes being digged vp by the commaundement of an oracle was 7. cubites long But that whiche Berosus affirmeth Berosus that Adam Seth his sonne were giauntes and Noah also with his children as it is put without testimony of holy scriptures so may it also be reiected Now it seemeth good to declare Why GOD woulde haue so huge giauntes some tymes for what
cause god would haue some men sometymes to be borne with so huge bodies It was done for this cause Augustine thincketh in his boke before alledged 23. chap. to leaue a testimony vnto vs that nether the beauty of the body neither the bignesse of stature nor strength of the flesh are to be accompted among the chief good thinges when as they are no lesse commune to the godly sometymes than they are to the vngodly They surely which are desirous of godlinesse will iudge that spirituall good thynges are farre to be preferred before them Forme and stature auayle nothing to saluation partely bycause they are an helpe vnto vs to saluation and partely bycause they make vs more noble in dede than others And that giauntes had no helpe by their huge stature to saluation he confirmeth it by that which Baruch the Prophet hath writtē in the .3 chap. There are giauntes from the beginning of the worlde famous men expert in warres those hath not the Lord chosen neither hath he geuē them the way of knowledge but they haue perished bycause they had not wisedome Giauntes toke not godly causes in hande to defende Also if a man shall read ouer the holy scriptures he shall neuer almost fynd that they tooke in hand any good or godly cause whiche they would defend and for the whiche they would fight yea he shall rather se that by their peruersenesse and pride they haue alwayes ben agaynst God So did Og king of Basan behaue hym selfe so also did Goliah and his brethren All these were most deadly enemies to the people whom God loued and had chosen from the rest to be peculiar to him selfe Giaūtes were ouercome in battaile of weake persons There is an other thing also besides whiche may much confirme our faith for the holy scriptures do alwayes declare how such mōstrous giaūtes were filthyly ouercome in battaile and that by feable men and very vnexpert in warlike affaires namely by Dauid being yet but a shepheard the people of Israel which were thē but yong beginners in matters of warre wherby the spirite of god doth admonishe vs to be of a constaunte and valiaunte corage when for godlinesse sake we must fight against such monsters We must haue no regarde there to our owne strength seing that the holy oracles do so often declare that it is god whiche deliuereth such beastes into their handes whom he defendeth Whiche thinges seing they are so this without doubt cometh to passe that we shoulde by no meanes be affeard of tyrannes whiche are almost alwayes agaynst God and trust to their owne great might when they defend vngodly partes and thincke that they can robbe and spoyle as they list them selues the flocke of Christ which is feable and weake seing the might of gods word power of his spirite will make vs mightie and inuincible agaynst them thoughe we be neuer so lowe and weake of nature Moreouer if we should follow humane reason beyng compared with thē we should easely seeme either wormes or grashoppers but being hedged fensed with the might of god we shall not only be superiours but also to speake as Paul speaketh to the Romaines we shal ouercome also For Christ will ayde vs who bindeth the strong armed man taketh away the most riche spoyles which he had gathered he hath luckly wrastled with the deuill and his members we by him shal haue good successe in our warres and shal obteyne a farre more noble victorye than that whiche the Poetes haue fayned that their gods obtayned of the Ciclops Titans Why Giaunts haue resisted God and other giauntes whiche were as they fable destroyed by the lightnings of Iupiter at Phlegra It is a playne token why gyaūtes in the old time mighty princes now of dayes do with the wise men of this world resist god surely bicause they cleaue trust to much to their own strength whereunto they ouermuch stickīg God accomplisheth his thinges by humble persons not by giauntes there is no mischief which they dare not enterprise there is nothing which they thincke is not lawful for thē to do But god vouchesafeth not by such men to accomplish those thinges whiche he hath decreed to bring to passe but to set forth his might power farre abroad he vseth rather to accomplish such things as he hath decreed to do by Dauid and any abiect persones Whether Og were the last of al the giaunts Of this thing I would thincke that I had spoken enoughe but that there is a certein place remayning to be expounded namely how it should be written in Deut. that there was no more of the giauntes remayning but only Og king of Basan I am not ignorante what R. Salomo fableth but his exposition is so childishe so worthy to be laughed at that I am ashamed to rehearse it I iudge therfore that it was not spokē absolutely simply that there were no more remayning but he as thoughe there were no more giauntes in all the worlde but he but it is meant that he onely was remayning in those places namely beyonde Iordane The Moabites also draue Giauntes out of their coastes Moreouer we must vnderstand that not onely the Israelites destroyed the giauntes out of those regions but also the Moabites as it is written in the second chap. of Deut. draue them out of their coastes which must also be thought to haue ben brought to passe by them thorough the fauour of God for it is in the same place written that god gaue vnto the Moabites those regions to inhabite Now will I returne to the wordes of the holy hystory And from thence they went to the mountaynes of Debir and the name of Debir before was Kiriath Sepher Why this citie is called the citie of Letters It is commonly translated the citie of letters and therfore would they haue this citie so called bycause the first letters wer found there or els bycause learning or good studies florished in that Citie as they do at this daye in vniuersities where good sciences are openly taught Some thincke that lawyers liued there whiche kept the recordes of iudgementes There be some also whiche write that there was a notable library there R. D. Kimhi affirmeth that Debir in the Persian language signifieth a letter but the worde Sephir in Hebrew signifieth not properly a letter or a figure but rather a litle boke or scrolle written vpon The Hebrues do make mencion that Othoniel did in this place expound certein rules of the lawe whiche before that tyme were almost blotted out and of that dede was the citie so afterwarde named but this cā scarse be probable bycause it seemeth that that citie had that name before the Israelites possessed it We must know moreouer that this citie also was taken when Iosua was a lyue whiche is shewed in his owne booke And that by no meanes can be fayned to be sayd there by preuenting or as
they say by anticipatiō For it is written in the .11 chap. And Iosua came at the tyme destroyed the Enakims from the mountaynes namely Hebron Debir and all the mountaynes of Iudah If these things should haue ben mencioned in the place as things whiche should come to passe sone after the death of Iosua then had it not ben well spoken to haue sayd And Iosua came at that tyme. And this I thincke the reader shall playnly see proued if he will not thincke it paynfull diligently to read ouer the 10 and 15. chap. of Iosua 12 And Caleb sayd He that smyteth Kiriath Sepher and taketh it to him will I geue Hacsah my daughter to wife 13 And Othoniel the sonne of Kenatz Chalebs yōger brother toke it and he gaue him Hacsah his daughter to wife Here is wont to be demaunded how these cities Hebron and Debir should be written in the booke of Iosua to haue ben taken of Iosua when as it is here put that Chaleb conquered them Chaleb desired to haue these regions assigned him for his inheritaunce whereunto I aunswere that all that warre was gouerned by the conduicte of Iosua who was the chief and principall gouernour of the whole hoste but the principall settyng forward agaynst Hebron and other places adioyning thereunto was committed vnto Chaleb the chief of the tribe of Iudah and that not without a cause For he as it is written in the xiiii chap. of Iosua desired to haue that parte assigned peculiarly vnto hym for hys inheritaunce whiche requestes he easely obtayned For he required the same trusting to God hys promises Chaleb was a faithfull espye for when he was sent with other spyes to view the lande of Chanaan he faithfully made relation of the things as they wer in dede not vnfaithfully as his fellowes did Neither was he an author of the peoples seditiō as the other were yea he rather encouraged the peoples myndes and diminished those thinges whiche his fellowes had amplified concerning the fence of the cities of the giaūtes also and of the strength of the Chananites For he regarded not mās strength but with a singular faith most constantly remembred the power the goodnesse promises of god Wherfore god being angry with the rest destroyed them in the wildernesse so that they came not to the promised lande But he promised Chaleb for his faithfulnesse this inheritaunce whiche when he afterward demaunded he put Iosua in remembraunce of the thyng before done and of the promises of God God promised Chaleb the lād whereon he should treade And the place where the promise is contayned is in the 14. chap. of Num. there God promised him that land wheron his foote should treade whiche wordes the Iewes thincke thus to be expoūded The rest of the spyes being amased for feare of the giauntes and putting small confidence in god durst not entre into the citie of Hebron whiche Chaleb him selfe searched with a valiaunt courage The promise therfore of this possession was made vnto him in the second yeare after the deliuery out of Egypt Chaleb surely declared a valiaunt noble hart when as he did not only require the possession of these places but he enterprised also to conquere thē for al that they were fenced inhabited with most strong giaūtes Wherfore we must beleue that he tooke in hand such so great an enterprise not by his owne power but by gods promises And here ariseth no small doubt howe Chaleb being of the tribe of Iudah Hebron was one of the Cities of refuge could obtayne the citie of Hebron which by lotte belonged to the Leuites For god had cōmaunded that certain cities as wel beyond Iordane as on this side should be had for refuge sake The cities of refuge belōged to the Leuites that thither might flye as many as had slayne any man by chaunce and not of pretensed purpose And the possession of those cities whiche were therfore appoynted belonged to the Leuites Wherfore it was not lawfull that Hebron should be geuen to Chaleb The Leuites had the citie of Hebron but Chaleb had the grounde and Lordship seing it was numbred amōg the cities of refuge These thinges are true but we must vnderstand in the meane tyme that the Leuites myght possesse but their cities only the suburbes adioyning to the walles of them But as for the grounde or dominion whiche they call at this day Lordship it was not graunted them to haue Chaleb therfore desired to possesse the grounde but as for the citie whiche he had in his handes he let to the Leuites as the lawe commaunded It is most certein that there is mention of the citie Hebron in the booke of Gen. when as it is there written that Abraham liued in the groue of okes of Mamere the same had if we may beleue Ierome a precious turpentine tree which grew there from the beginnyng of the world and continued till the time of Constantine the great It is said to be 12000. paces distaunte from Ierusalem Dauid reigned in it some while before he was anoynted king ouer all Israel Neither haue we any thyng to do to write nowe of the auncientnesse therof seing I haue somewhat spoken of it before And Chaleb sayd he that smiteth This whole history is declared in the 15. chap. of the booke of Iosua word for word wherby it appeareth that that is most certain whiche I before admonished you of The conqueryng of Debit was harde namely that all these thinges are now mencioned by a certain repeticiō The conquering of Debir semeth to haue ben paynefull and daungerous and meruelously much desired of Chaleb when as he offreth so ample noble a gift to the conquerour therof namely his owne daughter to wyfe being him selfe the prince of the most noble tribe of Iudah And Othoniel the sonne of Kenaz Chalebs younger brother tooke it It is certain that Othoniel obtayned the victory but whether be were Chalebs brother or his brothers sonne or some other kinne to him it cānot be gathered by these words But how they were kinne it wer good to know partly for the knowledge of the history partly to vnderstand whether the matrimony which followed betwene Othoniel and Achsah were lawfull In the first booke of Paralip Hefron was called also Iephuna and second chap. the father of Chaleb is called Hesron whiche man was the third frō Iudah for Iudah had Pharez by Thamra his sonnes wife and Phares begat Hefron which was called by an other name Iephuna for which cause Chaleb is very often written the sonne of Iephuna R. Salomoh Of whiche thing I can not tell what fonde inuētion R. Salo. writeth namely that he was so called bycause he disagreed from the mynde and counsell of the other spyes Panah signifieth in Hebrew to depart or to decline wherfore he thincketh that this surname was geuen to Chaleb for the cause now alledged Neither maketh that any
reason forbad fyrst al degrees euen to the seuenth which when he saw afterward was not obserued and al was ful of confusion he cut of his prohibitions to the fourth degree In which thing he is yet constant hardened if there come no money in but if money be offred wherof he must haue much brought hym to fyl his filthy cofers he setteth at libertie as pleaseth him both his own lawes and the word of god This we must also knowe that God had in his lawes an other decree whiche may lawfully be called peculiar bycause it extendeth no way to other nations neither ought it to be in force at all tymes And that was that when any husband deceased without children the brother which remained on liue or some other next of kynne should mary the first mans wife left so that the first childe which should be begotten of that mariage shoulde be counted the sonne of hym that was dead and should fully succede him as touching his inheritaunce For God would not in that publique wealth that men should altogether be extinguished and he prouided that the same distinction of landes shoulde be kepte as much as might be And seing the same is not vsed in our publique wealthes neither hath God commaunded that it shoulde it therfore pertayneth nothyng vnto vs. Wherfore we must keepe oure selues vnder the generall and common lawe She that is left of the kinnesman ought to he maryed namely that no man presume to mary the wife of his brother being dead although he dyed without children Let vs also knowe that in the beginning when onely the familie of Adam lyued on the earth brethren were not forbidden as they were afterwarde For brethren were driuen of necessity to mary their sisters But afterward wheÌ„ men were increased in number shame shewed it selfe forth and they began by the instinction of God or by nature either to abstayn from prohibited persons or at the least to know that such coniunctions were ful of ignominye But what tyme they began first to abstaine it appeareth not by the history The Gods of the Hâ—â—â—â—â—â—ried â—hâ—â—â— Systers Peraduenture the Heathen Poetes haue declared that necessity of the elders whych compelled the famyly of the first Parentes to constrayne the brother to mary the Syster when as they fable that their Gods had their Systers to wyues for the chiefe of them namelye Iupiter had Iuno whych in Virgil speaketh thus of her selfe But I whych walke the Quene of the Gods both syster and wyfe to Iupiter And although the woorde of God Causes 〈◊〉 manye degâ—â—es in mariages aâ— forbydden Augustine and instincte of nature were sufficient by them selues to make vs to abstayne from the foresayde coninunctions yet are there many good causes of prohibition alledged by diuers wryters Augustine in hys .xv. booke De ciuitate dei and .xvi. chap. writeth that the same abstinence was very profitable to dilate more amplye the bondes of humane fellowshyp For if mariages should be included wythin the walles of one family theÌ„ should there come no kynreds with others Furthermore it is not meete that one and the selfe man should occupye the persons of diuers kynredes namelye that one man should be both vncle and husband of one woman and the same woman to be both Aunt and wyfe of one man Which reason Cicero also hath touched in hys fyft booke Definibus and also Plutarch in his .108 probleme And they being both Ethnickes could not haue sene this but being illustrate by the light of nature This also is the third reason bicause these persons from whom we should abstain do dwel together often tymes in one house Wherefore if there shoulde be manye maryed folkes together they woulde not vse them selues so grauelye and seuerely as domestical shamefastnes requireth Plutarch The causes of strife betwene kinsfolk ought to be cut of Plutarch in the place before sayde hath set forth two other reasons besydes those which we haue declared One is bycause betwene kynsfolkes discordes are to be feared For they would soone complayne that the right of kynred should be taken away whych saying I doo vnderstand thus if eyther she or he which should ouerskyp the nearer degre and marry with the degree farther of she which were nearer would thinke that she had iniury done vnto her as though in ouerskipping her he would put her to shame as it is a common vse in wylles and Testamentes where they which are nyghest of kynne maye not nor oughte not to bee forgotten of hym which maketh the wyll And in the lawe for raysing vp seede to the brother already deceased the fyrst place must be geuen to the nyghest of kynne who if hee refused to vse hys right was made ashamed as that law doth more amplye declare the same Wherefore seyng discordes betwene al men are to be abhorred WomeÌ„ for that they are weake ought not to haue their patrimonies diminished but increased much more are they vtterly to be detested betwene kynsfolkes Plutarch also bryngeth an other reason bycause women are weake and therefore they haue neede of many sundry patrones wherefore when they are maryed to straunge men if they shoulde be euyll handled by their husbandes as often tymes they are they haue al their kynsfolkes easely for Patrones but if they be wyues to their own kynsfolkes and happen to be euil entreated of them they should then haue very fewe to defende their cause For other kynsfolkes woulde not bee so ready for their sakes to fall out with their own kynne which they woulde not be greued to doo wyth straungers But nowe that I am in hande wyth Plutarch I remember that whych he hath wrytten in the syxt probleme Of the matrimoni of brethreÌ„ and Systers chyldren Plutarch and I thinke it is 〈◊〉 vnprofitable to declare it although it seme to disagree from that whych Augustine wryteth in hys .xv. booke De ciuitate dei .xvi. chapter of the matrimony of Brothers and Systers chyldren For he affirmeth there that before hys tyme the same was lawfull although those kyndes of maryages semed very rare bycause men after a sorte eschewed to contracte with persons so nigh but he saith that the licence was afterward taken away Which I surely can not perceaue in the Romane lawes which were publikely receaued allowed which yet wer vsed thorough out Aphrica Wherefore it maye seme obscure to some of what lawes Augustine speaketh wherby he sayth that in his time those kindes of matrimonyes were prohibited But we must vnderstand that in his time the law of Theodosius the elder was of force who was the fyrst among the Emperoures that I know of which prohibited matrimonye of this degree Which also Aurelius Victor and Paulus Diaconus do testifye And that is found at this day writteÌ„ in the boke called Codex Theodosianus concerning incestuous mariages by these wordes Let this sentence remaine concerning them whosoeuer from henceforth shall defyle hymself with
the mariage of his cousin Germaine or of his sisters daughter or of his brothers daughter or of his wiues daughter lastly of al whose mariage is forbidden and condemned But that law is not in these dayes found in the Digestes neither in the booke of the Code nor in the Authentikes Which neuerthelesse Clother the king followed as it is red in the lawes of the Almaines entituled of vnlawfull mariages yea and it is confirmed by the ecclesiasticall Canons and decrees in Gracian 35. Question the second and third also by the counsel of Agathen in the 61. Canon And Gregorye the fyrst in the same place is found to be of the same opinion in the chap. Quaedam ex Romana c. This answereth to the sixth interrogation of Augustine Bishop of Cantorbury and affyrmeth that those which be ioyned by the degree of cousin Germaines ought to abstaine from contracting of matrimony one with an other Yea and long before Gregorye his time Ambrose hath in his 66. Epistle ad Paternum condemned the mariage of brethrens children he testifieth that it was forbiddē by the law of Theodosius which I haue also brought And if I should vse coniecture I thinke Theodosius did it by the persuasion of Ambrose who had a singular respecte to publique honestie Neither was that law so seuere at that time but that sometimes it might be released as he declareth in that Epistle to Paternus In that Ambrose affyrmeth there that such mariages were prohibited by Gods lawe It can be made probable to none which shall attentiuely consider the wordes of the law of god and doings of the fathers How the Romanes haue behaued themselues toward their cousins as concernyng matrimonyes in the old time this I haue obserued Ligustine sayth in the 2. booke and 5. decade of Liuy that his father gaue him his Vncles daughter to wife Cicero also writeth in hys oration for Cluentius that Cluentia had lawfully maryed her cousin Germaine M. Aurius And M. Anthonius the Philosopher tooke to wife Faustina his cousin Germaine as Iulius Capitolinus testifieth And before Rome was builded the mariages of Turnus and Lauinia were in hand which came of two sisters Howbeit Plutarch writeth in the place aboue mentioned that at the fyrst when Rome was builte it was forbidden by a lawe that they whiche were nighe of kinne shoulde not marrye together But yet he writeth that the lawe for brethren and sisters children was vppon thys occasion released bycause a certayne man beyng both honeste and also well beloued of the people of Rome when he was greuouslye oppressed with pouertye toke to wife his sisters daughter which was ryche and welthye for the whiche cause he was accused of inceste But the matter being decided he was quyted by the iudgemente of the people of Rome for he was greatly fauoured in the citye Then after that it was decreed by the consent of the people of Rome that from thence forth it shoulde be lawfull for brethren and sisters children to marry together These thinges I thought good to declare of this kinde of matrimonye both out of Gods lawes and the old new lawes of the Romanes and also out of the fathers and ecclesiasticall Canons Whereunto I will adde that there be very many Cities professing the gospell whiche do not admitte the mariages of brethren and sisters children as Surike Berna Basile Schapusin Sangallum Biema c. In the kingdome also of England when I was there that degree was excluded from matrimony Wherfore in places where the magistrate forbyddeth these mariages the faithful ought for those causes whiche I haue before declared to abstayne from them But now I will go to the present matter If Othoniel as I haue before sayd were cousin vnto Achsa he might mary her by the lawe of God but if he were her vnckle it was not lawful by the cōmō lawe But he maried her Wherfore we must nedes saye one of these two thinges either that it was a faulte for the fathers as we haue before sayd were not alwayes free from sinne or elles that god would haue this done by a priuilege or certain prerogatiue whiche we may not for all that take example by Neither is this to be forgottē that after the accustomed manner of Scriptures Kinsfolkes in scriptures are called brethren they whiche were any way of kinne together were called brethren as Loth is called the brother of Abraham the kinsfolkes of Iesus Christ the sonne of God are called in the history of the gospel his brethrē So may it also be in this place that Othoniel may be called the brother of Chaleb when as he was but only some other waye of kinne vnto him And the interpretours do vse this expositiō oftē times which I would not disallow but that I se this particle in the texte The yonger whiche is not wont to be added but when sisters and brethren in dede are compared together But now wil I go to other thinges whiche are to be considered in this history Chaleb had promised him which should cōquere the citie of Debir Whether Chalebs promisse were a rashe promisse his daughter to wife What if any wicked persone had performed that should he by the vertue of the promise haue ben made the sonne in law of Chaleb surely it semeth not For what other thing had this ben than to betraye his daughter Therfore it may appeare that he promised rashly For a wise man ought to foresee those thinges whiche might happen How be it we must consider that there were not at that tyme such wicked and flagitious men among the Israelites for as long as those elders lyued whiche gouerned the publicque wealth together with Iosua as it shal be declared in this hystory the people feared god Wherfore it followeth that they vsed to put those to death by the lawe whiche were guiltie of very grieuous crimes Therfore there was no daunger lest any such mā should conquere the citie to whom for that act Hacsah should be geuen to wife of duetye But if there remayned certaine smal and common faultes in him which had conquered it the same might be recompenced by his other vertues For there is is none so absolute and perfect but that some times he may fal Moreouer there were some hope of amendement of life And the conquerour might be so nighe of kynne as peraduēture this Othoniel was that he could not mary the daughter of Chaleb Wherfore it seemeth that at the least in that part it was a rashe promise But I do not thincke it can be accused of rashenesse A constant rule of all humane promises for as much as all promises ought among the godly so farre forth to be of force as they do agree with the word of god which thing if Iepthe had diligently considered he would neuer haue suffred hym selfe to haue committed so vnworthy thinges agaynst his daughter This cōdition surely in all couenaunts and promises ought to be counted
rewardes for gods sake which he loueth not for thy sake By these words is gathered that we may loue gayne and rewardes for gods sake for it is lawfull to embrace the meane endes for the last and chief goodnesse Neither are we forbidden but that we may sometymes wishe for meat drincke and cloth and such thinges as are nedefull for this lyfe yea and Christ hath commaunded by expresse wordes that we should aske them and he hath promised them to those whiche seke for the kyngdome of God for he hath sayd first seke the kingdome of God and these thinges shal be ministred vnto you Wherfore it is true that these may be so hoped for regarded and receaued of God as gifts and rewardes and not as the principall thinges For they also are to be referred to a farther end according to Paules most wholesome admonition who hath written whether we eat or whether we drinke or whether we do any other thing let vs do it to the glory of God And finally seyng God him selfe his glory What is the foundation of earthly promises beneuolence fauour are the roote and foundation of other promises and of euery rewarde so often as we shall beholde these other thinges for as much as they are comprehended in those former thynges we must neuer suffer to haue one separated from an other but in the latter continually looke vpon those whiche are first Wherby as Augustine hath geuen vs counsell we shall loue nothyng besides God which for his sake we should not loue And thus much of this said question In latter promises the firste are continually to be beholden now we will returne to the history For as muche as it is now manifest that it was lawfull for Chaleb to set forth a rewarde to all them whiche should conquere the citie of Debir to encourage them to performe that whiche they ought otherwise of duety to haue done it was counted no sinne in Othoniel of whome we now entreate couragiously to fight for the obtayning of a wife whiche he knew otherwise to be acceptable to God 14 And it came to passe as he went she moued him to aske of her father a fielde and she lighted of her Asse and Chaleb sayde vnto her What wilt thou 15 And she aunswered him geue me a blessing for thou hast geuen me a drye lande geue me also springes of water And Chaleb gaue her springes both aboue and beneath In the xv chap. of Iosua where all these things of Achsah and Othoniel are rehearsed in maner by so many wordes Dauid kimhi onely thre differences are perceaued in the word One is that which is here Techitioth and Alioth is there Techitith Alith Moreouer there it is said Tinna here is Hicah Lastly there is Scadah here is Haschadah R.D. Kimhi hath noted these things For the interpretors of the Hebrues are most precise yea in obseruing the very prickes I would they were as quicke in sight diligēt in rendring reasons of annotatiōs Hachsah persuaded prouoked her husband to aske the field of Chaleb her father which I therfore tell you bicause the Latine trāslation is corrupted For it hath that the husbād persuaded the wife to aske the field of Chaleb The pollicy of Achsah Furthermore by this we may consider the sharpenesse of the witte of a woman She therfore moueth her husband to aske the field bycause she was persuaded with her selfe that her father would not deny him that whiche he should aske She thought moreouer that if her husband obtayned the field she should easely by her selfe afterward obtayne the waters wheras if she should haue asked them both at one time namely the field and the waters it might peraduenture be hard to obtayne both together But if the field were first geuen to her husband her father might be coūted very hard if he should deny his daughter the waters she requiring thē of him And in asking she wisely watched a fitte tyme namely when she should be brought to her husbād for then parents are wont to shewe thē selues more gētle towardes their childrē whē they se that they shal be by by taken frō thē Wherfore thoughe they were at other times hard thē yet they somwhat relent In this reason of the petitiō I haue followed Leui the sonne of Gerson Leui the sonne of Gherson who expoundeth that Hachsah would therfore haue her husbād to aske the ground first that she might the better afterward desire the waters But R. D. Kimhi in interpreting of the boke of Iosua sayth that he namely Othoniel would not aske it D. Kimhi wherfore the womā her self was constrayned by her selfe to aske her father And this semeth to be the meanyng of this interpretor Chaleb had before geuē vnto his daughter the field as lād for her dowry the soyle wherof was dry barrē wherfore the witty maydē toke occasiō to aske that it might be fertile thoroughe water But howsoeuer it be it skilleth not much let vs only deligētly marke this that Chaleb was liberal honorable For that he graunted his daughter both the waters aboue the waters beneath She lighted of her Asse She lighted to declare her due obeysaunce towardes her father and to make her peticion the more acceptable and she so lighted that she kneled on the grounde with her knees as the Hebrew word signifieth For the Hebrewes vse that worde Sanach when they will signifie a stake or wedge or any such thyng to be driuen To be shorte she asked vpon her knees those thinges whiche she desired Rebecka also as it is written in the booke of Gen. whē she sawe Isaak to whom she was brought for to be hys wife she lighted of her camele wheron she sat Neither let vs meruayle that Achsah beyng the daughter of a prince rode on an Asse Asses are very vsed in Siria seing that in Siria Asses are very muche vsed for this kynd of beast whiche is of his owne nature cold is more vsed in hotter countreys than in regions towarde the northe And as we shall heare in this historye fifty sonnes of a certain iudge road vpon fiftye Asses Mephiboseth also the nephew of Saul the kyng and Balaam the Prophete vsed this kynd of beaste Riuers fountaynes of waters are muche set by in Siria Why GOD brought hys people to drye regions Neither is it in vayne that this request for waters is so diligently described in this place for as muche as Siria hath grounde fertile enoughe but that it wāteth water here and there Wherfore it commeth to passe that riuers and fountaynes of waters are muche estemed in those places And God of purpose brought his people to these so drye regions neither would he haue them dwell in watery places that they wayling for water might continually depend vpon hym and thereby might haue the better occasion to pray the oftener to the heauenly father and the more seruently to
history retourneth to that setting forward to battaile which they of Iudah and the Symeonites tooke in hand styrred vp by the oracle of God And therfore it is written And Iudah went wyth Symeon hys brother and smore the Chananites dwellyng in Zephat and vtterly destroyed it and called the name of the Citye Horma The vowe of Cherem that is of the curse The Hebrues did not vtterly throw downe nor destroy certain cities which they possessed but dwelled in them Howbeit som they cursed and cleane defaced And their vowe was called in Hebrew Cherem of the thing that was promised deriued from this woord Charam which is to waste to destroy to kil to deface to geue vnder curse The Grecians called that woord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as thinges consecrated and put apart And it may be that so they called them bycause they were hanged vp in temples and were seperated from the vse of men neither was it lawfull to remoue them out of that place Yea and men somtymes wer called by that name Paule also vsed that woord many tymes for he saith to the Galathians Let hym be accursed whosoeuer shal preache any other Gospel And to the Romanes he wished him selfe to be made a curse for the brethren And to the first of the Corinthians he saith he the loueth not the lord Iesus let him be accursed Maranatha wher he taketh this woord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this woord Cherem that is a thing seperated and seioyned vtterly from mans occupying or vse so that it was wycked either to touch it or to put it to any vse Wherfore we haue a testimonye in the booke of Iosua Why the cytye of Iericho was made a curse the .6 chap. of the city â—â—â—â—cho And it semed to haue bene so accursed bycause it was after a sorte th◠〈◊〉 fruites of the Cities that were taken For after they were passed ouer Iordane it was the first of al the cities that was conquered and that by no mans helpe for that the walles therof fel downe of their owne accorde and through the woorking of God And therefore it was mete that the spoyles therof should altogether bee consecrated vnto God Whether the destruction of cities pertayne to the worshipping of God But that semeth to be vtterly farre from the worshipping of God to destroy both cities and men and these seme to haue a shew of cruelty rather than of religion To that I answer that the destruction of townes in dede of their own nature belong neither to religion nor yet to godlynes but so farre forth as they ar referred to the glory of God And that may happen two maner of wayes As wheÌ„ that destruction is counted as a certayn monument of the seuerity and iustice of God against those nations which he for their wickednes would haue destroyed or as a certain testimony of Gods goodnes and mercy towards the Israelites whom in that expedition he mercyfully helped Therefore the ouerthrowing of the city houses men and beastes did shew the iustice and seueritie of God And the consecration declared the goodnes helpe and mercy shewed to that people Moreouer God would by that meanes proue the obedience of his people in abstaining from the spoiles which wer consecrated vnto God God by these curses proued hys people For we know that souldiours when they haue gotten the victory are hardlye restrained from the pray But they which obeied not the curse published wer most grieuously punished which the holy history of Iosua declareth to haue happened vnto Acham bicause he vsurped vnto him selfe some of the spoiles of Iericho We know also that Saul for this cause was depriued of his kyngdome bicause he had reserued Agag the king and certain oxen and fat cattel of the pray which wer bound before to the vow of the curse The forme of the curse Of the forme and end of the curse we haue spoken enough For the forme is the destruction of cities men and beastes and the consecration of gold siluer yron brasse precious stones and costly things which wer appointed onely to the vse of the tabernacle But the end was that they might be monuments of Gods goodnes and iustice The end of the same and also an exercise and trial of the Israelites Now resteth somewhat to speake of the matter and efficient cause therof The matter was what soeuer was found on lyue in those cities for al that ought to be killed The matter of the same and the buildinges and other garnishinges of the city ought to be cleane destroyed but as for the ornamentes and riches they were as it is sayd consecrated vnto the worshipping of God But ther is to be marked that none wer vowed vnto so horrible a destruction but such as were already declared and knowen to be enemies of God for it is not lawfull to kyll Innocentes Wherfore they sinned most grieuouslye which so vowed Paules death that they would neither eate nor drinke tyl they had killed him And at this daye they behaue them selues more than wickedly Iephre which saye that they haue vowed them selues most cruelly to kil al the Professours of the gospel Yea and Iephte without doubt was deceaued Agamemnon which bicause of hys kynde of vowyng thought that his daughter should either be slaine or els compelled to perpetual virginity Agamemnon also is to be condemned which as Cicero declareth in his booke of offices vowed vnto Diana the fairest woman that should be borne in his kyngdome And to performe this foolish vowe he sacrificed his daughter Iphigenia The efficient cause of a curse But the efficient cause of the vow Cherem somtimes is God as it is written in the .vii. and .x. chap. of Deut. For ther it is commaunded that places dedicated to Idoles aulters ymages groues monumentes should be vtterly destroied and that was a perpetual curse in the land of Chanaan and to be alwaies obserued Somtimes the Prince made such a vow as we reade of Iosua and somtimes the people as we find in the .21 chap. of Num. The prophets also somtimes did this so Samuel coÌ„mauÌ„ded Saul cleane to destroi al things beloÌ„ging to the Amelekites The name of this city wherof we now entreate was afterwarde called Horma for it was not so called before and it was so called of the woorde Cherem For such a name were they wont to geue vnto such places as were wasted and destroyed by a curse In the booke of Num. 21. chapter a certaine portion of the Chananites which the Israelites possessed by violence was by reason of suche a vowe called Horma But some peraduenture wil aske These destructions of Cities are not agaynst charity Augustine whether these destructions of townes wer against charity To whom I answer no. Bicause such enemies were chosen to be vtterly destroyed of the Iewes by
the iudgement of God and not by the lust of men But as touching the loue or hatred of enemies wee must vnderstande that Augustine hath written toward the ende of the first booke vpon the sermon of the Lord on the mountaine that he doth ascende one steppe of righteousnes which loueth his neighbour although he yet hate his enemy But then shall he performe beneuolence and gentlenes at the commaundement of hym whyche came to fulfyl the law and not to breake it when he shall stretch it euen to the loue of the enemy For that degree though it be somwhat yet it is so smal that it may be commō also with Publicanes Neither that which is said in the law Thou shalt hate thine enemy It is not lawfull for the vnperfecte to hate their enemyes is to be taken as a commaundement vnto the iust man but as a permission to the weake Thus much he writeth with whom yf I should speake as I thinke I do not agree but am certainly perswaded that to hate our enemies is not permitted of God no not to the vnperfect For it is an euerlasting precept that we should loue our neighbour as our selues Who is oure neyghbour And he is our neighbour whom we helpe by anye occasion as Christ hath declared in the parable of the Iewes and of the Samaritan They were compared as enemyes one to an other wherefore the condition of enmitye when it happeneth can not let but that such as are enemies one to an other be yet neighbours Moreouer for as much as we se the Dauid other prophets did oftentimes curse their enemies by what meanes can we cal thē weake whō God gaue liberty to hate their enemies For they wer holy men and very perfect Augustine Neither doth that seeme to make much to the purpose which the same Augustine saith namely that the sayinges of these holy men were no vowes desires but rather forespeakinges prophecies of them who liuing vnder the old testament did oftentimes prophecye the chaunce of thinges to come For the Apostels ar also found in the new testamēt not only to haue spoken words of cursings as Paul when he saith I woulde to god they wer cut of which do trouble you but also to haue most grieuously punished some For as much as it is written in the actes of the Apostels the same Paul depriued Elimas the Magicien of his sight and Peter slewe Ananias and Saphira Wherfore we must rather say that these great mē did not such things of an hatred graunted to vnperfect men but that they wer driuen therunto by some other maner of meanes Marke the distinction And therfore me thinketh we must make this distinction that they somtimes had to do for their own causes sometimes for gods cause Whē they had to do for their matters al their doings wer ordered with al modestye and gentlenes As we se Dauid to haue done who many times spared Saul his deadly enemy Moyses also other holy men did constantly valiauntly very often grieuous thinges But when the matters of God wer in hand the same mē behaued them selues seuerely nobly And if they should haue done that in theyr own causes they might haue semed to wrest the swerd out of the hande of God and of the Magistrate which they do which reuenge their own iniuries This is also to be added that men which are appointed to take in hand to defend Gods cause What is chieflye to be taken heede of when Gods matters are in hand although they may then do thinges sharpely seuerlye yet they must precisely diligently take hede that vnder that pretence they cocker not their owne affections The Apostels when they desired Christ to sende fyre from heauen vpon the Samaritanes as they knew was done in the olde tyme at the prayers of Helias wer rebuked of the Lord bicause they knew not of whose spirite they wer which without doubt was a most apt answer For they whom God sendeth to execute these offices ought not nowe to be counted priuate or symple men Whether it bee lawfull to pray against tyrans to curse them Augustine but such as wer prepared and enstructed of him to be in hys steede vpon the earth But whether it be lawful for priuate men to praye against vngodly and cruell Tyrannes by whom the true worshipping of God is hindred and to curse them Augustine aunswereth that it is alwaies lawfull for godlye men to pray vnto God against the kingdome of synne And that maye be cleane taken away when the vngodly forsake their wickednes for whose vnfayned repentaunce we must alwayes pray vnto God But if they seeme past all hope it is lawful to praye that their synnes maye sometymes at the length come to an end namely that when they are taken awaye they myght cease both to hynder the woorshipping of God and also to trouble the Saintes For as much as it is not expedient that theyr synne shoulde escape vnpunished for when it is leaste without punishment it is mere vniustice But when the punishment of God is adioyned vnto it then ther is in him lesse deformitye Wherefore God is of the same Augustine called verye wel not a cruell tormentor Augustine but a iust correctour Moreouer bycause holy men are very familiar with God and therefore when by some heauenly reuelation Saintes sometimes reioyce also are sory for the destruction of the wycked they are acertained of his wil bicause they exceedingly loue him they cannot but allow his sentence yea they faithfullye praye that the same may be accomplished Although in that they be men they be both sory and also take it grieuously to haue their neighbours so vexed After whych sorte Samuel mourned for Saul the kyng whom be knew neuertheles to be reiected of god Ieremy also wept for the captiuity which was at hand and Christ wept for the City of Ierusalem which should be destroyed For they which be mē in dede God requireth not the not feeling of the Stoikes can not chose but be sory for their neighbours and their own flesh when it is afflicted Neither doth God require of vs that Stoike lacke of compassion But as touching this matter if the Reaver desire to know more let hym looke vpon my Cōmentaries to the Corrinthians But as touching this present purpose that is to say that the people of Israel in destroying cursing of these peoples followed not their own hatred but the instinction of God for they wer his Lieuetenauntes and might be called his woorkemen when as they destroyed those whom god himselfe had declared to be enemies and cōmaunded that they should be destroyed by them And Iudah tooke Hazzam and the borders therof These words do al so cōfirme that those things which ar now declared wer don after the death of Iosua when the publique wealth of the Israelites was gouerned by elders For when in the booke of
Howbeit I thincke it good this to be added that some iudge that prodition espiall do not much differ one from another and that it maye sometimes come to passe that one man may be both a betrayer a spye For if any Citizen be corrupted with money by the enemyes the same is both a betrayer of his countrey is also in the meane tyme a domesticall spye But this semeth not to be wisely spoken bycause the nature of these things as it appeareth by their definitions doth very much differ although sometimes they cleaue both in one mā so that the same man may be both a betrayer a spye Euen as musike Grammer differ much one frō an other yet it oftētimes happeneth the one mā is both a Grāmarian a Musitian Neuerthelesse the differēce which I haue before mencioned is for the most part obserued although not alwayes namely that espial cōmeth of enemies and prodition of them which be amongest vs whom we trust as friendes Whether prodition be at any tyme lawful Augustine But to the end we may the playnlyer know concerning prodition whether it be at any tyme lawful I thincke it best to cal to memory those wordes which Augustine writeth against the letters of Petilianus the second booke and 10. chap We may not sayth he heare the complaynts of such as suffre but seke out the mynde of them whiche are the doers This the man of God wrote agaynst the Donatistes whiche accused our men as betrayers persecutors And to them he answereth the Paul also deliuered vp some to Sathā whose saluatiō neuerthelesse semed to be committed to his charge but for all that bycause he did it of a good mynde namely to teache them not to blaspheme and that their spirit might be saued in the daye of the Lorde he could not be accused either of treason or els of deliueryng vp bycause as it is before sayd The complaintes of them whiche suffre are not to be heard What proditiō is good but we must seke out the mind of the doers Wherfore when warre or controuersy shall happen betwene any of which the one part is knowen to haue a iust good cause if the other part which defendeth the worser cause therfore doth vniustly wil by no meanes be brought to any good reasonable conditions surely good men whiche peraduenture are founde on the same syde ought in such sort to helpe to defend the other part as they may aduaunce iustice And if it be nede they ought to fall from the vniust to iust men Neither can their prodition be condēned iustly as ill although before they were neuer so much friendes very nighe vnto those which worke vniustly What cause the Israelites had against the Chananites Epiphanius Now must we speake somewhat of the Israelites cause agaynst the Chananites whiche may be considered of vs two manner of wayes namely either by common lawe and ordinary lawe of nature or elles by fayth and by the worde of GOD. Concerning the naturall or common lawe Epiphanius writeth that the lande of Palestine pertayned in very dede to the children of Sem by occasion whereof Melchisedek reygned there whiche was either Sem hym selfe or elles one of hys children But the Chananites whiche came of Cham passyng ouer the boundes of Egypte and Africa whiche were appoynted vnto them dyd caste out of Palestine the sonnes of Sem. And therefore the Hebrues whiche were the posteritie of Sem when they required to be restored to their Fathers landes semed to do it iustly and rightfully Wherefore as he sayeth GOD did both restore vnto the Israelites the countreys whiche belonged vnto their auncestors and also punished the Chananites for their wickednesse and this he did all with one and the selfe same worke Howbeit I can not easely agree to Epiphanius opinion for there was past prescription of very long time for at the least there were fyue hundreth yeares Wherefore it could not be sayde that the Chananites possessed that lande vniustly If we should go by this reason now in our tyme then should there be none in a manner counted a lawfull prince and iuste possessor when as their auncestor came to the possession of those prouinces and kingdomes by violence driuyng out botht the kings and the inhabitors that were in them before Wherfore the Israelites semed not to haue any iust causes by mans lawe by whiche they might make clayme vnto the land of Palestine as to their owne neither alledged they at any tyme any such reason And yet for al that they had good ryght therunto for as much as god testified as wel by words as by wonderfull workes that it was his wil that the Hebrues should haue the possession of those regions to whom as Dauid hath wel said both the earth and the fulnesse thereof belongeth Neither could the Chananites murmure agaynst the iudgement of God for as much as they were iustly cut of from their ryght for their sundry and manifold wicked Actes Wherfore none could in this cause iustly defend the Chananites if they wil cleaue to the true God and beleue his wordes Wherby it followeth that this Luzite which betrayed hys citizens dyd it either of faith as did Rahab in Iericho or els by some humane bargayne For the kepers or spyes sayd vnto him VVe will shewe thee mercy If he were stricken with feare howe could that as they say happen vnto a constant man for he was after a sorte a prisoner and was fallen into the handes of hys enemyes then was he brought to it by humane conuention and then did he fowly for it is not lawfull for any man to make any fylthy couenauntes agaynst hys countrey Neyther can he be excused bycause of feare It is not lawfull for any mā to make any fylthy couenātes against hys countrey for nothyng is to be done agaynste iustice and conscience althoughe what feare so euer he should be stryken with but if he were stirred vp vnto it by fayth and for that he sawe hys citezens obstinately to resiste the worde of God and his workes then he did well neither can hys treason be either disallowed or elles condemned For no lawes no vowes no couenaūtes or bondes thoughe they be neuer so strayte Feare must not cause vs to do any thyng against iustice can bynd any man to fight agaynst or to resiste the worde of God whiche worde all men must earnestly labour to haue done and fulfilled For this sentence abydeth and shall perpetually abyde That we must obey God more than men Neither can any man as Christe sayeth serue two maisters specially if they commaunde contrary thinges It is lawfull for the magistrate priuely to send inquisitors Moreouer the Magistrate is to be ayded in rooting out of vice and naughtynesse and to hym without doubte is lawfull priuely to send men to make enquiry and to deiecte wicked Actes that the offendors may be punished
I answere that all these are so farre forth to be obserued as long as the othes and promises be not agaynst the worde of god and good lawes Which thing if it be afterward knoweÌ„ theÌ„ are they of no force yea they are theÌ„ vtterly voyde To these I adde that it manifestly appeareth by the cautions now alledged that we must neither for sweare nor lye wherby a laudable good proditioÌ„ should succede Wherfore they which sweare vnto their magistrates The prodition of the Counsel holden at Constantia promise to defeÌ„d the citie caÌ„ not be excused when their minde is to betraye to deceaue This haue the Antichrists done in the counsel holden at Constantia For that they might theÌ„ eassier allure thither Iohn Husse Ierome of Praga they promised him safety by publique fayth And therefore they can not defend their prodition admitte it were nothyng els as iust and honest But they were without doubt treacherers and wicked betrayers in swearyng promysing that by their letters whiche they would not performe But now we must returne to the history Howe the Luzite might be suffered of the Israelits to go in safety It is not certain as it is sayd whether this Luzite had faith or whether he wer an infidel If he had faith his prodition is to be commended otherwise it is to be discommended But if he beleued not neither cleaued vnto the true God why did the Israelites let hym go Forsooth bicause he of his own wil went into banishment Neither seemed this to be against the counsel of God For God woulde therefore haue those people cut of least they dwelling together with the Hebrues should haue geuen them an occasion of falling and offence Wherefore when they departed and chose wylful banishment that came to passe which God would haue to be done But thou wilt say By this meanes might al those nations haue bene sent away Why the Chanaâ—it s departed not giue place to the Israelites neither ought they to haue ben slain as god had coÌ„mauÌ„ded What might haue ben done I nede not to answer for as much as that is demaunded which coulde not be done For so manye and so great were the sinnes of those nations that they vtterly deserued death Wherfore god taking away his spirite from them dyd so harden their hartes that they endeuoured not them selues to depart but rather to resist the Israelites as much as in them lay They made many battailes therfore in which as god had ordained and as they had deserued they came to vtter destruction although a very few of them were saued in departing or els in embracing the true religion And they smote the cyty wyth the edge of the swoorde This is not to be ascribed to cruelty but rather to obedience and religion towarde the true god for so was it his wil to be done and so had he commaunded But they let the man and his houshold go free Howe they coulde discerne this mans family from the rest it is not writteÌ„ But it is most lykely that either he entred with the Israelites into the city or els he shewed vnto them his house by some token wherby they might leaue it safe and vntouched according to their purpose Rahab certainly in Iericho hong a purple corde in the window of her house to auoid the misery and sacking of the souldiours And the man went into the land of the Hithites Kimhi wryteth that these Hithites were none of those seauen nations which were commaunded to be destroyed in the land of Chanaan But he declareth not what these Hithites wer And these are the names of those nations which should haue bene destroyed of the Israelites The Chananites the Iebusites Hemorrhites Gergesites Pheresites Hithites and Hiuites These are the nations which god commaunded to be weeded out of the land promised vnto the Israelites But this is to bee noted by the way that there is a difference betwene these woordes Kethim and Chethim for that which is written by Kaph signifieth as they interprete the Italians or such as dwel in Ilandes or the Macedonians and that woorde is found in Esay Ieremy and in the booke of Num where the prophecies of Balaam are mentioned But that woord which is written with this letter Cheth signifieth either one of the seauen nations of the country of the Chananites or els those to whom it is sayd that this Luzite went And he built a City and called the name of it Luz The maner of banished meÌ„ in buildyng or adourning of citiâ—s So men that wer driuen out of their countrey wer wont to do that being moued with the loue of their country to cal the places which they did build either by the name of their country which they left or els to builde them as neare as they coulde in forme like the other So it is said that Aeneas dyd in Italy buyld Troy the city of the Pisites was in the same country built by the Graecians Like wise the Israelites leauing the land of Palestine decked vp a city graunted vnto them in Egipt like vnto Ierusalem building a temple there ordaining also Priestes and sacrifices as they had before in Ierusalem In which doing they synned most haynously although neuerthelesse they were moued thereunto by the loue of theyr countrye whych they had forsaken Vnto thys day The tyme of Samuel is by those woordes noted who is thought to be the writer of this history And by this sentence the Hebrues do gather that that City and the name therof endured to the time of Samuel 27 But Manasses did not expel Beth-Sean with her townes and Thaanach with her townes the Inhabiters of Dor wyth her townes the inhabiters of Iibleam with her townes nether the inhabiters of Megiddo with her townes And the Chananites began to dwell in the land 28 And it came to passe that as sone as Israel was waxed mighto they put the Chananites to tributes and expelled them not 29 In lyke maner Ephraim expelled not the Chananites that dwelt in Gazer and therefore the Chananites dwelt styll in Gazer among them 30 Neither dyd Zebulon expel the inhabiters of Kitron neyther the inhabiters of Nahalol wherfore the Chananites dwelt among them and became tributaries vnto them 31 Aser also dyd not cast oute the inhabiters of Acho and the inhabiters of Zidon of Achlab Achzib Helbab Aphik and Rehob 32 And the Aserites dwelt among the Chananites the inhabiters of the land for they did not driue them out 33 Neither did Nephtalim driue out the inhabiters of Beth-Semes nor the inhabiters of Bethanath but dwelt amoÌ„gest the Chananites the inhabiters of the land and the inhabiters of Beth-Semes and Beth-Anath became tributaries vnto them The synnes of the Israelites In this place the holy history setteth foorth the synne of the Israelites in that they did not cast out and destroye those peoples as God had commaunded them but made them tributaries vnto them
Before the other tribes Manasses is reckoned and the names of his Cities which are here mencioned ar rehearsed in the booke of Iosuah the 17. chap. where almost these selfe same woordes ar rehersed namely how Manasses although he did not conquer them did for all that make them tributaries vnto him But that is not so to be vnderstaÌ„d as though this sinne were then committed for as long as Iosuah lyued the people dyd not so openly fal yea rather the people did their duty diligently all Iosuas time and al the time of the Elders which had seene Moses and had liued together wyth Iosua as we shal heare straight way in this booke but these thinges are spoken in that place by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is by anticipation And the hebrewe phrase is to be noted namelye And Benethiah that is her daughters For it signifieth litle suburbes townes and villages whyche when they are compared with greater cities do seme to be daughters of those Cities The same kinde of speaking is vsed also in other languages Cities called Matrices and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Scithopolis For we call often times the principal Cities Matrices that is chiefe Cities and the Grecians call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beth-San was a City in the tribe of Manasses which was afterward called Scythopolis of which city both Ptholomey and also Ierome haue made mencion Thaanach is reckoned to be .x. myles distant froÌ„ Cesaria in the way to Ptolemais But the Chananites began to dwell in the land This hebrewe woorde Ioel which the latine interpretour translateth presumpsit and we haue turned it caepit that is began signifieth also to wyll to be at rest and to sweare The sence seemeth to bee this that the Chananites seyng they were not rooted out would haue gladlye bene content to haue taryed in those places where before they dwelled and that peraduenture with a bond and an othe but in such sorte that they would haue giuen a certayne tribute vnto the Israelites which nowe had preuailed But they of Manasses bicause they could not cast these out were punished for their smal faith For if they had perfectly beleued euen as God was with them in the conquering of Luz and other Cities so would he also haue ayded them in casting them out but bicause their fayth was so diminished God withdrew his ayde from them but in the meane tyme hee referred this punishment as I haue before said to profitable endes meete for his prouidence And they although they could not vpon the sodayne expell their enemies yet ought they not to cease of from making warre against them neither was it lawful for them to make any couenaunt or league with them And it appeareth that they required tribute of these nations and bargained with them without anye lawfull cause for thus speaketh the scripture And it came to passe that as soone as Israel waxed mighty they put the Chananites to tribute Wherefore they preuayled against them and they wer stronger than those nations and therefore they can not be excused in that they most filthilye made couenauntes with them For they seemed to be entised thereunto by couetousnes of money and seruitude of those nations And in expellyng dyd not expell them What the doubling of a word signifieth wâ—â—h the Hebrewes Thys doublyng of woordes in the hebrew expresseth a perfect and absolute action and this signifieth as muche as if it should haue bene said And they brused them and some of them they expelled but they did not vtterlye destroye them as God had commaunded But what can we answer of Salomon Salomon also brought these nations vnder tribute which in the first booke of kings the .9 chap. and in the .8 chap. of Paralip is written to haue brought vnder tribute the rest of the Amorrites Hethites c. I beleue verely that the rest of those nations embraced the religion of the true God For Dauid who was otherwyse a most noble king and valiaunt Captaine and who possessed his kingdome perfectly suffered them not to worship ydols in his dominions And if Salomon dyd afterward lay a greater burthen on them than hee did on the Israelites hee can not lawfully be blamed for he did so also with the Gabaonites For it is meete that the Israelites should be handled more gentlye of their King than straungers Neither should Salomon be excused if he did that for to muche greedye desire of money or if he did bargaine with them for money that they keeping still theyr idolatrous and false worshipping might liue vnpunished in his kingdome Ephraim also expelled not the Chananites It is not declared that this tribe did put their enemies to tribute which I thinke neuertheles they dyd wheÌ„ as it was declared before that Manasses did so and we shall heare straight way that the tribe of Zebulon did the same For it is not verye lykelye that those Ephraites wer better than their felowes As touching the city Gazer Ierome saith that it was .4 myles distant from Nicopolis which is Emaus and is called by an other name Gazer Kitron also in the tribe of Zebulon and Nahalol were compelled to pay tribute that they might haue Chananites to be their citizens The city Acho was afterward called Ptolemais Ptolemais Dispa Achzib also was called afterwarde Dispa being .ix. miles distant from Acho in the way toward Tire Likewise the tribe of Nephtalim brought the Chananites vnder tribute ¶ Of Masse BIcause in these places there is often mencion made of this hebrew woorde Masse which signifieth tribute of which word is deriued Mishah Whence the woorde Masse is thought to be deriued whyche of some is taken for tribute which was wont to be payde of euerye person And some of the Popes hirelinges thyncke that their Masse had hys name from thence therefore peraduenture it shall not bee vnprofitable somewhat to write of it That woord is red in Deut. the .16 chap. wheÌ„ God commaunded that seauen weekes should be reckoned after Easter and then should be kept the feast of Pentecoste Thou shalt appeare saith he before the Lord and shalt geue Missah Nethobath Iedecha that is a free oblation of thine owne hand And that oblation was so called as an yearely tribute which neuertheles was willing and without constraint Howbeit other and peraduenture more truly do interpretate that woord to signify sufficient namely that ther should be geuen as much as should be inough and sufficient for in the .15 chap. of that booke where the Lord commaunded the Israelites to open their handes vnto the poore to lend him that which might be sufficient that hebrew woord Dai the Chaldey Paraphrast enterpreth Misshah In which place I take it that there is a regard to be had as wel of the pouertye of the poore as of the abilitye of the geuer For that was commaunded to be osberued in voluntary oblations namely that so much should
be geuen as the ability of the geuers could beare and as much as seemed mete for the worshipping of God From hence do these our Papistes think their Masse to be deriued as though it were a tribute and a willing oblation which might be offered euery where vnto God in the church for the quicke the dead But I thynke not so Certeyne Hebrew wordes are obserued in the latin church The hebrew words cam not vnto the latine church but by the Greeke churche I know right wel that the church hath borowed certayne words of the hebrues as Sathan Osianna Zebaoth Halleluia Pasah or Pascha and such other mo But we must marke that those woordes came not vnto the Latine Church but by the Greeke Church for as muche as those woordes are found in the new Testament as it is written first in Greeke also in the translation of the old Testament as it was turned by the .lxx. Wherefore wee haue no hebrew woordes deriued to our Church which the Greeke Churche had not first But if we shal diligently peruse ouer the bookes of the Greeke father we shal neuer find this woord Missa which is Masse vsed of thē Wherfore I thynk that this woord of Missa is not deriued from the Hebrues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Greeke church called the holy supper 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which woorke signifieth a common publicke woorke Neither is that woord proper to holy things yea it is also applyed vnto prophane actions which ar publike And who knoweth not that the administration of the supper of the Lord is a thing pertaynyng to Christian people For as many as be present ought to be partakers thereof and to communicate together An argument against priuate masses And least I should ouerskyp thys the etimologie of this woord bringeth no smal argument against priuate Masses Bisides this that woord pertaineth not only to the Lords supper but also it is attributed to other holy functions wherefore it is written in the actes of the Apostels the .13 chap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whcyh some haue tourned whilest they did sacrifice whē as rather they should haue said whilest they serued or wrought publikely namely in a holy thing which they did without doubt in preaching of the Gospel Names of the holly supper among the Latynes This holy function namely the Lordes supper had other names among the Latines For it was sometimes called the Communion sometimes the supper of the Lord other sometimes the Sacrament of the body of Christ or the breaking of bread And our fathers haue often tymes called it as the Greeke fathers dyd dreadful misteries and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Howe the father 's called the supper a sacrifice I wyll not speake of how they vsed to cal it oftē times by the name of a sacrifice not therfore as our aduersaries do foolishlye imagine bicause that there the body blood of Christ is offered vnto God for a sacrifice for the quicke the dead Although the fathers abhorred not from that kinde of speche whereby they sayde that the body and bloud of Christ was offered vnto God But what they vnderstoode by those words if they be diligently red they do manifestly expound namelye that then were thankes geuen vnto The most auncient fathers vsed not the maine of Masse Augustine By those names did the most auncient fathers call the Lordes supper But they made neuer mencion of the Masse For it thou shalt reade Ireneus Tertulilan Ciprian Hilary and their like thou shalt neuer finde that woord in them in that signification Augustine maketh mēcion twice of it namely in her sermon de tempore 237. where he maketh mencion of the Masse of those that were to be instructed before baptisme In that place he exhoreth men to forgeue iniuries one to another For saith he we must come to the Masse of those that are to bee instructed where we shal pray forgeue vs our trespasses as we also forgeue our trespassers And be writeth also in the sermon de tempore .91 these woordes In the history which is to be red at Masses Some are in doubte whether those sermons were of Augustines writing or no Whē the name of Masse begā to be vsed but to me they seme to be the style and sentences of Augustine And as I coniecture I thinke that this name Masse began almost to be vsed at that time howbeit but seldome and not often For if it had bene then a woord in much vse Augustine in especial who framed hys wryting vnto the vulgare people would oftener haue made mencion of it They alledge Ignatius in his Epistle ad Smyrnenses Ignatius An argumēt against priuate Masses But that place maketh very much against the Massemongers for asmuch as there Ignatius ordayned that Masses shoulde in no wyse be had vnlesse the Bishop were present wyth such great warinesse did antiquity abhorre priuate cōmunions For he would haue al men to be presēt at that doing of it specially the Bishops These thinges haue I said as grautning vnto the aduersaries that it was the very booke of Ignatius The epistles of Ignatius are Apocriphas that it containeth in it the word Masse which yet we ar not compelled to graūt For it is Apocripha yea and that as their own Gratian testifieth Moreouer those Epistles were written in Greeke and therefore I am assured that be which turend it into latin did put this word Masse for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For thus it is written in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and straight way after that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This is the Greeke sentence of Ignatius wherein as appeareth ther is no mencion made of this woord Masse Leo also is cited in his .9 Epistle to Dioscurus Leo. And argumēt againste priuate Masses where I confesse that that father made mencion of Masse but yet in such sorte that in the same place he is wonderfullye againste priuate Masses For he was demaunded seing that the temple was not so large that it coulde not containe the whole people which came while holy thinges wer administred what the rest of the multitude should do which remained without and could not be present Leo answered that when that part of the people is gone forth which was before present at the holye celebration the residue might succede and repeate againe those holye thinges If so be that priuate masses had bene then in vse what needed of that matter to haue asked counsell of Leo the bishop of Rome Surely this question is a manifest token that Masse was not vsed to be had but once They wer wont also to bring Iohannes Cassianus Iohannes Casianus who lyued in the tyme of Honorius and was driuen out of the Churche of Ierusalem by heretickes from whence he came to Massilia and was a Monke by profession For hee maketh mencion of Masse in his .3 booke .7 and 8. chap. but he wresteth
the signification of that woord farre otherwise than to the holy Communion For by Masse hee vnderstandeth perfection finishing and absolution Wherfore he saith praestolatur congregationis missam Let him tarye the ende or fulnes of the congregation That is that the multitude and congregation maye be absolued and fulfyled And by and by after Contenti somno quia missa vigiliarum vsque ad lucem conceditur That is being content with the sleepe which is permitted them froÌ„ the end of the vigiles vnto day light wherby this woord Missa he vnderstandeth that time of the watch wherin the vigiles wer ended For then was it lawfull for the Monkes to slepe vntil day light Neither must I ouership that ther is meÌ„cion most manifestly made of Masses in the exposition of the .xi. chap. of the Prouerbs of Salomon which exposition is ascribed to Ierome The exposition of the Prouerbes is falsely ascribed to Ierome But that boke without coÌ„trouersy is none of Ieromes writing For Gregory is there alledged who liued long after Augustine and Ierome Bruno Amerbachius in his epistle which he set before the booke saith that he saw in an old booke that that interpretatioÌ„ was entituled to Beda Many abuses in the church in the time of Beda And if it wer so then it is no maruaile if hee made mention of Masses for then in the time of Beda the priest many abuses had crept into the church I do therfore admonish you of that bicause in that place that couÌ„terfait Ierome affirmeth that the souies of such as are dead are by the celebrations of Masses deliuered out of Purgatory Ierome was not so wont to speake From whence thys woorde Masse coÌ„meth Now resteth to declare from whence the name of Masse which vndoubtedly is a latin word semeth to be deriued The old fathers if a man wyll diligentlys marke their writinges did put this word remissa which is forgeuenes for this woord remissio Tertullian which is also forgeuenes Tertullianus in his .4 booke agaynsts Marcion the .249 syde We haue spoken saith he de remissa peccatorum that is of the remission of synnes Ciprian Ciprian de bono patientiae saith Qui remissam peccatorum erat daturus lauatro regenerationis tingi non est dedignatus He whyche came to geue remission of synnes disdained not to be washed with the lauacre of regeneration The same man writeth in the .14 epistle of his .13 booke Qui blasphemat spiritum sanctum remissam peccatorum non habet that is he which blasphemeth the holye Ghost hath not remission of sinnes Wherefore seing in steede of remissio they haue said remissa they may be counted also in stede of missio to haue vsed this word missa Therfore that which was done in the Church post missionem Cathecumenorum Cathecumenites that is after the sending away of the Cathecumenites they called Missa that is Masse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to declare that also by the way is to teache to enstruct especially by voice and not by writing whereof they wer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which wer not yet washed with the lauacre of regeneration but wer instructed of their faith Tertullian called them Audientes or Auditores that is hearers But Augustine called them Competentes that is desirers or requesters that is of baptisme For before they should be baptised at Easter they signified their names .40 daies before in which space they wer instructed not onely their faith but also their life and maners wer examined of the Pastors of the church The Cathecumenites not coÌ„municantes wer sent out by the Deacon Cyrillus Gregory But in the holy assembling when the holy scriptures wer red the sermon done the Deacon cryed Exeunto Catechumeni that is let the Cathecumenites go forth the Grecians said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is holye thinges for holy ones as it is gathered out of the seruice booke of the elders Also out of Cyrillus vpon Iohn the .xii. boke .l. chap yea in Gregories time as hee testifieth him self in his second booke .23 chap. of his dialogues it was sayd if any man coÌ„municate not let him geue place And that maner maye appeare to be very like vnto a certaine custome of the Ethnikes For in a certayne vsage of their seruice of God as Festus declareth the Sargeant said Festus A maner of the Ethnikes in a certaine seruice of theirs Apuleius Exesto hostis victus mulier virgo that is let the ouercome enemy the woman the maide go foorth for in that kinde of seruice it was forbidden that those kinde of persons shoulde be present And Apuleius in his .2 booke saith that the Priest did vse when he offered sacrifices to say thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is who shal abide here To whom was answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As though it should haue bene said honest good men when as they which wer polluted vnworthy wer gon So was it done in our church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for after that saying aforesaid of the Deacon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fallers away such as wer put to repentance went their way Of these orders Dionisius made mencion They wer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which wer vexed with euyll spirits Peraduenture they wer excoÌ„municated for those at that time I meane in the primatiue church wer deliuered vp to Sathan Missa as it wer Missio Ambrose Therfore as it now appeareth by that which we haue said the Latin church called the celebration of the sacrament of the holy supper Missam as it wer missionem that is a sending away For Ambrosius also said in a certain place missas facere And surely this sentence semeth muche more probable vnto me than doth theirs which thinke that name to be deriued of this hebrew woorde Masse But now that we haue entreated of the name of Masse Partes of the Masse we wyl also set foorthe the partes thereof as they were had among the elders The Grecians seeme to haue begon their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the exercise of the Lords supper at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Lord haue mercy vpon vs As though before al they would implore forgeuenes of their sinnes Which phrase the latin church hath borowed of the which some attribute to Gregory But whylest the people gathered together and before they were assembled they song a peece of some Psalme Introitus or some part of the scripture and that song they called Introitus that is an entraunce bicause that at that time the people might enter in And they make Celestine authour of that After 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people being in a maner glad for the obtaining of pardon for their synnes to geue thankes vnto God Gloria in excelâ—s Collectes did syng this hymne Gloria in altissimis that is
that it myght easely come to passe that he should fal into the sinne whiche he declared vnto the holy Prophete Naaman the Syrian knewe that his deede was culpable nought And when he knewe ryght well that the same agreed not with true godlynesse he required the prayers and intercession of the man of GOD whereby he fallyng of weakenesse hys faulte myght be forgeuen hym Otherwyse there is none whiche nedeth to aske pardon for that which he thynketh is lawfull for hym to doe We make intercessions for sinnes and not for thinges permitted vs. Wherefore thys place maketh much agaynst our aduersaries and that that is sinne which they moste earnestly goe aboute to excuse is manyfestly proued by thys historye I would to God they woulde diligentlye marke in that action that which theyr Naaman selfe And if they shoulde fall as thys man feared that he shoulde fall they woulde not cloke it with a vayne defence but woulde emplore the mercye of God and prayers of holy men that that maye gentlye be forgeuen them Elizeus gaue not Naamā libertie to go vnto Idols whiche they naughtely haue committed Neyther did Elizeus as they persuade themselues geue Naaman the Sirian liberty to go vnto Idoles he sayde onely Go in peace Which was also an accustomed kinde of salutation at the time Neither may we gather any other thing out of these words then that the Prophet promised to do that which he was requested to do Namely to pray vnto God for the saluation of the man Fyrst to strengthen him that he should not fal Secondly that if he sinned his fault might be forgeuen him They vse to obiecte also certayne woordes out of the Epistle of Ieremye the Prophet which are written aboute the end of a litle booke entituled of Baruch An answer to a place of Baruch And these are the wordes In Babilon ye shall see Gods of golde and Siluer borne vppon mens shoulders to caste oute a fearefulnesse before the Heathen Take heede ye followe not the Gentiles when ye see the multitude of people worshipping behynde and before But saye in your hartes O Lorde it is thou that oughtest onely to be worshipped c. By these wordes do our Nicodemites thinke it to be sufficient that they which are presente at Idolatrous worshippings do say in their hartes O Lord it is thou that oughtest onely to be worshipped But they shoulde more attentyuely consider that the Prophet if he were a Prophet which spake these woordes which I therefore speake bycause the little booke of Baruch is Apochriphus The boke of Baruch is Apochriphus and is not founde in the Hebrewe gaue not the Iewes libertye to goe into the Temples of the Idols and to bee there present at prophane and Idolatrous rites and there to speake with the true God in themselues in theyr hart onely But he speaketh of those Images which were caryed about the citye for that was the manner among the Babilonians as the historie of Daniell testifyeth Images amōg the Babilonians wer crried about the citye which maketh mencion that an image set vp by Nabuchadnezar was openly caried about with great pompe and with Musicall instrumentes and sundry songes At the hearing whereof al men were commaunded to worship the Image which they beheld which the felowes of Daniel would not do Of those images I say it is writtē in the Epistle and the Godly are faythfully admonished that they should not as the Ethnykes did who were behinde and before thē reuerence or worship those images Yea rather in detesting their wicked worshipping they should say or at the least way in their hart O Lord it is thou only that oughtest to be worshipped These metings comming by chaunce through the citie could not be auoyded the Godly therefore were to be admonished how in suche metinges they shoulde behaue them selues But with great importunitye as they be shamelesse Why Daniell was not cast i◠to the fornace with his fellowes they yet go farther and demaund how chaunce Daniell was not cast into the burning fornace with his fellowes when as the punishment was a like appointed vnto thē which would not worship the image of Nabuchadnezar Wherfore these mē fayne with thēselues that Daniell dyd make as though he worshipped it and for that cause the Chaldeians medled not with him And they saye also that they may lawfullye do that which they thinke thys holy Prophet of God dyd They consider not that they openly fal into a false kynde of reason which commonly is called Non causa vt causa which is when that which is not a cause is put for a cause Paralogismos For there might be very many other causes why Daniell was not then punyshed Peraduenture he mette not the image which was caryed about or if at any time he met it the Chaldeians marked not what he dyd Or being founde faultye in it and marked he was not accused bycause the Kyng loued him excedinglye But we must not beleue Daniel dissimuled not the worshipping of the image that the man of god for feare of punyshment or death would dissemble the worshippyng of the image agaynst the lawe and pietie whē as it is afterwarde declared how for piety sake he was caste to the Lyons Wherefore forasmuche as there myghte be diuerse causes that he was not deliuered to be burnt in the fyre with his fellowes Why do these men thē snatch vnto thē only one cause and that such a cause as was vnworthy and ful of reproche to such a holy man and specially seing in the holy scriptures there is not so much as a suspition of so detestable an acte any way geuen vs Of Paule who toke on hym a vowe clensed hymself after the manner of the Iewes They seeme to themselues to speake much to the purpose and trimlye to defende theyr doing when as they bryng that whiche is written in the Actes of the Apostles the xxi Chapter where it is declared that Paul by the Counsell of the Elders of the Churche of Ierusalem tooke vppon hym a vowe and foure other men with hym and purifyed themselues after the manner of the Iewes If the Apostle of God saye they woulde vse the ceremonyes of the lawe alreadye abolyshed we maye also be suffred sometymes to admitte and to be present at rites and ceremonyes so long tyme receaued The sūme of the Preaching of Paule But that thys may the playnlyer be vnderstande we muste knowe that thys was the summe of the Preachyng of Paule We thynke that a man is iustifyed by fayth without workes As many as are vnder the law the same are vnder the curse The iuste man shall lyue by hys fayth How far legall ceremonies were graunted or condemned in the primatiue church Wherefore the Apostle in that fyrst tyme of the Preachyng of the Gospel dyd not condemne the ceremonyes and obseruations of the lawe towarde the Hebrues vnlesse they were retayned
before other kynde of men had the promise of saluation neither are they paste all hope when as daylye some of them although but a fewe retourne vnto Christ Blindnesse sayeth Paule to the Romanes fell partly on Israel as though he woulde say not on al. Moreouer the same Apostle addeth when the fulnesse of the Gentiles is entred then all Israell shall be saued And least thou shouldest peraduenture thinke that these wordes are to bee vnderstand allegorically Paule writeth them as a miserye and to confyrme his sentence he bryngeth the Prophecye of Esay the Prophet namely that iniquitie shal be then taken away from Iacob Furthermore they are now called enemyes vnto God for our sakes but called frends bycause of their fathers The same Augustine in hys Questions vppon the Gospell the second boke and xxxiii Question if that these bookes be of Augustine his writing when he interpreteth the parable of the prodigal sonne he sayeth that that sonne signifyeth the Gentiles For it is written that he departed into a farre countrey bycause the Ethnikes were so farre departed from God that they openly worshipped Idoles and with open profession But the elder sonne by whome was shadowed the people of the Hebrewes went not so farre And although he were not in hys Fathers house whiche is the Churche he dwelled for all that in the fielde For the Iewes are exercised in the holy Scriptures whiche they doe not ryghtlye vnderstande nor yet with that spirituall sense wherein the Churche of Christe taketh them but in an earthlye and carnall sense Wherefore they are not vnaptelye sayde to bee in the fielde Thys Elder sonne entreth not at the begynnyng into the house of hys Father but in the latter dayes he shall also bee called and come The same Father also bringeth for thys sentence that which is written in the 58. Psalme as he readeth it Do not kil them least they forget thy law but in thy power disperse them The Sonne of God sayth he prayeth vnto the father that that nation might not be destroyed but might wander euery where throughout the worlde Other prouinces when they were ouercome of the Romanes followed the lawes and rites of the Romanes The Iewes receaued not the lawes and customes of the Romanes so that at the length they were made Romanes but the Iewes although they were ouercome by the Romanes yet woulde they neuer followe their lawes rites and ceremonies they yet obserue theyr owne as muche as they maye and being dispersed they wander abroade Neither haue they vtterly forgotten the lawe of GOD not that they Godlye applye themselues to obserue it but only reade it and kepe certayne signes and institutions wherby they are discerned from other Nations Moreouer it semeth that God hath put a signe vppon them as he dyd vppon Caine bycause he had killed his brother Abell namely that euery man shoulde not kill them The dispersing of the Iewes is profitable to Christians Neyther is thys theyr dispersion through oute the worlde vnprofitable to the Christians bycause as it is written to the Romanes they are shewed vnto vs as broken bowes And for so much as we were grafted in their place when as we see that they were so miserably cut of we acknowledge the grace of god toward vs and by beholding of them we are taught to take heede that we also bee not likewyse cut of for infidelitie sake for which self cause they are broken of There is also an other commoditie whiche commeth vnto vs by theyr dispersing bycause our bookes are saued by them I meane the holy Byble whiche they euery where carye aboute with them and reade And althoughe bycause they are blynded Against those whiche burne the Bibles in Hebrewe they beleue not yet they confesse that those writynges are moste true They are in harte deadly enemyes agaynst vs but by these bookes which they haue and reuerence they are a testimonye to our religion Wherefore I can not inough meruaile at those whiche doe so much hate the Iewes tongue and Bibles in Hebrewe Augustine that they desire to haue them destroyed and burnte when as Augustine de doctrina Christiana thinketh that if we chaunce somtymes to doubt of the Greke or Latin translation we must fly vnto the truth of the Hebrue And Ierome in many places writeth the same Whether the Hebrues haue corrupted the bokes of holy scriptures Ierome But they say that the holy bookes were vitiated and corrupted by the Hebrues To thys Ierome vpon Esaye the .vi. Chapter towarde the ende aunswereth thus Eyther they dyd thys before the comming of Christ and Preachyng of the Apostles or els afterwarde If a man will saye that it was done of them before then seing Christ and his Apostles reprehended the moste greuous wicked actes of the Iewes I maruaile why they would speake nothing of that sacrilege and so detestable a wicked acte Vndoubtedly they woulde haue reproued them for viciating and corrupting the Scriptures But if thou wilt contend that there were afterward faultes brought in by them then will I say that they ought chiefly to haue corrupted those places which do testifye of Christ and his religiō and which were alledged by the Lord himself and of the Apostles in the newe Testament But they remaine vncorrupt and the same sentence remaineth stil in the Hebrue Bibles which they put For they wer not so carefull for the words Wherfore it is not likely that they as touching other places haue corrupted the holy scriptures Yea if a man diligently reade ouer their bookes he shall finde in them a great many more testimonyes and those more plaine and manifest than our common traslatiō hath Do not they read in the second Psalme Kysse ye the sonne which ours haue translated Take ye hold of discipline Which woordes vndoubtedly are referred vnto Christ But I meane not at this present to bring all such testimonies It is sufficient if with Ierome I proue that the bokes of holy Scriptures are not corrupted by the Hebrues neither assuredly if they woulde they should haue missed of their purpose For there are found many most auncient handwritten bookes which haue bene of a long time most diligently kept by Christians which came neuer in their hands to corrupt But let vs retourne to treate of that commoditye which Augustine hath declared There are very many sayeth he that would peraduenture thinke that those things which we declare of the auncient people and of the Prophets are vayne and fayned of vs vnlesse they saw the Iewes yet remaining on liue The Hebrues their bokes ar most plaine witnesses of our fayth which with their bookes maintaine our sentence euē against their will Wherfore although the Hebrues be blinded in hart are against vs as much as they maye yet are they with their bokes most plaine witnesses of our fayth And vndoubtedly of al testimonies that testimony is most of value God wil haue a church euen
places of the scriptures which should be superfluous now to declare Some supposed that some certayne spirite was sent from God whiche appeared vnto the people in a visible forme and reproued them as he was commaunded And they persuade them selues that he was first sene in Gilgal and there commaunded the people to ascend from thence to a place whiche was afterward called Bochim of weapyng The Hebrew word Melach is not agaynst this interpretation and that maketh with it also bycause he speaketh as God The aungell speaketh in the person of God I haue made you sayth he to ascend out of Egypt With whiche selfe same kinde of speache the Aungell in Genesis spake to Abraham and in Exodus to Moses Where it is also written that God put his name in him But it semed vnto the auncient fathers That aungell whiche spake vnto the fathers is thought to haue ben christ that that aungell which in the olde Testament appeared spake in the name of God was Christ the sonne of God For it is writtē in Iohn No man hath sene God at any tyme the sonne which in the bosome of the father he hath declared him These wordes declare vnto vs that what soeuer thinges are sayd to haue ben spoken by God in the olde Testament the same were made open by Christ But other suppose that this messanger or legate was a minister of the Churche that is either a Priest or a Prophet whose office was to reprehend the sinnes of the people Amonge the Hebrew Rabines Leui the sonne of Gerson Leui the sonne of Gerson doth therfore thinke this to be very likely bycause it is not conuenient that an aungell should openly speake to so great a multitude But his reason is very weake for seing God whē he gaue the lawe spake in the mount Sina to the whole multitude of the Hebrues what should let but that he could teache an angell to do the same But this is of some what more strength bycause it is declared in the history that this messanger ascended from Gilgal to Bochim For if he were an angell it semeth that it should rather haue ben sayd that he discended from heauen not ascended from Gilgal to Bochim And surely it appeareth a fayned thing that they fayne that he first appeared in Gilgal and then called the people together to Bochim For he mought haue in Gilgal expressed vnto the people those thinges whiche he afterward declared in Bochim Wherfore the Hebrues affirme that this Prophet or Priest receaued in Gilgal the spirite and inspiration of God wherewith he was stirred vp and appoynted to the assembly of the people whiche then for certaine causes were assembled in Bochim Praises of Phineas the priest there to expresse the commaundementes of God to the people yea they say that that Prophet was Phineas the Priest the nephew of Aaron I meane the sonne of Eleazar for he was a very seuere man and most zelous of godlynesse and righteousnesse In the booke of Numb it is mencioned how he slew Zamri a prince of the family of Simeon namely for this bycause he cōmitted open fornicatiō with a Madianitishe harlot And the father of the harlot was a prince among the Madianites And God manifestly allowed the zeale of Phineas For he promised him the priesthode of his nation with an euerlastyng couenaunt and ceassed from destroyeng the people being mitigated with his noble acte Phineas therfore was not onely godly but also of a stoute and valiaunte courage He feared not for gods cause to entre into grieuous hatreds and to put himselfe to present daunger Wherfore Dauid in the 106. Psalme rehearsing this history commendeth him after this sorte Phineas stode vp and reuenged and the plague ceassed and it was coūted vnto him for righteousnesse from generation to generation for euer Wherfore that acte whiche by his owne nature mought haue semed cruell and horrible did not onely please God and was of him allowed for a iust acte but he also deliuered the people from a most grieuous plague wherewith they were then vexed The counte of the yeares if they be rightly counted is not agaynst this opinion now alleged Yea and it is found in this selfe same boke that he was on lyue when warre was made agaynst the tribe of Beniamin to reuenge the wicked acte perpetrated in Gabaa R. Salomoh Rabbi Salomoh also declareth that the booke which is entituled Sedar Olam testifieth the same Kimhi Likewise Dauid Kimhi the old Hebrues seme to encline to this opinion But what soeuer he was I thinke it skilleth not much This ought to be most certain and sure that the thinges declared by him were the wordes of God Where Gilgal lyeth Gilgal is a citie lyeng in the playne of Iordane not farre from the citie of Iericho And it had that name hereof bycause there Iosuah by the commaundemēt of the Lord prouided that the people of Israel whiche had wandred vncircumcised thoroughe the wildernesse celebrated a solēpne circumcision And when they had so done God aunswered that he had remoued from thē the reproche of Egypt For Gal signifieth in Hebrew to turne away and to remoue Moreouer in that place but not at that tyme but long before was the tabernacle the Arke of the couenaunt Namely in the tyme of Iosuah when the people passed ouer Iordane And by that meanes that place was counted religious Wherfore Saul the first king of the Hebrues was annoynted in Gilgal But Bochim was so called of thē whiche wept as we shall strayght waye heare And it is called so now by the figure Prolepsis bycause it was not yet named by that name And as it appeareth by the history they goyng from Gilgal ascended to Bochim Furthermore we must note that the legate speaketh not in hys owne name but in the name of God yet he vseth not those kinde of phrases which the other Prophetes did namely Thus saith the Lord. c. The word of the Lord came vnto me c. And in rehearsing the benefites bestowed on the people First of all he maketh mencion of the delyuery of their fathers out of Egypte bycause that had newly happened vnto the Hebrues The benefites of God are like wordes which testifie of hys nature goodnesse And God to the end the knowledge of him should not be blotted out vseth to put men in mynde of those benefites that he hath bestowed on thē and will haue thē to be as certain wordes expressing his nature and goodnesse vnto vs. And he alwayes begynneth his rehearsall at thinges that are latest done and of them he claymeth vnto him selfe titles or names attributed vnto him God taketh surnames by hys benefites by whiche he would be both called vpon and also knowen for at the beginning God was called vpon by that that he created heauen and earth and afterward by that that he was the God of Abraham Isaac and Iacob After that
diuelish madnes was this to count those gods for true goddes which could not vndoubtedly against the Lord helpe euen those whyche woorshypped them An outwarde signe of worshipping And in this hebrew woord Veiischtechou is properly noted that they threwe them selues to the ground prostrated them selues before those idoles by which outward signe is declared the adoration For as the bodye prostrateth it selfe so also the soule is declared to be subiect vnto the Idole And this woorde Bealim is expressed in the plurall nomber But the Hebrewes sometymes take it for the syngular number And althoughe by the strengthe of the woorde it shoulde bee translated Lordes yet wee muste in many places tourne it Lord. For thys woorde Baal signifieth a Lorde a Husbande a Patrone and suche like What Baal Bealim signifi Astharoth Thys woord Astharoth is lykewise spoken in the plurall number And the Idole is so called bicause it stoode to be woorshipped in fourme of a Sheepe for a Sheepe in hebrew is called Aschtor And as it appeareth by the first booke of Kynges it was an Idole of the Zidonians Iupiter Ammō was expressed by the figure of a Ramme Augustine wherunto Salomon by the instigation of his wyues buylded sometimes a Chappell But what God the Ethnikes woorshypped in the fourme of a Sheepe I do not very well knowe How be it this I am sure of that Iupiter Ammon was figured like a Ramme And Augustine who being of Affrica had the Affricke speche perfectly which as we haue taught in an other place differeth not much from the hebrew toung Virgil. What Baal Astharoth wer with the Affricians for they of Affricke are Phenitians for they came from Tyre and Sydon Wherefore Virgil called Dido a Sidonian Augustine I say writeth that the Affricians called Iupiter by the name of Baal as the Lord of all And by this name Astharoth are signified Iunos bicause that Asther in that toung signifieth Iuno But why that woorde was spoken in the plurall number he thincketh it was therefore done bicause there were very many ymages of that Goddesse And I wyll adde bicause those gods had obtayned sundry properties and reasons as well by their offices appointed vnto them as by the places where they woorshypped For Iupiter was called Ammon Stator Pheretrius and Hospitalis Iuno also was called Lucina Argiua Samia c. I thinke we may gather by this history Religiō nedeth continually to be purged that the nature of man is so frayle and weake that it can not long abyde in the sincere and pure woorshipping of God Wherby it commeth that religion hath continually nede of repairing and purging For the Israelites as soone as their good Prince and godlye Magistrate was dead fell straight way from true godlynes Moreouer the same oftentimes happened vnder their kinges yea and in our Churche it happeneth after the same sort For we haue seene and we haue with great griefe had experience that the Apostles being taken away yea and when they were yet lyuyng ther sprang foorth many and sundry errours Which vndoubtedlye is no maruaile when as Christ hath foretolde vs that after the good seede was sowen straight way the enuious man came which sowed tares therwithall ¶ Of Idolatry BVt bycause we haue now heard of the transgression of the Hebrewes how they polluted them selues with Idolatry I thinke it good to speake a fewe wordes of thys detestable synne The woord is a greeke woord and is compounded of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it is nothing els but the worshipping of Idoles The Etimologye of Idolatry What an Idol is And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is deriued of this woord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth a fourme or as you woulde saye a shape But an Idole is as wee nowe speake of it euerye fourme or shape whyche menne haue inuented vnto them selues to signifye or expresse God And as there are found many and sundry matters of these fourmes so also are ther diuers kindes of Idoles Wherfore whether they be stones wood or mettals A diuision of Idoles by matters by which God is outwardly expressed there to be worshipped these are grosse and most manyfest Idoles There may be also a spiritual matter which then happeneth when those formes and images are nothing els but the conceauinges of the hart and minde which men make for them selues to represent God An Idole visible inuisible not as the Scripture declareth him but rashly and according to their own fantasy Wherfore according to the conditions of the matter an Idole is deuided into two kindes Two partes of religious worshipping the one is outward visible which runneth into the senses of man and the other is inward that is wrought in the inward partes of the mynde There are also twoo partes of religious woorshipping The one is inwarde Of what thinges inwarde woorshipping consisteth wherein wee beleue in God hymselfe wee put our confidence in him wee geue him thankes wee submyt our selues and ours vnto hym and religiouslye by prayers call vpon hym Of these actions vndoubtedly the inwarde adoration consisteth Of what thinges outward worshipping cōsisteth But the other part hath outward notes whereby we expresse our hart in prostrating the body in bowing the knee in vncouering the head in speaking and in exercising rites and ceremonies instituted by God And this is an outwarde woorshipping or adoration Outward sygnes of adoratiō are also geuen vnto Princes But wee must note that suche outwarde signes of bowing the body or knees and suche other lyke are also geuen vnto creatures to Princes I saye and Kinges which doo in earth represent vnto men the authority of God and are his Vicars in the administration of thinges And without doubt they are then to bee esteemed nothing els but certaine sure testimonies by which as many as are Subiectes doo trulye and from the hart confesse that they in the name of God wyll be subiect and obey such powers as much as shal be by godlynes and the woord of God lawfull But we must there take heede least in our inward iudgement we attribute more vnto them than is meete What we must beware of whē we geue vnto Princes signes of adoration or looke for greater thinges at theyr handes than their power and might is able to perfourme Otherwise we should not auoyde idolatrye Wherefore if a man in bowing him selfe to his Prince would testifye that his Prince coulde not erre and that it were lawfull for him to doo any thing and as he lust him selfe to commaunde whatsoeuer pleased him that man vodoubtedly should be counted an Idolatrer and should commit the same both inwardly and outwardlye The Papistes commit Idolatrye towarde their Pope And whether the hirelinges of the Pope vse this we may hereby easely gather bicause they do so throw them selues downe at his feete that there testify that they wyll be
plaine this question at the length is called againe to the will For who soeuer can let and prohibite any thing that is euil and doth it not it is manyfest that after a sort he is willing therunto Besides that he permitteth it not against his wyll God doth not idlelye beholde those thinges whych are done o◠men but worketh together with them Esay 5. but willinglye Wherefore a wyll without doubt is contayned in that permission But now must we shew that God when sinnes are committed doth not ydely looke on yea he woorketh somwhat there For Esay in the .v. chap. saythe that God would geue a token and with his hissing cal a nation from the vtmost partes of the earth which should ouerthrow the kingdome of the Hebrues as their synnes had deserued By which it manifestly appeareth that God stirreth vp Tyrannes and outward nations to these vniust warres Esay 10. Also in the .x. chap. the same Prophet pronounceth that king to be wicked which in that expedition was in the hand of God as a saw a staffe and an axe There is no man ignoraunt but that al these thinges do so woorke and moue that they be first moued Yea and that proud king is therfore reprehended bicause he so exalted himselfe as though he wer God who had by him brought such and so great thinges to passe Gen 45. Ioseph also in the booke of Genesis said vnto his brethren which had by a wicked cōspiracy sold him It was not you but god that sent me into Egipt In the first booke of the kinges also 1. kinges 22. and the .xxii. chap Sathan who was readye to deceaue Achab was commaunded by God to do it to preuaile Which words declare that God himselfe commaundeth and also stirreth vp to deceaue Further it is written in the Prouerbes the .xxi. chap. Prouerbes 21. The hart of the king is in the hand of God he shal incline it whether soeuer he wyl The scripture saith also of Pharao Exodus 9.10.11 Rom. 9. kinges seme free from humayne lawes but God boweth them whether he wyll which place Paul alledgeth that his hart was hardened by God Neither maketh this anye thing against it Pharao was hardened both of god of hym self if thou shalt say that it is written in the .viii. chap. of Exodus that Pharao hardened himselfe for as muche as bothe sayinges are true For God doth no violence to the wyll of man seing that nothing is more contrarye vnto it than to make it to doo any thing vnwillingly or by compulsion Howbeit it is chaunged and bowed of God so softly and pleasantly that it willinglye without violence inclineth to whatsoeuer pleaseth God Augustine And it often times happeneth as Augustine in diuers places hath taught that God punisheth former sinnes by latter synnes And the holye scriptures before Augustines time testified the same especiallye Paule in his Epistle to the Roma the first chap. Wherfore God hath in his hand the affections of our hart which he loseth or restraineth as shal seeme good to his most wise prouidence turneth them whithersoeuer it shal please him And so great is his power God worketh more as touching sinnes than is expressed by the worde permission 2. Thess 2. that we must beleue that he worketh much more than may be expressed by the woord of permission For Paul feared not thus to write vnto the Thessalonians bycause they haue not receaued the loue of the truth therfore shal God send on them an error so that they shal beleue lyes al they shal be iudged which haue not beleued the truth but allowed vnrighteousnes These wordes manifestly testifye that God did cast error vpon them to punish their former sinne namelye vpon those which despised the truth offered them Dauid also semeth to tend to this when in the .2 booke of Samuel the .16 chap. he said of Simeck Suffer him 2. Sam 16. for God hath cōmaunded him to curse me Also in the same booke the .12 chap. God by Nathan the Prophet saith of Dauid which had grieuously fallen 2. Sam 12. behold I wyll stirre vp euil against thee wil take thy wiues geue them vnto thy neighbour who shal sleepe with them this diddest thou secretly but I wil do this thing openly in the eyes of the Sunne and of all Israel If the matter be so thou wilt say they which sinne shall easily be excused The sinnes of men are not excused by the working of god for they may sone say that they wer by God moued stirred vp to sin Not so For mē ar not so deliuered by God vnto sins as though they wer them selues pure innocent For they which ar so stirred vp to naughtines haue worthily deserued the same And the same men are not driuen against their wil but they wonderfully delite themselues in those transgressions and sinnes Wherefore their excuse is foolishe or rather none But this semeth to be agaynst the things before said Whither God do together both hate wil sinnes bicause in the Psalmes it is wrytten that God is such a one as willeth no iniquity and hateth synnes And vndoubtedly he is so in dede For vnles he hated sinnes why should he punish them for thinges that are allowed are not wont to be punished Farther he hath most seuerely prohibited them by his lawes But as touching this A distinction of the wyll of God thus must we decree of the wil of god that it is in nature and very dede one whych yet may be deuided for diuers and sundry respectes For as it is set foorth in the scriptures the law he condemneth sinnes he prohibiteth them and threatneth most grieuous punishments vnto them Howbeit bicause he directeth the same sinnes whithersoeuer he wil vseth them to his counsels and decrees neyther when he may letteth them it is therfore sayd that after a sort he wylleth them Neither is it meete to deny that such sundry respectes are in the wyl of god For god would before al beginninges haue his sonne sacrificed vnto him for a most swete sacrifice who yet himself said in the law Thou shalt not kil thou shalt not shed innocent bloud God also forbad that any shoulde be deceaued who for all that would haue Achab to be deceaued of Sathan Christ was killed by the will of God as we haue a lyttle before mencioned And least any man should doubt that Christ was put to death by the wyl of God we may se in the actes of the Apostles that it is most manifestly said that the Iewes did those things which God by his counsel had before ordained What then Shal we say that god is the cause of synne Not so God if we speake properli is not the cause of sinne for if we wil speake properly and that it may the more manifestly appeare we must marke that one selfe acte as it is deriued from
vs is verye synne but in respecte that it commeth from God it is both good iust and holy For punishment is by God imposed to wycked men And to punishe synnes no man is ignoraunt but that it partayneth to iustice Wherfore God in withdrawing his grace from the vngodly and ministring some occasions which might moue to good things if they happened to right iust mindes and which he knoweth the wicked wyll turne to euil may after a sort although not properly be said to be the cause of sinne And vndoubtedly that act A â—â—militude in that it passeth through vs is sinne but not as it coÌ„meth from God For in that it coÌ„meth froÌ„ God it is most perfect iustice It happeneth somtimes that the self same wine being poured into a corrupt vessell is lost and made paide which wine as it was brought by the husbandmaÌ„ put into the vessel is both swete and good Neither is it hard to vnderstand how one the selfe same act may as touching one be vicious in respect of an other iust For when a murtherer hangman do kill a man the act as touching the matter or subiect without doubt is al one namelye the death of a man And yet the murtherer doth it most vniustly the hangman by law and iustice Iob also did wel vnderstand that when he said The Lord gaue the Lord hath taken away as it hath pleased him so is it done He did not by those wordes praise the Chaldians Sabines the Deuil which wer vessels of iniquity most vicious but he with great godlines allowed those euils as they were gouerned ruled by the prouidence of God namely for this cause bicause they pleased God It is also written in the .2 booke of Samuel the .24 chap. of Dauid who vnaduisedly wold haue the people numbred how God was angry with Israel therfore he styrred vp Dauid to do that And in the booke of Paral. it is writteÌ„ that Sathan was the doer of it For God doth those thinges which he wil haue done by Angels as wel good as euil Wherfore that numbring of the people as it proceeded of Dauid or the Deuil was in dede vicious but in that it came from God who intended to punish the Israelites it pertayned excedingly to the setting foorth of hys iustice Howbeit Iames sayth that God tempteth none to euyll but euery one of vs is allured by our own concupiscence Augustine Whyther God tempt or no. Augustine wryting of thys thyng in hys booke de consensa Euangelistarum saith that there are two kyndes of temptacion the one of trial the other of deceite And in dede as touching tryal he denyeth not but that God tempteth for that the scriptures do confesse it But with that kinde of temptation which deceaueth whereof Iames wrote he sayth that God tempteth no man But the scriptures teache not so as we haue declared a litle before of Dauid and before him of Achab. Yea and in Ezechiel the .14 chap. god saith that he had deceaued the Prophet And the same Augustine writeth not after the same maner in other places as it manifestly appeareth in hys bookes de Praedest Sanctorum de Cerrept Gratia ad Valent. and in hys .5 booke and .3 chap. contra Iulianum Wherfore the true interpretatioÌ„ of this place is that euery man is therfore tempted of his own concupiscence bicause al men haue their natural disease which is corruption and vicious lusts which ar together borne with them do also grow and increase in them Wherefore God instylleth no malice of his for we haue inough at home Therefore he cannot bee accused for as much as the beginning of vngodlines wickednes commeth not from hym God when he wyl bringeth to lyght our frowaconesse of mynde but lieth hid in vs. He ought not therefore to bee counted to geue the cause and fault who yet when it semeth good vnto him wil for iust causes haue our lusts wickednes brought to light and rule gouerne our wicked acts therby more and more to illustrate his iustice and glorye to aduaunce the saluation of the godly Wherfore his singular goodnes and prouidence is very much to be praised which can so iustly and wisely vse so wycked meanes Whence the variety of pronenesse to synne commeth But if a man wil aske how it happeneth that some are more prone to sinnes than others if as it is sayd malice wyckednes ar rooted into vs al from our byrth neither is it nede that any new or latter malice should be instilled in vs froÌ„ God And seyng that we ar al brought forth of one the selfe same lumpe and that lumpe likewise is altogether viciated it shoulde seeme that all also ought to be of a like disposition and inclination to wickednes But thys is diligently to be weighed that besides thys disposition ther happen naturall malices maners customes wicked qualities fellowshippes temperatures of bodies sundry parentes diuers countries and manifold causes wherby some are made more or lesse prone vnto sins which pronenesse of ours God according to his iustice goodnes and wisdome vseth and stirreth it vp gouerneth and ruleth it And this is not to be forgotten that none of vs haue so in our selues the beginninges of good actes which truely please God as wee euen from the verye birth haue within vs the beginninges of sins For they ar inspired in vs by the holy ghost and we continuallye receaue them of God neither burst they foorth out of the corrupt beginninges of our nature Now resteth to see from whence after the synne of Adam that frowardnes and corruption came Whether the first corruption after the synne of Adam were deriued froÌ„ god or no. and whither it wer deriued from God to punish the wicked act which was committed I answer that we maye not so thynke for man was for the fault which he had committed allenated from god wherfore he iustly withrew from him his giftes fauour and grace And our nature being left vnto it self falleth and declineth to woorse and woorse yea it coÌ„meth to nothyng from whence it was brought forth at the beginning Wherefore we must seke for no other efficieÌ„t cause of that corruption Wherefore by that wythdrawing of giftes and grace and departure from God which is the fountain of al good thinges nature is by it self throwen headlong into vice and corruption But now let vs returne to the history 12 Againe the children of Israel dyd euill in the syght of the Lord. And the Lord strengthened Eglon king of Moab against Israel bicause that they had done euyl in the sight of the Lord. 13 And this Eglon gathered vnto him the Chyldren of Ammon and Amalek and went and smote Israel and they possessed the city of Palme trees 14 And the childreÌ„ of Israel serued Eglon king of Moab .18 yeres The history declareth first the sinne which the Israelites committed then it
in hys right hand Yet let vs remember that god for the executing of noble dedes enterprises for the most part choseth the weake vnapt ones as the first epistle to the Corin. testifieth Brethren see to your calling how that not many noble men not many wise men not many mighty men are chosen but God hath chosen the folishe things of the world to put to shame the wise he hath chosen the weake things to ouerthrow things that are mighty also vile things and thinges of no reputation hath God chosē to confound things of reputation that no flesh should be glorified in his sight c. For as much as the glorye of God shoulde easlye bee darkened by the power wisedome of men Wherfore that that glory might excel he hath elected the folyshenesse of preaching he hath also chosen vnto himselfe rude Apostles and weake and feable men by whom he myghte shewe forth hys wonderfull workes Howbeit bycause that which was now done by Ehud seemeth to be done by crafte subtilitye and guile it is declared what occasion God gaue of this noble dede And by him the children of Israell sent a present vnto Eglon. God would therfore haue this messanger chosē that he might the easlier come to the presence of the King And I suppose that the present which they sent vnto Eglon was not the ordinary tribute which they payd but some honorable gift ther by to make the King more fauourable towards thē or els to obtayne somewhat at his hands For tribute is called by an other woord of the Hebrewes than by this word Minchah For that word is deriued of this verbe Nachah Minchah which is to bring or to offre Wherfore Minchah signified not only an oblation which was appointed for sacrifices but also a present and gift presented vnto noble men And for that cause in the booke of Genesis those thinges whiche Iacob as a gifte sent vnto his brother Esau before he came vnto him are called by the same name And when Ehud saw that he was called to a weighty and perilous enterpryse although he nothing doubted of the successe thereof yet he diligentlye weyghed with himselfe the daungers to the end he myght the more prudently auoyde them The callyng of GOD causeth vs to haue a sure confidence but yet it nothyng letteth but that we maye meditate howe we maye warely and wysely execute it Ehud therefore reuoluing with himselfe the thynges that were to be done caused that thyng to bee made for him whiche the holy historye by these wordes declareth 16 And Ehud made him a sword with two edges of a cubite lēgth and he girded it vnder his raymente vpon his right thigh 17 He presented the present vnto Eglon King of Moab And Eglon was a very fatte man 18 And when he had presented the presente he sent away the people that bare the present 19 But he himself returned agayne from the quarry of stones that was in Gilgal and sayd I haue a secret errand vnto thee O King whoe aunswered Kepe silence And all they that stoode neere went forth Ehud made him a two edged sworde whiche hauing a most sharpe edge on both sides mighte both easlye pearse and cutte and also quickely strike through the bodye He caused it also to be made but a Cubite in length that he might the easlier hide it What is the stature of Pigmeians Neyther is this woorde Gamar any other thing with the Hebrewes than Amah Wherefore the Pigmeians in Ezechiell the .xxvii. Chapiter are called Gamerim and therfore so called bicause they are but a Cubite in stature And such a short sworde the Latines call Sica that is a scayne He hidde it vnder his garments for if he had worne hys sworde openlye eyther he shoulde haue bene compelled to laye awaye his sworde or elles he shoulde haue had no accesse vnto the Kyng For Tirannes will not easely admitte armed men priuately to talke with them Furthermore if it had bene marked that at hys departure when he had killed the King he caryed not hys sworde with hym as he broughte it hys enterprise woulde easelye haue beene suspected He gyrded the shorte sworde vppon hys ryghte thye that he myght handsomly take it with his left hand which only he was able to vse Eglon was a very grosse man It is no straunge thing that Princes are troubled with ouermuch fatnesse For they liue delicately they eate and drinke aboundauntly and very litle exercise theyr minde and bodye Agag the Kyng of Amalek is in the fyrste booke of Samuell described to haue beene suche an other And he sent the people awaye namely those whiche broughte the gifte And returned from the place of grauen Images which were by Gilgall Those men which Ehud sent away were eyther fellowes of the message or they which bare the gift that should be offred vnto the king By good aduise he sent those away frō him bicause he would talke with the king alone without any arbiterers And he saw that whē he had finished his purpose he should by flying away a great deale better saue himself being alone thā he shuld do if he had many ioyned with him Conspiracies cōmunicated to many haue seldome good successe bycause then he should not haue bene carefull onely howe to saue himself but also how to saue others Farther conspiracies whē they are communicated to many haue very seldome good successe Peraduenture also he woulde endaunger but himselfe only and not bring others into daunger with him Wherefore he sent them awaye that if any daunger shoulde peraduenture happen they might be in safetye And the place fro whence he retourned is called Pesilim of this verbe Pasall which is to cut or graue bycause peraduenture there were in that place eyther a quarrey of stones or elles some Idoles of late set vp by Eglon. For Gilgal was among the Iewes counted a religious place For the arke of the couenaunt remayned there a while and we read that the Israelites after they were passed ouer Iordane rested first in that place and celebrated a general circumcision there Wherfore it might easlye come to passe the Eglon in contempte of the Hebrewes had there placed images and idoles Ehud when he had there sent away his fellowes returned againe alone vnto the king to whom he sayd I haue a secret businesse to tell thee O Kyng As touching the propre signification of his talke he tolde the truth as it was For Dabar signifieth with the Hebrewes not only a word but also a thing and businesse But bicause Eglon was thereby deceaued and he spake these thinges to deceaue he made a lye also The King when he heard thys answered Holde thy peace Beckening vnto him to tell it him secretly not to speake it before all them which stoode then by 20 And Ehud came vnto him and he sat in a sommer parler alone and Ehud said I haue a message vnto thee from God And
manner he were assured either to liue in perpetual seruitude or els to be put to a most cruel death I aunswere that in my iudgemēt he ought to returne vnto them for as much as in this case there is no daunger but as touching goods of this world of money I say liberty life of the body whiche are not so muche to be estemed that for their sakes an othe or the name of GOD should be violated And the verse of Dauid before brought serueth aptly for this purpose And this sentence is so firme true that euen an Ethnike Attilius Regulus Marcus Attilius Regulus I say knew it For he returned to Carthago where he knew certaynly that either he should be in perpetual seruitude or els lose his life and that most cruelly Neither canst thou aunswere me that he did foolishly therin bycause the Romayne lawes as we haue before said de captiuis postliminio reuersis in lege postliminiū Paragrapho Captiuus do ordeyne and holyly decree that he should not be counted to enioy the benefite of the law postliminius which had promised to returne agayn Farther the nature of man persuadeth the selfe same thing for it is ciuile delighteth in society Wherefore next to God and godlines towarde him there is nothing whiche ought more to esteme then fayth whiche wonderfully helpeth humane fellowship For without it it is not possible for men to liue together Farther who will not say that the money liberty and life of one man is rather to be lost then the money libertyes and liues of innumerable men For if couenantes and promyses be not kept with those thieues henceforth they will geue credet to no man that they shall take they would sende home none to their owne house to fetche their raunsome but as many as they take either they will kill them or els kepe them with them in miserable and perpetuall bondage Lastly this I thinke good to admonishe you of that in othes let signes of vniuersality trouble no man As if a man promise and swere vnto hys frende that he wil be an helper vnto him in all thinges or if a man promise and sweare vnto a Scoole or vnto the Churche that he will do and obserue all thynges whiche it shall decree How it is lawfull to sweare certain thyngs vniuersally For all suche kynde of speaches as it appeareth by that whiche we haue sayde are to be vnderstande so that the obedience of the worde of God be kepte And vndoutedly althoughe that clause be by the nature of another vnderstād alwayes to be added yet for al that it is the duty of godly mē to expresse it when they are receaued into any vniuersity College office corporatiō or felowship according to the custome are cōpelled to sweare for to obserue statutes lawes decrees It is the sure way I say by expresse wordes to testifie that they wil obserue all those things vnles they shal finde that any of the same ar against the word of god And as touching this matter I think I haue spokē sufficiēt now Our Ehud vsed euill guile I graunt but yet agaynst hys enemy Neither doth the scripture make mencion of any othe that was made betwene him Eglon the kyng And though there had ben an othe yet he had ben quitte of it for as much as the stirring vp of god wherby god opened vnto him his will had abrogated it ¶ Of Truth and of a Lye NOw resteth to intreate of the second question namely Of Truth Whether it be lawfull for a good godly mā to lye But first before I entreat of a lye I thinke it good somwhat to speake of truth whiche vndoubtedly is an excellent vertue Truth as saith Tullius de Inuentione is wherby things which are Tullius whiche haue ben which shal be are spoken vnaltered Wherin we first note that it cōsisteth in wordes for saith he they are spokē not that I am ignoraūt that both dumbe men also other mē speake somtime by signes Augustine but bycause as saith Augustine in his first boke de doctrina Christiana wordes among other signes are the principall most playne Farther we are hereby taught that truth is not only to be considered as touching one difference of time but as concerning thre differēces for he saith both those thinges which are and whiche haue ben which shal be These things vndoubtedly are then spoken truly when they are set forth vnaltered that is euen as they are by speaking made neither more ample nor lesse than they are Augustine This selfe same thing almost hath Augustine sayd in his booke de vera Religione chap 36. where he writeth that the truth is whereby the whiche is is signified Truth is a vertue And it is a vertue bycause by it men are made prone redy to speake that which is true The generall worde of it is equalitie The generall of vertue is equalitie wherunto is ioyned in steade of difference this voyce namely of wordes to the thinges which are signified And as it is well knowen of all men all vertues leuel vnto the middest flye frō extremities Two faultes in speaches Wherfore in kinde of speches thou shalt find two faultes namely if thou shalt speake more than the thing is or els lesse than the thing is Neyther is vertue content with the middest only for we must adde also circumstances which vse continually to followe it Wherfore the truth is not alway to be spokē to euery man neither at all times nor yet of euery thing yet we must not lye but it is wisedome sometimes to kepe close those thinges which we wil not for iust occasiō haue knowen He which should vaunt abrode euery where vnto all mē the gifts of God geuen him he should be counted foolish vnwise as cōtrary he which should boast of a crime What truth requireth wherinto by humane weaknesse he hath fallen should rightly and worthely be reproued Truth therfore requireth this that those things which we haue within vs as touching our sense or wil be signified of vs as it is prudētly rarely Farther the vertue wherof we speake hath chiefly simplicitie ioyned vnto it it is very much contrary vnto doublenesse Besides this it is a part of iustice For it rēdreth vnto things their wordes and to a neighbour the truth which of duty longeth vnto him without whiche truth humane fellowship can not consiste For if a mā should cōtinually suspect him selfe to be deceaued by any man he would neuer beleue him in any thyng Aristotle Whē an Irony is lawfull Wherby amongest men al trades and societies perishe Aristotle in his Ethikes affirmeth that truth declineth sometimes to defection especially when any man speaketh of himselfe For the wisedome requireth that a mā boast not of himselfe Wherfore Paul in his second Epistle to the Corinthians the 12 chap. writeth
when hee taketh the weake ones he straight waye endueth and adorneth them with his grace and gyftes For as muche therefore as he had vnto thys ministerye chosen Deborah beyng weake in kynde hee strayght waye endewed and adorned her wyth the spirite of prophecye By whyche grace and peraduenture manye other moe myracles she was by God constituted and by myracles confirmed as she that was elected vnto so great an office Neyther onely this woman was endewed with the sprite of prophesy We comen prophetesses did openly instruct the people for in the holy scriptures we reade of other women which were likewise inspired by the holy Ghost Mary the sister of Moses Hanna the Mother of Samuel Holda in the time of Iosias the king were Prophetesses And in the new testament Marye the Virgin Elizabeth the mother of Iohn and Anna the wife of Phanuel the daughters also of Phillip the Deacon as it is written in the Actes of the Apostles were prophetesses Neyther do I thinke that we maye denye that some of those weomen endewed with the sprite of prophesy did openly teach the people in declarynge those thynges vnto them whiche God had shewed vnto them Forasmuch as the giftes of God are not therfore geuen that they shoulde lye hidden but to aduaunce the common edifying of the church And yet hereby it followeth not that that which God doth by some peculiar priuiledge we should by and by draw it for an example because according to the rule of the Apostle we are bound vnto an ordinary law whereby both in the Epistle to Timothy and in the first Epistle to the Corrinthians Why wemen are commounded to kepe silence in the church he commaundeth that a woman should kepe silence in the church And he assigneth causes of this silence so commaunded namely because they ought to be subiect vnto theyr husbandes But the office of a teacher hath a certayne authority ouer those whiche are taught which is not to be attributed vnto a womā ouer men For she was made for the man whome she ought alwayes to haue a regarde to obey whiche thing is also appoynted her by the sentence of God wherby after synne committed he sayd vnto the woman Thy lust shal pertayne vnto thy husband Farther the Apostle geueth an other reason drawne from the fyrste faute bicause as he sayth Eua was seduced and not Adam wherfore if women should ordinarily be admitted vnto the holy ministery of the Church men might easely suspecte that the deuill by his accustomed instrument would deceaue the people and for that cause they would the lesse regard the Ecclesiasticall function if women should be beleued It ought therfore to be committed onely to men that by ordinary right and the Apostles rule And though God do sometimes otherwyse yet can he not be iustly accused forasmuch as all lawes are in his power Wherefore if sometimes he send any prophetesse and adorne her with heauenly giftes if the same woman speake in the church vndoubtedly she is to be hearde but in suche sort that she forgette not her owne estate Twoo places of Paule conceliated Wherefore these two testimonies of Paule which seme to be contrary one to an other may easelye be conciliated To Timothe the fyrst Epistle he writeth that a woman ought in the church to kepe silence which thinge toward the ende of the first Epistle to the Corinth he most manifestly confirmeth And in the same epistle he commaundeth that a man prophesieng or praying should haue his hed vncouered but a woman when she prophesieth should haue it couered whereby vndoubtedly he teacheth that it is lawfull for a woman both to speak and also to prophesy in the church For he would not haue commaūded that in this doing she should couer her head if she should vtterly kepe silence in the holy assembly The thinge is in this manner to be taken that we should vnderstande the precept of silence to be a generall precepte but the other which is for the couering of the head when they pray or prophesy pertained onely to those which wer prophetesses They vndoubtedly are not forbidden to prophesy for the common edification of the church Why women prophetesses were commaūded to haue theyr heds couered but to the ende by reason of theyr office extraordinarely committed vnto them they should not forget theyr owne estate and waxe proude they are commaūded to haue their head couered whereby they myght vnderstande that yet they haue the power of man aboue them Farther whereas to Titus the ii chap. it is commaunded that the elder women should admonish the yonger women of temperance and that they should loue theyr husbandes and children and diligently looke to theyr famely this is not to be vnderstand of publike doctrine or ecclesiasticall sermons but of priuate exhortacions which it is meete that the elders haue to the yongers 5 And the same Deborah dwelt vnder a Palme tree betwene Ramath and Bethell in mount Ephraim And the children of Israell ascended vp to her for iudgement How Deborah iudged the people The word of iudging as we haue admonished in this booke oftentimes signifieth to reuenge and to set at liberty Which signification if we now follow we shall se that Deborah was appoynted vnto the same namelye to deliuer the Israelites And as soone as they by the inspiraciō of God vnderstode that they ascēded to her to heare of her what they should do to attayne vnto liberty But if any man wil haue the word of iudgemēt to signify to set lawes or to geue sentence of controuersies I wil not be much against it For so great peraduenture was the oppression of Iabin that now the Israelites could not vse ordinary iudges They therfore being taken away whē they saw that Deborah was endewed with the spirite of God they had rather be iudged by her than by the Chananites Iosephus But Iosephus inclineth more vnto the first interpretation and he saythe that they beinge oppressed by their enemies came vnto Deborah whome they knew to be a most holy woman and endewed with the sprite of god and desired her to pray vnto God for them which she both did and was heard As touching the ministery of the churche how women may be preferred in what sort they are not apt we haue before declared And this we ad now that whē churches ar newly planted when ther want men to preach the Gospel a womā may at the beginning be admitted to teach but in such sorte that when she hath taught a while some one mā of the faithful to be ordeyned which afterward may minister the sacramēts teach faithfully execute the office of a pastor But bicause Deborah was not onely a Prophetesse but also in setting at liberty gouerned ciuil things I might therfore demaund whether a womā may be appoynted to gouern a pub wealth But I haue determined to entreat of this question in an other place namely whē I come
wonder to see how Tyranny hath increased Howe punishments agaynst the clergy which mary haue dayly increased Conciliū Neocaesariensis and impiety by litle and litle taken depe rootes At the begynnyng the Ministers of the Church which contracted matrimonies were not altogether so seuerely handled For the counsell of Neocaesariensis as it is recited in the dist .28 chap. Presbiter cōmaūded such to be put onely out of their office and not from their benefice for they were still norished and receaued their stipendes from the Churche Neither in the meane tyme will I ouerpasse that the coūsel did cast out of the Church such Priests as wer adulterers and whoremongers namely in excommunicating them which was very mete and iust when as our men now a dayes do altogether winke at those sinnes After that they began not onely to put them out of their offices but also as they speake to remoue them from their benefices as it is written in the 33. dist chap. Eos chap. Decreuerunt yea and those which so maried they banished either into a monastery or into some straight place to do penāce but in our tyme they burne many of them And afterwarde they raged also against the women with whom the Ministers had maried as it is founde in the dist 81. Concilium Toletanum out of a certaine counsell holden at Toledo chap Quidam where it is commaunded that the women should be sold And in the dist 34. chap. Eos they are appointed to be seruauntes of that Church wherin the Priest was which hath contracted with them into seruitude and if peraduenture the Byshop could not bring them into seruitude he should commit it vnto the prince or lay Magistrat They banished them also sometimes into a monastery to do penance as it is read in the 34. dist chap Fraternitatis Neither were they content with this cruelty but the children also whiche were by such matrimonies borne would they haue to be seruauntes of that Church wherin their father had ben they depriued them of al their fathers inheritaūce And that is written in the 15. question the last chap Cū multae They do so not punish their adulterous sacrificers and whoremongers neither their harlottes nor yet their bastard children they onely exercise their cruell tyranny vpon the wifes of Priestes and their lawfull children At the laste when they haue almost no other thyng to bring they flye vnto theyr vowe as to a holy anchor They crye out that that must vtterly be kepte and therefore it is not any more lawfull for Ministers to mary bycause when they are ordeyned they do vowe sole lyfe Vow of vniust thinges are of no force As thoughe it were not both by the holy Scriptures and also by humane lawes commaunded that a vowe promise or othe shoulde be of no force if it compell vs to an vniust or vnhonest thyng And who seeth not that it is a thyng very filthy and agaynst the lawe of God that he whiche burneth in filthy luste yea and so burneth that he dayly defileth hymselfe with harlottes adulterers and vnlawfull Vsu veneris should be forbidden matrimonye Vndoubtedly the holy Ghost hath commaunded matrimony to all such as can not kepe themselues chaste yea and the fathers which in this matter are more enemyes to vs than they should sawe this Wherefore Ciprian as touchyng holy virgines Cyprian whiche had vnchastly behaued themselues sayeth If either they will not or can not kepe themselues chast let them mary Ierome Epiphanius Ierome also feared not to wryte the same vnto Demetrius Epiphanius also agaynste the Catharis sayeth It is better those whiche can not kepe themselues chast to mary wyues and sinne onely once than dayly to wounde their myndes with vnpure actions But the opinion of this father I do not in this thyng allowe bycause he affirmeth that those do sinne whiche when they haue made a vowe of chastitye do contracte matrimonye for as longe as they do obeye the voyce of GOD they charge not themselues with sinne Neither do I allowe that his reason wherein he sayth that one sinne is to be committed to auoyde a greater onely this I meane to shewe by his wordes that matrimony is very necessary to suche as can not kepe themselues chaste But I will entreate no more of this thing at this present for I haue aboundantly spoken of all this question in my booke of Vowes And the children of Israel ascended vp to her for iudgement Some affirme that this was done at certayne appoynted dayes so that the Israelites shoulde come to her house as to a certayne oracle and to an interpretor of the lawes of God Or els then they ascended vnto her when he was inspired with the spirite of Prophesye And vndoutedly it is very lykely that she then called the people together when she had any thyng to shewe vnto the Israelites in the name of God And they are sayd properly to ascende bycause in passing ouer the mount Ephraim they came vnto her 6 And she sent and called Barac the sonne of Abinoam out of Cedes Nephthalim and she sayd vnto hym Hath not the Lord God of Israel commaunded thee to go and leade vnto mount Thabor and take with the ten thousand men of thee childrē of Nephthalim and of the sonnes of Zebulon 7 And I wil bring vnto thee vnto the riuer Kison Sisera the captayne of the host of Iabin with his chariots and his people and I will deliuer him into thine handes 8 And Barac sayd vnto her If thou wilt go with me I will go but if thou wilt not go with me I will not go 9 Who answered I will surely go with thee but this iorney that thou takest shall not be for thine honour for the Lord shall delyuer Sisera into the hand of a woman So Deborah rose vp and went with Barac into Cedes Deborah vseth the authoritie of a prince when she citeth Barac vnto her and commaunded him to be called in her owne name he came from the Citie of Cedes That was a Citie of the Priestes in the tribe of Nepthalim and also a Citie of refuge as it is read in Iosuah the 19. chap. Hath not the Lorde God commaunded thee She vseth an interrogatiue speache for that very muche profiteth to stirre vp mindes and earnestly to commaunded any thyng Some thinke that Deborah had more than once yea often tymes admonished Barac in the name of god to accomplishe this office and he for feare lingered it Wherefore she at the last openly and before the Israelites reproueth them And it is as muche as if she should haue sayde In very dede it is God whiche hath commaunded thee these thynges That whiche I speake is not myne inuention I tell thee this thou must take in hande by the counsell and will of God To preceptes are ioyned promises And in these wordes of the Prophetesse may be obserued a maner much vsed in the holy Scriptures
fell into any other sinne besides infidelity howbeit that incredulitye was afterwarde taken awaye by the spirite and grace of God when at the length he beleued the wordes of Deborah Men although they be godly do not straight way beleue and obeyed her and by fayth as it is written to the Hebrues he obtayned the victorye And how often that happeneth vnto men It is profitable for Captaynes to haue ministers of the worde in their Campes althoughe they be godly namely to doubt at the begynnyng by reason of the dregges of the olde Adam there is none whiche hath not experience of it in hymselfe Afterwarde when they are strengthened with the spirite there succedeth a great assurednes of faith And I do not deny that which the first interpretation sayeth namely that it is very expedient for Captaynes to haue Prophetes and Ministers of the worde of God with them in their warres For as muche as the lawe of God in Deut. so commaundeth and in the 2. booke of kynges it is written that Helizeus the Prophete was in the campe when the kyng of Israell the kyng of Iudah and the kyng of Edom went to fight agaynst the kyng of Moab Wherfore Christian princes when they take any iust warres in hande The presēce of Deborah was profitable in the Campe. do ryghtly and orderly if they haue Preachers and Ministers of the word of God with them in theyr expedition Farther an other commodity came by the presence of Deborah for thereby godly men vnderstoode that it was no rashe warre or taken in hand by humane reason but enterprised by the commaundement of God and Counsell of his Prophetesse But in that it is written that the glory should be taken from Barac and Sisera deliuered into the hande of a woman it may be expounded two manner of wayes either bycause this victory should not nowe be ascribed vnto Barac but to Deborah namely bicause she should haue the prayse to haue iudged Israel and to haue set them at liberty and Barac should not be counted amonge the number of the Iudges Or els bycause Barac should not kyll Sysera with his owne hande but Iahell the wife of the Kenite should do it as it shall afterwarde be declared And in dede this latter interpretacion semeth to me more naturall and propre Of these thynges whiche we haue nowe brought forth are some most worthy to be noted The first is that God might haue deliuered this people the Israelites without the helpe or hoste of ten thousand men whom yet he therefore chosed to teach vs that he dissaloweth not iust warrefarre Farther that humane helpes when they are present are not to be despised Moreouer he accordyng to his wisedome vsed the gathering together of these souldiers thereby to prouoke Sisera that he agayne might gathered an host and come and ouerthrow Barac And in that God sayth he will draw Sisera vnto mount Thabor The drawyng of God serueth both to good thinges and to euill he teacheth vs that his drawyng is of force not onely to good things but also to euill in respect that they are paynes and iust punishementes No man can doubte but that Sisera sinned in this bycause with a great violence he contented to oppresse the Israelites and that vniustly And yet GOD promised to drawe him to it Neuerthelesse we must marke The maner of the drawing of God is not a like as touchīg good thinges and enui that the maner of the drawing of GOD is not a like as touching good thyngs and euill bycause to good thynges we can not be drawen execept God do heale our vnderstandyng and geue vs a good mynd For by nature we are the children of wrath and vtterly corrupte but when we are induced to euill GOD nedeth not to instill any new malice in vs for as much as we alwayes of our selues haue it ready and prompte to do euill but onely the doyng of GOD directeth them to what ende he will and he so gouerneth them to make open his glory as he hath decreed After this sorte vndoubtedly was Pharao hardened and Sisera now drawen to destruction God drew both the men of Barac and also Sisera but by diuers meanes God also drewe those ten thousandmen after Barac for otherwise they would not haue followed him but this drawyng was after an other maner for here he vsed the speache of this man whiche he made to be of efficacy in the heartes of his souldiers but there to moue and prouoke Sisera he appointed both falling awaye of Barac and the host gathered by him This is also to be considered that by this place is proued Glorye maye lawfully be desyred that glory is a certayne good thing whiche iuste and good men may desire otherwise Barac to be punished for his incredulitie shuld not haue ben depriued of glory And glory is certayne noblenesse comming of thynges well done What glory is For those thynges whiche good men do very excellently of their own accord do brede a noble name or glory The matter end of glory Wherfore the matter wherin it cōsisteth are opinions talkes of iust wise mē But the end wherunto glory ought to be directed is the settyng forth of the name of God also an exāple which is set forth for our neighbours to follow And as the brightnes of the name of god the edifieng of others ar very excellēt good things so also is it manifest that the glory which serueth vnto thē is a good thyng Wherfore although glory for it selfe is not to be desired as the last ende yet for those thinges whiche we haue mencioned God can do many thynges whiche he will not do ought it not to be neglected Farther we must note that God can bryng certayne thynges to passe whiche yet he will not performe excepte thynges be done of vs. For he could as it appeareth by thys place haue geuen the glory of this victorye and health of Israell onely vnto Barac whiche he would not do bycause he refused to go alone to that expedicion Helizeus also as it is written in the 2. booke of kyngs when he was sore sicke and commaunded the kyng of Israel which stode by him to strike the earth with and arrowe and he did strike it onely three tymes the Prophete was grieuously angry with hym and sayde If thou haddest striken sixe or seuen tymes thou shouldest vtterly haue destroyed Syria But nowe thou shalte onely thrice vex◠and molest it This maketh agaynst those whiche thinke that the power of God differeth not from hys will as thoughe he can not do those thynges whiche he will not A destructiō of an absolut power of an ordinary power when as for all that Christ sayde that he could haue xi legions of aungels of hys Father to defende hym from the Iewes that they should not take hym GOD therefore could haue done that whiche he dyd not Wherfore
and made to stand stil I wyll not speake howe the Poetes fable that when the walles of Thebes the Citye were built the stones of their owne motion came together with the sound of the Harpe And no man is ignoraunt what the same Poetes haue written of Arion and Orpheus And who knoweth not how much Dauid here ther in his Psalmes praiseth both Musick songes Tertulian And among Christian men Tertulian in his Apology teacheth that the faithfull did very often make suppers wherin after they had moderatly and honestly refreshed the body they recreated themselues with godly songes And in an other place when he commendeth Matrimony that is of one and the selfe same religion he sayth that Christian couples doo mutually prouoke them selues tosing prayses vnto God Whether singinge may be receaued in the Church The east churche Plini But now that we haue sene the nature beginning and vse of songes and musicke ther resteth to inquire whither it may be vsed in Churches In the East part the holy assemblies euen from the beginning vsed singing which we maye easily vnderstand by a testimony of Plini in a certain Epistle to Traian the Emperor where he writeth that Christians vsed to syng hymnes before daye vnto their Christ And this is not to be left out that these words wer written in that time that Iohn the Euangelist lyued for he was a liue vnto the time of Traian Wherfore if a man shal say that in the time of the Apostles there was syngyng in holy assemblies He shal not stray from the truth Paule who was before these times vnto the Ephesians saith Be not filled wyth wyne wherein is wantonnes but be ye filled with the spirit speaking to your selues in Psalmes Himnes and spiritual songes singing in your hart geuing thankes alwaies vnto God for all thinges in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ To wyne the Apostle setteth the spirite as contrarye and forbiddeth the pleasure of the senses when in steede of wyne he wil haue Christians filled with the spirite For in wine as he saith is wantonnes but in the spirite is both a true and a perfect ioy Drounckerdes speake more than inough but yet foolish and vayne thinges Speake ye saith he but yet spirituall thinges and that not onely in voyce but also in hart for the voyce soundeth in vaine where the minde is not affected They which be filled with wine do speake foolish filthy and blasphemous thinges but geue ye thankes to God alwaies I say and for all thinges To this ende vndoubtedly ought Ecclesiastical songes to tend vnto To the Colossians also are written certaine thinges not disagreing from these Let the woord of the Lord sayth the Apostle abound plentifully in you teache and admonish ye one another in Psalmes Hymnes and spirituall songes singing in your hartes with grace By these woordes Paule expresseth two thinges Fyrst that our songes be the woord of God which must abound plentifully in vs and they must not serue onely to geuing of thankes but also to teache and to admonish And then it is added with grace which is thus to vnderstand as though he should haue said aptly and properly both to the senses and to measure and also vnto the voyces Let them not syng rude and rusticall thinges neither let it be immoderatly as doo the Tauernhunters To the Corrinthians the firste Epistle the .xiiii. chapter where he entreateth of an holy assemblye the same Apostle writeth after this maner When ye assemble together according as euerye one of you hath a Psalme or hath doctrine or hath a toung or hath reuelacion or hath interpretation let al thinges be done vnto edifieng By which woordes is declared that Syngers of songes and Psalmes had their place in the Church The west Church Augustine But the west Churches more lately receaued the maner of singing for Augustine in his .ix. booke of Confessions testifieth that it happened in the tyme of Ambrose For when that holy man together with the people watched euen in the Church least he should haue bene betrayed vnto the Arrians he brought in singing to auoyde tediousnes and to driue away the time But as touching the measure and nature of the song which ought to be retained in Musicke in the Church these thinges are woorthy to be noted What maner of measure the ecclesiastical song ought to be Augustine Augustine in the same bookes of Confession both confesseth and also is sory that hee had sometimes fallen bicause he had geuen more attentiue heede vnto the measures and cordes of musicke than to the woordes whiche were vnder them spoken Which thing hereby he proueth to be synne bicause measures and singing were brought in for the wordes sake and not wordes for Musicke The manner of the churche of Alexandria And he so repented him of his fault that he execeedingly allowed the manner of the Church of Alexandria vsed vnder Athanasius for hee commaunded the Reader that when he sang he should but lytle alter his voyce so that he shoulde bee lyke rather vnto one that readeth than vnto one that syngeth Howbeit on the contrary when he considered how at the beginning of his conuersion he was inwardly moued with these songes namely in suche sorte that for the zeale of pietye he burst forth into teares for this cause I say he consented that Musicke should be retained in the Churche but yet in suche maner that hee saide he was readye to chaunge his sentence if a better reason could be assigned And he addeth that those do synne deadly as they wer wont to speake which geue greater hede vnto musicke than vnto the woordes of God Ierome Gregory To which sentence vndoubtedlye Ierome assenteth as he hath noted vpon the Epistle to the Ephesians Gregory also of Rome in the Synode of Rome was of the same opinion And both their wordes are wrytten in the Decrees Dist 92. in the chap. Cantantes and in the chapter In sancta Romana In which place are read in the glose two verses not in dede so eloquent but yet godly Non vox sed votum non cordula musica sed vox Non clamans sed amans cantat in aure Dei That is Not the voice but the desire not the plesantnes of musick but the voyce Not crying but louing syngeth in the eare of God And in the wordes of Gregory this is not slightlye to be passed ouer in that hee saith Whilest the swetenes of the voyce is sought for the life is neglected and when wicked maners prouoke God the people is rauished by the pleasauntnesse of the voyce The abuses of Ecclesiasticall Musicke But now let vs declare the cautions which are to bee obserued to the ende we maye lawfully and fruitfully vse singing in the Church The first is That in Musicke be not put the whole summe effect of godlines and of the worshipping of God For among the Papists they do almost euery where thinke that
thankes onely for prosperous thinges but also for aduersity Also thys woorde Perag signifieth to reuenge and by this meanes forasmuch as reuengemēt may be referred to two thinges the sense of it also may be taken twoo wayes The first is That god in oppressing the Israelites and deliuering them to the Chananites reuenged the iniury that was done vnto himselfe wherein they dyd grieuously offende hym when they fel to impietye and Idolatrye Neyther doth thys latter sentence vary any thyng from the fyrst Forasmuch as by thys way also Deborah commaundeth to geue thankes vnto god for the former afflictions For to the godly aduersitye also turneth to good For the Saintes when they haue fallen are wont by scourges wherewith they are punished to be called backe againe to repentaunce which repentaunce God poureth in them by diuers and many vexations The third sense is which is euery where and almost receaued of al men That they should geue thankes vnto God which at the last had reuenged the iniuries of the Israelites For they were before long time that grieuously oppressed by the Chananites And then by the spirite of God they were made willing and prompt which before were such abiectes and cowardes Two thinges therfore are expressed namely that God confounded the Chananites in reuenging the euyls whyche they had done vnto the Iewes and also that he strengthened them in the battaile If God reuenged them We do not ask those things of God whiche ar in our own power they by them selues coulde not reuenge themselues If he made them willing they themselues were not such Wherfore free wyl is put down and the goodnes of god commended For euen as we doo not aske of god those thinges which we haue in our own hands and power so for these things when they happen vnto vs we geue him no thankes 3 Heare ye Kinges hearken ye Princes I euen I wyll syng vnto the Lord I wyl syng prayse vnto the Lord God of Israel Why she calleth Kynges in special there maye be manye reasons alledged The first is bicause all the Iewes were called in a manner Kynges For God made that nation both a kingdome and a priesthoode vnto himselfe They were all therefore so called euen as we of Christ are called Christians or anoynted of our onely head Christ whych was chiefly annoynted wyth the oyle of righteousnes and grace An admonitiō to Magistrats Farther he maketh an Apostrophe to kinges bycause that shee song these wordes not onelye for her time but also hauing a regarde to the tyme to come wherefore by her all Princes and Magistrates are in especiall admonished bycause they being puffed vp with pride and ryches both thinke and also affirme that the people should looke for safety at their handes But now they ar taught by the woord of God that it is he which defendeth and keepeth although sometimes therunto he vseth the helpe of them that are preserued Lastly Deborah speaketh to straunge kynges whiche had determined wyth them selues to destroye the Israelites and exhorteth them diligently to weigh wyth themselues the thinges which God hath done and to marke howe hee knoweth to auenge hys people in due tyme. I euen I sayth she wyll syng The repeating of the pronowne of the first person is not onely vsed of Poetes but also of Orators nether doth it onely adorn the oration Virgil. Cicero but also moue the affections and stirreth vp men vnto admiration Virgil saith I euen I am present which did it turne your weapon against me Cicero also saith Ah I miserable man the goodes the goodes I saye of Gnaius Pompeius were most cruelly by the voyce of the cryer c. This nowe is as if Deborah should haue sayde I althoughe a woman yet a Prophet I although a woman yet a sauiour of Israel wyl syng vnto my God They vse to put a certayne difference betwene these two latin wordes canere that is to syng and psallere which is also to syng but bycause that difference is not alwaies obserued yea one is taken oftentymes for an other therfore I willingly ouerpasse it 4 Lord when thou wentest out of Seir whē thou departedst out of the fielde of Edom the earth trembled the cloudes also dropped water 5 The mountaynes melted before the Lord as did that Sinai before the Lord God of Israel In the ditties and periodes of songs and of the prophets this is a common vse that the latter part differeth not from the fyrst as touching sence Why in the periodes of the holy scriptures one sentence is repeated but cōtayneth the same thing the wordes being somewhat chaunged which thinge also in the Prouerbes of Salomon is easy to marke And I doubt not that the same is done vpon iust causes Forasmuch as of the holy ghost nothing is done rashly or vnprofitably The sentences also which are entreated of in those bookes are verye graue and therfore by that tarying in them our dulnes is holpen For it quickly passeth ouer the sence of the firste parte therfore the latter parte being all one with the fyrst maketh vs to geue more attentiue heede Farthermore our hardenes is so greate that to one stroke it vseth not to geue place Wherefore it is no merueyle if God strike it with a double stroke And when the wordes are chaunged the efficacy and wayght of the sentence alredye spoken is more and more expressed The want of humayne speache is holpen whiche want is suche that at one speaking the whole signification of a wayghty sentence can not be opened Wherfore by that repititiō that which is not expressed by the fyrst words is expounded by other woordes which serue for the same thing God therefore by whose conducte this victorye was obteyned is to bee praysed whych is by very good reason done forasmuch as his beneuolence towardes Israel is proued to be no strange or new beneuolence Wherefore Deborah celebrateth him as an old and auncient patrone of the Iewes From the time sayth she wherin the Israelites at thy cōmaundement walked .38 yeres by diuers writers as it is written in the .2 of Deutronomy about mount Seir and then at the length by thy will departing from thence they went forward to the land of Chanaan thou nobly takest in hande theyr cause For thou goyng with vs in a piller of fyre and of a cloud so fearedst the Chananites our enemies that they wer not able to resist vs which were otherwise weake and feble Before when we went aboute the mountayne they liued in securitye and stoutlye contemned vs. But when thou leddest vs out of those places such a feare came vpon them that euen the earth seemed to tremble and the heauens and cloudes caste downe great tempestes and showres And it was so greate as though the mountaines should roule down greate heapes of water to the inferior valleis By these alligories Deborah discribeth the feare that was driuen into the Amorites and Chananits And it is no
euery man shal be geuen a mayde or two that is the praye of the rascall souldiours shal be bondmen or bonde women be geuen But to our Sisera shal be geuen the most worthiest thinges garmentes I say of diuers colours and nedle worke Plini in his 8. booke the .48 chap writeth that the men in the old time vsed to dye their wolle and garmentes with such sundry and pleasaunt colours Plinius bicause they would imitate the most beautifull coloures of floures and herbes And the same writer attributeth vnto the Babilonians the inuention of diuers coloures in garmentes and euen as garmentes of siluer which were found out in Asia vnder Attalus the king were called Attalical so those garmentes whiche were by the Phrigians wroughte with the nedle beinge set out with golde and sundry coloures and pictures wer called Phrigionical And for that these workmanshippes wer in the old time had in estimation god would haue the holy tabernacle and the high priestes garmentes wrought with nedle worke And this is not to be passed ouer that by the ciuile lawes it was not lawefull for euerye man to weare such precious garmentes Wherfore it is sayd now in this song that garmentes of sundry coloures and such as were wrought with the nedle ar attributed only to the prince In the Code de vestibus oloberis lege Auratas It is prohibited vpon great punishmente that any other men shoulde were precious garmēts Lawes for apparell And it is no doubt but that in the old time there wer lawes for apparel which at this day lye vtterly voide These womē spake as they knew the maner then vsed for they were not ignorant of the custome in war wherby princely garmentes wer not distributed to priuate men but vnto captaynes and emperors Discipline of warre amonge the elders Farthermore we muste consider that the elders vsed greater discipline in their camps than at this day our men do For when a town or city was sacked euery man had not that which he by violence tooke al thinges wer brought vnto the king or Emperour and not vndoubtedly that he only should haue them but that he should part them according to the labor dignity and quality of the souldiors which manifestlye appeareth in the decrees 23. question the .5 chapter Dixerit aliquis They are the woordes of Ambrose in his booke of Abraham the Patriarche And the same thing is most playnly taught Dist the .1 chap. Ius militare This hebrew word Tsoari signifieth properly a necke or neckes in the plurall number but in this place by translation it signifieth a captayne or prince 31 So let al thine enemies perish O Lord But they that loue thee let them be as the Sunne when he riseth in his strength And the land had rest .40 yeares The thinges which are now mencioned the holy Ghost doth therfore speake them by Deborah to expresse with a great emphasis and signification that those thinges do happen vnto the vngodly which they be afeard of the things which they hope happen cleane contrarye Therefore the songe is nowe concluded with an elegant exclamacion and consisteth of thinges contrary So let all thine enemies perish O Lord as Sisera hath fallen This her Apostrophe or turning to God stirreth vs vp that we shuld with a singular affectiō embrace God the author of so great notable acts Deborah also in this speaking declareth that she setteth not forth her own cause for she sayth not let my enemyes perish but thine But they that loue thee let them continually encrease in al kind of good things as the sunne increaseth from his rising vntil it be none wherin he is most strong ether from the spring time to the highest of sommer She addeth not Let them that loue him be saued as the Antithesis or cōtrary position required For these two are contraries namely to be saued and to perish But let them be encreased saith she strengthened as the sunne increaseth from his rising vnto his strength By thys conclusion the vse of example is taught vnder the forme of a prayer Sisera is ouerthrowne but the people of Israel is encreased with a notable victory so therfore shall it come to passe and happē vnto vs. We shal be deliuered if we be godly they which do persecute vs for Christs cause shal perish Wherfore it is profitable by exāples to gather out rules of the gouernmēt of God which rules with frute let vs apply vnto our own things This performed Dauid as touching this selfe same historye in his psalme where he sayth do vnto them as vnto Middian as vnto Sisera Iabin at the riuer Kyson Wherfore the some of this hystory is to set before vs the seuerity of god toward his enemies again his clemēcy towards the godly And therfore it behoueth that the seuerity of his iudgements breath in vs a fear and that by fayth we take hold of his goodnes and clemency The syxt Chapter ANd the children of Israell did euill in the syghte of the Lorde and the Lorde deliuered them into the hands of Middian seuen yeres 2 Wherfore the hand of Middian preuailed against Israel frō the face of Middiā the children of Israel made them dennes in the mountaines and caues and stronge holdes 3 For when Israell had sowen Middian came vp and Amaleke and the sonnes of Kedem came vp agaynst them 4 And camped against them and destroyed the fruite of the earth euen till thou come to Haza neyther lefte they anye foode in Israell neither cattell nor oxen nor asses 5 For they went vp and theyr cattell and came with theyr tents as greshoppers in multitude so that they and theyr camels wer without number they came I say into the land to destroy it Deborah and Barac were deade by the authority of whiche princes the people of the Hebrewes were kepte in their dutye and religion But after theyr death they fell agayne vnto sinnes and especially vnto idolatry But yet they are not counted to haue turned so heynously from God as they did before for it is not written And they added to do euil Farther their punishment was not so long for they serued the Madianites onely seuen yeares Moreouer it is not sayde that God sold them as he did before but that he deliuered them I confesse that these coniectures are but small but yet not so small that they shoulde seeme vtterly to be despised Two thinges are principally entreated of in this hystorye The principall pointes of thys history The ordre of thinges to be spoken of the affliction of the Hebrewes and theyr deliuery by Gidion But bicause eche of these partes haue their causes therfore we must also entreate of them For euen as affliction springeth of sinne and deliuery beginneth of repentance so was it mete that first it should be declared that the Israelites had sinned before mention be made that they were deliuered vnto the Madianites and theyr repentaunce must
the shewing of the signe And he thought not that God or an Angel was present with him Wherfore he thought to folow the example of Abraham Lot And in dede the things which he presented partained rather to a dinner thā to a sacrifice He erected no alter neither prepared he the fat to be burnt nor the shoulder and the brest to be lifted vp nor the blood to be shed The other interpretation is that he would therfore bring him a sacrifice that in that oblation he might obtayne a signe as to Abel the fauour of God was declared when he was offring sacrifice And the authors of this sētence beleue that this doth nothing let that Gideon sod the flesh Flesh in sacrifices was sometimes sod forasmuch as that kind of sething was sometimes vsed in peace offrings as the fyrst booke of Samuel testifieth Of the interpretours of this place this latter sētence seemeth to be receiued for they iudge the Gideon intended to offer sacrifices But I rather allow the first sentēce as touching the feast although I know that the Angell contrary to Gideons purpose vsed that meate to a sacrifice and in it gaue the signe which a little before was desired of him This hebrew word Mitsoth signifieth vnleauened cakes Why the Elders vsed so oftē swete cakes in their feastes But the roote of the word may be Natsa whiche is to hast or to make speede For the Elders were carefull to prepare meate for straūgers with as much speede as might be Wherfore they straightway baked new bread bicause peraduenture their houshold bread was somewhat hard and stale The measure of an Ephah Therfore to the end they might the sooner refresh the weary they vsed swete cakes which were very soone baked This measure Ephah was not a measure for liquide thinges but for thinges dry and as the Hebrues affirme it held thre peckes and a pecke contained .144 egges And ten Ephas made one Corus Certaine Rabbines fable that there is therfore mencion made of sweete breade bycause this thing was done in the time of Easter But how trifling this is hereby we may gather bicause it is wel knowen that swete bread were by the commaundement of God vsed not onelye for sacrifices at Easter but also at other times especially such as wer to be burnt at the altar of the Lord. But if we shal say that Gideon prepared not a sacrifice but rather a feast we haue alredy shewed the reason why he brought swete bread Gideon is vtterly to be quitted of ydolatry For his wil was not to do sacrifice vnto the Messanger of God bicause his purpose was eyther to set meate before the mā of God or els to sacrifice vnto the lyuing God by the hand of the Prophet whom hee counted to bee farre better than himselfe 20 And the angel of God said vnto him take the flesh the vnleuened bread lay it vpon this stone poure out the broth he did so 21 Then the Angel of the Lord put forth the ende of the staffe that he held in his hand and touched the flesh the vnleauened bread there arose vp fire out of the stone consumed the flesh the vnleauened bread so the Angel of the Lorde departed out of hys syght They which thinke that Pinhas the sonne of Eleazar was this mā of god which appeared vnto Gideon affirme that the same man was also afterward called Elias And euen as when Achab raigned in Israel he obtained fire from heauē wherby the burnt offring was consumed wherupon he had poured water and that aboundantly very many times so likewise now out of the rocke by the power of god be raised vp a flame wherby the meate which was put vpon it was burnt wherupon he had before caused the broth of the flesh to be poured I confesse in dede that ther is some similitude betwene these two actes but therwithal I see many thinges to be causes wherby the one differeth from the other Farther I vtterly reiect this fained tale wherin they faine that Pinhas was present eyther there or here Ther by reason of the great distance of times here bicause as I haue expounded Augustine the wordes of the history do manifestly testify it was eyther god himself or an angel which talked with Gideon Augustine in his booke De mirabilibus sanctae scripturae teacheth that the signe whiche is here geuen doth aptly agree vnto that which was demaūded For it was shewed that by the wōderful power of god without mans labour and fight the enemies of the people of the Iewes should be ouercome euen as by the might of god aboue the ability of nature fire came forth Ambrose wherwith without mans healpe or industry those vittailes were consumed But Ambrose very elegantlye writeth the Allegorye of this place in the Proheme of his booke de spiritu sancto which I to auoyd tediousnes do ouerpasse This one thing onely I wil admonish you of Al thinges that wee offer are to bee offred by Christ that our giftes are then acceptable vnto God when wee offer them vpon the rocke whiche is Christ There our actions are by the fire of the holy ghost purged that which otherwise of his own nature is vncleane is of God receaued as holy And the Angel of the Lord departed By this sodain departure Gideon vnderstood that it was an Angel whom he saw wherefore he was sore afraide as the wordes of the history which follow do manifestly declare 22 And when Gideon saw that it was the Angell of the Lorde he sayd Alas my Lord God shall I bycause I haue sene an Angell of the Lorde face to face This is spoken by the figure Ecliptica for when Gideon sayth The fathers by seyng of god of angels wer made alrayde Alas my Lorde God shal I bycause I haue sene an Angel of the Lord there should be added dye Thou shalt euermore perceaue that the old fathers after that they had sene god or beholdē his Angels wer very sore afraid yea so astonished that they feared present death to come vpon them And no maruail for they wer not ignoraunt what God answered Moses when he desired to see his face Man shal not see me and liue Iohn Baptist also as we reade in the first of Iohn sayth No man hath sene God at any time And Paul to Timothy hath confirmed the same writing No man hath sen God neither can he se him for he is inuisible bicause he dwelleth in the light that no man can come vnto And that also which nowe Gideon speaketh Mannah the father of Samson as we shal afterward heare shal speak Iacob likewise after he had wrastled al night thinking that he had striuen with a man when he vnderstood that he was an Angel maruailed howe he escaped a lyue and safe Haue I sene the Lord sayth he face to face and is my lyfe saued As though that
woorke by it selfe and other sometimes eyther by Aungels or by men and that in such maner as wee shall afterwarde declare Augustine Farther I wyll adde that Augustine writeth in the place before alledged against the Epistle of the Maniches the .xxvi. chap. Miracles woulde not mooue except they were wonderfull and they would not be wonderful if they shoulde be accustomed thinges As therefore they say that by admiration sprang Philosophy whych Plato thought to be the Raynebowe and for that cause calleth the daughter of Thaumans so may we beleue that faith Faithe cometh not of miracles but is by them confirmed which cōmeth of the worde of God although it do not vtterly spring of miracles yet by them it may be confirmed And therefore Augustine in his .xii. booke of Confessions the .xxi. chap. saith Ignorance is the mother of wondring at signes this is an entraunce vnto faith to the sonnes of Adam which haue forgotten thee By this sentence he teacheth that men which haue forget God haue by the admiration of miracles an entrance or cōming vnto faith And without doubt it is so The wyll of God is hidden from vs but he as he is good openeth the same to holy Prophets Apostles which that they may profitably declare vnto men he geueth vnto them the gift of his holy woord But bicause he knoweth that mortal men are contrary against his word he hath graūted the power of working of miracles that those thinges might the easilier be beleued which he would haue his messenger profitably to speake That cōfirmation of faith cōmeth by miracles Marke testifieth who toward the end of his Gospel saith And they went forth preaching euerye where the Lord working with them confirming the word with signes which followed And how apt this kinde of confirmation is hereby it is manifest The promises of God do of no other thing depend then of his wyll power And the signes which we now intreate of do testify the power of God forasmuch as they by al meanes ouercome nature and set forth the truth of his wil for by the inuocation of his name by his grace spirit they are wrought Augustine Wherefore Augustine in the place now alledged against the Epistle of Manicheus writeth that miracles do bring authority vnto the woord of God For he when he did these miracles semed to haue geuen an earnest peny of his promises Neither ar these wordes to be passed ouer which the same Augustine hath vpon Iohn in the .24 Miracles consist not in the greatnes of woorkes treatise That miracles consist not in the greatnes of workes for otherwise it is a greater woorke to gouerne this vniuersal composition of the world then vnto a blinde man to restore light which he is destitute of These thynges declared there remayneth that by apt distinctions we destribute miracles into his partes Some of them are to be wondred at An other distinction of myracles by reason of the thing it selfe which is done for that it is so vnaccustomed and great that in the nature of thinges we cannot finde the lyke of it Suche was the staying of the Sunne in the time of Iosua and the turning of that shadowe in the tyme of Ezechias the conception and byrth of the Virgin the foode of Manna in the deserte and suche lyke But there are some which ar miracles not for the nature and greatnes of the thing but bycause of the maner and waye whiche was vsed in bringing them to passe as was the cloude and rayne of Helias the budding of floures and fruites in the rod of Aaron the thunders of Samuel the turnynge of water into wyne and suche lyke For suche thinges are done by nature but they were then myracles bycause of the maner whereby they were wrought that is not by naturall causes but at the commaundement and wyll of Sayntes There is an other deuision of myracles An other deuision of miracles bycause some of them doo onelye mooue admiration as lyghtenynges and thundrynges in mount Sina the turning of the shadowe of the Sunne in the tyme of Ezechias the transfiguration of the Lorde in the Mount There are other which besides the admiration doo bring a present commoditye vnto men as when by the rodde dryncke was geuen out of the Rocke Manna from heauen and when by the Lord and the Apostles sycke folkes were healed And sometimes they bring punishment and hurt vnto the guiltye For by the woordes of Peter perished Ananias and Saphira Elimas the Sorcerer was made blynde by Paule and some were by hym delyuered vnto Sathan to be vexed By this also are miracles deuided An other partitiō of miracles bicause some of them are obtained by praiers For so did Elias and Elizeus namelye by praying restore their deade to lyfe Moses also praying for Pharao draue away Frogs and other plages And other some are wrought by commaundement and authority Iosua commaunded the Sunne to stay his course The Lord Iesus commaunded the windes and Peter said vnto the lame man In the name of Iesus Christ rise walke Ther ar also other which are done neither by praiers nor by commaundement but of theyr own wyll and accord the saintes them selues doing some other thing Euen as when the shadow of Peter as he walked healed those that were sycke and the napkin of Paul healed also folkes diseased Augustine An other diuision of myracles Lastly Augustine as it is written in his .83 booke of questions question 79. deuideth miracles that some are done by publik iustice that is by the stable and firme will of God which in the world is counted as a publike lawe By it God would that his ministers that is Apostles and Prophetes shoulde in preaching woorke miracles And there are other some which by the signes of this iustice are wrought as when the vngodly in the name of God or of Iesus Christ do work any miracle which is not geuen but by the honour and reuerence which thei vse towardes the name of God not that God or nature or any thinges created desire to gratefy them As when a man stealeth away a publike seale or handwriting he may wrest many thinges either from the men of the countrey or from the Citizens which are not geuen vnto him but vnto the seale which they know doth belong to the Magistrate and Prince So he which followed not Christe did yet in his name cast out deuils Thirdly are those miracles reckoned which by some certaine priuate bargaine are wrought wherby the Sorcerers do binde them selues vnto the Deuyl and the deuil likewise to them But those at done neither by publike iustice nor yet by the signes therof but come onelye of a certayne priuate conuention Howbeit wee must knowe that miracles of the second and third sort are not firme neither do they assuredly happen For asmuch as we reade in the .xix. chap. of the Actes of the Apostles that the sonnes of
any of more strength A notable example of obediēce then the testimonyes of the enemyes Wherfore when Gideon heard euen of his enemyes how they wer affected he doubted not of the successe of the battayle Here is set forth a notable example of obedience For Gideon was deadly hated of the Madianites bycause he had now collected an host agaynst them and yet beyng commaunded to go to their tentes he obeyed And if he had ben afrayde there was no other companion graunted him then Purah his lad Wherfore seyng he durst take vpon hym so great a thing it is to be thought that he was illustrate with no small fayth Neither can he iustly be reproued of vanity as though he tooke hold of dreames for asmuch as he obeyed the worde of God Hereby also may we learne Vnto the wicked sometimes are geuen true dreames and the interpretacions of them that dreames of prophecieng are by God geuen vnto enemies of godlynesse and to that nation which afflicted the holy people the Churche and this is not the first tyme. For vnto an Ethnike kyng namely vnto Pharao were fatte and leane kine full and empty eares of corne shewed by God in dreames Vnto the baker also and butler were shewed thinges that should come to passe afterward Nebuchad-nezar whiche led away the Israelites captiues saw twise dreames that had significations But this is more meruelous the dreame which is here declared nedeth no Ioseph or Daniel for an interpreter For that which the souldier by the inspiratiō of god dreamed his fellow souldier expounded Wherfore god gaue vnto vngodly men both a true dreame also a faithful interpretatiō therof And the confirmeth the fre giftes of grace are cōmon both to the godly to the vngodly wherfore it is not mete that any should boast of thē For they testify not the holynesse of men but onely the liberall bountifulnesse of God By it also is declared the wisedome of god his incōprehensible power God cā vse the moste vilest thinges to the saluatiō of his children that he can to the saluatiō of his vse not only the enemies but also al maner of thing yea the vilest For what is vayne of lesse reputation than dreames yet for the saluation of the elect they serue the wil of god Nothing semed vnto the Ethnikes more ridiculous thē circūcisiō wherfore the Iewes were euery where called of thē Apellites Recubites yet neuerthelesse by it God confirmed his couenant with the fathers These elemēts also bread wyne water are very cōmon things if they be cōsidered by thēselues in which things for al that Christ hath cōmended vnto vs Sacramentes of most great value Let vs reioyse therfore that we haue such a God that can conuert all kinde of things to the saluation of his children And agayne let vs counte the vngodly as they are in very dede for most vnhappy when as of their owne they receaue damage so that not onely of their enemyes and they are wonderfully hurte euen of euery thing most vile As touching the Hebrew wordes they translate Tsallil for noise and sound for it is deriued of this verbe Tsalal which is to sound to make a noyse or to ryng as mettall doeth Farther Tsalath signifieth to roste For the barley loafe which is now entreated of semed to be baked vpon the coales out of whiche came a wonderfull noyse therfore this word Tsallil is transfered hither But I meruayle Augustine wherfore Augustine writing vpon this place maketh mencion that there was a table I thinke it was false in the translacion which he vsed But the Allegory Iosephus manifestly expoundeth Iosephus In Allegorye In generall sayeth he barley bread is vile and despised And in all Asia no people are of lesse estimation than the Hebrues whiche now begin to sound to make a noyse bycause they had now raysed an host against them and made Gideon theyr capitaine In that this loafe by his tombling semed with great violence to ouerthrow their tentes it manifestly foreshewed that the hoste of the Madianites and Amalekites should be deliuered vnto Gideon and to the Hebrues This is the Allegory of the dreame and a most true interpretation therof Why Gideon was more confirmed by the dreame then by by miracles Gideon being thus confirmed departed But in that he was more confirmed by this dreame then he was by the former miracles it is not to be counted for absurd bycause neither miracles nor dreames by them selues can confirme doubtfull myndes but they do it onely then when God by his spirite maketh them of efficacy whiche he bestoweth sometymes to these sometymes to other accordyng to his will Wherfore it commeth to passe that they whiche sometymes by miracles are not perswaded may by dreames be drawen and agayne they whiche by dreames beleue not may with miracles be conuerted For God can freely geue power and efficacy vnto those outwarde thinges accordyng to his will ¶ Of Dreames Ethnike authors The opinion of the Peripatetikes BVt now must we intreate of dreames and first we will see what may be affirmed of them by naturall reason and afterwarde howe much we must attribute vnto them by the worde of God As touchyng the firste Aristotle Hippocrates and Galene also other famous Philosophers haue written many things and amongest them Aristotle in his litle booke de Diuinatione per Somnium if so it be his booke althoughe we can not doubt but that it is wytty and learned sayeth first that this kynde of diuination semeth not vtterly to be abiected bycause of the common sorte very much is attributed vnto it and those thynges whiche are commonly receaued of all men can not vniuersally be false Hereunto he addeth that there are very many dreames of whiche an apte and mete reason may be geuen whiche as experience teacheth deceaue not men but haue their successe Therefore it is not mete that we should despise all manner of diuination by dreames Howbeit we must receaue it warely for that it is very heard to geue causes thereof bycause nature in this parte woorketh very obscurely Aristotle thinketh not that dreames are sent of God And Aristotle thinketh not that dreames are sent of God For if sayeth he they should be sent of hym he would geue them to good and wyse men But it is not so For foolishe and euill men for the most parte obteyne this faculty beastes also do dreame And who will contende that God geueth diuinatiō vnto thē Neither dreames which are occupied about the phantasye of such as slepe are to this end geuen that therby they should foretell things to come Farther if god should geue dreames he would geue them rather in the day time that men might the diligentlier behold them Neyther can we easely se why he should choose the night vnto him for that purpose And lastly forasmuch as god is not enuious he woulde not so
ioyned together with filthines ought not to be admitted But those which are written honestlye and shamefastlye so that they refresh the mind with some pleasure and ar also profitable to setforth good maners are not be despised That fylthy ones are to be repudiated the Apostles confyrmeth by two testimonyes To the Corrinthians in the first Epistle he writeth Euill communications corrupt good manners And to the Ephesians the. v chapter it is written let whoredome and all vncleannes and couetousnesse not reigne in you as it becommeth sayntes then is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and whyche are not comelye By these woordes he reproueth all those coÌ„munications whych are contaminated with filthines scurilitye Plato The same thing saw Plato in his thirde boke de Repub. wher he excludeth Poetes which spake of gods as though they should speake of men Bycause they in so writing do both vnworthely intreate of the nature of god which is best and most high also they excuse the sinnes of common men when as they testifye that both the gods and also noble meÌ„ committed the same sins which thing assuredly we may see in the coÌ„modye Enuchus of Terence where Cherea a wycked yonge man beholding a wanton table in the harlotes house Terence wherein was painted Iupiter persynge vnto Danae by a showre began to haue a pleasure in himself bicause he beyng a vile man did those thinges whych he knew by that table the chief God in the olde time committed I did it sayth he and I dyd it with a good wil. Cicero Cicero also Homere sayeth he fayned these and transferred humayne things vnto the gods I had rather they had transferred thinges diuine vnto vs. Augustine in his .2 booke of Confessions the .15 and 16. chap. complaineth and soroweth that he being a child and younge man learned profitable words Augustine But yet in thinges vayne I would to god sayth he I had beene instructed in profitable writings I hard Iupiter thuÌ„dring and therwithall coÌ„mitting adoultry The mindes and affections of men ar prone inough vnto vices wherfore it is wickedlye done that children and younge men should in that age be by vyle and filthye fables stirred vp vnto sins Apologies are profitable whych consisting both of honest wordes and good arguments do rightly instruct that first age Esope Esope the aunciente writer happely excercised hymselfe in this kinde althoughe there are some which referre his Apologies vnto Hesiodus who was auÌ„cienter theÌ„ Esope But this our Apology wherof we now entreat was written long before Esope and Hesiodus tyme. For the time of the iudges and namelye of Gidion was an hundreth yeares and more before the war of Troy There is an other Apology also in the .2 boke of kinges the .14 chap. where Amasias obteyning the victory of the Edomites prouoked the king of Israel to make war with him Vnto whom the king Ioas aunswered thus The thistle of Labanon sent vnto the Cedre that is of Libanon and sayd Geue thy daughter to my son to wife And the wyld beast went out of Libanon and trode downe the thistle By which Apology he shewed that he was so much greter theÌ„ Amasia the king of Iuda as the Cedre excelleth the thystle and admonished him that he should after that sort be troden down oppressed of his host as was the thistle by wilde beastes These things haue I therfore rehearsed lest the Greke and Ethnike writers should be thought to be the first inuenters of these profitable fayninges The vse of Apologies Al men agre in this that the vse of Apologies are then to be had when we haue to do with rude persons For they vnderstand neither perfect Sillogismes or vnperfect neyther are they able to perceaue inductions so that of perticulars they cangagather vniuersals And they passe not vpon the exaÌ„ples of noble men for that they themselues are abiect and base Wherfore when such wayes of doctrine can not take place there remayneth nothing but fayned narrations where beyng allured by the neâ—mes of the thing they geue much heede to the thinges which are spoken and sometimes at the length are perswaded They are good also to help memory for things â— are so new pleasauÌ„t do very must delight thinges that are so sweete are not so easely forgotten Farther men will easlier suffer themselues to be reproued by Apologies then by open wordes for the playne truth engendreth hatred But beyng couered with Apologies and darke speeches it may be suffred At the beginning the hearers know not wherto the thing teÌ„deth therfore for that they knowe not what wil be spoken they tary out the end are at the last peraduenture perswaded Christe finished the whole parable of the vine and at the end the Phareseis and Scribes vnderstode that it was spoken against theÌ„ So also among the Romayns Menenius Agrippa by an Apology woÌ„ne the people which wer departed to adioine theÌ„selues agayn to the PatritiaÌ„s For these causes ar Parables dreames visioÌ„s of Prophets very much vsed in the holy scriptures The fable of Esope of the frogges which desired a kinge differeth not muche from this Apology which we ar now in hand with for to theÌ„ after the beame or post which they dispised was geuen a dragoÌ„ which by litle litle eat theÌ„ vp al. And I wil begyn at the declaration of the fable wherin it is said If ye haue done rightly and orderly reioyse with Abimelech and Abimelech with you But if not let a fire come out from him consume you The oliue tree vine tree fyg tree is the famelye of Gideon and the trees which desire a king are the Sechemites And as among trees there are some noble and some abiect so also amonge men there ar some noble and excellent and some vnnoble and of no reputacion The bramble brier signifieth Abimelech Of the braÌ„ble or briar Plini Plini in his 24. booke and .14 chapt writeth of this kind of thorn And as touching this matter these are the properties therof it is a plant vile and abiect as was Abimelech who was a bastard and borne of a hand mayd so that he was not to be compared with his brethern And as he without any vtility gouerned the Israelites so is the braÌ„ble wont to bringforth no frute The bramble also pricketh euen as Abimelech very muche hurted the Israelites Moreouer some write that the bowes of brambles are sometimes so vehemently shaken and moued with the winde that out of them is fire kindled wherewith not only they theÌ„selues burn but the whole wood wherin they grow is burnte which thinge Iotham nowe foretelleth to come to passe of Abimelech Wherfore the properties do wonderfully well agree But here are twoo questions offred vnto the readers The fyrst is bycause it is said that the trees wente to the Oliue tree vine tree figge tree and bramble to create them a king when as the
met hym either a dogge or an asse whiche had hen wicked to haue offred and so in one place he prayseth that whiche in an other place he dispraiseth Ambrose Ambrose in his .3 booke de Virginitate sayth that the mayden was in very deede immolated he writeth the Iiphtah vowed not before the battaile but in the fight in the very conflict when things were doubtfull And he addeth I do not allow the murther but I se a laudable feare that he would not violate his promise that he had made And he saith moreouer that this act is to be cōferred with the worke of Abrahā For Abrahā when he was about to kill his sonne the Lord cried out vnto him Now I know that thou louest me And he concludeth that after the same maner may Iiphtah be praised bycause he shewed by his example that the oracle of god wherin he cōmaunded the vowes should be performed was to be preferred before childrē although the onely begotten child should be killed But he demaūdeth whether God haue a respect vnto persons whiche letted Abrahā that he should not offer vp his sonne but with stoode not Iiphtah He denieth the God accepteth persons but it behoued saith he to declare vnto Abrahā that he delighted not in humane sacrifices Afterward succeded the law which in Deut. Leui. prohibited the immolatiō of children Wherfore the will of god was already declared both in Abrahā in the law wherfore there neded no new oracle or new prohibition Farthermore he noted that in Iiphtah was not that perfection whiche was in Abraham For Abraham wept not tare not his garmentes deferred not two monethes but strayghtwaye went and Isaac followed hym Therefore it is no meruayle sayth he if God prohibited not Iiphtah for so muche as he woulde punishe hys longe taryeng And in his thyrd booke de officiis the .12 chapter he writeth I will neuer be persuaded but that Iiphtah vowed vnaduisedly for so muche as he afterwarde repented And he addeth that in deede he alloweth not the acte but he sayeth that in a godly feare he fulfylled his vowe but in suche sorte that he appointed his posterity to lament it He sayeth farther I can not accuse the mā bycause it was necessary for hym to paye that whiche he had vowed but it is a miserable necessitye sayeth he whiche is payed with parricide and it is better not to vowe that thyng whiche he wyll not vnto whome thou vowest And strayght way he saith All promises are not to be kept for euē god also sometymes chaungeth his will By which wordes he alludeth vnto the place whiche is written in Numbers the .14 chapter of the prayers of Moses Wherfore Ambrose is vtterly of that sentence to thinke that the mayden was offred and for that cause as I haue sayde preferreth her before the two Pithagorians And of her he sayeth in hys exhortation to virgins She payed with her bloude the vnaduised vowe of her father And vpon the firste Epistle to the Corinthians the .15 chapter he sayth In a thyng whiche could not be acceptable he was founde faythfull offryng his daughter as he had foolishely vowed And agayne The acte is not allowed but the perseueraunce of fayth is worthy to be brought foorth for an example to followe But these wordes of Ambrose are not so lightly to be passed ouer What thynges are to be noted in the woordes of Ambrose for they can not be simply allowed and as they be spoken of hym Yet haue I brought them to shewe that he thought that the mayden was offred in very deede But in hys woordes thys firste I marke that he affirmeth a certayne godly feare to be in Iiphtah whereby he was led to performe his vowe and that children were not to be preferred before Religion thirdly that Iiphtah was found faythfull in that thyng whiche coulde not be acceptable vnto God Lastly that hys perseuerance of fayth is brought foorth for an example to followe As touchyng the first I knowe not how that may seeme a godly feare which driueth a man to parricide for he calleth that kyllyng parricide Godly feare driueth not a man to commit parricide and that three or foure tymes Ther are in dede affections in vs which are grafted by god but yet to vertues and to do well A feare to eschewe sinnes An anger to punishe wicked actes c. Wherfore feare when it is applied vnto vertue may be called godly but if it serue for vice it can not seme godly yea rather What affections are to bee coūted godly it hath a certayne maner of vngodlines Otherwyse the endeuor of Idolatrers might be praysed for we see them diligently labor to worship god but bycause they apply not themselues to the sincere worshippyng of God their endeuour can not be called godly So when that feare of Iiphtah draue him to commit parricide howe could it be godly If thou wilt say that by parricide he vnderstādeth not the sinne or the wicked acte but the immolatiō of his daughter I will demaūd why he sayth that he alloweth not the acte vndoubtedly if he cā not allowe it then perceaueth he that it is sinne But in that he sayth That the loue of children is les to be estemed them Religion That is true but that was no religion but a foolishe vnaduised and rashe vowe Neither is the loue of children to be les estemed then such religion Thirdly he sayeth that he was founde faythfull But what fidelity is there in that thyng whiche coulde not be acceptable to God If my seruaunt should do that whiche I had forbidden hym can he therin seme faythfull But in that he calleth the vnchaungeable mynde of Iiphtah constancy in my iudgement he erreth when as rather it was wilfulnes wherby he would nedes fulfill that whiche he had vnaduisedly vowed neither can perseuerance in an euill thyng bee called constancy He attributeth vnto hym a feare whiche also he calleth a godly feare and yet afterwarde he sayth that he repented If he repented hym he dyd agaynst his conscience but no man ought to doo any thyng agaynst it For what is not of fayth is sinne Farther if he repented why amended he not hys faulte For if any thyng had ben done rashely that ought to haue ben amended If GOD as he sayeth doo sometymes chaunge his sentence why then is it not lawfull for vs to chaunge a sentence that is not ryght Afterwarde he sayth he can not but prayse Iiphtah But what will he prayse An vncircumspect vowe But that ought rather to bee reprehended What wyll he prayse the performaunce of the vowe But that he calleth parricide neyther can that bee praysed I saye therefore that Ambrose affirmeth that the mayden was in very deede immolated and yet are not al hys wordes to be allowed Augustine Let vs heare nowe what Augustine sayeth of thys thyng In hys question 29. vpon thys booke he writteth that out of this place
other suche lyke thinges For that for as muche as it was in their mynde or imaginatiue faculty it might well be done by formes images and visions Angels appearing in humane bodyes wer not men Nowe remayne there twoo thynges to be diligently wayghed One is whither Aungels when they after this sorte put on humane bodyes maye bee called men I thynke not For if we vnderstande humane fleshe whiche is formed and borne of a reasonable soule vndoubtedlye Aungels after that maner cannot be sayd to haue humane fleshe What then wyll some man saye Were the senses deceaued when men sawe them Not so For the senses iudge onelye outwarde thinges and suche thinges as appeare But what inwardlye impelleth or moueth those thinges which they see they iudge not That longeth to reason to seeke and searche out Thys also is to be added that Aungels dyd not continually retayne these bodies bicause they were not ioyned vnto them in one and the selfe same substaunce So that an Aungell and a bodye were made one person The holy ghost was not the Dooue nor the Doue the holye Ghost The holy ghost also although it was a true Dooue where he descended yet was not he together one substaunce with it Wherefore the Dooue was not the holye ghost nor the holy ghost the Dooue Otherwyse Aungels may as we haue before taught enter in deede into a bodye before made and whiche before had hys being as it is read of the Aungell whiche spake in the Asse of Baalam and of the Deuyll which by the Serpent talked wyth Eue. But at thys present we dispute not of that kynde but onelye saye that Aungels woorking in thys manner in the bodies of creatures are not ioyned vnto them in one and the selfe same substaunce Wherefore the Asse coulde not be called an Aungell neyther was the Aungell an Asse euen as the serpent was not in very deede the Deuyl neyther was the Deuyll the Serpent The sonne of God is God man But the Sonne of God for as much as he tooke vpon him humane nature was man and man was God bycause of one and the selfe same substaunce wherein were twoo natures But before when he appeared vnto Abraham and to the Fathers although he had true fleshe yet bycause it was not ioyned vnto hym in one and the selfe same substaunce he could not be called fleshe neither was flesh God But afterwarde when he tooke vpon hym both fleshe and soule so that there was onely one substance or person then man was God and God man Whereby it came to passe that he shoulde trulye bee borne that hee should dye and redeeme mankinde Wherefore he dyd truely call hym selfe the sonne of man and in Iohn he sayth ye seeke to kyl me a man whiche haue tolde you the truth And in the Scriptures it is sayd Made of the seede of Dauid And Peter in the Actes ye haue kylled sayth he a man appoynted you of God And Esay Behold sayth he a virgin shall conceaue and beare a Sonne These words haue great force For vnlesse Christe had bene true man a Virgin coulde not haue conceiued him neither haue brought him foorth nor called him her sonne This thing Tertulian prudently marked If he had bene a straunger sayth he Tertulian a Virgin coulde not either haue conceaued him or borne him The Aungell also saluted Mary after this maner Be not afraid sayd he thou shalt conceaue c. Elizabeth sayd How happeneth this to me that the mother of my Lorde shoulde come vnto me If she had Christ onely as a Straunger she coulde not be called hys Mother The Aungell also sayde Blessed be the fruite of thy wombe But how could it haue bene sayde the fruite of her wombe if he had brought a body wyth hym from heauen And in Esay it is wrytten A rod shall come oute of the roote of Iesse and a floure shall ascende out of his roote Iesse was the stocke Mary the braunch but Christ is the floure which tooke his body of her Mathew also thus beginneth his Gospell The booke of the generacion of Iesus Christe the sonne of Dauid the sonne of Abraham If Christ brought a bodye from heauen how was he the sonne of Abraham or Dauid Farther the promise made to Abraham of Christ is in this sorte In thy seede shall all nacions be blessed Paul intreating of these woordes to the Galathians He sayde not sayth he in seedes as though in many but in thy seede whych is Christe And in the Epistle to the Romanes wee reade Of whom is Christe according vnto the fleshe All these thynges prooue most apeartly that Christ was true man and in hym was one substaunce of God and man These thinges cannot be sayd of the Aungels neither of the Sonne of God before he was borne of the Virgin although whylest he appeared he had true fleshe as we haue before sayde but yet not ioyned vnto hym in one and the selfe same substaunce neither could it be sayde of the holy ghost that he was in very deede a Dooue althoughe that wherein he once appeared was a true Dooue And in this sense wrote Tertulian those thynges whych we haue before cited whych thinges being not wel vnderstoode might breede either error or offence vnto the Readers Now resteth the other question Whither Aungels did in very deede eate drink whē they appeared Scotus Whyther Aungels clothed wyth bodyes taken dyd in verye deede eate and drinke Of the Schoolemen some thinke that they dyd eate in verye deede and other denye it Scotus thynketh that to eate is nothyng els then to chawe meate and to conueyghe it downe into the bellye And thys thyng dyd the Aungels wherefore he gathereth that they dyd eate in very deede Other thynke that to eate is not onely to chawe the meate or to conueyghe it downe into the bellye but moreouer to conuert it into the substaunce of hys bodye by concoction thoroughe the power of vegitacion Thys for as muche as the Aungels dyd not therefore they dyd not eate in very deede The booke of Thobias The booke of Tobias is not in the Canon of the Hebrewes but yet it might be applyed vnto our purpose but that there is variaunce in the copyes For in that booke which Munster set foorth in Hebrue in the .xii. chapter Raphael the Aungell sayth I seemed to you to eate and to drinke but I dyd not eate neyther drynke The common translacion hath I seemed to you to eate and to drinke But I vse inuisible meate and drinke Neyther text denyeth but that the Aungell dyd after a certayne maner eate Augustine But whatsoeuer may be gathered of those woordes me thinketh the interpretacion of Augustine is to be receaued in his .iii. booke de Trinitate the .22 chap. where he thus writeth The Angels did eate in very dede but not for neede but to contract custome and familiarity with men Wherefore when in the one text it is said
without the good will of the parentes are whoredomes fornications and aduoutries the master of the sentences aunswereth that that is true not bycause such mariages are in very deede such but bycause they assemblyng together secretly among thēselues priuely without the parents knowledge are wont to be counted as whoremongers and adulterers but yet the matrimony abideth ratified and is firme bicause of the wordes of the present tense which wer therin vsed Also Thomas Aquinas in the same place Thomas Aquina◠is of the same iudgement and vnto that whiche is brought out of Paul vnto the Ephesians where he sayth children obey your parentes in al things He answereth that that is to be vnderstand of those things wherin the children haue not any liberty namely as touching familiar and domesticall things And this reason he addeth bycause matrimony is a certayne kynde of seruitude which the childe is not compelled to take vpon him agaynst his will And in that it is written of Abraham that he sought his sonne a wife out of hys kinred he aunswered that that happened bycause he knewe that that lande was promised vnto hys posterity and that God had decreed to take it awaye from the Chananites Wherfore he would not haue hys sonne contract matrimony with them These fellowes in deede speake many things but they bryng not so much as one word out of the holy scriptures they stil contend that children ought to haue most ful liberty left them as touchyng mariages But that is a mere inuention of theirs whiche by no meanes hath his foundation vpon the worde of God The old fathers were of our opinion but of them it happened as of the Canōs What the olde fathers iudges Tertullian for the more auncient they were the more sincere they were and the more new the more corrupte Tertulliane in his .2 booke to his wife as touchyng the mariages of Christians with Ethnikes writeth very wel neither alloweth he mariages betwene persons of a contrary religion God sayth he deliuereth thee to a spouse And he addeth No not in earth cā daughters right and iustly mary with out the consent of the parentes How therfore wilt thou mary without the consent of thy heauenly father Chrisostome vpon Genesis and vpon Mathew Chrisostome when he entreateth of mariages remitteth the matter vnto the exāples of the fathers in the olde Testamēt neither is it of great necessity to rehearse his wordes whē as the same father vpon the first Epistle to Timo. in his .9 Homely entreateth very manifesty of that matter there he exhorteth parents bicause of the slippery age of their childrē to ioyne them in matrimony but he exhorteth not the children that they should chuse vnto thēselues husbandes or wyues but by Apostrophes he conuerteth his oration vnto the parentes that they should prouide for them as touchyng matrimony he addeth a very notable sentence If saith he they begin to playe the whoremongers before they be maryed they wil neuer be faithfull in matrimony I wil note also by the waye what he writeth in the place of weddyng crownes or garlandes For euen at that tyme they vsed crownes or garlandes in weddinges What saith he signifieth the crown or garland Forsoth that the husband and the wife should declare that euē to that tyme they had ben vanquishers of lustes if thou hast ben an adulterer or whoremonger howe wearest thou a crown or garlād Augustine in his .133 Epistle Augustine beyng desired to make the mariage betwene a manchilde a womāchild I would do it sayth he but the mother of the child is not present and thou knowest that to contract the mariage her good will is necessary In this place Augustine writeth more seuerely then the ciuill lawes For they will not haue the childe to be in the power of his mother Of Ambrose I will speake nothing nowe I haue sufficiently spoken of hym before Wherfore seyng the lawe of God and the law of nature the ciuill lawe and eoconomical lawe the fathers and sincere Canons do affirme that the consent of the parentes is necessary and the examples of the faintes declare the same what should let but that we should be of the same mind Neither ought this to seeme griuous vnto children for it was for theyr commodity so appointed by God and by lawes For young persons in such thinges and specially wemē prouide very yll oftentymes for themselues It is mete the children should require the consent of their parentes Wherefore it is written in the Code de sponsalibus in the law si pater When a father hath betrouthed his daughter if he afterward dye the gouerner or tutor cānot vndoo the couenant of the father and a reason is added bycause tutors sometymes are wonne with money and women thorough weakenes fall to their owne discommodity The example also of Christ ought to moue vs whiche was geuen of his father a husbande vnto the Churche and he alwaye sayd that he did not his own will but the will of his father of whō he was sent Farther how great a discorder ariseth in the publique wealth of this deprauation and abuse how great a window is opened vnto fylthy lustes He that can first haue carnall fellowship with the mayden in some places hopeth to obteyne her to wife yea euen against her parentes good wil. To the reasōs of the aduersaryes But now must we answere the reasons whiche the contrary party alledge for themselues First as we before sayd they cry that in contractyng of matrimony there ought to be full liberty But I pray you what liberty Of the fleshe or of the spirit Vndoubtedly that liberty of the spirite is the greatest when we obey the cōmaundemētes of god The chiefest liberty is to obey the commaundements of god who if he would haue vs obedient vnto our parētes in other thinges why not also in contractyng of matrimony Wherefore they breake the lawe of God which obey not the parents also in this thing Farther if they will haue the liberty of contracting of matrimony to be so great why doo they themselues prohibite so many degrees of mariages whiche God neuer prohibited Once the Popes would not suffer matrimony to be cōtracted euē vnto the seuenth degree but now they contayne within the fourth moreouer why do they forbid mariages vnto the ministers of the Churche Farther why did God himself forbid matrimonies betwene persons of contrary religion if in mariage there ought to be so great a liberty as they fayne to be But they adde Children for feare of their parentes will saye that that matrimony pleaseth them whiche pleaseth them not But the sonne is not compelled so to say nothyng letteth but that he may answere that that wife pleaseth him not and that such a matrimony he can not abyde And in deede without his consent matrimony can be by no meanes contracted In the digestes de ritu nuptiarū in the lawe non cogitur we
died together with thē for thirst Or it was done that the power and beneuolence of God towardes his people should be made the more notable which had not onely deliuered Samson from his enemyes but also had quenched his thyrst by a wonderfull meanes Wherefore Samson turneth himself vnto prayers whiche God maketh him to expresse both by his spirite and also by this present necessitye We are not able to thinke how much God delighteth in our submission Thou sayth he Lord God hast geuen me this victory and wilt thou now forsake me Hereby we vnderstand that the remembrance of the benefites past do excedingly stir vp our prayers for they encrease fayth whereby we hope that we may obteyne the like and also greater things Neither is this a thing to be passedouer that he calleth him self the seruāt of God I am sayth he thy seruāt For I haue not slayn these mē at myne owne lust and motion I haue done thy busines and I haue executed thy warre And wilt thou now suffer me to dye for thurst And by that meanes to fal into the handes of mine enemies And which is most greuous into the handes of the vncicumcised For I vndoubtedlye whatsoeuer I am am thine and I haue set abrode the glory of thyne name Thou hast promised that I should be a iudge vnto thy people suffer me not therfore to come into the power of mine enemies contrary to that promise which thou hast promised me ¶ The .xvi. Chapter 1 THen went Samson to Azzah and he sawe there a harlot and went into her 2 And it was told to the Azzathites Sāson is comhither And they went about and layde waite for him all night in the gate of the city and wer quiet al the night saying Abide til the morning early and we shal kill him 3 And Samson slept till midnight and rose at midnight and toke the dores of the gate of the city and the two postes and lift them away with the barres and put them vpon his shoulders and caried them vp to the top of the mountaine that is before Hebron It is no rare or vnaccustomed thinge that excellent men when they haue accomplished thinges after theyr minde There happen sometimes greuous falles of godly men of churches doe slacke good studies and honest entenprises as though they had done with labors are nowe in that place that they can not fall God suffreth them sometimes so to fal that they shoulde acknowledge thē selues be called back to repentance But that is not done by the merite of the sinners but by the goodnes and mercy of god So God suffred Dauid to fal so Salomon contaminated hymselfe with a most greuous wicked crime so Iudas the sonne of Iacob being in good estimation among his bretherne yet committed incest with Thamar Neyther do these things happē only vnto singuler mē but also vnto the church as well the new as the old In the time of Byleam whē the Israelites could not be won by any other meanes they wer cōquered by harlots And the church of the Corrinthians was at the firste so contaminated with whoredomes that Paule was compelled to shewe by arguments and testimonies of the word of god that foricatiō was sin Yet did not god straightway depart from those which I haue mencioned God doth not straightway after sinne take a way from men hys free gratious giftes nor from Samson as touching his free gracious giftes as are strength gifte of tongues prophesies and suche like bicause they are geuen not for theire sakes whiche possesse them but for other Bileam though he was an euill man yet had he still the gift of prophesy yea and he prophesied most excellently of Christ The Lord also sayth many shall say vnto me in that day Haue not we cast out deuils in thy name And in thy name haue we prophesied it shal be sayd vnto them verely I say vnto you I know you not Howbeit for discipline sake free gracious giftes are also sometimes taken away sometimes I saye not alwayes And Samson did not strayghtewaye at the first time when he sinned lose those giftes of God yet afterwarde he loste them But seyng these ar not alwaies taken away Whither the giftes which follow iustification are firme what shal we affirm of other gifts which of necessity follow iustification Those vndoubtedly ar takē away in sins that ar most heinous For he which hath committed any greuous sinne agaynst himselfe holdeth not peace of conscience neyther the zeale to call vpon God nor hope towardes God Fayth also for that time either sleepeth and lieth still or as some think is taken away although it be afterward restored vnto the elect and those that are predestinate when they repent Suche fals of excellente men are setforth How great the verity of the holy scriptures is How the countrey of the Philistians was deuided that we by them should haue an example that if at any time we fal we should not dispayre And hereby we vnderstand how greate the veritye of the holy scriptures is For they dissemble not errors and vices in the greatest mē in those specially which they haue taken in hand to prayse Azza was one of the head cities of the Philistians For that coūtry was deuided into prouinces and Lordshippes of which in euery one of them there was some one excellent and notable city Our interpretors haue translated Azza into Gaza for it is written by this letter Ain whiche our men turne by g And so the Ammorhites they call Gomorhites But why went Samson downe hither bycause now hauing obteined so manye victories he contemned his enemies and peraduenture he sought occasion to inuade them But in this citye he fell for he had there to doe with a harlot This woorde Zonah signifieth in Hebrewe a harlot of whiche thinge wee haue spoken in an other place Some thinke that Samson did nothing here offend but onely turned into a woman that kept a vitling house For by that word is also signified a woman that kepeth a vitling house bycause she prepareth meate and other necessarye thinges for gestes So some thinke that Rahab in the booke of Iosua whiche receaued the spies was not an harlot but onely one that kept a vitling house But I thinke that Rahab was an harlot For so is she called in the Epistle to the Hebrewes which had doone her iniury now being deade How women that kept vitling houses are called by the Romain lawes if it called her beinge a chaste woman an harlotte The Romaine lawes called such women as kepte vitlinge houses stabulariae as it is had in the title de furtis stabulariorum Ambrose sayth that Helena the mother of Cōstātine the gret was a stabularia after this sort he calleth her a good stabularia He entred into her This Hebrew forme of speaking signifieth carnall fellowship namely that he had to do with her Other think as I haue said that he
Iustice in contaminatyng an other mannes thyng Ye are bought with a greate pryce wherefore glorify God in your body These argumentes of Paul are both most pleasaunt and also most strōg which if they satisfy not some let him loke vpon our Samson He was no idolatrer no murtherer no these and yet is he taken bound his eyes put out and is compelled to grinde in a prison euen as if he had ben a foure footed beast Paul laboureth by many argumētes to proue whoredome is sinne And no maruayle bicause then he wrote vno the Corinthians whiche at that tyme abounded aboue other in fornicatiōs Wherof came the Prouerb Nō quiuis Corinthū that is It is not for euery mā to go to Corinthus And in vniuersal al the Ethnikes were in an ill opiniō touching this vice Eusebius For which cause whē the Church was yet springyng as Eusebius testifieth in his .3 booke of his hystory the .29 chap. the Nicolaites did openly manifestly commit fornication layd the custome of their wicked crime vpō Nicolaus the deacon Clemēs Alexandrinus The history of Nicolaus the deacon although Clemēs Bishop of Alexādria in Stromatis do excuse Nicolaus For he sayeth that he neither thought nor taught any such thing But hauing a very fayre woman to his wyfe and therefore beyng thought to haue ben gelous ouer her he brought her foorth before the people and said This is my wife And that ye might vnderstand that I am not gelous ouer her I am cōtēt for my part that any of you take her to wife Which thing also he mēt as farre as the law of God would suffer But they which were afterward called Nicloaites vnderstandyng his wordes peruersly supposed that he thought the wyues among Christians ought to be cōmon Of this Secte it is written in the Apocalips But this thou hast bycause thou hast hated the actes of the Nicolaites whiche I haue hated Wherfore it is no meruayle though Paul tooke so great paynes to teache that whoredome is sinne Fornicatiō cōtrary to matrimony This wicked crime is contrary vnto matrimony For they whiche haunte wandryng lustes and harlots are farre from contracting of Matrimony Wherfore Terence sayth They which loue can ill abide to haue a wife geuen thē For whiche cause Clemens sayth Clemens whoredome leadeth from one matrimony to many that is from one lawful coniunction to many vnlawfull wicked The Epistle to the Hebrues ioyneth fornicators which aduoutrers testifieth that God will iudge them And those two vices are so ioyned together that they are comprehended in the selfe same precept wherin it sayd Thou shalt not commit aduoultry Fornication is repugnat vnto Christ the publique wealch This pestilence also is repugnāt both vnto Charity to the publique wealth vnto charity vndoubtedly bycause the fornicators do iniury vnto their children whiche not beyng lawfully procreated are scarsely at any tyme brought vp honestly vertuously And they hurt the publique wealth bycause they defraud it of good Citizēs For Mamzer a bastard I say one borne in fornication is prohibited to be receaued into the Church not that he is restrayned from the holy cōmunion or from the misteryes of saluation but bycause it is not lawfull for him to gouerne the publique wealth to be numbred among Citizens Some thinke that this euill may be remedyed if a man should keepe a concubine at home So say they shall the yssue be certayn It may be peraduenture certayne but it shall not be legitimate Seing therfore this wicked crime is both agaynst matrimony and charity also the publique wealth it cā not be denied but it is a sinne most grieuous A Christiā magistrate ought not to suffer harlottes And for as much as it is so why are fornications now a dayes openly suffred in Cityes I speake not of the Ethnikes I speake of Christians and of those Christiās which wil alone seme be called the successors of Christ Whoredome or fornicatiō is most impudently mainteyned in their dominion they not onely willing therunto but also taking a commodity tribute therof That whiche is against the word of God against matrimony against charity against the publique wealth is no sinne or els it is a notable sinne If it be sinne why is it not taken away weded out Augustine But I know what they will bable they bring foorth Augustine who in his booke de Ordine wryteth thus Take awaye harlottes and all thyngs shal be filled with filthy lustes But let vs consider in what time Augustine wrote that booke Vndoubtedly when he was yet Catechumenus and not sufficiently enstructed in religion And althoughe he had not beene Catechumenus yet thys his saying agreeth not with the word of God neyther with Augustine himselfe who in an other place affirmeth that the good which commeth of euil as a recompensacion is not to be admitted Which thing also Paule hath taught to the Romaynes euen as they were wont to say of vs Let vs do euil thinges that therby may come good thinges whose damnation is iust We must neuer haue a regard to the end and euent when we are vrged by the commaundemente of god Somtimes men say vnto vs Vnles thou committe sinne this euill or that will succede But we must aunswere let vs do what god hath commaunded vs he will haue a care of the successe Neither is it meete that one onely sentence of Augustine should be of greater authority then so many reasōs which we haue brought and so many most manifest wordes of God God commaunded absolutely and by expresse wordes that there shoulde be no harlot in Israell But some go aboute to wrest this place out of our handes in sayinge that these hebrewe woordes Kadschah and Kedaschim signifieth not whores or harlots but rather the priestes of Priapus which were vowed or consecrated to thinges most filthy I contrarily thinke that Chadschah signifieth an harlot and Kedaschim vnnaturall and effeminate persons God woulde haue neyther of these suffred among his people But in that they obiect the holy seruices of Priapus it is nothing For it was sufficientlye before decreed touchinge idolatry and what nede it agayn to be repeated But that we may the more manifestly vnderstand that Kadschah signifieth a harlot let vs reade the historye of Iuda and Thamar in the booke of Genesis Certaine wordes ar taken both in the good and euill parte and there we shall see that Louah Kadschah are taken both for one and the selfe same thing For whiche cause we must note that there are certayne wordes whiche maye be taken both in the good and euil parte of which sort is this word Kadschah among the Hebrewes which signifieth both holy and also an harlot euen as among the lattines thys word sacrum that is holye Virgil. wherefore Virgill sayth Auri sacra fames that is the holy hunger of gold This Hebrew word Kadasch is to prepare or
Tertulliane de anima Brothel houses sayth he are execrable before God But if they shoulde be suffred saye they there is some hope of theyr conuersion For Christ sayth Harlots and publicanes shal go before you in the kingedome of god How harlots do go before the Scribes and Phareseis in the kingdome of heauen But let them tel me whither they can by no other meanes be reuoked into the right way then to be borne withal It is true indede that Christ sayd Harlots and publicanes shall go before you in the kingdome of God But he vnderstandeth not Harlots as long as they be harlots and ar not conuerted For what cause then is it said that they shal go before the Phareseis Scribes in the kingdom of God bicause they being conuerted do acknowledge and bewaile theyr sinnes but the Phariseis Scribes regarded not their wicked actes but would seme to be moste holy If harlots should be suffred bicause they may be conuerted then shal ther be no sinne so greuous which ought to be punished for there is none so farre past grace but there is some hope that he may be reuoked into the right way and so al lawes shall sleepe They adde moreouer God hath prohibited harlots In the tyme of Salomon there wer harlots in Israel as it is had in Deut. which yet were afterward suffred For Salamon gaue iudgement betwene twoo harlots First I answer that it is not certaine that they were harlots for as muche as this woord Zouah signifieth also her that keepeth a vitling house and one also which getteth her liuing by sundry kinde of gaine Farther though they wer harlots yet is it a friuolous and most weake argument For wee must not reason from that which is done to that which ought to be done God in deede prohibited harlots but afterward discipline quailed and many things were cōmitted against the law But we ought to haue a regard not to that which is done but to that which God hath cōmaunded to he done otherwise if we will liue according to examples there are euil examples inough euery where For Popes and Cardinals doo not onely suffer harlots but also keepe them themselues as thinges most dainty Neither are they afearde of the Canons which decree that Priestes for whooredomes should be deposed in the distinction 82. chap. Presbyter when as yet the glose saith there Now a daies no man is deposed for whoredome The same is had in the second question .7 chap. Lator The Apostle excludeth whooremongers from the kingdome of God But these exclude them not from the Church neither thinke they that they ought to be deposed But that is no maruaile Aduoutries accounted of the Papistes very light crimes for as muche as they say that the Bishop may dispense with aduoutries and other light crimes as it is had Extra de Iudiciis in the law At Clerici they are the woordes of Alexander .3 wherby it appeareth that these men count aduoutries for crimes very light Why ought we then to depende on their examples Philo a Iew saith that in the publike welth of the Iewes Philo. harlots could not be suffred For al when they came to ripe age ought of necessity eyther to be husbandes or wiues Widowes in deede ther wer some but yet wel growen in yeares and of an approued incontinency This example should we followe namely of such an holy publik welth not the example of the papisticall court When I was on a time at Rome I remembred a wittye saying of Crates An Apothegma of Crates He when he came to Delphos and sawe in the temple of Apollo a golden ymage of Phrynis a very notable harlot cryed out Beholde a token of the wantonnes of the Grecians So I considering there suche sumptuous harlots and so gorgiously appareled said Behold a token of the wantonnes of the bishop of Romes Prelates But let vs leaue them and go on with the woordes of God and the reasons brought from thence Basilius in his first booke vpon the Psalmes expounding these wordes Basilius And hath not syt in the chaire of pestilence writeth very wel Whooredome saythe he stayeth not in one man but inuadeth a whole City For some one yong man cōmeth vnto an harlot and taketh vnto himself a fellow and the same felow also taketh an other fellow Wherefore euen as fire being kindled in a City A similitude if the winde blow vehemently stayeth not in the burnyng of one house or twoo but spreddeth far and wyde and draweth a great destruction with it So this euyl being once kindled spreddeth ouer al the partes of the City Ambrose Ambrose also wisely writeth vpon the .119 Psalme alledging the wordes of the .vi. chap. of the Prouerbs who can noorishe burning coales in his bosome and not bee burnt who saith he can thinke that harlots can be noorished in a City and yong men not be corrupted with whooredome The sentence of Augustine inuerted And so may we aptly turne that sentence of saint Augustine cleane contrarelye If thou take awaye harlots thou shalte fyll all thinges with filthy lustes Not so but rather contrarily Noorishe harlots and thou shalt fyl al thinges with filthy lustes They obiect againe that the good which commeth of euil is a recompensacion and they wil haue brothel houses to be suffered least violence shoulde be offered vnto honest Matrons I haue answered before that euil thinges are not to be done that good thinges should ensue Yea but saye they God himselfe hath ordained that the good which cōmeth of euil is a recompensacion For bicause of the hardnes of hart of the Hebrues that they should not folow greater euils he graunted them the booke of diuorcement But these men ought to remēber that we must not cal God vnto iudgemēt neither is it lawful to require of hym a reason of his lawes It is not lawful alwaies to reason by the example of God Wherfore it is no firme conclusion God did so therefore it is lawful for vs to doo the like We must not looke what God hath done but what he hath commaunded vs to doo But as concerning diuorcement we shal haue occasion in an other place to speake therof God saw that hatred oftē tymes happeneth betwene man and wife and daunger of committing murther which thing rather then it should happen he graunted the booke of diuorcement But it is a false argument God gaue the booke of diuorcement therefore it is lawful for vs to keepe brothelhouses To the reasons of the aduersaries To the fyrst Now resteth to confute the reasons of the aduersaries First they said whoredome is in the actes of the Apostles nūbred among those thinges which of their own nature are not euil as blood thinges strangled and thinges dedicated vnto Idoles For there is no creature of God euil which is receaued with thankes geuing Wherfore fornication is no syn seing it is reckoned with those things But
then be But both we our selues and al ours doinges I say sayinges thoughtes and counsels are due vnto god Wherfore our merites do vtterly perish Moreouer those workes whereby wee should merite ought to be of our selues which cannot be affirmed for as muche as it is god which worketh in vs both to wil to perform that not as we wil but according to his good wil. Augustine Wherfore Augustine was accustomed very wel to say that God which crowneth his giftes in vs. And in his .100 Epistle ad Sixtū Presbiterum Paul saith he when he had sayd The rewarde of synne is death dyd not straightway adde contrarily The rewarde of righteousnes is euerlasting lyfe But Grace sayth he is eternal life for that is not rendred to our merites but is geuen freely He might in deede haue wrytten after the same manner if he woulde For the holye Scripture sometimes so speaketh But for that he was a defender of grace hee woulde not geue occasion vnto his enemyes to impugne it Farther our woorkes how holye so euer they appeare are neuerthelesse vnpure and imperfect Wherefore they are woorthye rather of punishment then that they should deserue any good And wythout doubt they should be punished were not the redempcion and iustification whyche wee haue by Christ our Lorde There ought also to be some anallogy or proporcion betwene merites and rewardes whereof there is none betwene our workes and eternall lyfe For as Paul saith The sufferinges of this time are not woorthy of the glory to come which shal be reuealed in vs. This is to be added that in the holye scriptures is no where found the name of merite Some in deede are wont to bring the .xvi. chap. of Ecclesiasticus and there they say it is written All mercy shal make place vnto euery one according to the merites of his workes But they which obiect this thing let him looke vpon the Greeke text wherin it is thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is in latine Deus omni misericordiae faciet locum quisque iuxta opera sua inueniet Which in englyshe signifieth God wil make place vnto al mercy and euery man shall finde according vnto hys woorkes But in these woordes there is no mencion made of merite onely this is wrytten that whose woorkes are good they shall be in good case but yet their woorkes are not sayde to bee merites or causes of rewarde I wyll not speake howe that booke is not in the Canon bycause Paule and the Gospels vse the same forme of speaking But of that whyche is wrytten vnto the Hebrewes by suche Sacrifices God is well pleased I haue before spoken nowe wyth one woorde onely will I briefly touche the thing This woorde of deseruing is not founde in the Greeke In Greeke is read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by whyche woorde is onely signified that the good woorkes of the faythfull are gratefull and acceptable vnto God Of the woorde reward But as touching this woorde rewarde which some bicause they do not well vnderstand it do take for merite we must deuide it two maner of wayes For that is sometymes called a rewarde whiche is geuen freelye but yet is promysed by adding of some worke wherby men should be styrred vp to doo well So eternal life may be called a reward not that we deserue the same by our woorkes but bicause by a certain order appointed of God it followeth our good workes But somtimes a reward is that which is due vnto good dedes Whither eternal lyfe may be called a reward is rendred vnto them of duty After this maner eternal life cannot be called the reward of our workes Wherfore Paul to the Romanes saith Abraham beleued God it was imputed vnto him for righteousnes But vnto him which woorketh reward is not imputed according to grace but according to debt Wherefore eternal lyfe for as muche as it is not of ryght dewe cannot be a reward if the woorde be taken in that signification But when they thus reason there is a reward geuen ergo there is a merite The argument is not firme A genere ad species bicause in affirming we may not discend from the general woorde to the species Neyther doth he rightly conclude whych sayth It is a liuing creature ergo it is a man This generall word reward hath two species therfore this argument is not firme if we saye It is a reward Ergo it is plaine that it must be geuen of dewty This saying also of Ieremy is to be added Cursed be euery one that putteth his hope in man and calleth flesh his strength But all our thinges whatsoeuer they be are not without flesh Wherfore it is not lawful for vs to put confidence in them Ierome And Ierome writing vpon that place hath very well brought in manye thinges whereby may be vnderstanded that in our workes there is no regard of merite Yea and the Papists also themselues which ar the patrones of merites are sometimes compelled to confesse that our merites are nothing at all For on the 2. Sonday in the Aduēt thus they pray Be pacefied O god with the prayers of our humility and wher helpe of merites do want succor vs with the aydes of of thy mercy The fathers whē in theyr writings they oftentimes inculcate this word of meriting do by it signify nothinge els then to get to obteine and to atteine to And as manye of them as haue written purelye the same haue detested the consideration of merites whereof the papistes so much bost Wherfore the Israelites were not heard thoroughe the merite of their teares or prayers but bycause by fayth in Christ to come they obteyned forgeuenes of sins and so by his merite onely they returned into fauor againe with god They offred sacrifice What profite the sacrifices of the law had Although I haue before largely spoken of the sacrifices in the olde time yet I thinke it good here also briefly to touch what profite was of them in the old law When men are vexed with calamityes they beginne to think vpon theyr sin they loke vpon the law wher whē they behold the wrath of god kindled for sinne they are in hart deiected in which perturbatiō there remaineth no remedy but to get them vnto Christ which is the summe and end of all sacrifices Him did the fathers which wer godly embrase by faith but in the sacrifices as often as the sacrifice was slaine so often the death of Christe was after a sorte set before the eyes of those that stoode by by whose death the synnes of the world should be taken away The sacramēts of the olders ours at al one but differ in outward Simboles signes Wherfore they had after this manner a communion amonge themselues in Christ which by sundry notes and signes dayly signified to the people in the old time wherhēce they by fayth receaued vnto their saluacion both his death and the fruite
Gates and walles of cities shoulde not be violated 227 Gedeon refused to be king 2 Gelousy may be in good men 204. b Generall worde proued the particuler or species doth not alwaies fol. 272. b Genesis booke what it entreateth of 1 Gentle aunswer asswageth anger 141. b Gentlenes praeposterus 101. b Gedeon of the tribe of Manasses 114 Gedeon was beautiful 145. b Gedeon why he had his sonne kill the kinges of the Madianites 146 Gedeon refuseth to be king 147 Gedeons fall 150 Gedeon sinneth â— wayes 151. b Gedeon whether he wer saued 155 Giftes of God are not bounde to the estates or conditions of men 251 Giftes of God some remaine and some are taken away after sinne 226. b Giftes of free grace common to the godly and vngodly 134 Gifts in way of reward 188 Gifts may be reuoked 188. b Gifts when they may only be reuoked 199. b Giuing vnhonestlye is vnlawfull 231. b Gilgal where it lieth 59. b Gilgal a religious place 82. b Gilead 173 Gilty persoÌ„s it is not ignominious to slay them 146 Gyauntes names inscripture and their originall 15. b Glasse of the deuine essence 68. b Gladnes described 142 Glory may be desired the matter ende therof 97 Glories desire is mother of enuyt 143 God what he is 121. b God author of histories 3. b God taketh tities and surnames of his benefites bestowed 59. b God appointeth maiestrates 25â— God ruleth in other Maiestrates when 149. b God is the distributer of kingdoms 187. b God calling anye man to office geueth him habilitie to execute the same 71. b God was king of the Israelites 1. b. 2. God reioyceth not in bloud 194. b God is bound to no maÌ„ to geue his grace vnto him but is free 167 God is not bound to his lawes 4. b God may do against his lawes wheÌ„ he list 93 God chaungeth not 175 God changeth not his mind 33. b God when he repenteth is not chaÌ„ged 72 God whether he bee the cause of sinne 78 God deliuered the Israelites to their enemies 70. b. God punisheth sins by sins 24. 8. b. Gods operatioÌ„ in bringing sinne to light 166. b God beholdeth not Idols mens doinges but worketh together with them 78. b God instilleth no new malice 79. b God may we not feele in al thinges 129 God is to bee imitated of Christen men 249. b God can doo many thinges that he wil not 97. b God saith he will do that he wil do and contrary 174. b God how he intermedleth and vseth our corruptioÌ„ by his gouernment 167 God punisheth his owne and beareth with straungers 80. b God whether he be without a bodye 121 God how he may be sen of men 118 God neuer fayleth them that obey him following their vocatioÌ„ 83 b God wyl be worshipped as he hath commaunded 1. 1. b God sendeth som dreames but not all 138 God forgiueth synnes but doth not by and by restore the thynges taked away 65. b Gods helpe is not to bee dispayred of though it be deferred 92. b Gods grace is in degrees 167. b Gods of the sea worshipped 234. b Godly vngodly haue many times like succes 236 Godly to make peace with the vngodly whether it be lawful 99 Godlye men flye vnto god in ouerthrowes 271. b Godly to ioyne power with the vngodly whether it be lawful 99. b Golden age of the Israelites 2. b Good age what 155 Good intent 152 Good workes what they requyre 153 Good workes are so acceptable to God he rewardeth them 72 Good workes morall 72 Good workes must not be without faith no more then a body wythout a soule 242 Good workes in hope of reward lawfull or vnlawfull 23. b Goods wast with droÌ„keÌ„nes 164. b Gospell and law is the sum of the Scripture 1 Gospell promises 175. b Gouernment of god whether it be excluded by humane maiestrates 149. b Grace god would haue it knowen 182 Grace of God whether we can resist 167. b Grace of god why it worketh not alike alwayes in vs. 167. b Grapes gathering with wantonnes 168 Gregory deceiued 90 Gregories error 56 Gregory thought it absurd that the Pope should be aboue the Emperour 147. b Griefe described and deuided into his braunches 142 Grosnes oft in Princes 82 Groues to worship Gods in 77 Groues about Idols 123 Ground of all impiety and folye is security 246. b Guile or deceit handled 84 Guile good and bad 84. b Guile to breake an othe 282. b H HAbituall intent 153 Heresy defined 58. b Heresy of the Marcians 58. b Heretikes if they may be suffred among christians 58. b Heretikes how they must be ordered 61. b Heretikes ought men to kepe faith with 86 Hand bredth measure 16. b Hand maiden cannot by the Romain lawes be a concubine 154. b Hangmen Hebrewes had none 146 Harlots how daungerous 228. b Harlot differed from a concubine 154 Harlots are not to be suffered in a city 230. b Harlots are not rapt though they they be had away with violence 283. b Harlots son a iudg in Israel 176. b Harpers 102 Harte or minde and body or outward vesture to worshippe God with 49 Hate of enemies not permitted to vnperfect 31 Head of the church who 241 Head of the whole church caÌ„not the bishop of Rome be nor none els there 148. b Heades couered in token that they haue authority aboue them 93 Heads of captaines ouercumde cut of and presented to the victors 141 Heare growing or clipping 201. b Hebrues sinned three wayes 77 Hebrues vsed the superstition of the Egiptians 122. b Hebrew wordes is none in the Latine churche but such as came by the Grekes 41. b Hebron called Kiriath Arba. 14 b Hebron a city of refuge 18 Helizeus delighted in musike 102. b Helpe at Infidels handes may not be desired 99. b Helpe of God may we not dispayre of 92. b Helpes humain are not to be despised 97 Helping of the Lord. 110 Helth lesse estemed then profit 174 Hems of the Hebrewes 47. b Hercules praise 29 Herod eaten of lice 13 Hesron called also Iephuna 18. b Heauines described 142 Hypocrates of factors 274 History defined 3 History praised 3. b Histories fruite 235. 288. b Holidaies dauncing 287. b Holidaies bestowing 288 Holy ghost is iii. waies in meÌ„ 190. b Honour due to parentes 214. 212. b Honour defined 157. b. How it is the reward of vertues 158 Honestye is the sure foundation of amity 166. b Honest and iuste thinges are to bee done although they be not expresly commaunded in the worde of God 250 Hooring what it signifieth 151 Hops bytter become swete beyng stiept in water 161. b Hope described 142 Hope is a meane betwene securitye and desperation and springeth thereof 246. b Hooredome handled 229 Hooredome punished 4 Hornets of dead Ashes 218 Hospitality 4 Hospitality praised 251 Hospitalitiâ—s lawes broken 100. b more of them 101 Hoste cruell Busiris 252. b Houres of the day among the Elders 277. b House of euerye
condition ioyned with it as it may be in absolute and simple sentences when as the successe depēdeth of the kepyng or violatyng of the condition More ouer in these wordes of the history is expressed the cause why the Israelites sorowed and sighed namely bycause they were oppressed and afflicted and that with those kindes of calamityes whiche are before mencioned namely bycause they were spoyled sold and losyng their liberty and goods they were no longer able to stande before their enemyes 19 Yet for all that as soone as the Iudge was dead they turned and did worse than their fathers in following straunge gods and in seruing them and bowing them selues vnto them and ceased not from the Actes of them and from their hard waye When the Hebrues in the tyme of the Iudge that was raysed vp had a restyng tyme and came to a tollerable estate that iudge beyng dead they fell agayne worse than they did before and committed much more grieuous things than did their elders Whereby is founde true that whiche we before haue sayde namely that the infirmitye of our nature is so great that we can not longe abyde in pure religion and sincere worshipping of God And in that it is sayde that they whiche came after were a great deale worse than their fathers is declared that GOD not without reason and iuste cause was the more prouoked vnto anger so that wheras he had longe tyme spared their elders nowe at the last he would not forgeue those that came after And this is it whiche is often sayde Howe the iniquities of the fathers are visited in the children childrēs children that he doth visite the iniquities of the fathers vpon the children euen to the third and fourth generation whiche is not so to be vnderstand as thoughe he should punishe the posteritie more than they haue deserued But bycause God as he hath spared the fathers would so also haue forgeuen the children vnlesse they had so much followed the iniquities of their fathers that also they went farther in those mischieuous Actes then did their fathers God is patient and before the poureth out hys wrath and punishementes he vseth to tary for the thirde or fourth generation But howe these of whom we intreate were more corrupt than their fathers the history manifestly declareth for they committed more wicked Actes than did their fathers And of all those whiche their fathers perpetrated they forsooke none or left none vndone But of this kynde of speache wherein it is sayde It is not in mans power to auoyde sinne Neither ceased they from their endeuours we may not conclude that it lyeth in our strength power to auoyde synnes or to wrappe our selues out of them Wherfore they greatly erre which of the preceptes of the law of GOD do gather the strength and power of our free will For by the commaundementes the Scripture testifyeth what thynges they he whiche are required of men The power of free will is not to be gathered of the commaūdementes But the same Scripture manifestlye in an other place admonisheth that it lieth not in our power to fulfill them As Paul also writeth in hys latter Epistle to Timothe that there are in a great house not onely vesselles of golde and siluer but also vesselles of wood and vesselles of claye And he whiche shall purge hym selfe from them shal be a vessell sanctified to honour profitable to the Lorde and prepared to all good workes Neither for all that can we therby conclude that it is in our owne strength to purge our selues from synnes althoughe the same be required at our handes for as much as that is to be looked for onely of God Wherefore the same Apostle in the same Epistle when he had admonished the Minister of the Churche so be gentle ready to teache pacient to suffre euilles It is GOD whiche geueth repentaunce amendement but so for all that to confute them whiche resiste addeth If peraduenture God shall geue them repentaunce to the knowledge of hys truth By these wordes we are taughte that repentaunce from synnes whiche is commaunded commeth not of our selues but is louyngly and gently geuen of God The waye of synners is rightlye and worthily called harde The waye of sinners is hard and it is a metaphor elegantly taken of roughe and stonye places for stones and rockes for that they haue thicke and vnequall partes they hurte pricke and rente the tendre fleshe of theyr feete whiche trauayle vpon them So are the manners of the wicked they wounde theyr consciences and at the laste bryng them into extreme miseries which happeneth not without the great goodnesse of God for the god at the length by that meanes calleth vnto him very many sinners And the sawe hath Hoseas the Prophete very well described in hys ii chap when he sayeth And she sayde I will go after my louers whiche haue geuen me golde siluer wooll flaxe c. But I will hedge in thy wayes with thornes and will take awaye my gold my siluer my wooll and my flaxe And she shall say I will returne vnto my first husband for then was it better with me than it is now 20 Wherfore the wrath of the Lorde was kyndled agaynst Israel and he sayd Bycause thys people hath transgressed myne appoyntment whiche I commaunded their Fathers and haue not hearkened vnto my voyce 21 I also will hence forth not cast out before them one man of the nations whiche Iosua left when he dyed 22 That thoroughe them I maye proue Israell whether they wyll kepe the waye of the Lorde and walke therein as their Fathers dyd or not 23 And so the Lord left those nations and droue them not out immediatly neither deliuered them into the handes of Iosua The cause being before declared namely the contempte wherby the Israelites contempned GOD now is set forth the effect thereof whiche is the kindlyng of the wrath of GOD. For this worde Chara in the Hebrue tongue is to waxe hotte or to be kyndeled with anger Whereby the property and nature of angry is properly and elegantely expressed For if angry should be defyned accordyng to the matter thereof it is a certayne inflamation of bloud about the hearte What is the matter of āger Neither do I speake it as thoughe that can be applied vnto GOD who vtterly is without heate and bloud But all these thynges as I haue allready oftentymes sayde are by a certaine translation applied vnto hym ¶ Of a League BVt bycause God complayneth for that the league was broken whiche he had made with them I thincke it good somewhat to speake briefly of a league whiche is in Latine called Faedus And that worde is deriued of the verbe Ferio whiche is to staye bycause that the ambassadours of eche partie kylled a hogge from whiche Etimologye peraduenture the Hebrue worde Berith differeth not much with whiche outwarde signe also they wished by prayer the destruction to that parte whiche
should violate the league as we may gather out of Lyui the first booke Ab vrbe condita Thre kyndes of leagues And as the same authour writteth in his iiii booke de bello Macedonico there are thre kyndes of leagues The first kynde is when the conquerours set lawes to those whom they haue conquered in punishyng them and commaundyng them what they will haue them afterwarde to do The second kinde is when thinges being yet sound and neither part ouercome they commen together that thynges taken from eche partie may be restored and couenauntes of peace may be established The thirde kinde is when there is no warre betwene the parties and certayne princes or cities are ioyned together by some couenauntes either to lyue the more peaceably or elles to take in hande some common affaires And nowe that we haue thus declared these thinges let vs shewe what a league is A league is that bonde betwen men wherby enterchaungeably they testifye both by wordes signes What a league is that they are boūde to performe certayn things so that they handle together with good fayth And if that it be a bonde and pertayneth to relation it is grounded vpon humane actions is referred to those thinges whiche the partyes confederated ought to performe the one to the other It is expressed by wordes Leagues are expressed both by wordes and signes and for the most parte signes are added God when after the floud he made a league with mankynd he did not onely declare the forme of the obligation by wordes but also he put the raynebowe in the cloudes as a witnesse And in the league whiche he made with Abraham he put the signe of circumcision Furthermore in that whiche was made by Moses at the mount Sinay there were twelue pillers erected the people was sprinckled with bloud Iosua also when he should dye erected vp a very great stone therby to seale the league renewed betwene the people and God What thinges are promised in the league of god made with men And what the promises were which should be kept of eche partyes the Scripture oftentymes teacheth For God promised that he would be the god of hys people namely whiche would be with them to helpe them to deliuer them and by all meanes as touching all kind of good thinges to adorne them Christe is the mediatour in makyng the league The people agayne promised that they would counte the Lord Iehouah for their God in beleuing worshipping and obeyng him And Christ was in the league as the mediatour betwene eche partye This is the exposition and nature of the league made betwene god and men Howe a league is deuided into a new league an olde A league is deuided into the new league and the olde whiche deuision is not of a generall thing into speciall thinges but of the subiecte into accidences for so much as in either league the thing it selfe and substaunce was vtterly one and the selfe same onely certain qualities did vary For the olde league was made with one onely nation of the Iewes and had certayn additions the possession I say of the lande of Chanaan the kingdome of the Iewes and the priesthode of Aaron also the promise of the Messias accordyng to the natiuitie of the fleshe and the ministery of his owne person Moreouer it had very many signes of ceremonyes and sacrifices very mete for that age There wer also in it misteries of saluation and promises of eternall life althoughe farre more obscure than they were afterwarde geuen vnto vs. And contrarywise in the new league there are proprietyes in a manner contrary For it pertayneth not to any one certayn nation but to all nations how farre soeuer the worlde extende Neither is there any peculiar ciuile administration adioyned vnto it Furthermore there are but very fewe ceremonies outward signes and they very plaine and simple added vnto it And lastely all thinges are contayned more openly playnely manifestly in the new testamēt than they are in the old The thing and substaunce of the olde league and newe is all one By these qualities doth the new league and the old differ one from an other howbeit the thyng it selfe and the substaunce abydeth one and the same For as the Lord would then be the God of the Hebrues so now hath he decreed to be the god of the Christians And that also whiche they at that tyme promised namely that they would beleue in the true god obey and worshyp him as he hath prescribed we also ought to performe Christ cōmeth betwen both parties as a mediatour and forgeuenesse of sinnes and also eternall lyfe is by hym promised And the lawes of manners remayne the same now whiche then were Paul in the xi chap to the Romanes hath very wel declared that the league of the elders ours is all one when he compareth the Church with the tree which hath Christ as the roote Then he addeth that from such a tree certayne brāches were cut of namely the Hebrues whiche beleued not And we whiche were gētils were planted in their place that is put in the same league wherin they were comprehended The same tree he affirmeth to remayne into whiche some are by fayth grafted in and from the whiche other some bycause of incredulitie are cut of Wherfore eche league contayneth both the law and the gospel In either of the testamētes are the selfe same sacramentes And there are in either of the Testamentes the selfe same Sacramentes as it is declared in the first Epistle to the Cor. the x. chap For the fathers were al vnder the cloude and were baptized in the sea and did eate the same spiritual meate and dranke of the spirituall rocke followyng them and the rocke was Christ Farther we graunt that as touching outward signes there is some variety in their Sacramētes and ours which yet as concerning the things signified by the Sacramentes is found to be nothing at al. Otherwise the argument of Paul should not haue persuaded the Corin. that they should be subiect vnto the same punishmentes that the Hebrues were For they might haue sayd that they had farre better sacramētes thā had the Hebrues therfore they nede not so much to be affeard lest they should suffre the like for as much as the excellency of the sacraments may auoyde those misfortunes from whiche the Hebrues could not be deliuered by the sacramētes of the law Wherfore the Apostle tooke away from them this shift and maketh our sacramentes and theirs equall and a like as touching the thinges He writeth also to the Rom. the first chap of the gospel that it was in the old tyme promised by the Prophetes in the holy scriptures And in the third chap he speaketh after this sorte but now is the righteousnesse of god made manifest being testified by the lawe and the Prophetes Neither canst thou say vnto me that these in dede
Iiphtah delyuered hys not onelye from theeues but also from moste grieuous enemies from the Ammonites I say Wherefore the principallitye of hys Countrye being geuen hym he coulde not iustly be spoyled of it Whereunto thou mayest adde that he was instituted a Iudge by God Therefore he ought to defende both hym selfe and hys in punishyng wycked men Let vs in this place note the seuere iudgement of God vpon sedicious and ingrate persons 7 And Iiphtah iudged Israel syxe yeares then dyed Iiphtah the Gileadite and was buryed in the Cities of Gilead 8 After hym Iibzan of Bethlehem iudged Israel 9 And he had .xxx. sonnes and .xxx. daughters whych he sent out and tooke .xxx. daughters from abroade for his sonnes And he iudged Israel seuen yeares 10 Then Iibzan dyed and was buryed in Bethlehem 11 And after hym Elon a Zebulonite iudged Israell and he iudged Israel tenne yeares 12 Then Elon the Zebulonite dyed and was buryed in Aialon in the lande of Zebulon 13 After hym Abdon the sonne of Hillel the Pirathonite iudged Israel 14 And he had .xl. sonnes and .xxx. sonnes sonnes that rode on 70 Coltes And he iudged Israel .viii. yeares 15 Then died Abdon the sonne of Hillel the Pirathonite and was buryed in Pirathon in the lande of Ephraim in the mount of the Amelachites The Hebrewes fable that Iiphtah for hys wycked cryme in kyllynge hys daughter Nowe hee was buryed in the cities of Gilead was so smytten of God that hys members rotted and wasted away And that when he walked throughe the Cities of Gilead he lost in euerye one of those Cityes some part of his fleshe And therefore it is not sayde that he was buryed in any one certayne place but in the Cities of Gilead Other say that he was very desirous of glory and renowne and therfore he prouided to haue monumentes made for him in manye Cities of that Prouince These ar thyngs friuolous and ful of fables which other Interpreters seing do thus expounde that forme of speaking that In the Cityes of Gilead is nothyng els then in some one certayn of the Cities of Gilead But I thinke that it might be that the principal Citye of the Gileadites was so builte that it seemed to bee not one Citye but many Wherefore it myght bee sayde in the plurall number Cityes So in Hungary is a Citye called Quinque ecclesiae whyche is fyue Cyties and Siracusae a Citye in Sicilia So that Are Gilead was the proper name of one Citye After hym Iibzan iudged Israel This man counted to be Boaz. Some coniecture that thys maÌ„ was that Boaz whych maryed Ruth but that cannot be confirmed by any authoritye of the scripture He had thirty sonnes and thirty daughters And that we shoulde perceiue that they remayned long on lyue it is sayd that they were all by hym coupled in matrimony But bycause the actes of this Iudge and of the other twoo whych are afterwarde mencioned were not as it is to be thought notable therefore they are not spoken of But thys Iudge was of the Tribe of Iuda whych thyng Bethlehem hys Countrye declareth Elon whych was Iudge after hym tenne yeares was of the Tribe of Zabulon Abdon the sonne of Hillel the Pirathonite as the name of his country declareth was an Ephramite and he also was famous by his posteritye for he had fourtye Sonnes and of them thirtye Neuewes It is declared that they all came to rype age for it is sayde that they were all horsmen who as it is to be thought in ryding compassed the sydes of their father To haue many Children is an excellent gift of God Vnles a great number of children were an excellent gift of God it shoulde not so diligentlye haue bene mencioned of in those places God promised vnto his friend Abraham that hys seede should be increased lyke the starres of heauen and sand of the sea Yea and Dauid also syngeth Thy wyfe shall bee lyke a fruitfull vyne in the sydes of thy house and thy children lyke Olyue braunches rounde about thy table Priamus also is renowmed of the Poetes bycause he had fyfty chyldren The lawe of chyldren â—eÌ„ the Romaâ—â— The Romanes made a lawe called the law of three Chyldren For if anye at Rome had three chyldren a lyue they were excused from personall offices Throughout Italy to obtaine that liberty foure were sufficient But in a Prouince fiue wer required as it is in the Code of those which haue deserued an excuse by the number of Chyldren in the lawe de Personalibus and Eosvero But there are some whych doo hate plentiful fruite bycause they haue no confidence in the goodnes of God and doo dispaire that they shoulh be able to nooryshe them They synnâ— whyche hatâ— plentifull issue And there are other whiche are infected with this wicked affection bycause they desyre to auoyde the troubles of bryngyng them vp and are afrayde that they shall leaue their Chyldren beggers behynde them But thys thing happeneth vnto them bycause they doo euyll esteeme the benefites of God neyther vnderstande they what great honour and dignity he geueth them What is the dignitye of the Parentes as often as they haue issue As God is the Father of men so also would he haue men to be the Parentes of men that they should vnderstande by the fatherlye loue or affection what mynde and beneuolence God beares towardes vs. ¶ The .xiii. Chapter 1. BVt the Children of Israel continued to coÌ„mit wickednes in the syght of the Lorde and the Lorde deliuered them into the handes of the Philistines fourtye yeares 2 And ther was a maÌ„ in Zorah of the family of the Danites named Manoah whose wyfe was barren and bare not 3 And the Angel of the Lord appeared vnto the woman and sayd vnto her Behold nowe thou art barren and bearest not But thou shalt conceaue and beare a sonne 4 And now therfore beware that thou drinke no wyne nor strong drinke neyther eate any vncleane thyng 5 Bicause lo thou shalt conceaue and beare a sonne and no rasor shall come on hys heade for the Childe shal be a Nazarite vnto God from hys byrth and he shall begyn to saue Israel out of the handes of the Philistines This affliction of the Israelits is longer then the other GOd afflicted the Israelites and deliuered theÌ„ to their enemies bycause they returned to their old nature and forgetting the Lord their God woorshypped Idoles And this affliction dured fourtye yeares We reade of none longer then this From the death of Abdon the last Iudge euen almost vnto Hely this affliction endured bicause Samson did not fully deliuer the people He in deede smote the Philistines but he did not vtterlye repell them from oppressing of the Hebrues This woorde Zorah is a name of a place and not of a famelye as we shal afterward vnderstand towardes the ende of the chapter Of the Tribe of Dan. The learneder sorte doo to this place referre those
thinges which are written in the booke of Genesis the .49 chapter There Iacob when he was ready to dye The prophecie of Iacob as touching SamsoÌ„ foretolde what should happen vnto his children after long time And when by order he came vnto Dan Dan sayth he shall iudge hys people and he shal be a Serpent in the way and an Adder in the pathe byting the horses heeles so that his ryder shall fall backward For Samson after a sorte did byte the foote of the horse when he ouerthrew the pyller that is the foote of the parler laid the rider on the ground that is the company of the Philistines with the fal of the wal These thinges I therfore make mencion of that it might appeare that they were no small or vulgare things when as Iacob so long time before prophecied of them Samson was of the Tribe of Dan when as the nexte Iudge before him was of the tribe of Ephraim God vsed not at the tyme any ordinary Magistrate Onely SamsoÌ„ appoynted a Iudge before hys byrth neither dyd the Children succeede the Parentes in this kynde of gouernment There was no Iudge vnto this tyme of the Tribe of Dan. And there was none of all the Iudges but onelye Samson whom God appoynted and as it were published a Iudge before he was borne And hys name was Manoah whose wyfe was barren When God decreed to sende any notable and excellent man Many excelleÌ„t meÌ„ borne of baren mothers he verye often tymes styrred hym vp out of a barren woman whiche thing also wee see came to passe in Samson lykewise in Samuel and in Iohn Baptist and in very many other that it myght manifestly appeare to be altogether the woorke of God Barrennes among the Hebrues was a thyng ignominious but God bycause he woulde declare that of thynges most contemptible he can bring foorth thinges excellent hath very often tymes done after thys manner And that faulte of barrennes was in thys place in the woman and not in the man For sometymes it may be in both but the scripture here pronounceth it of the woman and not of the man He shall beginne sayth he to saue Israel Here is signified that Samson should not fully deliuer the people for Israell did not vnder him fight in battayle against theyr enemies he alone assailed theÌ„ somtimes greuously afflicted them The Aungell appeared vnto his mother a part when her husband was awaye and shewed her of the sonne which she should beare Also the Aungell appeared vnto Mary the mother of Christ when she was a lone Iosephus in his bookes of Antiquities addeth Iosephus that thys Manoah somewhat suspected his wife and thought that it was not an aungell but some man that his wifes chastity was assaulted but eyther doubt was taken away wheÌ„ as at the last when he made sacrifice the angel vanished away in the flame So Ioseph wheÌ„ he somwhat suspected Mary herd of the Aungel Ioseph be not aferd to take Mary thy wife for that which is conceiued in her is of the holy ghost God woulde haue his not onely borne lawfullye but also cleared from all suspicion But in Samuel there could be no such suspicion for when Hanna prayed softely Heli the priest rebuked her and counted her for a dronkard who yet when he vnderstode how diligently and earnestly she prayed at the tabernacle of the Lorde he promised vnto her issue But here besides the promise of the sonne is added also a precepte For the Aungell commaundeth her to abstaine from wine and stronge drinke Why such an abstinence was commaunded the mothâ—s and all thinge that might make her dronke There is also a reason added Bicause he shal be a Nazarite vnto the Lord. Wherfore the mother also is commaunded to abstayne from wine stronge drinke and euerye vncleane thinge that the childe shoulde not be nourished with thynges vnlawefull no not in the wombe of hys mother ¶ Of the vow of the Nazarites ANd as touching the vow of the Nazarits it is manifestly set forth in the .6 of Numb But those thinges whiche are there written The summe of the vow of the Nazarites maye all be reduced to three principall poyntes The firste was that they shoulde drinke no wine nor stronge drinke nor any thinge that might make them droonke An other was that they should not pole theyr hed but all that time the Nazarite shoulde let his heare grow The third was that they should not defile themselues with mourninge for buriales no not at the death of theyr father or mother These thinges were to be obserued but not for euer but onelye for some certayne time For he vowed to bee a Nazarite but for certayne number of dayes or Monethes or yeares But why did God institute these thynges Why god gaue the institution of the Nazarites There may be many causes geuen Fyrste because menne were so prone to chuse vnto themselues certayne kindes of lyfe whereby they mighte easely fall into superstition Therfore God would after this maner bridle them as though he should haue sayd Forasmuch as ye are so prone to your own studies and to inuent newe woorshippings yet shall ye not do what ye liste your selues but what I prescribe vnto you And so geuinge vnto them the lawe of a Nazarite hee kepte them in doynge theyr dewtye But what mente these thinges They ought to keepe theyr heare growinge till the ende of theyr vow For then in offring sacrifice and burninge the fleshe in fire they did cut of the heare and burned it in the same fire And froÌ„ that time they were free and returned to theyr old manner of life which was common also vnto other Some referre these thinges vnto an Allegorye that when the heares were increased the Nazarites should consider that vertues also oughte to increase in the minde But me thinketh there may be an other cause rendred namelye that men should abstayne from to much trimming and deckinge of the body For the clipping of the eare much adorneth the body For Paule sayth in his 1. Epistle to the Corrinthians the .11 Chapter that to menne it is vncomelye if they let theyr heare growe Althoughe other reasons of other menne are not to bee contemned Cyrillus Procopius Cirillus and also Procopius vpon the booke of Numbers say that these thinges were instituted of God to reuoke men from the idolatrous worshippinges and rites of the Ethnikes that that which they gaue vnto idols the Iewes should geue vnto him So also whereas they sacrificed vnto Idols he would haue these men rather to sacrifice vnto himselfe not that god so much regardeth sacrifices but to wythdrawe them from idolatry We reade that the Ethnikes sometimes suffred theyr heare to growe that they mighte afterward consecrate it ether vnto the Nimphes or to Apollo Wherefore Apollo was by them called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a nourisher of the heare Yea and Theseus as it is