advance and are extended very much which must in no manner be hurt He uses also in this place the same name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The same Book likewise furnishes us with a third passage wherein we meet the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 repeated several times it is in speaking of the Articulations of the Vertebrae but all that he says there seems better explicable of the Ligaments than of the Nerves properly so call'd We find likewise in another (k) De Morb. vulgar lib. 2. sect 4. Book of Hippocrates the following passage There are two Nerves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which come from the Brain which passing behind the great Vertebrae draw sidewards from above towards the Gullet or Oesophagus and touching the Artery on both sides join again as if there were but one and terminate where the Vertebrae and the Diaphragma take their Origin or are join'd Some have supposed that these Nerves parting in this place tended towards the Liver and towards the Spleen There is another Nerve which proceeds from each side the Vertebrae along the Spine and passing obliquely over the Vertebrae disperses it self into the sides And these Nerves as well as the Veins of which I spoke before seem to traverse the Diaphragm and terminate in the Mesentery These Nerves re-joining again at the place where the Diaphragm takes its Origin and passing through the middle below the Artery return to the Vertebrae and at last lose themselves in the Os Sacrum It is impossible to translate this passage well by reason of its obscurity it is taken from a fragment of Anatomy in the Book before cited which appears to be out of its place having no coherence with any thing either antecedent or consequent yet Galen has commented upon this Book of Hippocrates (l) Comment in lib. de artiâ— for he relates some of the first words of the passage we have translated which proves that the fragment from whence it was taken was inserted even in his time in the place where we now find it Galen contents himself to insinuate in two words that this passage treats of real Nerves without giving himself the trouble to explain it entire and perceiving that this passage was little for the honour of Hippocrates he goes about to excuse him saying What he writ was only for a (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Memorandum for himself and not to treat exactly to the bottom of this matter And to give the more credit to it he adds That the first and third Books of his Epidemicks were the only Books which Hippocrates finished or that he wrote with any design of publishing The passage here meant being taken out of the second which according to Galen was but a sort of Meddly which the Author had not digested this may be so but he ought to have shewn that Hippocrates had elsewhere spoken better or more clearer on this head It is to no purpose to perplex our selves to find in an Author what he has not if we shou'd allow that this ancient Physician and the Asclepiades his predecessors knew or had seen some considerable Trunk of Nerves as it was hard if the practice of Chirurgery gave them no occasion they appear not to have distinguish'd them well from Tendons or Ligaments nor to have known the true use of them (n) See the Chapter of Blood-letting The forecited passage in which Hippocrates assigns to the Veins and Arteries the Office of the Nerves is a convincing proof of his Ignorance on that subject but there cannot be a better proof than we find in the Writings of this Physician and the manner of his reasoning with (o) Vid. lib. â— Alcmaeon and other Philosophers of his time about Hearing Smelling and the rest of the Senses therein we do not see that either one oâ—t other so much as suspected the share the Nerves have in Sensation Of the Organs of SENSE We have seen before Alcmaeon's Opinion The following descriptions of the Organs of Sense are taken from Hippocrates (a) Lib. de Carn The Ears sa's he have a hole which butts upon a bone as hard and dry as a stone to which is join'd a Fistulous cavity or a sort of passage oblique and narrow at the entry of which there is a Membrane extreamly fine and dry whose driness as well as that of the bone produces the sound the Air being reflected by this bone and by this membrane After which without mentioning the Nerves he endeavours to prove that whatever is dry sounds most In another place he says (b) De Loc. in Hom. That the cavities which are about the Ears are made only for the better hearing of noises and sounds And he adds That whatever comes to the Brain by the Membrane which encompasses it is distinctly heard that for that reason there is but one passage which pierces in this place to the Membrane which is spread over the Brain As for the Smelling he says The brain being moist has the faculty of scenting or smelling by drawing in the odour of dry things with the air which runs a-thwart (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. de Carnib 4. certain dry bodies The Brain adds he reaches even into the cavity of the Nose in this place there is no bone between them but only a soft cartilage like a Spunge which can neither be call'd bone nor flesh He describes the Eye after this manner There are says he some small veins extreamly slender which go (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the sight or eye Lib. de loc in hom into the eye thro' the Membrane which incloses the Brain These veins nourish the sight of the eye with a Liquor extreamly pure which comes from the brain in which the Images of things appear to the eyes the same veins if they dry up extinguish the sight There are also three Membranes which encompass the eye of which the first is the thickest the second is thinner the third is extreamly fine which preserves the liquor or humour of the eye The first being hurt the eye is out of order The second being broken puts it in great danger that it puffs outward like a bladder But the third which preserves the humour is that whose breaking is of worst consequence What follows we find in another (c) Lib. de Carn Book We see for this reason or after this manner vision is made There is a vein which runs from the Membrane of the Brain which passing thro' the bone enters into each eye By these two veins the most subtil part of the viscid humour of the brain distils as it were thro' a Streiner and forms round about it a Membrane like to that which is transparent in the eye which is exposed to the air and winds which is form'd much after the same manner that other Membranes are but there are several Membranes about the eye which are like to that which is transparent within In this
In the seventh Book of Epidemical Diseases there is mention just made of one Pythocles of whom it is reported that he gave his Patients water or milk mingled with a great deal of water To these we may joyn the (c) See the Phaedrus of Plato and Xenophon of the sayings and deeds of Socrates Physician Acumenus a friend of Socrates of whom Plato and Xenophon talk very advantageously All that these Authors report of his opinions is that he looked upon a walk in the open air to be much better (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We have translated these words after the sense of Mercurialis which seems to be just than in Portico's and other covered places There remains an ancient Physician named Aegimius of Velia or Elis who according to Galen was the first that writ about the Pulse altho' the title of his Book was about (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cal. de differ Puls lib. 4. Palpitation because at that time Pulse and Palpitation signified the same thing as we may gather from some passages in Hippocrates where the latter of these words signifies exactly the same with the former If this Aegimius was not cotemporary with the abovementioned he lived at farthest in the time of Diocles or Praxagoras of whom we shall speak in the following Book THE HISTORY OF Physick PART I. BOOK IV. Of what happen'd relating to this Art from the death of Hippocrates to Chrysippus exclusively CHAP. I. Thessalus and Draco the Sons of Hippocrates Polybus his Son in law some others of his descendants and some persons of the same name with Hippocrates HIppocrates left two sons Thessalus and Draco who followed the profession of their Father and a daughter that was married to one Polybus who was likewise a Physician His two sons had each of them one to whom they gave the name of their father and this name was in such esteem in the family that there were no less then (a) Suidas See the Chapter of Praxagoras below seven one after another who bore it who were all Physicians Hippocrates's eldest son was of greatest reputation He spent the greatest part of his life (b) Galen in lib. Hippocr de nat hum Comm. 1. in the Court of Archelaus King of Macedonia To him as likewise to his brother and even to their children were attributed some of the Books found in the Collection of Hippocrates ' even before the time of Galen who calls Thessalus an Admirable man (c) Galen ibid Polybus also rose to great reputation and continued to teach the scholars of his father-in-law There are yet some books remaining under his name one of which treats of the means of preserving health others of diseases and one of the nature of the seed which agrees almost in every thing with Hippocrates 'T is very probable that these books likewise are suppositious Those which were found amongst the works of Hippocrates and which were anciently ascribed to Polybus do him more honour being as we have observed before of all the books father'd upon Hippocrates those wherein the reasoning is most exact and most coherent From one of these books entituled of the nature of the Foetus is drawn the greatest part of what we have before laid down concerning the manner of conception or of the formation of the Foetus in the Womb. We find likewise in the fourth book of Diseases which has been laid with almost universal consent to the same Polybus a very Ingenious System of the causes of Diseases drawn from the four humours established by the Author which are (d) See upon this Book 3. the Pituita the Blood the Bile and the Water Galen testifies for Polybus that he never deserted the opinions of Hippocrates nor made any alteration of him any more than Thessalus but this seems not probable especially of the former if the book we have cited be truly Polybus's we see already in it some difference in the System and we find further that the opinion concerning the passage of part of the drink into the Trachaea Arteria which is as we have observed maintained in more than one place of Hippocrates's works is vigorously opposed We must not confound the sons of our Hippocrates with those of whom (e) Aristoph in Nubibus 〈◊〉 Galen quod â—nimi mores sequantur temper cor p. Cap. 4. Athâ—naeuâ— l. 3. Aristophanes Galen and Athenaeus speak so brutish and lewd that they gave occasion to the people of Athens to call all persons of that infamous Character the sons of Hippocrates These were the sons of one Hippocrates an Athenian who was himself esteemed a man of no worth There is yet another Hippocrates among the Greek Authors who wrote of Veterinary or the Physick of Beasts which are collected into one Volume or rather the Collectors have made bold with the name of the great Hippocrates and have father'd works upon him in which he had no concern CHAP. II. Prodicus Dexippus and Appollonius disciples of Hippocrates Ctesias his Kinsman HIppocrates was not contented to teach Physick only to those of his own family As he practised Physick (a) Galen affirms this and it may be gathered out of the Maxims of Hippocrates that have beeâ— cited out of a principle of humanity and not purely for profit or glory he imparted his knowledg to strangers being the first of the Asclepiades that did it so that Physick which was before confin'd within the limits of one Family was afterwards communicated to all the world and might be learn'd by any that would apply themselves to it We have seen already the Oath he exacted of his Scholars One of the most considerable of these was one Prodicus of Selymbra (b) Plin. l. 29 C. 1. who is said to have invented the use of unguents in Physick to have first anointed the body with those compositions for preservation of health and for the cure of distempers This Medicine became so common among the Antients that they proceeded even to the abuse of it especially after they had introduc'd Liquid perfumes or sweet-scented Oyls of which Virgil makes this complaint (c) Casia was a sort of Spâ—e infused in Oyl of Olives to persume it Et Casia liquidi corrumpiturnsus Olivi These being used as well for pleasure as necessity and lewd women and effeminate men making the greatest consumption of them this abuse grew so scandalous that sober persons were afraid to use them lest they should be taken to use them to the same purpose that they did For this reason 't was that the Philosopher Aristippus who found these sweet Oyls serviceable to him made such imprecations against those Debauchees that brought a scandal upon the use of perfumes But Pliny seems to confound this disciple of Hippocrates with his master The Unguentarie medicine being a branch of the Gymnastick it is without doubt the invention of (d) See Book the 2 Herodicus and not of Prodicus
the Membrane of the Ear be indisposed we cannot hear for the same reason we cannot see when the Tunicle of the Eye is in the same Condition (a) De generat aninial lib. 2. cap. 6. The Nose is divided into two Channels by a Cartilage It has two veins which are joined to the Brain but they come from the Heart these go into the Channel which is the Organ of smelling as it receives the External Air and all that is diffused thro it The Flesh as we have observed already is the Organ of Feeling The Tongue of Tasting being soft and spongy and of a Nature approaching to that of the Flesh (b) Hist An. lib. 1. cap. 11. The Eye reaches into the Brain and is situated on either side under a little vein (c) Ib. cap. 9. The humour which is in the Eye which causes vision is what we call the sight (d) De Gen. An. lib. 2. cap. 6. The Eye of all the Organs of sensation has this peculiarity that it is moist and cold or that it contains a humour that is moist and cold which is not there at first or which is not at first in its perfection but is separated or distill'd from the purest part of the moisture of the Brain by the Channel that goes to the Membrane of the Brain 'T is very plain from what has been said that Aristotle allow'd the Nerves no part in the production of sensation Nor indeed could he acknowledge the Nerves or their office retaining the Idea which he had of the Brain The Diaphragme which he calls Diazoma or the Membrane which separates the lower Belly from the Breast has according to Aristotle no other business than to divide these two Cavities that the upper which is the Seat of the Soul may not be infected by the vapours which rise from the lower This is the sum of what we could collect from the writings of this Philosopher concerning Anatomy And we may observe that both he and Plato call'd indifferently by the name of Veins the Veins properly so call'd and the Arteries that they did not give the name of Artery to any thing but the Wind-pipe which they call'd (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rough or unequal in opposition to the Arteries properly so called and by the Antients named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 laeves Arterlae smooth Arteries Aspera Arteria from whence we may infer that when we find in (f) See the next Vol. lib. 1. cap. of Erasistratus Hippocrates the word Artery in the sense of the Moderns that this word has been foisted in or that the Books in which 't is found are not Genuine The only place that I know of wherein Aristotle seems to give the name of Arteries to the Arteries properly so called is in his Book of the Spirit wherein he says that the Skin is compos'd of a Vein an Artery and a Nerve Of a Vein says he because the Skin yields Blood when 't is prick'd Of a Nerve because it can extend it self Of an Artery because 't is transpirable Aristotle seems here to have designed the real and true Arteries and to allot to them only Spirit according to the opinion of Praxagoras and Erasistratus of whom we shall speak hereafter which opinion perhaps they borrowed of him Perhaps also this Book was none of Aristotle's We must make one observation more concerning the Anatomy of Aristotle which is that he never dissected any thing but Brutes and that in his time they durst not Anatomize a Humane body Which he insinuates himself in these words (g) Hist An. lib. 1. cap. 16. The inward parts of mens bodies are unknown for we have nothing certain thereupon but we must judge of them by the resemblance which we suppose them to have to the parts of other Animals which answer to each of them I am surpriz'd (h) Anthropograph lib. 1. cap. 4. that Riolan should maintain the contrary and more that he should endeavour to prove it from passages of Aristotle which are nothing to the purpose but he is not the only one whose Prejudice and Bigotry for the Antients has caused to make such false steps We shall have occasion to say something more upon this subject in the first Book of the next Volume Aristotle wrote also some Books of Plants of which there are some yet remaining but he treats of them rather as a Philosopher than a Physician He was born in the ninety ninth Olympiad and he dyed the 3d year of the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad aged by this account about sixty three He was the Son of a Physician and of the family of the Asclepiades He belonged also to Physick another way which is not much for his honour (i) Diogenes Laertius Hesychius Milesius in vita Epicuri Epicurus reproaches him with having spent his patrimony while he was young in debauchery and that after he had been some time a Souldier he betook himself to selling (k) We shall consider in the sequel the meaning of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used by Diogenes Laertius on this occasion of Antidotes about the Markets till Plato's School being open'd he applied himself to the study of Philosophy under him CHAP. VI. Theophrastus THeophrastus who succeeded Aristotle took upon him the management of his School and after his death did something likewise towards Physick The most considerable of his works which remain to our times are his Books of Plants But as Plants may be consider'd either as a part of Agriculture of Natural History or of Physick Theophrastus as well as Aristotle seems to consider them chiefly as a Naturalist and seems rather to have examined their Growth and Termination and the parts whereof they are composed than their Medicinal properties altho sometimes en passant he touches upon them too But he having describ'd several we shall be obligâ—d to take farther notice of him upon this account with Dioscorides There are yet some small pieces of his remaining concerning the Vertigo Swooning Sweat and the Palsie of which he treats rather as a Philosopher than a Physician that is he is inquisitive after the Causes of these Distempers only without speaking of any Remedies He says that Vertigoâ—s come when some strange spirit or superfluous moisture goes into the Head or as he expresses it about the Head whether this comes from any sort of Food as from Wine or from any other humour or from turning the Head round For adds he the place about the Brain or the Brain an usual manner of expression among the Greeks is naturally moist and when any foreign Spirit gets in it does violence after it is got in and forces the natural moisture into the veins causing it to turn round so that this Spirit has the same effect as if any body turn'd the Head round it being indifferent whether it be done inwardly or outwardly The Palsie arises from a chilness or privation and want of Spirits or
in the Chapter of that Philosopher Several passages may be taken out of the first Book of Diet to confirm what we have advanc'd In a word says he in one place of this Book the Fire has disposâ—d all things in the body in imitation of the Vniverse c. But while we are upon the Philosophy of Hippocrates lest the Alchymists shou'd take it ill at our hands we must by no means omit this passage in the first Book above-mention'd viz. that those that work in Gold beat it wash it and melt it by a gentle Fire because a violent fire is not proper for such a business 'T is pretended that Hippocrates here had an Eye on the mystery of the Philosophers Stone of which we shall have occasion to speak in the second part of this History And this may suffice for his Philosophy Let us now descend from the general principles of bodies to the particular principles of the human body and leaving all Philosophical reflections let us see what observations we can find in Anatomy there for those properly belong to the History of Physick Those that are minded to see more particularly how far Hippocrates carried his Philosophy may consult the Books de Flatibus de natura hominis the first de natura pueri de dieta and some others But the Reader ought to be inform'd that the above-mention'd treatises are suspected to be spurious and not to belong to him His opinion concerning the seat of the Soul is to be found in the following Chapter CHAP. III. Of the Anatomy of Hippocrates 'T Is a difficult matter to give a just extract of the Anatomy of Hippocrates for three things hinder us from knowing so much of this subject as it is necessary we shou'd In the first place we find several contradictions in the writings of Hippocrates or rather in those that are ascrib'd to him Secondly tho we shou'd heap together all that he says of each part 't would be an imperfect account and not very coherent Lastly tho so many faults had not crept into the Text as there have or there were less disagreement in the original MSS. yet his stile is so concise and there are some places in him so obscure as being frequently expressed in terms peculiar to himself that are not to be found elsewhere that 't is extreamly difficult for one to understand him aright tho he is never so great a master of the Greek Language For this reason we should very much regret the loss of one of Galen's Books intituled The Anatomy of Hippocrates if we had not just reason to suspect this Author of partiality when he engages for the interests of this antient Physician sufficient proofs whereof we shall see below that purely belong to Anatomy The helps that a man might expect to find upon this occasion from the modern Commentators is but inconsiderable If any light is to be had from them we ought rather to trust the antient interpreters than those of our Age because it is to be feared that the latter full of their new discoveries imagine they see them every where like those that can discover in Homer the most hidden mysteries of all Arts and Sciences or those quick-sighted Genelemen that can find the Philosophers Stone in all Books whatever let the matter they treat of be what it will That we may not be charg'd with being guilty of this prepossession which we have condemn'd our selves we will faithfully set down all that we cou'd find relating to this argument in the works of Hippocrates and take particular care not to omit the least thing about which the Anatomists of the following ages have had different opinions or pretended to make any discovery that so we may give every man his due and rob none of the praise that really belongs to them I will not pretend to confine my self to a certain order but indifferently set down every thing as it comes to hand and refer the Reader that expects a continu'd description or a greater insight into the nature connexion situation of the parts of the body to a full treatise of Anatomy which he will find in the Chapter of Galen (a) De locis in homine The nature of the Body says Hippocrates is the principle or foundation on which all the reasoning of Physick is built One wou'd be apt to infer from hence that he had a mind to recommend Anatomy as one of the principal means by which we may discover the nature of the body What helps to confirm this conjecture we find that immediately after he teaches what is the situation composition and use of the several parts 'T is undeniable that Hippocrates wou'd have us study the nature of the body but we may discover by some other places that he thought we cou'd arrive to the knowledge of it no way so well as in the practice of Physick for he laughs at those who fancy'd themselves to be great Physicians because they knew something in Anatomy (b) De Prisc medâ—cin Some Physiciansiand Philosophers says he pretend that a man can't understand the art of Physick unless he knows what man is what is his first formation and after what manner his Body is made But for my part I am of opinion that all that has been said or written about nature by these people belongs more to the art of Painting than it does to Physick and am perswaded that a man can't know nature clearly but by the means of Physick as those that are well skill'd in that art will soon perceive Here he seems to address himself to the Philosophers that preceeded him and to these of his own time who as we have observ'd had thrust themselves into this profession and were the first that began to instruct themselves in Anatomy It has been remarked above that the Asclepiadae the Predecessors of Hippocrates had other helps of knowing the humane body besides Anatomy As for Hippocrates 't is probable that he did not neglect this latter way as being related to Philosophy which he had carefully studied There wou'd not be the least pretence to doubt of this if the little Book or fragment attributed to him and intituled little Book or fragment attributed to him and intituled Anatomy was really of his writing but this is not certain since Erotiam who has given us a Catalogue of Hippocrates's Books makes no mention of it Be it as it will we shall see anon how far he advanc'd in this Science either by Anatomy or any other method which we have touch'd upon in the Chapter of Asclepiadae Hippocrates owns in one place that the (c) Lib. de Aliment Veins come from the Liver which is the origine and fountain of them as the Heart is of the Arteries In another place he maintains that the Veins and Arteries proceed equally from the Heart (d) Lib. de Carnibus There are two hollow Veins that come from the Heart one of which is call'd the
Artery and the other the Vena Cava At that time all the Blood Vessels were indifferently call'd Veins and the word Artery properly signify'd the (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aspera arteria or the Wind-pipe Nay Hippocrates gives the name of Veins to the Ureters and seems to bestow the same appellation upon the Nerves as we shall take notice below besides there are but few places where he formally distinguishes the Arteries from the Veins and where he calls them Arteries which may render the credit of those books or at least of those passages suspicious where this distinction is to be found The Artery adds he immediately after contains more heat than the Vena Cava and is the receptacle of the Spirits There are other Veins in the Body besides these two As for that which is reported to be the largest of all and next to the heart it runs thro the Belly and the Diaphragm and dividing itself into two streams visits either Kidney towards the Loins Above the heart this Vein divides to the right and to the left and ascending to the head distributes itself to either Temple We may continues he joyn the other Veins to this that are also very large but to speak all in a word all the Veins that are dispers'd thro the whole Body come from the Vena Cava and the Artery Here are already two opinions concerning the Origin of the Veins and Arteries There is a third likewise to be found in two several passages in Hippocrates whether in respect of the Origin of the Veins or in respect of your distribution (a) Lib. de Ossium naturâ de Natur. humanâ The largest veins of the Body are says he dispos'd after this manner There are in all four pair the first pair come out behind the head and descending down the back part of the neek on each side of the spine come to the Hips and Thighs pass on thro the Legs to the outside of each Foot For this reason in all pains of the Back and Hips bleeding in the veins of the Hams and external Ancles are of great relief the second pair coming likewise from the Head run behind the Ears down the Neck they are callâ—d the Jugulars and run within the Spine down the Loins where they divide on either side towards the Testicles and Thighs and the inside of the Hams from thence through the inward Ancles to the inside of the foot For this cause in all pains of the Testicles and Loins bleeding in the veins of the Hams and internal Ancles is very serviceable The third pair come out of the Temples and run along the Neck towards the Shoulders and Lungs from thence one turning from the right a little towards the left runs under the Breast to the Spleen and Kidneys the other likewise turning from the left to the right runs under the Breast to the Liver and Kidney And these two branches terminate in the Rectum The fourth part coming out of the fore part of the Head and Eyes run under the Lungs and the Clavicles and from thence thro the upper part of the Arm pass over the bending of the Elbow to the back of the Hands and Fingers and thence they return again thro the palm of the Hand on the inside of the Elbow and under the Arm to the Arm-pits and upon the surface of the side one to the Spleen and the other to the Liver At length both branches running over the Belly terminate in the privities To salve the contradiction between these two last passages it may be urg'd that the Book of the nature of the Bones from whence this latter is drawn is not Hippocrates's but Polybius his Son-in-Law's Neither Galen nor Erotian take notice of this Book among the works of Hippocrates They have not so much as taken notice of the name tho they seem to have explain'd certain words found in it There is a passage of (b) De Generat Anim. lib. 3. cap. 3. Aristotle wherein this Philosopher speaking of the Origin and destribution of the Veins and relating the several sentiments of the Physicians thereupon cites these very words of this Book of the nature of the Bones which we have translated and cites them as Polybius's This proof were sufficient but it removes not all the difficulty for we read the very same words in the Book of Human Nature which Galen maintains strongly to be Hippocrates's pretending to prove it by the Authority of (c) Platon Phaedr Plato who as he says has quoted a passage out of it tho others have ascrib'd this Book to Democritus Nevertheless Galen himself (d) De Hippocrat Platon decreâ— l. 6. c. 3. But Pelops Galen's Master was of another mind maintaining that Hippocrates held as himself also did that the Veins and Arteries as well as Nerves had their Origine from the Brain denies this later opinion touching the origin and destribution of the Veins to be Hippocrates's or even Polybius's but affirms that it must have been foysted surreptitiously into the Text. But this is not probable for we find the same opinion in the Book de locis in Homine There is another difficulty relating to the Book of the flesh or of the principles from whence was taken what we said in the first place that the Veins and Arteries came out of the Heart Aristotle in the afore-cited passage after having remarked that almost all the Physicians consented with Polybius to bring the veins from the Head concludes they were all in an error not knowing that they came from the Heart and not from the Head If Hippocrates be the Author of that Book of the Flesh wherein this opinion of Aristotle is plainly laid down how is it likely this Philosopher should not know it Why should he not as well have read the Writings of Hippocrates as those of Polybius From hence we may infer that this Book is no more Hippocrates's than that of the Nature of the Bones Perhaps Aristotle chose rather in this place to cite Polybius or Synnesis of Cyprus and Diogenes Apolloniates Physicians of small reputation in comparison of Hippocrates than to cite Hippocrates himself whose Name we sind but in (e) Politâ—c li. 7. cap. 4. one place of his Works and there mentioned only en passant perhaps I say he has omitted to quote him out of malice or envy Plato shew'd more honour having made honorable mention of him in several places Perhaps the Book in question was not Hippocrates's for neither do we find the Title of it in the List that Erotian gives of his Works Of the description of the HEART Amongst the Anatomical Books ascrib'd to Hippocrates there is none written with more exactness than that of the Heart which being very short we give you here the entire Translation of it The Heart says the Author of this Book is of a Pyramidal figure its colour is a deep red It is encompassed on all sides with a clos'd Membrane
the great Artery only in all the succeeding Anatomists hâ—â— Hippocrates under that name comprehends the Vena Arteriosa also the Aortae These Membranes are disposed by pairs for to every Orifice Nature has fram'd three which are round above in the form of a Semi-circle Those that know these Membranes wonder how they can shut the Aortae And if any one (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which words Foesius translates thus Siquis veteris instituti probè gnarus mortui animalis corde exempto hanc quidem demat illam vero reclinet neque aqua in cor penetrare nec Flatus emitti poterit And Cornarius much after the same manner Siquis veteris eximendi cor mortui moris goarus aliam auferat aliam reclinet neque aqua c. Why these Translators render the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by that of Mos or Institutum which it does not signifie is a mystery to me it ought to be translared Ordo with relation to the Membranes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to Erotian is an Attick Word signisâ—ing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Order I explain alsâ— the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ancient by the term Natural 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ordo vetus seu naturalis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says Erotian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 auferat I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 firmet which I suppose to be the true reading but that the former crept into its place through the error of the Copists misled by affinity of the sound of those two Words who understands the ancient Order or the natural Order and Disposition of this Membrane takes out one rank or keeps one rank stretch'd and closes the other neither water nor wind can get into the Heart These Membranes are disposed with more Art or more Exactness on the Left-side than the Right The reason of this is because the Soul of Man or the Reasonable Soul which is above the other Soul has its Seat in the Left ventricle of the Heart This Soul has not its nourishment from the Meat which comes from the Belly but from a pure luminous Matter separated from the Blood This Matter which serves for Aliment to the Soul is abundantly furnished from the neighbouring Receptacle of the Blood and casts its Rays round as the Natural nourishment which comes from the Intestines and Belly is distributed into all parts and for fear lest that which is contained in the Artery shou'd hinder the course of the nourishment of the Soul and give a check to its motion the Orifice of this Artery is closed as aforesaid for the great Artery is nourished from the belly and intestines and not by this first or principal nourishment But the great Artery is not nourished by the blood which we see as is manifest by opening the left ventricle of any Animal for we find it quite empty or find nothing in it but serous humour or a little Bile and the aforesaid Membranes but the Artery is never without blood nor the right ventricle This Vessel therefore gave occasion to the making of those Membranes for the passage out of the right ventricle is likewise furnished with Membranes but the blood moves upon that side but feebly This way is open on the side to carry the blood thither for its nourishment but it is shut towards the heart so that way is left for the air to pass insensibly from the lungs to the heart not in great quantities for the heat which in this part is but feeble wou'd be over-power'd by the cold the blood not being naturally warm no more than water which receives its heat from elsewhere tho most believe it 's hot in its own nature This Book of the Heart will give us the greatest Idea of the Anatomy of Hippocrates and his exactness but it is one of those that is not acknowledgâ—d either by Erotian or Galen What the Author says in the beginning of this Book of the passage of one part of the drink into the Lungs being a very ancient Opinion and maintained by Plato who must have it from the Physicians that preceded him of which Hippocrates was most considerable we might infer that the Book in which this Opinion is maintained is his but those who forged this Book might on purpose insert this opinion to warrant its antiquity We shall see hereafter further proofs that it is spurious in the Chapters of Aristotle and Erasistratus This opinion is repeated in the Book of the Nature of the Bones It is indeed amply refuted in the fourth book of Diseases but most Authors agree this later book not to be Hippocrates's We shall find something more of importance in the Chapters of the Fibres We have seen already three different Opinions taken from the Writings of Hippocrates concerning the Origin of the Veins there is yet a fourth and what is more particular This later opinion is to be found in the same book with the third I mean the book of the Nature of the Bones in which the Veins are derived from the Head The passage is this The veins which are spread thro' the body and which give it (p) See the Chapter of the Nerves the spirit the flux and the motion are all branches of one Vein whence it draws its Origin or it terminates I know not but supposing a Circle a beginning is not to be found Something like this is what we read in (q) De locis in hom sub initia another place There is no origin or beginning in the body but the parts are equally both beginning and end for in a Circle there is no beginning There are some other passages parallel to these (r) Lib. de Alâ—men The nourishment comes from the inward parts to the hair nails and outward superficies It goes likewise from the external parts and superficies to the internal All agree consent and conspire together in the body And a little after (s) Ibid. The great Principle reaches to the extremities and the extremities to the great Principle (t) Ibid. The Milk and the Blood come from the superfluity of the nourishment or are the remainder of the nourishment of the body (u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The same word is to be found in the first book of Diet. We find there likewise these following words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to turn about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gyration or turning round 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 terms used by Hippocrates to signifie the Mechanism of our bodies by an allusion to the methods used by Artificers of all sorts in their Shops The Circulations go a great way in relation to the Faetus and to the nourishment after the nourishment is perform'd what remains returns and turns to Milk and becomes nourishment to the Mother and afterwards to the Faetus And again the same way which leads upwards leads also downwards or there is but one way which goes both upwards and downwards
(w) De Loc. in Hom. All the Veins communicate and run one into another for some are joyn'd immediately together others communicate by small veins which run from the Trunk of one to another and which serve to nourish the flesh (x) De Natur. hom There are a great number of different veins which come from (y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So read all the MSS. says Foesius Yet Galen reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Vena Cava the Ventricle or Belly by which the nourishment is conveyed into all the parts of the body The same nourishment passes also from the great veins as well internal as external to the belly and the rest of the body These veins supply one another reciprocally with nourishment those without to those within and those within to those without (z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epidem lib 6. sect 6. The flesh draws from the belly and likewise from without and our senses discover to us that all the body is transpirable from within to without and from without to within Hippocrates speaks in another place of the (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Diet. acut See the whole passage at length in the Chapter of Blood letting rest of the blood and spirits in the Vessels which supposes a precedent motion We have both related and render'd as exactly as possible the foregoing passages concerning the motion of the blood spirits and nourishments in the body because they seem to point at the most considerable Anatomical discoveries of our Age. Hippocrates did unquestionably acknowledge a sort of circulation of the blood and humours the aforecited passages are in express words He uses also in another place a term by which the Greeks used to signifie (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. de humor in prin the reflux of the Sea to express the return of the humours from the skin to the centre of the body It is necessary here to avoid a fallacy in giving to Hippocrates the honour of a discovery reserved to our Age to make the following Remarks It is apparent that this ancient Physician held this flux and reflux or this circulation to be made thro' the same Vessels which carry'd and brought back indifferently from the Centre to the Circumference and from the Circumference to the Centre again As for what escaped the known Vessels it pass'd according to him (c) De morb lib. 4. thro insensible channels and ways undiscoverable which yet were open as long as the Animal liv'd according to the principles laid down by him and related by us that all consents conspires and agrees together in the body or that all is transpirable from within to without and from without to within If these Principles served his turn in this case the attraction spoken of before and the faculties subservient to Nature brought him off easily for the rest that is that the motions of the blood and humours were usually determined by necessity and attraction (d) De Nat. â—uer The blood says he which by the order of nature descends but once a month to the Womb flows thither every day while the (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seed or Faetus therein contained draws what is necessary for it according to its strength and has its respiration greater or less at first the respiration of the Faetus being very small little blood comes from the Womb but as by this respiration increases the Faetus draws more blood and it descends in greater quantities into the Womb. Nor does the Faetus only draw but all the parts likewise (f) De Morb. lib. 4. The Ventricle or Stomach says Hipporates elsewhere is a fountain which furnishes all the body when it is full but when it is empty it draws in its turn from the body which exhausted it The Heart the Spleen the Liver and the Head are the fountains which supply the other parts and in their turns draw from them There are in Hippocrates a hundred passages like these some of which we shall take notice of in the sequel The Office of Nature or the Faculties is according to him to regulate the attraction and provide for all the necessities of the Animal Nature as we have observed or its Faculties nourish and make every thing to grow and increase We shall add but a word or two more upon the subject of the motion of the blood in the Veins and Arteries by which we may judge of the Idea Hippocratet has had of it There are says he (g) De loc in Hom. This Book is by universal consent agreed to be genuine two other (h) By this name Hippocrates understands as well the Arteries as Veins veins which beat continually these veins are the only ones in the body that contain no blood for the blood turns from ' em Now that which turns away or returns is a contrary motion to that which comes forward on that side so that the first retiring or withdrawing from these veins and that which comes from above endeavouring to descend they do not agree but push one another by turns and mix and circulate one with another which produces the pulsation or beating of these veins We say nothing at present of the extraordinary motions of the blood and humours we reserve them for the next Chapter I know that some of the greatest (i) Riolan and several others Anatomists and Physicians of the Age Men very learned in the Languages and all sorts of Literature have done and yet do believe that the aforecited passages go abundance further We shall have occasion to examine their Opinion in the Second Part of this History Of the BRAIN (k) Lib. de Gland Galen supposes this Book to be spurious The Brain is reckoned by Hippocrates among the Glands because it appeared to him of the same nature being white fryalble and spungy as they were And he believed that the Brain sucked up the superfluous humours of the body like the other Glands which being all of a spungy nature imbibe says he moisture easily But there is this further of the Brain That the Head being hollow and round draws incessantly like a sort of Cupping-glass the moisture from the rest of the body which rises in the form of a vapour after which it being over-charged it sends it down to the lower parts especially the Glands from whence come Defluxions and Catarrhs Hippocrates in some other places makes the Brain (l) Lib. de Morb. sacro the Seat of Wisdom and Vnderstanding altho' as we have seen before he lodges the (m) Lib. de Corde Soul which is the same thing with the (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vnderstanding in the Left Ventricle of the Heart Hippocrates takes notice elsewhere that the Brain was (o) De loc in hom cloathed with two Membranes the one thick and the other thin We shall have further occasion to speak of the Brain and its Membranes when we
Flatib all that incommodes Man but this is too general He thought that the blood in good condition nourished and that it was the fountain of the vital heat that it caus'd a fresh colour and good health That the yellow Bile preserv'd the body in its natural state hindering the small Vessels and secret Passages from being stopp'd and keeping open the Drain of the Excrements He thought it actuated the Senses and help'd to the concoction of the Aliment The black Bile was a sort of Ground which serv'd as a support and foundation for other humours The Flegm servâ—d to supple and facilitate the motion of the Nerves Membranes Cartilages Joints and Tongue and other Parts Besides the four first qualities which Hippocrates attributed to the Humours as moisture driness heat and cold it is apparent that he believed they had or might have abundance of others which all had their use and were never hurtful but when one prevailed over the rest or was separated from them Take his own words (e) De prisâ— Med. lib. 2. in the Chapter of Alcmaeon The Ancients says he did not believe that the dry the cold the hot or the moist nor any other like quality incommoded a Man but that whatever exceeded or prevailed of any of these qualities and which Nature cou'd not overcome was that which incommoded the Man and that which they endeavoured to take away or correct so of the sweet the most sweet was the strongest as of the bitter or sowre that which was most bitter and most sowre in short the highest degree of every thing These are says Hippocrates the latest discoveries of the Ancients in the body of Man and which were hurtful There are really in our bodies bitter sweet sowre salt rough and insipid and abundance of others which have different faculties according to their quantity or quality These different qualities are insensible and do not hurt so long as they are in due mixture but if these humours separate and lodge apart then their qualities become at once both sensible and inconvenient From what Hippocrates has here said we may gather that he did not suppose the Matters we have spoken of to act only by what the Philosophers callâ—d first qualities so far from that that he says a little after That 't is not the hot that is of any mighty power but the sowre the insipid c. whether within a Man or without a Man whether in regard of what he cats or what he drinks or what he applies outwardly in what manner soever concluding that of all the faculties there are none less active than heat and cold What we have said of the separation of the humours from one another relate to what Hippocrates says in divers places that the humours move This motion which is the cause of several distempers expresses sometimes by a term it signifies (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impeâ—◠〈◊〉 â—â—â—dine incenli a Fury like that of some Animals that grow Lustful at certain times There are other passages by which Hippocrates seems to impute Diseases (g) Lib. de affectâ— nib lib 〈◊〉 de Morb. to two of these humours only the Bile and Pituita as they offer'd either in quantity or quality or place But as he speaks elsewhere of two sorts of Bile these two humours may be split into three and with the blood make four (h) Lib. 4. de Morb. In some other passages he adds a fifth which is Water of which he supposes the Spleen to be the Spring as the Liver and the Brain are of the Blood the Bile and the Pituita Some of his Commentators make this Water the same with the Melancholy to which Hippocrates seems to substitute it I cannot see how to reconcile their opinion with the Idea he had of that humour he look'd upon 't as we have said before as a sort of Lee of the rest of the humours which will by no means agree with water Nor are they nearer their point for making two sorts of Melancholy one of which we have been speaking and another which ought rather to be call'd black Bile which is only the yellow Bile turn'd black as he supposed by being over-heated and burnt this having nothing in common with water The only support of the opinion in question is that he says in the same passage that this water is the heaviest of all the humours I see no reason why we shou'd not object that this is another System (i) It is ascrib'd to Polyblus his Son-iâ—-â—aw See Book 4. Ch. 1. since it has been always suspected that Hippocrates was not the Author of that Book This water might be something like what Hippocrates elsewhere calls Ichor by which he meant any sort of clear thin Liquor form'd in the body of a Man whether sound or unsound So he calls by this name what runs from a malignant Vlcer and speaks in several places of sharp and bilious Ichors and burning Ichors (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We find yet a third System of the Causes of Diseases in another book Intituled Of Winds or Spirits which is mixâ—d with the Works of Hippocrates but most suppose it not to be his The Author of this book uses sometimes the word Wind sometimes Spirit with this difference That the latter signifies the Spirits or Air and Wind inclosed in the body but the former the Wind without from whence nevertheless he derives that within by means of the Air drawn by respiration and the Air contain'd in the Food we take This book upon reading seems to be one of the most rational and coherent of all Hippocrates's Works He looks upon the Air and the Spirits to be the true Causes of health and of diseases even in preference to the humours which here are only collateral Causes as the Spirits mix with ' em But this later opinion may be reconcil'd with that which we have before allow'd to be Hippocrates's concerning the effects of the humours only alledging that all that has been attributed to them in relation to health or sickness supposes an impulse of the Spirits as the first movers and that therefore Hippocrates nam'd them as we have said before that which gives the motion There is according to Hippocrates as great a variety of external Causes of health and diseases as there is of things without the body of Man which may act upon him as there is of diversity in his Conduct and of accidents in the course of his Life From this Hypothesis it is plain that Health and Sickness in general depend upon the following Causes On the Air which surrounds us what we eat and drink sleep watching exercise what goes out of our bodies and what is kept in and upon the Passions In this number likewise are rank'd those foreign bodies which occur and are sometimes useful yet may often dissolve cut or break the union of the Parts of ours Poisons and venemous
may see what sort of Compound Medicines Hippocrates used If the Book De Affectionibus be his we may infer from thence that he wrote particularly upon this subject The Author in that Book quoting others which treat of Medicaments only These Books bore the title of Pharmaca and Pharmacitis says our Author ut Scriptum est in Pharmacis that is in Libris De Pharmacis Agentibus The word Pharmacitis is an Adjective to which the Substantive Liber which is understood must be joyned Pharmacitis Liber the Book of Medicines But this Book has been ascrib'd to Polybius Son-in-law to Hippocrates and it is remarkable that these Books or this Book of Medicaments is cited no where else by Hippocrates Galen observes that those sort of Books were very rare in those days because the Ancient Physicians used to give a Receipt of the Medicines they used with the History of the distemper they used them for Another thing which is worth our Observation is that the compound Medicines of Hippocrates were but very few and consisted of very few Simples four or five at most We find indeed in Actuarius the description of a very compounded Antidote which he calls Hippocrates's Antidote for which he says the Athenians presented him with a Crown But this is plainly a fiction and one of the specious Titles the Greeks used to give to their Medicines to promote the sale of which we shall see more examples hereafter Here we must take notice that Hippocrates understood Pharmacy or the Art of Compounding or Preparing Medicines (w) Lib. de Theriaca ad Pison This Galen endeavours to prove from a passage of the second Book of the Epidemicks where he introduces Hippocrates speaking after this manner (x) This passage is very obscure as we find it in Hippocrates and Galen or the Author of the Book cited by us giveâ— it us very different from what it is in our Originaly We know the nature of Medicines whereof so many different things are compounded for all are not compounded alike but some after one manner and others after another Some simples ought to be boylâ—d quick others slowly They are likewise differently prepared Some are dry'd some are stampt some are boiled c. The last observation we shall make upon the Pharmacy of Hippocrates is that he not only understood the preparation of Medicines but that he prepar'd them himself or in his own House by his Servants after his own directions This was the practice of the Physicians of those times when neither Pharmacy nor Surgery were become particular professions CHAP. XXIII A List of the Simples us'd by Hippocrates A AGnus Castus Alica Alom Alom of Egypt Scissil Alâ—m Burnt Alom Almonds Amomum * Anagallis Anagyris Alkanet * Ammoniac Gum. Aneth Anise Anthemus or Anthemis Asparagus After-birth humane Asphodil Atriplex * Amber Ass its Dâ—ng Ash-tree Apples B Brass and its Rust Filings Scales and Calx Birthwort Baccharis * Butter Blites Bulbus albus Bulbus parvus growing among the Corn. Bembylium a sort of Melissa Erot. Bryony Buprestis the name both of a Plant and an Animal Beetles Beans Basil Barley Achilles's Barley Bramble Bulls Gall Liver and Vrine C CLivers Goosegrass Cachrys Calamint Calamus aromaticus Cantharides * Capers Cardamomes Casia Castor Cedar and its Rosin Centaury Chalcitis Chamaeleon Chondrus Coleworts Chrethmus Chrysocolla Chrysitis Cinnamon Cneorum Cnidia Grana Cnicus Colocynthis Cucumbers Garden and wild Conyza Coriander Crateogonon Cresses Cumine vulgar and Ethiopian Cyclamen Cyperus Cypress Cytisus Cravfish Cheese Clary Carrots Cinquefoil Cuttle-fish its Bones and Eggs. Chalk D DOg. Daphnoides Daucus Dittany Dittany of Crete Dracontium Dracuncunculus Docks E EBony Elaterium Epipetrum Erviolum Ervum Erysinum Evanthemum Eggs. Elder F FRankincense Frankincense granulated Flower or Meal of several sorts of Grain fine and course Fenugreek Fennel Ferula Fig-tree Garden and wild its Leaves Wood and Fruit c. Frogs Feverfew Fox Dung G GArlick Goose Grass Clivers Goat the Milk Dung Excrements of the Skin Fat and Horns Gourds Gall of Oxen Swine Sea Scorpion c. Galba num Galls Nuts Glans Egyptia Grapes and the mass of 'em after pressing H HEmlock Horns of Oxen Goats and Deer rasp'd and burnt Hellebore white and black Heath Herb Charien Hedgehog Sea Hedgehog Hippomarathrum Hippophae Holoconitis Hyssop vulgar and Cilician Hare's Wool Hemp. Honey Honey of Cedar I JUncus odoratus Iris. Isatis or Wood. Ivie L LOadstone Lettice Lagopyrus Laserpitium Laurel Lentills Lentiscus Lees of Wine Lees of Wine burnt Lotus Lupines Lapis Cyanaeus Magnesius Leeks M MArsh Mallow Mugwort Mushromes Milk Asses Cows Mares Bitches Mastick Tree Mastick Malicorium Mandrake Mallow Meconitis a Meconium purgans Meconium somniferum Meconium an excrement Melanthium Melilot Mint Mercury the Herb. Mulberries Millet Minium Misy Modus a root Molybdaena Moss Mustard Mules Dung Myrica Myrrh Myrrha Stacte Myrtle Myrtidanum N NArcissus Nardus Nitre Nitre red Nuts Thasian Nettle Navelwort O ONions Orache Oats Oak Oyl Oenanthe Oesype Olive Wood Leaves Gall Fruit Stones and Oyl Origanum Orobus Orpiment Orpine P PImpernel Parsley Bastard Pomegranate Pepper Panax b Poppy Peplium Peplus Pompions Parsley Parsley curled Pencedanum Poplar Phaseolus Philistium Pine and its Kernel Peony Pears Pease and dry Purslan Pitch Prassium Pseudodictamnus Pennyroyal Q QUick Lime R RAisins Rhadish Ranunculus Root white Resine Rhamus Rhus Ricinus Rocket Rose Rosemary Rubia Rue S SOthernwood Silver and its Flower Spices of all sorts Stag its horns c. Services or Sorb Apples Sea water Succory yellow Sheeps Fat Marrow and Dung Saffron Sagapenum Sandarach Gum. Savoury Savin Sage Sâ—â—mmony Squills Scolopendrium Salt Saâ—â—â—f Thebes Seseri Sesamum Sesamoides Spodium Sulphur Stavesacre Staebe Struthium Stybis Styrax Soot Sea Calfs Lungs Spelt T THorn white Thorn Egyptian Turnep Turpentine Teda Terra Aegyptiaca Terra nigra Samia Thapsia Thlapsi Time Thymbra Tithymalus Tithymalis Torpedo Tortoise Tragus Tribulus Trefoil Trigonum V VIper Verbascum Verdegrise Verjus Vine it 's Wood Leaves and Tendrels Vinegar Violets white blue Urine W WOrmwood Wax white Wax Wheat Whey Worms Wine of several sorts X XAnthium Z ZEa These are the names that occur in Hippocrates except perhaps a very few which may have escap'd our notice The Greek like most other Languages having suffered great alteration and the names of diverse Plants being chang'd it became within 2 or 3 Ages different to determin what Plants Hippocrates design'd by some of 'em but the number of 'em is so small that the loss is not very considerable CHAP. XXIV Some instances of particular Cures of some Diseases both Acute and Chronical WE shall find here besides the practice of the general rules before laid down several particular Medicines of which no mention has been made We have already seen Hippocrates's distinction between Fevers that were not symptomatical but were of themselves the original distemper and those which attended inflamations We have observ'd that in the first sort of Fevers Diet
Barly-meal Wheat-flower Goats Milk Cheese all made into a kind of (g) See the Chap. of Diet Ciceon Besides these Remedies which Hippocrates used in the beginning of the distemper he apply'd likewise under the Breasts a large (h) Aphorism 50. Sect. 5. Cupping Vessel but when the Flux of blood began to diminish and stop intirely he us'd the following Remedies He gave purges and vomits and us'd lenifying and restringent Fomentations below which was succeeded by a Cataplasm made of the Meal of Spelt with the Bran of Wild Figs and Olive Leaves After this he came to Cows Milk either raw or boiled according to the condition of the Patient Further he recommends the seeds of Erisimum parch'd and drank with Wine Perfume consisting of Vinegar Sulphur Spelt Myrrh (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This last in my opinion was the name of some Plant. and the fruit of the Serpent These latter Remedies relate to a particular sort of bleeding which he says come from the places below the (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This word signifies several things in Hippocrates and t is not always casâ—e to guess what he means by it See the word â—ungs in the List of Diseases Articulations In another place he reckons hemlock among those inward Medicines Take says he as much hemlock as you can with three fingers and drink it with water We shall make some reflections upon these Medicines in the Chapter of Heraclides of Tarentum Those fluxes of blood which were accompanied with an ill smell sharpness pain and other symptoms were cured much after the same manner He gave white Hellebore and afterwards some other purge and then used the same astringents and lenifiers as before We must not here forget besides the Fomentations he recommends the use of Clysters or Injections for the Matrix in case of Ulcers and some other disorders of that part these consisting of the same ingredients with the Cataplasms Fomentations and Pessaries He used also in this cure Asses Milk advising also by way of Diet Herbs that were not biting clammy Fish boyl'd with Onions and Corriander-seeds in sweet oyly pickle Swines Flesh Lamb or Mutton rather boyl'd than roasted to drink small White Wine with a little Honey not to use too much nor too hot bathing The Matrix at length being sufficiently moistned and the Acrimony of the humours taken off he forbad bleeding absolutely and clos'd all with a course of restringent Medicines such as before-mentioned CHAP. XXV Of the Chyrurgery of Hippocrates (a) See mâ—re of this in the general Mâ—xims of the practice of Hippocrates WHere Medicines failed he had recourse to the Knife and where the Knife was unserviceable he sought Remedies from Fire Hippocrates had from Chyrurgery these two last Remedies or the manner of using them and several other ways of relieving men against their distempers He practised Pharmacy by Chyrurgery The same person in those days exercised all parts of Physick in general and he that advised a Medicine or an Operation prepar'd and perform'd them himself or at least caus'd them to be prepar'd or perform'd by his Servants that work'd immediately under his eye and direction This Galen takes notice of and it is apparent from the bare reading the works of Hippocrates In the Oath which he exacts of his Scholars he obliges them not to Cut for the Stone but to leave that operation to those who made a particular profession of it which supposes that the exercise of all other branches of Surgery was allow'd of One of his Books likewise treating only of things relating to Surgery is call'd the (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See below towards the end of the first Book of the second part Physicians repository and not the Surgeons which ought to have been the Title if Surgery in those days had been a distinct Art from that of Physick But instead of that (c) We often find in Hippocrates the following words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which somewhat resemble that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but don't exactly signify the same thing the first of which words are used by our Author to signify the action or manner of operating whereas the latter altho as we have observ'd before in the Chapter of Chiron it signifies in strictness operation of the hand yet has been given to the art itself which teaches the manner of operating and not to the action or operation itself Surgery had not so much as a particular name or at least was not known by that name nor is it to be found any where in the Works of Hippocrates nor did begin to be in use till the time of the division of Physick of which we shall speak hereafter But names altering not the nature of things however the Art which teaches to cure distempers by Manual Operations was call'd Hippocrates unquestionably was Master of it and it made up a great part of his practice in general We have seen before that he burnt or cauterized the Breast and Back of Pthisical men and those whose Spleen was over-grown The Instruments he made use of for this end were sometimes (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. an Instrument proper to burn red hot Irons sometimes Spindles of Box steept in boyl'd Oyl sometimes a sort of Mushrooms which be burnt upon the part and sometimes what he call'd Linum Crudum He made great use of all those ways of burning in all fixed pains settled in a particular part As for instance in the Gout or Sciatica he burnt the Toes Fingers and Hips with Linum Crudum A famous (e) Doctor Sydenham English Physician not long since dead compar'd this way of cauterizing to that of the Indians with a sort of Moss call'd Moxa but he was mistaken in it He was led into this errour by the ordinary interpreters of Hippocrates who by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Linum Crudum understand Flax whereas the Greek word signifies Cloth made of Flax which has never been whitened The learned (f) See the sixth Book of the Varia Lectiones of Mercurialis Ch. 2 Athenaeus lib. 9. Eustathius in Odyss lib. 5. Hesychius Phavorinus and other Lexicographers Mercurialis who was was no stranger to this latter signification did nevertheless believe that in this place by burning with Linum Crudum Hippocrates meant with Stupes or sine Flax but 't is more probable that the Ancient way of cauterizing with Linum Crudum or rather with new flaxen Cloth was the same with that in practice at present in Aegypt (g) De Medicin Aegypt lib. 3. cap. 12. The Egyptians says Prosper Alpinus Rolled a little Cotton in a piece of Linnen in the form of a Pyramid and setting fire to the Cone of the Pyramid apply'd the bases upon the place to be cauterized In this operation it is not the fire only which burns the Caustic Oyl which distils along the Linnen contributes very much to it Cauterizing was so
distempers are judgâ—d more by conjecture than Art tho in this case those that have experience are preferrable to those that have not (m) De victus ratione in acutis One Physician often approves what another does not This exposes their Art to the calumny of the people who therefore imagining it to be altogether vain compare it to that of the Augurs of whom one says of the same Bird that if it appears on the Left side it is a good omen if on the Right a bad one and others the quite contrary (n) Praeceptiones We ought never to warrant the success of a Medicine for the minutest circumstances cause the distemper to vary and make 'em sometimes more tedious and dangerous than we expected (o) Lib de arte The end of Physick is absolutely to cure Diseases or at least to abate their violence but those that are desperate ought never to be undertaken that is where the distemper is of it self incurable or become so by the total destruction of the Organs for Physick reaches not so far (p) Lib. de decenti habitu A Physician ought to visit his Patients frequently and to be very attentive to every thing (q) Lib de medico 'T is requisit for the credit of a Physician that he should have a healthy look and a good complexion for men are apt to suspect that he that has not his own health can scarce be instrumental to procure it to another in the same case (r) Ibid de decent habitu A Physician ought to be decent in his habit grave in his manners moderate in all his actions chast and modest in the conversation he is obligâ—d to have with Women no loiterer ready to answer every body with candour sober patient ready to do his duty without disturbing himself (s) â—â—â—â—ceptiones 'T is no dishonour to a Physician when he is in doubt about the method of treating his Patient in any case to call in other Physicians and to consult with them what is to be done to the benefit of the Patient (t) Ibidem In point of Fees a Physician ought to be honest and good natur'd and to have a regard to the ability of the Patient On some occasions he ought neither to ask nor expect a Fee especially if the Patient be a poor man or a stranger whom he is obliged to relieve There are other occasions wherein the Physician may agree with his Patient before hand for his reward that the Patient may with more confidence commit himself to his care and be assurâ—d that he will not desert him (v) Dâ—prisca medicina Those that thought Physick an invention that deserv'd to be attributed to the Gods have not only followed the common opinion but in my mind right reason also This is what Hippocrates says of Physick in general From whence we may draw two inferences of importance to our History First That there were a great number of Physicians in his time although but few good ones Secondly That the use of Consultations was also then establish'd And lastly That Physick was even then exposâ—d to detraction and calumny as well as since CHAP. XXVII Of the Writings of Hippocrates COncerning the Writings of this Ancient Physician there are three things chiefly to be observ'd First The esteem they have always met with Secondly The distinction between those Writings which are legitimate and those that are supposititious Thirdly His Language and Stile In the first place the Writings of Hippocrates have been always had in particular veneration Galen says that what Hippocrates has deliver'd has always been esteemed as the word of a God and assures us that if what he writ be a little obscure thro his brevity or if he seems in certain places to have omitted some little things he has nevertheless written nothing which was not very much to the purpose The Works of Hippocrates says Suidas are very well known to all that study Physick we have such a respect for them that they think what he has said to come out of a Divine Mouth and not a Human. A plain mark of the esteem that all Ages have had for the Writings of Hippocrates is that there is scarce any Author who has had so many Commentators Amongst the most Ancient of them Galen speaks of one Asclepiades Rufus Ephesius Sabinus Metrodorus Satyrus Heraclides Tarentinus Heraclides Erythraeus and one Zeuxis to whom we may add Galen himself and Celsus who have often translated him word for word We shall mention another party of these Authors in the sequel He has had undoubtedly several others among the Ancients without reckoning those that explain'd his obscure words as we shall see by and by And the number of the Moderns is greater as we shall shew in its proper place To come to the distinction of the true Writings of Hippocrates from the spurious we shall begin with a List given by Erotian This Author who liv'd under Nero distinguishing the Books of Hippocrates or those which past for such in his time according to the subject of which they treated ennumerates the following The Books says he which relates to the Doctrine of signs are the Book called the Prognostick two Books of Predictions which two latter are not Hippocrates 's as we shall shew hereafter and the Book of the Humours The Books which relate to Physick and which are the most rational are the Book of the winds of the Nature of Man of the Epilepsie of the Nature of Children of times and seasons The Books concerning the manner of treating distempers are the Book of fractures of the articulations of ulcers of wounds and darts of wounds of the head of the Physicians repository that called Mochlicus of the Emeroides and Fistula's of diet two of diseases of Ptisan of the laces or parts in man two Books of Womens distempers one of barren Women one of Nourishment and one of Waters The Aphorisms and six Books of Epidemick diseases treat of mixt matters Those which follow concern the Art in general the Book entituled the Oath that called the Law and that of the Ancient Physick As for his Ambassadors Speech and the Speech at the Altar they serve only to prove the kindness of Hippocrates to his Country but concern not Physick at all Galen speaks of one Artemidorus Capito and one Dioscorides both of Alexandria who collected and published the works of Hippocrates together He adds that this Edition had the approbation of the Emperor Adrian under whom they livâ—d and who had a great affection for Physick However Galâ—z taxes them with taking too much liberty and changing several words of the Text which they did not understand VVe don't certainly know whether the Catalogue of the Books of Hippocrates publish'd by these Authors were greater than that which Erotian gives us but t is probable it was since Galen who follow'd them very near mentions several Books of Hippocrates's or that past
and such a word We have already seen an example of this kind in the word (g) See the Chapter of the purging of the Brain Tetragonon which some took for a drug others for an instrument proper to purge the Head For other words of this nature Erotian and Galen may be consulted But it is further remarkable that besides the obscurity which comes from the difficulty of the words in Hippocrates there is another which comes from the faults crept into and the different reading found in the Original Manuscripts of this Author in which the works of Hippocrates shared the common fate of all the antient pieces that past through abundance of hands We shall bring only one instance of the Variation before spoken of and we shall find one word which is not explain'd in any of the Glossaries nor by any of the Lexicographers or Dictionary writers We read in the second book of his Epidemick Diseases towards the end the following words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fabius Calvus a Physician of Ravenna who first translated Hippocrates into Latin from a Greek Manuscript of the Vatican by the order of Clement the seventh translates this passage as if he had read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meretrix a Whore instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scortatio fornication and taking the following word for the name of a woman he translates the whole passage thus Meretrix Achromos Dysenteriae Medela as if there had been in Hippocrates's time a Courtezan named Achromos that cured the Dysentery Cornarius and Foesius more Modern interpreters of Hippocrates Translate the same passage thus Scortatio impudens vel turpis Dysenteriae Medela (h) Tetrabibl Serm. 3. Cap. 8. Aetius and (i) Lib. 1. c. 35. Paulus Aegineta affirm that Coition sometimes cures old Diarrhaea's and perhaps they allude to this passage Supposing then we ought to read with Cornarius and Foesius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as perhaps we ought the difficulty will rest only upon the word (k) We might if it were worâ—â— the while derive it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usque and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 humerus or if we write it with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 summus elatus sublimis as if Hippocrates meant Scortationem quâ ipsi humeri sublimes fiunt id est quae ad ex tremum usque ut cuâ—n Satyrico loquamur anhelatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proprium sit verburn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vei sine aspiratione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 summis humeris luctet ait idem Hipprocrates de aliâ luctâ loquens Lib. de intern affect Edit Foes p. 549. dum de lienis morbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which as we said before is not be found in the Dictionaries Those that take what Hippocrates here says for his advice do him wrong 't is a simple note of fact which happen'd to some person in that case CHAP. XXVIII Of the Letters of Hippocrates and other pieces annext to his works wherein are divers circumstances touching his Life and death and the chief occasions he had to shew himself in the exercise of his profession AFter having spoken of the Writings of Hippocrates in general we ought to examin those pieces which are tackt to them and which as we have said appear under the title of Aliens We have already seen wherein they have consisted and shall begin with the two discourses mention'd by Erotian as being the most Ancient That which Hippocrates spoke at the Altar of Minerva is address'd to the Communities and Cities of Thessaly to whom he complains that the Athenians had a design to reduce the Isle of Cos to their subjection and prays their succour in that pressing danger His discourse is very short That of Thessalus on the other side is very long It is address'd to the Athenians and puts them in mind of the services they had receiv'd from the Predecessors of Hippocrates for a long time and likewise from Hippocrates himself and from his Family The obligation which the Athenians are supposâ—d to have had to these later were first that the Father refus'd to go to the Illyrians and Paeons who had desired him and offer'd him great summs to come and free them from the Plague which Ravaged their Countries and having foreseen by the Course of Winds that this disease would reach Greece he sent his Sons his Son-in-law and his Scholars thro all the Provinces to give them necessary instructions to prevent taking the infection and went himself into Thessaly and a little time after to Athens where he did them great service which the Athenians so far acknowledged that they presented Hippocrates with a Crown of Gold and initiated him and his Son who speaks in the Mysteries of Ceres and Proserpine He remonstrates to the Athenians that they were further obliged to Hippocrates and to Thessalus himself in that this latter by the command of his Father followed the Fleet of Alcibiades into Sicily in quality of Physician making all necessary preparations for the Voyage at his own charges and refusing the Salary that was offered him These are the Principal Articles by which Thessalus endeavours to make the Athenians sensible how much they were oblig'd to his Family We shall examin only that of the Plague which Hippocrates foresaw coming upon Greece in which there is this difficulty First the time is not fix'd and we find nothing in other Authors concerning any Plague coming from the side of Illyria Aetius indeed takes notice that Hippocrates being at Athens at the time of a Plague advised them to light great Fires in the Streets to purifie the Air and make it more dry Galen also reports the same of Hippocrates upon the like occasions saying that he ordered great Fires to be made in divers parts of every City in Greece in which they were to cast Flowers Herbs and Drugs of sweet scent But herein there is this Essential difference that he brings the Plague which he speaks of from Ethiopia indicating thereby the great Plague so well described by Thucidides which he says precisely came from the same part But Ethiopia is directly opposite to Illyria one being on the South of Greece and the other on the North. It may perhaps be alledged that there might be a mistake in the place from whence the Plague came the thing yet being the same in fact But if we will have this Harangue of Thessalus to speak of the great Plague of Athens two great difficulties will arise upon it The first is that the Author last cited who deserves to be credited takes notice that the Plague was so furious especially at Athens that there was no great reason to brag of the Assistance of Physick On the contrary he assures us that the Physicians themselves were puzzled and they died indifferently with a Physician or without that the Physicians themselves
we should have had no occasion to complain of his brevity The letter directed to Dionysius is yet more merry than t'other He desires him to come to his house while he should be with Democritus For all the letters run upon this voyage of which it seems he was to inform the whole world before hand and to have an eye over the conduct of his wife * That shâ— play no pranks in his absence she has been very well brought up by her father says he but the Sex is frail and had need be kept within their duties in which a friend may succeed better than relations c. We 'll content our selves with these two samples by which the reader may judg how they agree with the gravity of Hippocrates As to the letters which Democritus and Hippocrates wrote one to another there are two of the former in one he speaks of the voyage that Hippocrates made to see him and to give him Hellebore having been call'd to that purpose by Democritus his fellow Citizens who took him for a mad man because he liv'd in a solitary place and laughed and did not mind those that came to see him You found me says Democritus writing of the order of the World of the disposition of the Poles and the course of the stars and you judg'd thereby that those that sent for you were fools and not I. Thereupon Democritus delivers in two words his opinion in Philosophy concerning the Images or Species diffused thro' the air of which his books as he says makes mention He tells Hippocrates afterwards that a Physician ought not to judg of his Patient by the aspect only for in that case he Democritus should have run the risque of passing for a mad man in his judgment He concludes with telling Hippocrates that he had sent him back the book which this Physician had written concerning madness which book is immediately annexed after this letter It consists but of one page which is nothing but a repetition of some lines of Hippocrates's book of the falling sickness which is likewise cited in this The second letter or the second book of Democritus address'd to Hippocrates is intituled of the nature of man which is the title of a book written by Hippocrates which has been ascrib'd to Democritus as we have already observed This book or letter is very near twice as long as the former It contains an enumeration of the principal parts of the body and the offices they perform There is nothing in it that deserves our observation except what he says of the Spleen that it sleeps and is good for nothing which opinion we shall see confirmâ—d (d) See the Chapter of Aristotle and that of Eratistratus hereafter There is but one letter of Hippocrates to Democritus now extant which is much shorter than the two abovementioned In the beginning of it he tells him that if the Physicians at any time succeeded in this art the people ascribed it to the Gods but if they miscarried they used to lay the blame upon them I have says Hippocrates got more scandal than honour by my practice and tho' I am advanced in years yet I have not attained to perfection in this art and even Aesculapius himself the inventer of it never carried it so far After this he takes occasion briefly to mention his journey to Democritus testifies for him that he is far from being mad and desires him to write to him often and to send him the books he had composed The letters of Hippocrates to Damagetus give a more particular account of his conversation with Democritus when he went to cure him one of them is very long in it he gives Damagetus an account of his voyage and all that happen'd to him till his return We have already seen in the preceeding book the occasion of this journey and the success of it I shall say no more of it for fear of being thought too prolix only give me leave to remark that these letters have nothing of the stile of Hippocrates It may be easily imagined that the pretended madness of Democritus and the journey with Hippocrates undertook with a design to cure him afforded matter enough to make a sort of a Romance To conclude I don't know who this Damagetus was The letter to King Perdiccas is of the same stamp with the rest that is to say equally spurious We there find as well as in that which is address'd to King Demetrius some Anatomical observations and some maxims relating to Physick which however don't deserve to be taken notice of except a few that are drawn out of the writings of Hippocrates The small book of Purgatives contains some necessary precautions to be observed in the taking of them It seems more probable that it is a collection of precepts given by Hippocrates upon this subject than a genuine work of that ancient Physician The life of Hippocrates written by Soranus contains besides what has been said in the beginning of this book an account of his countrey his extraction the time of his birth his studies and his masters in short an abridgment of the most remarkable things that happen'd to him in the course of his profession till his death Hippocrates says Soranus having lost his father and mother quitted his own countrey and fixed in Thessaly (e) We shall hereafter speak of this Physician Andreas in his book of the Original of Physick maliciously reports that the reason of it was because he had set the Library at Cnidus on fire Others write that the occasion of this journey was to learn the practice of other places and to furnish himself with an opportunity of understanding his profession better by the different cases that daily came before him But Soranus of Cos pretends that Hippocrates was influenc'd by a dream to make his abode in Thessaly He made himself continu'd this Author to be admir'd by all Greece through which he travell'd and practis'd Physick One day amongst the rest being call'd conjointly with Euriphon another Physician but older than himself to a consultation about Perdiccas son to Alexander King of Macedonia whom they gave out to be sick of a hectick feaver he soon found out that this Prince's mind was more indisposed than his body and as he carefully watched all his actions observing that he chang'd colour at the sight of Phila Mistress to the King his father he judged that he was in love with her and found the means to cure him by letting this fair one know the dangerous effects of her beauty He was also desired by the people of Abdera to come and cure Democritus of his madness and to free their City from the plague After this Soranus informs us how he refused to come to the Illyrians and even to the Court of Artaxerxes where this latter sickness raged how he hindred the war which the Athenians were going to make upon the Inhabitants of Cos by calling the Thessalians to their relief
reasonable to believe that he took many things out of his writings having testified as he did abundance of esteem of him We may see by what has been said before (q) See the general maxims of Hippocrates the sentiments of Plato concerning the Gymnastick Medicine We find in Galen the description of some medicines which bear Plato's name as if he had been the inventor of them but they were manifestly some other Plato's or rather the name of this Philosopher was put upon them to give them the more credit We shall close with Plato's sense of the qualities to be required in a Physician There ought to be says he in every great City good Physicians who besides the study required to learn their profession have liv'd in their youth amongst multitude of sick people and have themselves run thro all sorts of distempers being naturally infirm or Valetudinarians This maxim is directly opposite to that of Hippocrates who requires that a Physician should be of a very healthy constitution Some have observed that Plato designedly chose the Academy which was the unhealthiest place of all Athens to reside in with his scholars only because it was unhealthy out of a perswasion that the infirmity of the body render'd the mind more vigorous But we must beg leave to doubt whether this was his Motive or not CHAP. IV. Nicomachus Aristotle 's Father ARistotle's Father whose name was Nicomachus liv'd about the same time with Plato He was of Stagyre in Macedonia and Physician to King Amyntas Father of Philip. He was of the Asclepiades as well as Hippocrates and pretended to be descended from a Son of Machaon of whom we have spoken before who bore the same name with himself This Physician wrote according to Suidas six books of Physick and one of Natural Philosophy but we have nothing of them remaining CHAP. V. Aristotle WE should speak here of some Physicians who liv'd before this Philosopher and were cotemporaries to his father but after having seen what Plato who was his master contributed to the advancement of Physick we thought it convenient immediately to subjoyn what his scholar further added Aristotle wrote two books Entituled (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diogen Lacrt. in â—it Aristot of Physick but there are none of them remainning nor those the Title of which was (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Anatomy Diogenes Laertius ascribes to him another book the title of which was (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Stone this book is translated into Latin in the Theatrum Châ—micum with another which treats of the perfect Magistery that is to say of the Philosophers Stone but both these books are evidently suposititious If Aristotle had ever writ any book under the title mentioned by Diogenes Lacrtius supposing that we ought to understand by the Stone the Philosopher's Stone this book would unquestionably have made more noise amongst the Ancients whereas we find neither tract nor footstep in all the Authors extant that wrote during the space of five hundred years which were elaps'd between the Author of this pretended book and him that quotes it It is not impossible but that in the time of the later the book in question was attributed to Aristotle but it is more probable that there is some fault in the Text. We shall have occasion to speak more of this in the Chapter of Theophrastus which comes next But it was not after this manner that Aristotle imployed himself in Physick 't was in writing these other books which we first mentioned But since these books are lost we shou'd be obliged to conclude here what concerns the Physick of this Philosopher if his History of Animals and of their parts and Generation were not happily preserved wherein we find many curious things relating to the History of Animals in general and of their Anatomy in particular (d) Plin. lib. 8.16 Athen. lib. 9. cap. 23 lib. 8. cap. 11. Alexander the Great whose master he was being inquisitive into the nature and different properties of Animals obliged him to this task and furnished him for it with the summ of eight hundred Talents which amount to almost a million of Gold besides several thousand men in the several parts of Asia and Greece who had Orders to obey him and to inform him of all that hunting and fishing had taught them and to keep on purpose all sorts of Animals to discover what was peculiar to them With these helps a perfect work upon this Subject might have been expected Nevertheless the Antients themselves took notice that he advanced many a thing contrary to fact He may upon this account be excused by saying that he took them upon Credit from others not having been able to act or view every thing himself But supposing he were in some things obliged to trust to relations As for Example for certain Properties of Animals which only chance could discover there are others in which he ought to have made his enquiries himself or at least to have been present and directed those that were his Operators Of this nature are those things which relate to Anatomy what opinion can we have of his exactness in this particular when we hear him affirm that all Animals have flexible necks composed of Vertebrae except Wolves and Lyons in which tho neck consists of but one bone and that the bones of Lyons have no matrow against all experience e For his other Errours in the Anatomy of a Lyon and Eagle and a Crocodile those that are curious may consult the learned Borrichius Those that publisht the dissection of a Lyon at Paris in the Academy of Sciences some years ago have taken care to show the Errours of this Philosopher in the Anatomy of that Beast All that they observe may in fact be true except one passage in which they seem to make Aristotle say what he never thought of We find these words in one of his books f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Latin Interpreter renders thus videtur Leo Animalium omnium perfectissimum Animal in assumendo maris formam These Gentlemen explain these words as if Aristotle had meant that the Lyon has by way of Excellence and beyond all other Animals the visible and apparent marks of the perfection of his Sex These are their own words and they urge as a proof that the Philosopher was mistaken that the Vrethra of a Lyon that is the channel of the Virga does not appear outward above three inches and a half Their conclusion had been just if Aristotle had meant as they think and Borrichius with them that the Lyon of all male Animals had the parts which distinguish'd the Sex most large and apparent But this in my opinion was farthest from his thoughts for I suppose he meant no more than that the Lyon is of all male Animals the easiest to be distinguish'd from his Female by his Masculine Air or