not by being intelligible for intelligible they were in the most reserved use of the Church unless their Prayers were Riddles and they offered to God they knew not what for a reasonable service Cum hic alii apocryphorum scriptores sua soleant ad praesentis suo aevo ecclesiae ritus mores ac Sermonem effingere primo plerique eo potissimum consilio sua figmenta sub vetustiorum nomine edant ut res sui saeculi novas falso antiquitatis nomine constituant confirment clarum est etiam ex istius generis apocryphis magnam utilitatem percipi posse si diligenter observetur quos illi mores quos ritus Ecclesiae Christianis illis tribuant de quibus loquuntur Dallaeus de lib. suppositis Dionys c. l. 2. p. 250. to give an account in Writing concerning the Sacramental Prayers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assigns this Reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is not lawful to declare them in Writing being mystical and secret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Pachymeres being secret and not to be divulged To deliver them in Writing would have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bring them out of secrecy into common view as he expresseth it afterward Hierarch cul fin For the Latin Church Innocentius 1. Bishop of Rome may satisfie us Decentius of Eugubium consulting him about divers particulars concerning the Church Service Innocent e Saepe dilectionem tuam ad Vrbem venisse ac nobiscum in ecclesia convenisse quem morem vel in consecrandis mysteriis vel in caeteris agendis arcanis teneat cognovisse non dubium est quod sufficere arbitrarer ad informationem ecclesiae tuae vel reformationem nisi de aliquibus consulendum nos esse dixisses Praefat. epist ad Decentium in Crab Conc. tom 1. p. 452. in his Epistle in answer thereto refers him not to any written orders or prescriptions which may well be presumed he would have done if there had been any but to what he had seen practiced at Rome when he was there But more particularly and expresly Can. 3. he determines that the Presbyter might anoint the Baptized with Chrism non tamen frontem ex eodem oleo signare but not anoint their Foreheads with it that being reserved by him and first by him to Bishops But what words should be used in that Rite he might not tell him in writing verbo vero dicere non possum ne magis prodere videar quam ad consultationem respondere least he should seem a Betrayer of the Churches Arcana rather then an Adviser Now if they were thus reserved and cautious in a Baptismal Rite as much or more caution would be thought requisite as to the Lords Supper which was antiently in their stile and account secretum f Innocentius negat se tunc temporis i. e. cum scriberet ad Decentium Eugubinum debere dicere Chamier t. 4. l. 6. c. 8. Sect. 52. least the writing might have come into the hands of the non-initiated Populus pars erat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pars 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illis neque videre licebat neque audire hi satis erant ut non auderet omnia literis Innocentius committere Sect. 53 Vid. Bellar. Sect. 50. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And indeed he shews himself no less reserved about the Eucharist so we find him Cap. 1. Cum post omnia quae aperire non debeo pax sit necessario indicenda Those things which past in the celebration of the Eucharist before the salutation of Peace before which were all the Prayers he might not open to him in Writing and in reference to the whole †Cyril 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If a Catechumen ask thee what the Teachers say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Aegroti vinum quandoque pollulant quod si intempellive detur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Catech. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus towards the conclusion cap. 8. Reliqua vero quae scribi fas non erat quum adfueris interrogati poterimus edicere For the rest which it is not lawful to write when thou art here we may being desired declare them Now if to write this in an Epistle to a particular person who was not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but as Nyssen speaks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Christi Baptism would have been no less then prodere no better then treachery a betraying the arcana ecclesiae what would it have been to have had them written for publick use and exposed in Common Prayer Books I suppose it is hereby manifest that they were not wont in those times to commit their Sacramental Prayers to such Books or Writings and I cannot apprehend how the Prayers requisite to make up a Liturgy for the Sacraments could be either prescribed or of common invariable use in many Churches if they were not so written Finally since they thought themselves obliged to keep the things we speak of g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Synes de provid Sect. 2. p. 124. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Basil de Spir. Sancto c. 27. p. 273. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. p. 274. Lysis the Pythagorean in Synesius Ep. 151. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reproving his Friend for publishing something secret making account the order of the Churches and the reverence due to those mysteries could not be otherwise secured we cannot suppose they would take a course which would make it next to impossible to conceal that which they deemed themselves so much concerned to keep secret Now if their Prayers had been written out for the use of many thousands or many hundred Churches indeed the supposition must be for all in the World for many are supposed to have some or other though not all the same would not this have been a divulging of them and a ready way to make them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 could all of such multitudes of Copies be kept either from the Heathen who were so inquisitive after the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Christians as they used all means fair and foul h Quo magis necessarium credidi ex duabus ancillis quae ministrae dicebantur quid esset veri per tormenta quaerere Sed nihil aliud inveni quam superstitionem pravam immodicam Plin. ep Trajano 97. Just Martyr Apol. 1. p. 133. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Origen contr Cels l. 1. p. 8. Maximus Madaurens ep ad Augustin Celsus in Origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 8. p. 339. sometimes tortures sometimes odious misinterpretations sometimes subtle insinuations to get the knowledge of them Or from the Catechumens passionately eager to be acquainted with these secrets any way i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clem. constitut l. 5. c 26. fine Quodam canone uno comperimus si cui contigisset catechumeno casu aliquo ac fortuito Sacrificiis interesse aut oculis illa sacrae intueri
〈◊〉 Dionys eccl Hist c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heyl. antid 342. In a word of the reading of every thing that was wont to be read but of the reading of Prayers not a syllable We may as soon find a saying of Mass as reading of Prayers None had then the opportunity till since it has been the happyness of many to merit the commendation which Pliny gave of his Servant Zosimus ep 19. 15. If their Prayers had been written and they confined precisely to the words and syllables of the Writing as in prescribed Forms this would have obliged them to have had the Writing before them and to have read the Prayers out of it to prevent varying from the prescribed Model since there had been as much necessity to read then as there is now Besides Reading and Praying are still represented as distinct things and such as were not then coincident The Deacon when he called to Reading was said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but when to Prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prayer began in Justin Martyrs time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when the Reader had done Apol. 2. So Anthanasius calls to Praying and Reading in terms quite different 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Socrates l. 2. c. 8. p. 545. which in Theodoret is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vide D. H. Preface to Psalms in him Tertull. l. 2. c. 13. p. 63 64. And Sozomen where he shows there was an uniformity in his time in publick Worship tells us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vide Just nov 6. Soz. l. 7. c. 19. It cannot be found p. 36. c. 4. that the same Prayers or Psalms yea or the same Readings were used by all at the same time Indeed it cannot be apprehended how they could read their Prayers who while they prayed had their eyes lift up to Heaven And that this was the posture of the antient Christians in Prayer there is abundant evidence Tertullian thus represents them praying illuc perspicientes Christiani Apol. cap. 30. And Clemens Alexandrinus strom 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We raise our heads in Prayer and lift up hands to Heaven To whom we might add Cyprian ad Demetrium Arnobius l. 1. p. 28. Ad Sydera sublevavit Coelum cum Domino rerum Deo supplicationum fecit verba atque orationum colloquia miscere And Lactantius Oculos eo dirigamus quo illos naturae suae conditio direxit lib. 6. Cur igitur oculos in coelum non tollitis l. 2. c. 2. So Dionysius of Alexandria representing to Xystus of Rome the case of that troubled person and that amongst other scruples he durst not joyn with them in Prayer does it in these terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 7. c. 8. p. 188. Lifting up the eyes to Heaven is a phrase by which Prayer is understood in this third Age i Or shutting their Eves Origen contra Celsum l. 7. p. 362. Astyenus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 7. p. 195. In the fourth Age this was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And when they represented Constantine in a praying posture it was with eyes lift up to Heaven So his Effigies in his Coins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb de vita Constantini l. 4. c. 15. p. 394. So in his Palace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id ibid. Others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Praises Vit. constant l. 4. cap. 29. Chrysostom observes from Christs posture in prayer expressed Jo. 17. 1. These words spake Jesus and lift up his eyes to Heaven that thereby we are taught when we pray to lift up both eyes of Body and Mind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 890. So Hillary Euthymius Theophylact Leontius Ammonius in Maldonat on Mat. 14. 19. c. 302. And Augustine intimates as much when he tells us upon the same place Ita se Patri exhibere voluit precatorem ut meminisset nostrum se esse Doctoren he so prayed as minding to teach us how we should pray Tract in Joh. 103. Tom. 9. p. 621. Yea Damascen upon those words Joh. 11. 41. Jesus lift up his eyes and said Father I thank thee c. observes propterea oculos sustulisse ut formam nobis traderet orandi Whereby it appears that not only this de facto was their posture in Praying but that they thought themselves obliged to it by Christs Example Some Bishops what may we think of Presbyters and Deacons could not read Blondel 500. 501. So that in Damascens time when set Forms were grown common this reading was not in fashion k Hereby it appears that Reading of old was not in fashion None had then the opportunity though since it has been the happyness of many to merit the commendation which Pliny gave of his Servant Zosimus Yet Pliny was loath his Orations should be read His reasons though they concern not the Antients may be considerable to others I will not inquire into the reasons It may be that which made Pliny loath to read his Pleadings might hinder them from reading their Prayers What he suggests is obvious to each ones reason and common sense and whether to some it be not applicable to pleaders at another Bar let others judge Neque enim me praeterit actiones Then he says they are thereby bereaved of many advantages which render the plea fervent and available ut quas soleant commendare and the want of which must needs dull the Auditory quo minus mirum est auditorum intentio languescit Hortaris ut orationem amicis pluribus recitem faciam quia hortaris quamvis vehementer addubitem neque enim me praeterit actiones quae recitantur impetum omnem caloremque ac prope nomen suum perdere ut quas soleant commendare simul accendere dicentis gestus incessus discursus etiam omnibusque motibus animi consentaneus vigor corporis Recitantium vero praecipua pronuntiationis adjumenta oculi manus praepediuntur quo minus mirum est si Auditorum intentio languescit nullis extrinsecus aut blandimentis capta aut aculeis excitata Plin. ep 9. l. 2. What would he have said how would this wise and judicious Person have aggravated these disadvantages how intolerable would this great Orator have accounted the motion if Cerealis had moved him to read the same Oration to his Friends whenever they met at every solemn Meeting Chrysostome tells us that in his judgment it required a greater confidence then Moses and Elias had to pray as they were wont to do before the Eucharist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Sacerd orat 3. p. 46. Now why such boldness was needful if they had the Prayer in a Book before them and no more to do then read it I apprehend not I never heard of any who were Masters of the Art of Reading that found so much confidence necessary to exercise their faculty upon any Prayer whatsoever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 118. in him is equivalent
to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Phavorinus a boldness to express ones self freely Epist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 186. No freedom is left him who must only read what is prescribed him Vid. in Eph. hom ult p. 892. where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. D. H. N. T. 319. 1. Idem tam commode orationes legit ut hoc solum didicisse videatur Plin. ep 19. l. 5. If the Antient Churches had no written Liturgies no Books of publick Prayers they could have no prescribed no imposed no nor any common Liturgies viz. the same in many several Congregations though not imposed And if there had been any such Service Books it is not imaginable but there would have been some notice of them in some of the Writers of those Ages yet for this both we and those who are most concerned to find it are still to seek We meet not with any mention of such Books upon such occasions where it might be expected they would be mentioned if any where and where we might justly look to find them if they had been to be found Those who give a particular account of the Books Vessels and several Utensils which were to be found in the Church make no mention of any such thing as this Vid. Dall de objecto cultus Amongst other things wherewith Athanasius was falsely charged by the Arrian faction to make way for his condemnation Macarius with reflection upon that great Person who imployed him is accused to have leapt upon the Altar overthrown the Table broke the Communion Cup burnt the Bible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socr. Hist l. 1. c. 20. p. 539. Now it may well be presumed that Ischyras the false accuser incouraged with hopes of a Bishoprick which was his reward afterward and so concerned to swell the charge as big and render it as odious as he could would have added to the rest some indignity offered to the Sacred Liturgy This had been as easily alleadged as the rest if the subject had been extant and might have been as hainously resented if there had been such Liturgies or such opinion of them as in our times When Gregorius the Arrian Bishop came to take possession of the Bishoprick of Alexandria and entered a Church by force of what abuses were offered to all things therein Athanasius gives a particular account the Table 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Scriptures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Font 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Wine the Oyl the Doors and latticed Partitions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Candlesticks the Tapers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ad Africanos ep tom 1. p. 729. But not a word of a Service Book no more then of a Book of Homilies When the multitude of Christians so increased at Constantinople that it was thought necessary to dispose of them in several Churches Constantine takes care that those Churches should be respectively furnished with Bibles and writes to Eusebius of Caesarea to have them prepared accordingly Now let those that are for prescribed Liturgies be Judges would it not have been requisite that those Churches should have been also furnished with Service Books and care taken that these should have been likewise writ out for them if any such had been then in use Would Constantine have omitted this if he had been of their mind or would not Eusebius who overlooks nothing of that nature have added this in commendation of him if he had made any such provision Does it not hence appear that Churches were then thought sufficiently provided with Books necessary for Divine Service when they were furnished with Bibles And can it be supposed that Constantine whose generousness towards the Church is known to have run out in many superfluities would have been deficient in things accounted in any degree necessary Euseb de vit Constant l. 4. c. 34. ' O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and cap. 36. p. 401. where we have that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the fourth Council of Carthage it is provided when the Bishop is ordained the Book of the Gospels shall be held over his head teneat Evangelioâ—um codicem super caput cervicem ejus c. 2. When the Exorcist is ordained a Book of Exorcisms is to be given him accipiat de manu Episcopi libellum in quo scripti sâ—nt exorcismi c. 7. When the Reader is ordained the Bible out of which he is to read is to be delivered him can 8. tradet ei codicem de quo lecturus est dicens ad eum accipe esto lector verbi Dei. But no Book of publick Prayers either used or delivered or mentioned in the Ordination of Bishop Presbyter or Deacon the only persons who ministred in the Prayers of the Church or any other Officer Yet here if any where we might reasonably have expected to have met with a Service Book if there had been any at that time One of the first Books for publick Service which I meet with is the Libellus officialis in Conc. Tol. 4. Can. 25. an 633. which seems rather but a short Directory then a compleat Liturgy given to every Presbyter at his Ordination to instruct him how to administer the Sacraments least through ignorance of his Duty herein he should offend Quando Presbyteri in Parochiis ordinantur libellum officialem a suo Sacerdote accipiant ut ad Ecclesias sibi deputatas instructi accedant ne per ignorantiam etiam in ipsis divinis Sacramentis Christum offendant And many of the Canons of that Council had been needless if those Churches had been before furnished with such a Liturgy since that would have provided sufficiently for the severals there decreed Can. 2. 5 6 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17. To ascend a little higher in the times of the Churches Persecution in the beginning of the fourth Age if there had been such Service Books why did not their Persecutors call for the delivery of them as they did not only for the Bible but for other Church Utensils Vid. Conc. Arelat Can. 13. in Caranz p. 65. Why hear we of no traditores upon this account It was not the Christians belief contained in the Scripture concerning the true God or the Gentiles false Gods that did more exasperate the Heathen against them then their Worship The Jews whose belief was as opposite to theirs had a toleration many times when the Christians were destroyed And Origen l Neque de Diis non recte sentire crederentur eum non fuisse verum sevitiae causam ex â—o probat Origines quod Epicureis aliisque Philosophis omnem omnino divinam providentiam tollentibus parcebatur Grot. observes that they were not wont to persecute any for their Opinions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adv Celâ— l. 2. p. 68. There were opinions amongst their persecutors concerning God as scandalous to the Heathen as those which the Scripture taught the Christians The Epicureans wholly denying Divine Providence m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
Quando audis Sacerdotem Dei ad altare c. Ep. 107. p. 567. And the same Petitions he afterwards sets down in other words which signifies he had them not out of any prescribed or written Liturgy for then they would they must have been the same Pro incredulis ut eos Deus convertat ad fidem but p. 577. Vt incredulas Gentes ad fidem suam venire compellat Pro fidelibus ut in eo quod esse ceperunt munere suo perseverent and p. 578. Vt proficiant in eo quod esse ceperunt Augustine mentions the publick Prayers against Pelagians but no otherwise then as he might have alleadged the extemporary petitions of such who seeking the same things that Christians usually do use not the same words and agreeing in the subject vary other ways in the expressions without any intimation that they were prescribed or in variable Forms And elsewhere with some note of uncertainty whether they did so pray or whether those were their words in publick whereas if they had been in a common written Liturgy he would have known it and might have been positive or some intimation of liberty they had to use those words or not those or others si voluerimus Finally it cannot with any reason be supposed but if there had been such Liturgies they would have been made use of against the Errours and for deciding the Controversies wherewith the Church was exercised in the Ages we are concerned in To wave others there were two especially as to which they might have been this way apparently serviceable viz. That concerning the Godhead of Christ opposed in the first second third and fourth Age especially And that concerning the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the faithful and other errors with which Pelagius and his adherents troubled the Churches in the beginning of the fifth Age and afterwards His Tenet see August contr 2 ep Pelag. l. 4. c. 2. p. 239. None will fancy a Christian Liturgy wherein there is not some acknowledgment of or some address to Christ as God or wherein there is not some confession of sin or some petition for pardon in Prayers proper to the faithful something equivalent to petition in the Lords Prayer forgive us our Trespasses and so no Liturgies wherein there was not evidence enough against both those errours and others also of the Pelagians inconsistent with the necessity of the grace of God. And it will be granted that if those who were judicious had the managing of those Controversies if they thought it requisite to make use of Humane Testimony they would make choice of that which is most cogent and convictive Now they did make use of Humane Testimony as we find both that unnamed Author in Eusebius l. 5. c. â—â— p. 145. who confuting Artemons error who maintained Christ was only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alleadges Justin Martyr Miltiades Tatian Clemens Irenaeus Melito and the Hymns composed by the Brethren of old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but not a word of any Prayers antient or written by Brethren or Fathers which yet by one who as it is apparent industriously sought out all sorts of confirmations would not have been omitted as tending as much if there had been some written of old but contributing much more to the confirming of that truth if there had been any injoyned to be publickly and generally used Also Athanasius against the Arrians and Augustine against the Pelagians * Athanas Syn. niâ— contr Haerâ—s Arrian decret tom 1. p. 240. quotes Theognostus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Also Dionys of Alexand. and of Rome with Origen Elsewhere Ignatius two of the most judicious Writers that those Ages afforded make use of the Testimonies of their Predecessors and Contemporaries but alledge not one passage out of a service-Service-Book or any Prayers written or so as to give us occasion to think there were any such used publickly and authorized whereas they could not but apprehend as well as we that one clear allegation out of an antient and commonly received Liturgy would have been more cogent and convictive then any or all the particular Testimonies they produce since the judgment of whole Churches in several Ages too is far more considerable then of many particular persons Augustine and others alleadge against the Pelagians divers things which were frequently prayed for in publick but without signifying in the least wise that the Prayers were written or antient which he in Eusebius thought it requisite to express concerning the Hymns he mentions or that they were generally received or the same Form or authorized for the publick Service or prescribed to be invariably used Yet in these particulars lay the force and the advantage of such an allegation and that which would render it most considerable and of far more weight then the Testimony of single Writers And therefore undoubtedly would have been insisted on if there had been any such thing to urge by any who knew how to manage an Argument or to make use of a very obvious advantage So that we may conclude either the greatest wits and judgments of those times were not wise enough to discern the best advantages they had from Humane Testimony such as were obvious to every eye and either could not manage them as those of ordinary capacities amongst us can do or would not improve them as the interest of the truth they contended for and their faithfulness to it required and so were either injudicious or unfaithful or else that they had no such advantages to make use of and so no such Liturgies Further if there were such Liturgies how comes it to pass that we meet with no intelligence of any changing of them or alterations made in them upon such occasions as we may well conceive would necessarily draw on such changes and in all probability bring us some account thereof Quisquis unquam says one Religionem mutavit orandi rationem mutavit nulla unquam Haeresis fuit quae non continuo suas essinxerit preces Mald. in Luc. 11. This being so we may expect to meet with frequent mention of rejecting old Liturgies and composing new of altering or correcting them if the antient mode of Praying was by prescribed Liturgies But I have not yet met with any mention thereof no not in those circumstances wherein if any where it might be expected The Heresie of Artemon holding that Christ was a meer Terrene Creature having siezed on Paulus Samosatenus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop of Antioch the Fathers of the Council held there upon that occasion tell us in their circular Epistle that he prohibited the use of the Psalms sung in the honour of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 7. cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 24. And would he have tolerated a Liturgy whose contents were as much for the honour of Christ Or can there be supposed a Liturgy which had nothing in it for the honour of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And if he had
in both For the former Pythagoras who himself was obliged to be circumcised that he might procure admission to the Aegyptian secrets Clem. Alexandr strom 1. had some hearers who learnt in secret such things as were not fit for profane Ears nor yet purified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. contr Cels p. 7. And for the latter he sayes all the mysteries every where both in Greece and amongst the barbarous were not blamed for being kept secret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 8. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Basil de Spiritu Sancto c. 27. p. 273. And Seneca before him mentions both where he will have Lucilius observe the difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praeceptum ep 95. Idem dicere de praeceptis possum aperta sunt decreta vero sapientiae in abdito sicut sanctiora sacrorum tantum initiati sciant ita in philosophia arcana illa admissis receptisque in sacra ostenduntur at praecepta alia hujusmodi profanis quoque not a sunt p. 794. None were admitted to the sight of their Mystical Rites but the initiated others were warned to withdraw t So Prudentius in Apoth represents the Heathen excluding Christians from their mysteries Lotus procul esse unctus Procul o procul ite profani Conclamat vates totoque absistite luco Virg. Aen. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And if they would venture to be present it was at their peril u Tempore initiorum duo Juvenes Acarnanes qui non initiati erant Athenas venerant in Sacrarium Cereris cum aliis popularibus suis intraverunt ob hoc tanquam nefas summum caesi sunt flor epit As Pentheus in Pausanias w Pentheam aiunt ut foeminarum operta sacra specularetur in arborem ascendisse atque inde omnia conspicatum quod cum Bacchae animadvertissent impetu facto viventem eum lacerasse ac membratim discerpsisse Pausan l. 2. Livy dec 4. l. 1. p. 7. vid. sig infra and those of Acarnania in Livy found it Nero durst not venture eleusiniis sacris quorum initiatione impii scelerati voce praeconis submoverentur interesse non ausus est Sueton. ner c. 34. They would not speak of them in the hearing of others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He is impious that speaks of the mysteries to those that are not initiated sayes Chrysippus in Laertius This was part of Alcibiades crime mysteria Cereris enuntiavisse x Alciblades absens Athenis insimulatur mysteria Cereris initiorum sacra nullo magis quam silentio solemnia enuntiavisse Justin Hist l. 5. c. 1. Vid. Cornel. nepos in Alcibiad And Augustus when he was to hear a Cause wherein these mysteries were touched would not let it be opened till the Company was dismissed y Athenis initiatus cum postea Romae pro tribunali de privilegio Sacerdotum Atticae Cereris cognosceret quaedam secretiora proponerentur dimisso Conciâ—io corona circumstantium solus audiit disceptantes Sueton. Octav. August cap. 93. p. 103. Pausanias of the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baeoticis vid. Dionys Halicarnassens infra They would not commit them to Writing And so we may observe that when the Antient Writers have occasion to deliver any thing particularly concerning them they wave it with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Apollonius of the Samothracian mysteries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 1. Argon Numenius z Numenio denique inter Philosophos occultorum curiosiori offensam numinum quod Eleusina sacra interpretando vulgaverit somnia prodiderunt Somn. Scip. l. 1. c. 2. p. 25. Tarquinius autem Rex M. Tâ—llium Duumvirum quod librum secreta civilium sacrorum continentem custodiae suae commissum corruptus Petronio Sabino describendum dedisset culeo insutum in mare abjici jussit idque supplicii genus multo post parricidis lege irrogatum est Val. Max. l. 1. c. 1. p. 8. venturing to write of them understood by a Dream he had incurred offensam numinum as Macrobius tells us But M. Atelius fared worse suffering as a Parricide for permitting the Sibylls Books in his custody containing secreta civilium sacrorum and used by the Romans as their extraordinary Ritual to be transcribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys Halicarnass l. 4. If they trusted them to Writing it was in secret Character such as could not be understood by those from whom they were to be concealed a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Baâ—is de Spiritu Sancto c. p. 273. And Leo Philosophus Laws were not to be writ obscurely because they were not mysteries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Novel 77. Literis ignorabilibus as Apuleius of the Rites of Isis b Summus Sacerdos de opertis adytis praefert quosdam libros literis ignorabilibus praenotatos partim figuris cujuscemodi animalium concepti Sermonis compendiosa verba suggerentes partim nodosis in modum rotae tortuosis capreolatimque condensis apicibus a curiositate profanorum lectione munita Indidem mihi praedicat quae forent ad usum teletae necessario praeparanda Metamorph. lib. 11. p. 208. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys Halicarnass lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Synes infra Cyril Catech. 6. p. 60. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Osiridis historia sacris sermonibios mysteriisque celebris est ita ut periculosum sit eam monimentis narrationibus commendari Synes de Providentia p. 123. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. Sect. 1. p. 115. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 monimentis intacta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 124. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. l. 4. p. 144. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. epist 162. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. Synes de Provid 1â—4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. 125. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 128. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. de insomniis The Council of Laodicea setting down the place and order of those Prayers shews us they were made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adv Judaeos Ipsa mysteria figurarum cuniculis operiuntur sayes Macrobius figuris defendentibus a vilitate secretum Somn. Scip. l. 1. c. 2. p. 23. Such were the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks and used on purpose for such concealment they could not be understood without a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to interpret them and he explained them not but in secret and there but to some few select Hearers as the Author of the Quaest ad Orthod tells us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 146. I will not say the Christians imitated the Gentiles herein especially if the practice began so early as Tertullian which some suppose because he waves the mention of the Sacrament when he had occasion to give the Heathen an account thereof in such circumstances as Justin Martyr before him had plainly described it For there is a great zeal visible in his Writings
old was arbitrary Hinc colligitur sayes Bellarmine non fuisse antiquo tempore praescriptum certum canonem orationum qui omnes obligaret sed permissum fuisse ut quisque componeret preces modo eae analogae essent fidei de miss l. 2. c. 18. Chemnitius thus Non enim conceptis verbis praescripta fuit una quaedam certa forma sed liberum fuit uti quacunque forma modo analoga esset fidei Examen pars 2. p. 358. Bellarmin answers Canones Conciliorum citatorum non loquuntur de canone missae sed de collectis quae semper fuirant multiplices variâ— Id. ibid p. 817. Where he denyes not but that those African Decrees shew that all other Prayers even in the Eucharist were then arbitrary only the Canon of the Mass sayes he they speak not of And no wonder since the Canon which he is so tender of was not in being till near two hundred years after these Decrees were made And there 's not a syllable in them for the excepting of any other more then that Vid. Albaspin ante In the 12th Canon of that Council which passeth for the 2d of Milevis for cum prudentioribus collatae we have a prudentioribus tractatae p Scholium ad hunc locum in Cod. Pal. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Glossa Basilii a Carolo Luâ—beo Cl. viro editae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Justell obs in Cod. p. 8. A phrase of the same import signifying the Prayers handled by the more prudent i. e. debated discoursed of and so examined by them in order to approbation q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cod. Afr. p. 50. if they were found good or to amendment if otherwise And this sense of tractatae agrees best both with the other constitutions of those African Churches and their practice also declared to us by Augustine But if any notwithstanding will thereby understand the Prayers composed by the more prudent tractatus being a Sermon in Cyprian Ambrose Augustine Optatus in Thornd 176. and I will thence inferr the more prudent had no more liberty in Praying then in Preaching If I should yield this it would be no great disadvantage For as they were not tyed to use Sermons composed by others being much below those Worthies orationes alieno formare ingenio to owe their publick Discourses to anothers invention so they had and took liberty to Preach either ex tempore or upon premeditation and the former way commonly Jerom tells us many Homilies of Origen r Quae ab Origine in auditorio ecclesiae ex tempore non tam explanationis quam aedificationis intentione perorata sunt sicut in Homillis sive in oratiunculis in Genesin in Exodum c. Ruff. peâ—orat in ep ad Rom. p. 634. In the Editions of Johannes Grodicius the title is Catechâ—ses extemporantâ— ad illuminatos 18. mystagogicae 5. Vid. Riv. crit â— p. 258. which he Translated were Preached delivered in the Church by the Author ex tempore Oratiunculas has 26. ex tempore in ecclesia peroravit Adamantius Senex Prolus in Hom. Orig. in Jes nav And Ruffinus speaks the same of Origens Homilies upon Genesis Exodus Leviticus and Romans All that we have of Cyrils Bishop of Jerusalem are extemporary Discourses as Vossius observes from the inscription of them nonne cogitant catecheses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive extemporales ut inscriptio indicat De Symb. p. 38. And such probably were those whose occasion and subject was the same sung before Sermon as to omit others that of Nazianzen in Ps 114. Chrysostom while Presbyter at Antioch was advised by Flavianus the Bishop to use his extemporary faculty in Preaching 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as one of the Writers of his Life relates it And he complyed with Flavianus herein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they all saw him Preaching to them ex tempore Georg. Alexand. vita Chrysost p. 179. c. And such were many of his Sermons at Constantinople when he was Bishop there particularly those upon the Epistles s Homiliae in Epistâ—las ad Ephesios Philip. utramque ad Timotheum Philemonem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Constantinopolitanis accensendae notae in Chrysost hom 8. p. 227. Commentarii certe mediocres sunt ut plurimum quales illi in Epistolam ad Ephesios concisi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut puto Id. ibid. p. 409. to the Ephesians and Philippians as Sir Hen. Savill who deserves so well of him and of the World for him conceives as also those upon both the Epistles to Timothy and that to Philemon and more then these he intimates to have seen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atticus Presbyter at Constantinople in Chrysostoms time and afterwards Bishop there though far short of his Predecessors accomplishments yet by industry and practice as Socrates tells us he attained the faculty of delivering himself ex tempore to his Auditory 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hist eccles l. 7. cap. 2. p. 733. Jerom had no cure and so left us no Sermons But of divers of the pieces which survive him he was as easily and speedily delivered as the forementioned of their popular Discourses Of one piece of his he tells us Epist 47. Extemporalis t Extemporalis est dictatio tanta ad lumen lucernulae facilitate profusa ut Notariorum manus lingua praecurreret signae ac furta verborum volubilitas Sermonum obrueret Ep. 47. est dictatio it was dictated ex tempore and faster then it could be well taken in short-hand And his interpretation as he calls it of the three Books of Solomon Proverbs Canticles and Ecclesiastes was u Tridui opus nomini vestro consecravi interpretationem videlicet trium Selomonis voluminum Id. praef in Prov. tridui opus in which time one would think the quickest Pen could scarce write out the Text. Augustine also not only in his Conflicts with Adversaries but also in his Sermons to the people used extemporali dictione as Erasmus w Plerumque per Notarios ex â—re loquentis excepta sunt cujusmodi sere sunt enarrationes Scripturarum ad Populum quas ipse tractatus appellat aut conflictationes cum Haereticis quae olim publitatas apud plebem fieri consueverant Nec alibi mihi videtur admirabilior Quibus mediâ—cre contigit ingenium si lucubrandi curam adhibeatur excudunt interdum aliquid non contemnendum Caeterum in extemporali dictione tantam adesse mentis perspicaciam tantam memoriâ— praesentiam tam paratam orationis copiam non sine perpetua quadam jucunditate quis non movetur Quis hoc hodiâ— praestare queat vel ex istis qui studium omne collocarunt in paranda dictionis facultate Eâ—asm epist ad Arch. Tolet. praesixa operibus Augustini observes in whose judgment he no where more appears admirable then in this not that these Discourses are more excellent then his more elaborate Works as if he had been what the Historian sayes
were no such orders confineing them to any unvariable form in that administration but that they might and did vary in their expressions as there was occasion This will yet further appear by Epiphanius's answer Noli nos in tantum putare Rusticos ut hoc tam aperte dicere poterimus c. He takes no notice that what was objected was inconsistent with the custom and practice of that Church and so groundlesly suggested He appeales not to the known form to which they were precisely confined refers him not to their Service Book for his satisfaction which yet if there had been any such thing a duller person then Epiphanius would have discovered to have been the best way to stop the mouth of his Accuser He denyes not but they ordered their Prayers according to such occasions but only tells him they were not so rustical as to do it so bluntly We have in the English Service Book a Prayer for the whole state of Christs Church pretended to be answerable to this Prayer we are upon and indeed the only Prayer in the Book that can pretend to any footsteps of Antiquity so high as the fourth Age. Now suppose the Bishop of L. should be accused in that prayer to prefer such a petition for the Primate of Ireland Domine praesta I. ut recte credat what course would the Bishop take to clear himself of this accusation Would not the dullest of his Chaplains appeal to the prayer it self being invariably used as the best way to demonstrate the charge was false which yet the Bishop of Cyprus supposed to be just in the same circumstances did not offer at Nay he denies not c. ut supra But let us proceed with his answer quando autem complemus orationem secundum ritum mysteriorum pro omnibus pro te quoque dicimus custodi illum qui praedicat veritatem Vel certe ita tii praesta Domine custodi ut ille verbum praedicet veritatis sicut occasio Sermonis se tulerit habuerit oratio consequentiam He sayes they prayed for all Pastors all that preached which shews it to be the general prayer wherein they were wont 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clem. Const l. 2. c. 51. vid. Lest 190 and for him also but in what expressions they did it he is doubtful It is but one article of this prayer he gives an account of It is the same thing preaching the truth and the same persons those that preached he is telling us they prayed for And they prayed but for the same persons and things once in the same prayer and yet he cannot tell determinately what words they used as appears evidently by his disjunction vel Now Epiphanius celebrated the Eucharist himself thrice a week as he thought by Apostolical order so he tells us expos fidei p. 110. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. Albas And if he had celebrated it in a set form could he have been to seek for the words he used so often since if either his Memory or the prayer-Prayer-Book would have helped him and one of them would have helpt him to the precise words if they had then confined themselves to any and had had their Prayers either by heart or in a book he would never have writ so doubtfully of them when his business was to satisfie a captious Adversary Would there be any need for one who has the prayer for all states by heart or has the Service-Book before him to express by a distinction what is there desired for Bishops Pastors and Curates No more would Epiphanius if the same mode of praying had been then in use To this prayer we may refer what we find of Jerom who complains that in his time the oblations a As M. Th. observes it is called an Oblation viz. the Elements or the Offerings out of which they were chosen according to the stile of the most antient Church Writers not as consecrated but as presented and offered whether by the people as the custom was to him that ministred or by him that ministred to God to be consecrated Serv p. 379. were publickly mentioned by the Deacon and the names of the offerers recited yea and the quantity of what they offered and also of what they promised to offer in Ezek l. 6. c. 18. Publice in ecclesia Diaconus recitat Offerentium nomina tantum offert ille tantum ille pollicitus est Which he sharply censures Placent sibi ad plausum Populi torquente eos Conscientia they delight in the applause of the people whiles their Conscience torments them The like complaint he makes in Jer. c. 11. Nunc publice recitantur offerentium nomina Redemptio peccatorum recitatur in laudem Now who can believe that a practice worthy of so sharp a rebuke was publickly prescribed or if it had been prescribed for common use would have been so severely censured And therefore what can be thought but that those who officiated were left to their liberty to use what expressions they thought fit If there had been a rule or prescription limiting them to any thing better he would have taken notice of it and of this usage as a transgression of the established order Pertinent to which is this passage of Augustine August de Civit. l. 22. c. 8. Vir Tribunitius Hesperius qui apud nos est habet in territorio Fussulensi fùndum Zabedi appellatum ubi cum afflictione animalium servorum suorum domum suam Spirituum malignorum vim noxiam perpeti comperisset rogavit nostros me absente Presbyteros ut aliquis eorum illo pergeret cujus orationibus cederent Perrexit un◠obtulit ibi sacrificium corporis Christi orans quantum potuit ut cessaret illa vexatio Deo protinus miserante cessavit Bl. 286. Vid. in Aug. tom 2. p. 686. As also what Chrysostome saith viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrys in 1 Cor. hom 41. p. 524. And elsewhere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrys in Hebr. hom 15. p. 515. Those who had liberty when they were offering supplications and praises in the celebration of the Eucharist to pray as occasion was offered and to put up such Petitions as they thought fit upon particular emergencies were not confined to set forms in that administration Cyprians occasional Praises and Prayers in sacrificiis upon Lucius return from banishment Hic quoque in sacrificiis atque orationibus nostris non cessantes Deo Patri Christo filio ejus Domino nostro gratias agere orare pariter petere ut qui Perfectus est atque proficiens custodiat persiciat in vobis confessionis vestrae gloriosam Coronam qui ad hoc vos fortasse revocavit ne gloria esset occulta si foris essent confessionis vestrae consummata martyria Cypr. epist l. 3. ep 1. p. 53. Add to this what may be observed in Ambrose Epist 33. Ad Marcellinam sororem He whiles he was celebrating
concluding Ex quibus vel caecus videt qua ista accepta erant Traditionem Basilium non quibusdam sed quibusvis non canonicis sed omnibus omnino libris opponere ibid. Written which is utterly exclusive of and inconsistent with any such Rules or Prescriptions and so quite clears the Church for all such prescribed Forms in Baptism in all Ages till that day And clear of them it was long after for The Impostor k Ob. Cook p. 123. And others deny the latter part of this Book to be Basil's Ans The generality of Protestant writers do not question it Chamier Casaubon Dalleus Mr. Cook thinks it was writ by one living after Meletius who survived Basil and so after Basil's time The later he lived the less Antient will prescribed Forms appear to be by his Testimony which in this cannot be suspected who will think him so impudent to affirm what every one knew to be false B. Usher inclines to think the interpolations of the six Antient Epistles ascribed to Ignatius with the six latter and also Clemens Constitutions did ex eadem officina prodire and yet the former not extant before the sixth Age and therefore the Constitutions are elder in Dallaeus de supposit Ign. l. 2. c. 2. p. 237. cum 232 233. After the Prayers in Baptism in reference to the Oyl and Water and Chrism c. 43 44 45. l. 7. having said c. 43. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he adds c. 45. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haec atque alia his consentanea dicat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For the Catechumens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some such hujusmodi benedictione l. 8. c. 16. med For the penitents 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in some such manner in hunc modum cap. 8. fin In the blessing of Water and Oyl 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 29. l. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 7. c. 26. pro primitiis collatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 8. c. 39. pro mortuis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 8. c. 41. post sumptionem Eucharistiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 7. c. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 7. c. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro Eucharistia quidem in hunc modum l. 7. c. 26. And by these instances when he calls for Prayer or Praise with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the like we have warrant to understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that such liberty is allowed who forged these Constitutions under the name of Clemens many Hundred years after the Apostles and one Age atleast after Basil tho' he set down Prayers for the Baptismal Office yet he ties none to those Forms no not when he pretends they were of the Apostles composing nor to any other but leaves all at liberty to Pray as they saw good only to the same effect he would have them Pray He requires not that they should use those Prayers of his but such Prayers with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his words are l. 7. c. 45. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For if some such Prayer be not made by the Godly Minister at each of these he that is to be Baptized goes into the Water only as the Jews and parts with only the Impurity of the Body not the Impurity of the Soul. By which we may discern what was the freedom as to Prayer at Baptism and consequently elsewhere in those times when he writ probably about the latter end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth Age when Forms through necessity were growing more common Prayers to the same effect would then serve the turn as they now serve the Reformed Churches He that appeared to the World about that time in the vizard of Apostolical l Where he presumes to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 8. c. 15. Authority would not by vertue thereof presume to tie any in administring Baptism strictly to one Form any one Form of Words No not to those Words which he would have them believe were formed by the Apostles themselves The Apostles as he personates them gave liberty to wave their own supposed Forms and think it well enough if Prayers to the same purpose be used instead thereof In all probability if this Actor had laid his Scene in places and times where more restraint had been tolerable he would have represented it otherwise But there needs no other evidence for this liberty in Baptismal Prayers to any who are willing to see than that in Augustin de Bapt. contra Donat. l. 6. c. 25. where examining the Allegations of the several Bishops in the Council under Cyprian to Sedatus of Tuburbis who pleads thus for the Rebaptizing of those Baptized by Hereticks in quantum aqua sacerdotis prece in ecclesia sanctificata abluit peccata in tantum Haeretico sermone velut cancere infecta cumulat peccata As the Water by the Prayer of the Priest in the Church is Sanctified to the washing away of sin so by an Heretical Prayer as by a Cancer it is infected to the increasing of sin Augustin Answers Si non sanctificatur aqua cum aliqua erroris verba per imperitiam precator effundit multi non solum mali set etiam boni fratres in ecclesia non sanctificant aquam If the Water be not Sanctified when he that Prayes through unskilfullness utters some erroneous words then not only many evil but good Brethren in the Church do not sanctifie the Water Multorum enim preces emendantur quotidie si doctioribus fuerint recitatae multa in iis reperiuntur contra Catholicam fidem For the Prayers of many are daily amended if they be recited to the more Learned and many things are found in them contrary to the Catholick Faith they were vitiosae preces in quibus aliquid perversum as he afterwards Now such prayers cannot be supposed to have been any common Forms commanded or used much less prescribed by the Church The course taken to redress this was not a total prohibition of the Prayers they had chosen nor the tying of such Ministers to the use of any common Form no nor the commending of any such to their use But what divers Synods of which before had decreed the Prayers which such indiscreet persons made choice of being recited to the more learned were by them amended and the errors being left out they are left to use them still for the amending of them cannot be otherwise interpreted than in order to future use And this course as it is inconsistent with the imposition of any set Forms so it argues forcibly the Churches then had not in the administration of Baptism so much as any common Form in free use otherwise instead of daily trouble to others and themselves about correcting their very faulty Prayers Why are not persons so intolerably indiscreet who could not discern when a Prayer was