the common people amongst the multitude and forbidding them to use their swords but commanding them to strike those that cried out with clubs gave them a sign from his Tribunal So the Jews were beaten and many of them killed some by the blows they received perished others being troden to death in the croud by those of their own party that fled And so the multitude being astonished at the calamity of those that were slain were silent Moreover the same Writer relates innumerable other commotions raised in Jerusalem and shews that even from that time forward both the City and all Judea was distracted with Seditions Wars and continual contrivances of mischief following one upon another untill at last the Siege in the Reign of Vespasian by way of revenge befell them After this manner therefore hath divine vengeance pursued the Jews for their execrable wickedness committed against Christ. CHAP. VII That Pilate made himself away IT is also worth knowing how that this same Pilate who condemned our Saviour in the Reign of Caius whose times we now Treat of fell as it is famed into so great troubles that he was forced to be his own Murderer and Revenger laying violent hands on himself Divine justice as it was meet not long deferring his punishment This those Grecians do Record who have written Olympiads giving an account what was done and in what time performed CHAP. VIII Of the Dearth that happened in Claudius his time BUt Caius having held the Empire not full out four years Claudius the Emperour succeeded him In whose times a Dearth oppressed the whole world of which those Historians make mention who are wholly averse from our Religion And so the prediction of the Prophet Agabus of whom there is mention in the Acts of the Apostles concerning this Dearth that should come upon all the world was compleated Luke having in the Acts mentioned this Dearth that happened in the time of Claudius adds this farther saying That the brethren which were in Antioch every one according to his ability sent to them who were in Judea by the hands of Barnabas and Paul CHAP. IX The Martyrdom of James the Apostle NOw about that time to wit in the Reign of Claudius Herod the King stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the Church and he killed James the brother of John with the sword Concerning this James Clemens in the seventh Book of his Institutions relates a memorable History speaking as he had heard from his predecessours For he says that he that accused him before the Judgment-seat seeing him openly and willingly testifie and declare the faith of Christ was moved thereat and professed that he also was a Christian. And so says he they were both together led away to suffer And as they were going he besoughâ—â— James to pardon him who after a short deliberation said peace be to thee and kissed him and so they were both beheaded together Then also as Holy writ declares Herod perceiving that the killing of James very much pleased the Jews set upon Peter also and having put him in bonds would forthwith have put him to death had he not been miraculously delivered out of prison by a divine apparition to wit by an Angel coming to him by night being dismist for the ministration of Preaching All which happened to Peter by the disposition of divine providence CHAP. X. How Agrippa called also Herod persecuting the Apostles presently felt Divine vengeance BUt the Kings attempt to do violence to the Apostles remained not long unrevenged for a chastizing Minister of divine justice pursued him He therefore soon after his bloudy plot against the Apostles going down to Caesarea as it is related in the Acts of the Apostles and being there upon the great festival day dressed in a white and Royal garment made an Oration to the people from his lofty throne and when all the multitude gave a shout with loud acclamations at his Oration as at the voice of God and not of Man Sacred writ declares that he was immediately smitten by an Angel and was eaten up of worms and gave up the ghost But the consent between Holy writ and the History of Josephus in the account given of this strange thing is worthy of admiration In which he giving evident testimony to the truth in his nineteenth Book of Antiquities does plainly declare this wonderfull thing in these words thus The third year of his reign over all Judea was now compleated when he went to the City Caesarea heretofore called the Tower of Straton There he exhibited shewes in honour of Caesar knowing that Festival to have been instituted for the prosperity of him Hereunto flockt a great multitude of those who were honourable and excelled in dignity throughout that whole Province On the second day therefore of the shews being clothed with Robes made all of silver admirably wrought he entred the Theatre early in the morning When the silver of his Robes shining by reason of the beams the rising Sun cast on them made a wonderfull glistering striking those who steadfastly looked on him with wonder and amazement presently his flatterers some from one place some from another cryed out with voices most pernitious to him terming him God and beseeching him to be propitious to them Hitherto said they we have reverenced thee as a Man but now we acknowledge thee to be above mortal nature But the King neither rebuked them nor rejected their impious flattery presently after looking up he espied an angel sitting over his head whom he forthwith understood to be the cause of mischief towards him having heretofore been the foreteller of his prosperity A pain that pierced his very heart immediately seized him He had besides a griping all over his belly which began with a vehement sharpness and was continual and without intermission Looking therefore upon his friends I your God says he am now compelled to end my life fatal necessity forthwith demonstrating the falshood of your boasting acclamations even now uttered concerning me I who by you was stiled immortal am now snatch't away by death But that destinie is to be born with which God hath decreed We have in no wise lived ill and despicably but in such splendor as was look't upon to be most fortunate When he had spoken these words he was spent with the vehemency of his pain Being therefore presently carried into the Palace a rumour was immediately spread abroad that the King was in imminent danger of his life straightway the whole multitude with their wives and children sitting upon spread sackcloth after their country fashion made supplications to God for the King Every place was filled with wailings and lamentations But the King lying in an High-bed-chamber looked down upon them as they lay prostrate and could not refrain weeping At length having been for five days space continually tormented with pains of his Belly he died in the fifty fourth year
Socrates does attest But in regard this Book together with very many others is lost by the carelesness of Antiquity we by gathering together from this place and t'other the Testimonies of Ancient Writers who have spoken concerning Eusebius to the utmost of our ability will endeavour to repair that Loss Eusebius therefore was born in Palestine about the Close as 't is likely of Gallienus ' s Reign That he was a Native of Palestine is hence prov'd because by the Ancients he is commonly call'd a Palestinian So 't is certain Basilius Theodoret and others do term him And although he might have been thus Sur-nam'd from his being Bishop of the City Caesarea yet it seems to me truer that he drew that Sur-name from his Country Indeed he himself does attest in his First Book concerning the Life of Constantine that during his being a youth he was educated and conversant in Palestine and that Constantine was first seen by him there whilst he made a journey thorow Palestine in the Court of Diocletianus Augustus Besides in the Second Book of the same work where he records a Law of Constantine's which he wrote to the Palestinians in favour of the Christians he does plainly shew himself to have been a Palestinian For after he has recited the Contents of that Law transmitted to the Palestinians he adds these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These were the Constitutions contained in the Emperour's first Edict sent to Us. But whereas I have plac'd his Birth upon the Latter end of Gallienus ' s Reign of this thing I have Eusebius himself for my Authour For speaking in his Books of Ecclesiastick History concerning Dionysius Bishop of the Alexandrians he does attest that He had lived in his own age as may be seen in Book 3 Chap. 28. Wherefore in regard 't is manifest that Dionysius Alexandrinus departed this life on the twelfth year of Gallienus ' s Empire Eusebius must of necessity have been born then if his age fell on those times wherein Dionysius lived The same may likewise be gathered from the Fifth Book of his Ecclesiastick History about the end of it where speaking concerning Artemon's Heresie he writes that Paul of Samosata had revived that Heresie in his age Lastly relating in his Seventh Book those things which hapned during the Reign of Gallienus before he begins his Discourse concerning the Errour and Condemnation of Paul of Samosata he has these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But now after an historical relation of these things we will deliver to the knowledge of posterity an account of our own age Whom he had for his Parents is unknown to us excepting that Nicephorus Callistus following I know not what Authours does tell us that he was begotten of the Sister of Pamphilus the Martyr But in Arius's Letter to Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia he is termed the Brother of Eusebius Nicomediensis And although by reason of his friendship he might be called the Brother yet it seems truer to me that he was either the near Kinsman or Cousin-germane of Eusebius Nicomediensis especially in regard Arius although many other persons are there mentioned yet terms onely Eusebius of Caesarea Brother to him of Nicomedia Besides Eusebius of Nicomedia was a Native of Syria For he was at first Bishop of Berytus Nor was it the usage then that strangers and persons unknown should be preferred to govern Churches What Masters he had in secular Learning is in like manner unknown to us But in sacred Literature he had Dorotheus the Eunuch a Presbyter of the Antiochian Church for his Master of whom also he makes an honourable mention in his Seventh Book Although Eusebius at that place says onely that he had heard Dorotheus whilst he expounded the Holy Scriptures in the Church not unfitly Nevertheless if any one has a mind with Trithemius to conclude from those words of Eusebius that Eusebius was Dorotheus ' s disciple truly I shall not very much oppose him Theotecnus being at that time dead the Bishoprick of the Church of Caesarea was administred by Agapius a person of eminent piety and large bounty towards the poor By him Eusebius was admitted into the Clergy and entred into the strictest and most intimate friendship with Pamphilus who at that time was eminent amongst the Presbyters of the Church of Caesarea Pamphilus was by Nation a Phoenician born at Berytus Scholar to Pierius a Presbyter of the Alexandrian Church as Photius relates Who in regard he was inflamed with a singular Love of sacred Learning and with the greatest diligence imaginable made a Collection of all the Books of Ecclesiastick Writers and especially of Origen's founded a most famous School and Library at Caesarea Of which School Eusebius seems to have been the first Master Indeed Eusebius in his Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine writes in express words that Apphianus who compleated his Martyrdom on the third year of the Persecution had been instructed in the Sacred Scriptures by him in the City Caesarea From that time Eusebius always lived with Pamphilus in the closâ—st intimacy and continued his inseparable companion till his death so dear to him that from his friendship he got the surname of Pamphilus Nor did Eusebius love him whilst he liv'd but had a singular affection for him when dead also in so much that after Pamphilus ' s death he always made a most honourable and likewise a most loving mention of him This is attested by those Three Books which he wrote concerning the Life of Pamphilus the Martyr which Books S t Jerome terms most elegant ones The same is likewise gathered from many passages which occur in his Ecclesiastick History and in his Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine Lastly in his Second Book against Sabellius which was written by Eusebius after the Nicene Council he frequently commends Pamphilus the Martyr although he suppresses his name For even in the very beginning of his Discourse he says thus Puto adhuc aures obstrepi meas à memoria beati illius viri c. I think my Ears are as yet struck by the memory of that Blessed man who frequently made use of that devout word For even your ears do as yet retain the sound of that word For I think I hear him saying The onely-begotten Son of God For this Religious word was always uttered by his mouth For it was the remembrance of the Onely-Begotten to the Glory of the unborn Father Now we have heard the Apostle commanding that Presbyters ought to be honoured with a double honour those especially who labour in the Word and Doctrine And at pag. 29 he speaks of him again in this manner Haec non nos extollunt c. These things do not puff us up remembring that Blessed man Now I wish I could so speak as together with you I did always hear from him But these words which are now said seem to have been pleasing to him For 't
which he was upon to the Studious in sacred matters About the same time Eusebius comprized a Description of the Jerusalem-Church and of the sacred Gifts which had been consecrated there in a small Book and Dedicated it to the Emperour Constantine Which Book together with his Tricennalian Oration he had plac'd at the close of his Books concerning the Life of Constantine But this Book is not now extant At the same time also Five Books were written by Eusebius against Marcellus the last three whereof De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ he Dedicated to Flaccillus Bishop of Antioch Now Flaccillus entred upon that Bishoprick a little before the Synod of Tyre which was conven'd in the Consulate of Constantius and Albinus on the year of Our Lord's Nativity 335. 'T is certain Eusebius in his First Book against Marcellus De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ Chap. 14 writes in express words that Marcellus had been deservedly condemned by the Church Now Marcellus was first condemned in the Constantinopolitan Synod by those very Bishops who had consecrated Constantine ' s Church at Jerusalem that is on the year of Christ 335 or else 336 as Baronius will have it Indeed Socrates acknowledges but Three Books of Eusebius ' s against Marcellus those namely which are entituled De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ whereas nevertheless the whole Work against Marcellus was by Eusebius comprized in Five Books Farther of all Eusebius's Books the last seem to be those Four concerning the Life of Constantine For they were written after the death of that Emperour whom Eusebius did not long survive For he dyed about the beginning of Constantius Augustus ' s Reign a little before the death of Constantine Junior which hapned when Acindynus and Proculus were Consuls on the year of Christ 340 as may be gathered from Socrates's Second Book Now what Scaliger says in his Animadversions upon Eusebius pag. 250 of the last Edition that Eusebius's Books against Prophyrius were written under Constantius Son to Constantine the Great can't so easily be admitted of by us in regard 't is confirmed by the Testimony of no ancient Writer But what the same Scaliger adds in that very place that the three last Books of The Evangelick Demonstration the eighteenth namely ninteenth and twentieth were written by Eusebius against Prophyrius therein he does manifestly blunder Saint Jerome writes indeed that Eusebius answered Porphyrius in three Volumes that is in the eighteenth nineteenth and twentieth who in the twelfth and thirteenth of those Books which he published against the Christians had attempted to confute the Book of the Prophet Daniel But Saint Jerome does not mean Eusebius's Books concerning Evangelick Demonstration as Scaliger thought but the Books he wrote against Porphyrius which had this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Books of Confutation and Apology as may be gathered from Photius's Bibliotheca Farther I am of Opinion that these Books were written by Eusebius after his Ecclesiastick History And this I conjecture from hence because Our Eusebius in the Sixth Book of his Ecclesiastick History where he produces a famous passage out of Porphyrius's Third Book against the Christians makes no mention of those Books wherein he had answered Porphyrius whenas nevertheless he is wont to be a diligent Quoter of his own works and does frequently referre the Studious to the reading of them But because a fit opportunity presents it self I have a mind to make some few Remarks here concerning his Books of Ecclesiastick History For on their account chiefly all this Labour hath been undertaken by us Indeed much hath been written by Our Eusebius for the profit and advantage of the Catholick Church and in confirmation of the truth of the Christian faith partly against the Jews and partly against the Heathens Nevertheless amongst all his Books his Ecclesiastick History does deservedly bear away the Bell. For before Eusebius many persons had written Books in defence of the Christian Faith and by most cogent Reasons had confuted the Jews Contumacy and the Errour of the Heathens But there was no person before Eusebius who would deliver to posterity an History of Ecclesiastick Affairs On which account Our Eusebius is the more to be commended who was both the first that found out this Subject and also after he had attempted it left it entire and perfect in every respect 'T is certain although many have been found after him who incited by his example have undertaken to commit to writing Ecclesiastick matters yet they have all begun their History from those times wherein Our Eusebius had closed his Work but the History of the foregoing times which he had set forth in Ten Books they have left to him entire and untoucht Wherefore should any one have a mind to term him the Father and Founder of Ecclesiastick History truly that person would seem to give him this surname not absurdly nor without cause Now what way Eusebius applied himself to this Subject 't is not hard to conjecture For whereas in the last part of his Chronical Canons he had accurately noted the Time of Our Lords Coming and of his passion the names also of the Bishops who had sate in the four chief Churches and of the famous men who had flourished in the Church and lastly in their own time and order had digested the Heresies and Persecutions wherewith the Church had been disquieted He was led by the hand as 't were by little and little to the writing an Ecclesiastick History that he might handle those matters more largely and copiously in his Ecclesiastick History which in his Chronical Canons he had comprized in a Summary as ' t were Indeed he himself in the Preface to his Ecclesiastick History does plainly shew that which I have said Where also he requests that Pardon may be granted him by candid Readers if peradventure he shall not so largely and copiously pursue and finish this Subject for he says that he was the first person who applied himself to this sort of writing and first began to walk in a way which had not before been worn by any one's footsteps But this may seem to some persons not so much an excuse and desire of Pardon as an endeavour to procure praise and glory Farther notwithstanding it appears evident from Eusebius ' s own Testimony that he wrote his Ecclesiastick History after his Chronological Canons yet 't is strange that Both those Works proceed to one and the same Limit namely to Constantine's twentieth year which was the year of Christ 325. That moreover may deservedly be wondred at that although the Nicene Synod was celebrated on Constantine's Vicennalia yet no mention is made of it either in his Chronicon or Ecclesiastick History For whereas in his Latine Chronicon at the Fifteenth year of Constantine these words occur Alexandrinae Ecclesiae 19. ordinatur Episcopus Alexander c Alexander is ordained the nineteenth Bishop of the Alexandrian Church by whom Arius the Presbyter being ejected out of that
Church joyns many to his own impiety To confute the perfidiousness of which persons a Synod of 318 Bishops being conven'd at Nicaea a City of Bithynia ruin'd all the subtil devices of the Hereticks by the opposition of the term HOMOOUSIOS 't is plain enough that those words were not written by Eusebius but were added by Saint Jerome who interpolated Eusebius's Chronicon by inserting many passages on his own head For to â—mâ—t that â—â—mely that the mention of the Nicene Synod is here set in a forreign and disagreeable place who can ever believe that Eusebius would have spoken in this manner concerning Ariâ—â— or would have inserted the Term HOMOOUSIOS into his own Chronicon Which word always displeased him as we shall see afterwards How should Eusebius say that there were three hundred and eighteen Bishops present at the Nicene Synod when in his Third Book concerning the Life of Constantine he writes in most express words that something more than two hundred and fifty sate in that Synod Yet I don't doubt but the Ecclesiastick History was finished by Eusebius some years after the Nicene Synod But whereas Eusebius had resolved to close his History with that Peace which after Diocletian ' s Persecution shone from heaven upon the Church as he himself attests in the beginning of his work he designedly avoided mentioning the Nicene Synod least he should be compell'd to set forth the strifes and broils of the Bishops quarrelling one with another For Writers of Histories ought chiefly to take care of and provide for this that they may conclude their work with an illustrious and glorious close as Dionysius Halicarnassensis has long since told us in his comparison of Herodotus and Thucydides Now what more illustrious Event could be wish'd for by Eusebius than that Repose which by Constantine had been restored to the Christians after a most bloudy Persecution when the Persecutourâ— being every where extinct and last of all Licinius taken off no fear of past mischiefs was now left remaining With this Peace therefore Eusebius chose to close his History rather than with the mention of the Nicene Synod For in that Synod the Divisions seem'd not so much composed as renewed And that not by the fault of the Synod it self but by their pertinacious obstinacy who refused to acquiesce in the most whole some determinations of the Sacred Council And Let thus much suffice to have been said by us in reference to the Life and Writingâ— of Eusebius It remains that we speak something concerning his Faith and Orthodoxy And in the first place I would have the Readers know that they are not to expect here from us a defence of Eulebius For it belongs not to us to pronounce concerning matters of this nature in regard in these things we ought rather to follow the Judgement of the Church and the Opinion of the Ancient Fathers Wherefore we will set down some Heads onely here whereon relying as on some firm foundations we may be able to determine with more of certainly concerning Eusebius ' s faith Whereas therefore the Opinions of the Ancients in reference to our Eusebius are various and some have thought that he was a Catholick others an Heretick others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a person of a doubtfull and wavering faith we must enquire to which opinion chiefly we ought to assent 'T is a constant Rule of the Law in doubtfull matters the more favourable and milder opinion ought to be embrac'd Besides whereas all the Westerns Saint Jerome onely excepted have entertained honourable sentiments concerning our Eusebius and whereas the Gallican Church hath enroll'd him amongst the number of Saints as may be gathered from Victorius Aquitanus Usuardus and others without question 't is better that we should subscribe to the Judgment of our Fathers than to that of the Eastern Schismaticks Lastly whose authority ought to be greater in this matter than that of the Bishops of Rome But Gelasius in his Book De Duabus Naturis has recounted Our Eusebius amongst the Catholick Writers and has recited two authorities out of his Books Moreover Pope Pelagius terms him the most honourable amongst Historians and pronounces him free from all Spot of Heresie notwithstanding he had highly commended heretical Origen But some body will say that the Judgment of the Easterns is rather to be followed in regard the Easterns were better able to know Eusebius as being a man of their own language But it may be answered that there are not wanting some amongst the Easterns who have thought well of Our Eusebius Amongst whom is Socrates and Gelasius Cyzicenus But if the judgment of the Seventh Oecumenical Synod be opposed against us Our answer is in readiness For Eusebius ' s Faith was not the subject of that Synod's debate but the worship of Images In order to the overthrowing whereof when the Adversaries a little before conven'd in the Imperial City had produc'd an Evidence out of Eusebius's Letter to Constantia and laid the greatest stress thereon the Fathers of the Seventh Synod that they might lessen the authority of this Evidence cryed out that Eusebius was an Arian But they did this by the by onely from the occasion and hatred of that Letter not designedly or after a cognizance of the Cause They do indeed produce some passages out of Eusebius whereby they would prove that he adher'd to the Arian Opinion But they make no difference between Eusebius ' s Books before the Nicene Council and those he wrote after that Council which nevertheless ought by all means to be done to the end a certain and just sentence might be pronounc'd concerning Eusebius ' s faith For whatever he wrote before the Nicene Synod ought not be objected and charg'd as a fault upon Eusebius Farther Eusebius ' s Letter to Alexander wherein he intercedes with him for Arius was doubtless written before the Nicene Synod Therefore that Testimony of the Fathers of the Seventh Synod against Eusebius although it has the greatest autority yet seems to us a rash judgment before the matter was heard rather than a Synodal Sentence But the Greeks may have leave to think thus concerning our Eusebius and to call him a Borderer upon the Arian Heresie or even an Arian But who can with patience bear Saint Jerome who not content to term him Heretick and Arian does frequently stile him a Ring-leader of the Arians Can he be justly termed a Ring-leader of the Arians who after the Nicene Synod always condemned the Opinion of the Arians Let his Books De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ be perused which he wrote against Marcellus long after the Nicene Council We shall find what I have said that they were condemn'd by him who would affirm that the Son of God was made of things which are not and that there was a time when He was not Athanasius does likewise attest the same thing concerning Eusebius in his Letter about the Decrees of the
more certainly of the death of King Agrippa than he who dedicated his work to him Which I indeed wish had not dropt from so acute a man For how can an Historian testifie of the death of him to whom he dedicates his History unless we say that Justus dedicated his Chronicle to Agrippa when he was dead which is absurd But as Scaliger without all ground asserted that Justus Tiberiandensis dedicated his Chronicle to K. Agrippa so what he inferrs therefrom is also absurd But from Photius his testimonie it is manifest that that work was put forth by Justus after the death of King Agrippa Josephus relates that the History of the Jewish wars was published by Justus also after the death of Agrippa although it was written twenty years before A book of this same Justus his whose title was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is quoted by Laërtius in the life of Socrates which Photius says was the same with his Chronicle Vales. d He means Julius Archelaus and Herod as Josephus himself declares in his first book against Apion Julius Archelaus was brother in law to King Agrippa for he had married his Sister Mariamne so says Josephus at the end of his 19 and 20 books of Antiquit. Vales. e Nicephorus in his 3 book chap. 11. interpreting these words of Josephus says that Titus with his own hand copied out the books of Josephus his History of the Jewish wars See what Johannes Langus has noted at that place of Nicephorus But all interpreters who have translated this place of Josephus into Latine understand thereby that Titus onely subscribed the books of Josephus with his own hand and did not copy them out himself But I would rather follow the opinion of Nicephorus Neither do these words of Josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seem to sound any thing less to me Thus this place is pointed in all Copies as well M. S. as Printed But if this place of Josephus were to be understood onely of Titus his Subscribing Josephus his books with his hand then the distinction or comma ought to be put after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but here you see it put after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. f In the most excellent M. SS Maz. Med. Fuk. and in S r Hen. Savills M. S. it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading all interpreters seem to have followed but I like Rufinus his Version best who translates it To be publickly read in which sense the same word is used by Eusebius in chap. 22. of his second book where he speaks of the General Epistles of James and Jade and in chap. 3. of his 3 book But from these words of Josephus we may gather that the History of the Jewish wars was put out by him in the Reign of Vespasian but his Antiquities were published by him in the thirteenth year of Domitian as he himself testifies at the end of his 20 book and at the close of his book of his own life But that which Scaliger affirms in Animad Euseb. p. 187. to wit that the book of Josephus his own life was by him put out seven years after his Antiquities seems not probable to me for that book is as we made it out before onely the conclusion of his twentieth Book of Antiquities and at the end of it Josephus reckoning up the Roman Emperours concludes with Domitian Vales. a This account of Eusebius his here agrees not with what he has written in that work of his called his Chronicon for there he writes that presently after the death of James Simcon was elected to wit in the seventh year of Nero. But here he makes it evident that after the murder of James the Episcopal See was vacant for the space of about eight or nine years Which intervall of time that the Authour Chronici Alexandrini might fill up he places the death of James on the first year of Vespasian Vales. b That is because as we conjecture he married Mary which was Sister to the B. Virgin upon which account Simeon the son of this Cleophas is here called Cousin-German by the mothers side to our Saviour for so we translate the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not patruelem i. e. Cousin-German by the fathers side as it is in the version of Valesius but consobrinum i. e. Sisters son For Mary the wife of Cleophas and the B. Virgin were Sisters see Jo. 19. 25. and so Simeon the son of the former Mary and our Saviour the son of the latter were Sisters children See the Learned B◠Pearson on the Creed p. 175 176. Edit Lond. 1669. And Petavius in hares 78. Epiphan cap. 7 14. and also St Jerom in Catalog a I know not why R. Stephens read Anacletus seeing that all our books have it written Anencletus And so Nicephorus Constantinopolitanus and his Translatour Anastasius Bibliothecarius in Chronolog Tripartit reads it So also Nicephorus Calistus in Libr. 3. cap. 2. and Georgius Syncellus and the M. SS copies of Rufinus So likewise Irenaeus in Lib. 3 where he reckons up the Roman Bishops in order names him Anencletus and omits the name of Cletus which to me seems to be made of a piece of the word Anencletus Neither does Optatus nor S. Augustine in his 165 Epistle where he counts up the Romish Bishops acknowledge Cletus But on the contrary in two very antient Catalogues of the Roman Bishops one whereof is in the Monastery of S. German and the other in the Jesuits Colledge at Clermont there is no mention of Anencletus but onely of Cletus who succeeded Linus and sat eleven years one month and two daies From whence its evident that Cletus and Anencletus was the same man See more of this in P. Halloixius in notat ad cap. 7. vitae Irenaei Vales. a That is the First after Mark So Eusebius said before concerning Linus Bishop of Rome at the 2 chap. of this book For Mark was the Apostle of the Alexandrians as we before have said But the Apostles were not reckoned amongst the number of the Bishops There was therefore no need of putting in here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Nicephorus did See Seldens notes ad Eutychium patriarcham Alexandr Vales. b Rufinus and the other Translatours call this man Abilius and also Jerom himself in Chronico not so rightly as I judge For he ought to be called Avilius which is a Roman name as well as Annianus who was Bishop before Avilius Besides the order of the chapters is here disturbed in the common Editions this chap. of the succession of Avilius being put before that of the succession of Anencletus but we by the direction of the M. SS copies Maz. and Fuk. have placed them in their true order This was a very antient mistake for in the Index of the chapters prefixed before the 3 B. of Rufinus his translation and in all the Greek copies except in that of Fuk. the same errour is committed But in the
are wanting in the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS They are in the Kings M. S. And in the Med. M. S. they are written at the margin here in the same hand in which that M. S. is written Moreover although Eusebius here says he before related that Maximianus Herculius re-assumed the Imperial dignity yet hitherto I cannot find the place where Eusebius has said this Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the expression here is to be understood in the same sense with that we explained a little before in this chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first that was deisied See note i. in this thirteenth chapter Vales. * To Maximianus a Aurelius Victor in the life of Maxentius says the same adeo saevus uti praetorianis caedem vulgi quondam annuerit he was so cruel that one time he connived at his Guards for killing the common people Constantine having vanquished Maxentius did quite put down the Praetorian Cohorts i. e. those Souldiers whose office it was to guard the Emperours body upon pretence of this slaughter here mentioned they made among the common people but in reality that they should not attempt any alterations in the government nor make Emperours as they had done Maxentius whom they proclaimed Augustus Moreover Zosimus tells the same story here mentioned by our Eusebius but a little otherwise For he relates that when the temple of the God Genius at Rome was accidentally fired and the people flockt together to quench the fire a Souldier who derided this God of the Gentiles was killed by the common people upon which there immediately happened so great an uproar amongst the Souldiers that the whole City had been destroyed had not Maxentius intervened Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So our Authour words it in the Greek They were called Sâ—cerdotes i. e. chief Priests by the Gentiles who had the Temples of a whole Province under their care but the Flamines the Priests were those who in every Town and City took care of the performance of their Religious Rites See Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcellinus Book 28. pag. 375. Moreover Maximinus must not be supposed to have been the first that instituted these chief Priests of the Provinces for there were such Priests long before his time But Maximinus increased their honour and allowed them a guard i. e. Lictors and Apparitors thâ—se chief Priests of the Provinces were made out of the body of the Curiales i. e. those that were of the Court or Senate in every City see Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcell B. 28. p. 374. who had before born all publick Offices and discharged them worthily This place of high Priest of a Province was accounted so honourable that he that bore it took place of the Magistrates or Duumviri See the Gesta purgat Caeciliani B. 9. chap. 4. These high Priests had the power of entring into the secretum of the Judges and of being assessours with them as appears from the Acts of Theodorus the Martyr at November 9. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus translates it Statutis Laws Christophorson mandaâ—is commands Valesius indictionibus imposts or taxes Our Eusebius uses the same term at chap. 8. B. 10. Where speaking of Licinius he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. he invented several sorts of Taxes against his Subjects See book 10. chap. 8. note d. d See Eusebius's oration concerning the praises of Constantine c. 7. where this passage is repeated almost in the same words Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the Greek Valesius renders it Clavorum suffixiones the being fastned with nails perhaps our Authour means crucifixion e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the expression in the Greek Some words seem to be wanting which may be thus supplied 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having requested a short space of time for a recess Eusebius used the same phrase before when he spake of the Antiochian woman who with the two Virgins leapt into the River Vales. f At the margin of the Maz. and Savill M. SS I found this Scholion written for the explication of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. How does this man admire those women who were the authours of their own deaths And yes the Judgment of the Church is not to record them amongst the number of the Martyrs who have been their own executioners For 't is an argument of fear rather than courage by death to prevent the dread of punishment But the Church looks upon those as Martyrs who suppose nothing to be dreadfull upon account of the confession of Christ but with alacrity suffer all tortures that a Tyrannick and devilish subtilty can produce against them The Authour of this Scholion has made a true remark to wit that the Church approves not of self-murder when men out of a fear of death or through desperation lay violent hands on themselves But as often as they are dâ—iven to do that by the instinct of the divine spirit which â—arely happens then the Church approves and admires that act but proposes it not for imitation See what S t Augustine thought concerning this matter in his first Book De civitate Dei chap. 26. Vales. a The persecution began in the year of Christ 303 when Diocletian was in his 8 th an Maximian in his 7 th consulate It ended in the year of Christ 312 then when Constantine having conquered Maxentius sent letters to Maximinus Emperour of the East to procure liberty for the Christians as our Eusebius relates in Book 9. Therefore the persecution lasted ten years as 't is here affirmed And so the years are noted in the M. S. copies of Eusebius's Chronicon as Pontacus has observed Epiphanius therefore is mistaken who in his Book De ponder Mensur says this persecution lasted twelve years See the following chapter where our Authour relates that the persecution ceased on the tenth year Vales. a At these words we began the 16 th chapter agreable to the Maz and Fuk M. SS But in the Med M. S. which Rob. Stephens followed in the distinction of the chapters there is no new chapter began here Vales. b He means Maximianus Galerius as 't is apparent from the following words for he was the Authour of the persecution raised against the Christians Rufinus in the 1â— th chapter of this book speaks thus concerning Gâ—lerius Ille verò qui â—i secundus â—n honore postmâ—dum etiam in primis successor â—uit qui in centor ac â—ignifâ—r nostra persecutionis extiterat c. i. e. But he who was the next in honour to him afterwards succeeded him in the first and chiefest place who also was the incendiary and first beginner of our persecution c. Cedrenus attests the same Vales. * Matth. 18. 7. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He means his genitals which Victor in his Epitomo does confirm Galerius Maximianus says he consumptis genitalibus defecit d The phrase in the Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
our Eusebius here the words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the eighth day of the moneth Desius that is as the Romans stile it before the seventh of the Ides of June By these words in the Latine Copies of the M. SS in Saint Germans Library the title before Claudius Joly's Copy of these Acts is to be amended where 't is said Procopius suffered on the fourth of the Nones of August Notwithstanding in all the Martyrologies the Martyrdom of Procopius is set on the eighth of the Ides of July The Greeks also celebrate the memory of the great Martyr Procopius on the same day as may be seen in their Menaeum But that Procopius is a different person from ours although he was born at Jerusalem and suffered at the same time almost and in the same City that our Procopius did For our Procopius was a Reader and an Exorcist as Eusebius attests But the other was a Captain of Egypt The first Procopius was a Christian from his Childhood the second was at first a worshipper of Daemons Our Procopius was beheaded having suffered no tortures and so obtained the Crown of Martyrdom by a most compendious and easie kind of death The other Procopius suffered a tedious and most cruel Martyrdom having undergone most horrid tortures under two Presidents of Palestine Justus and Flavianus Upon which account he is reckoned by the Greeks amongst the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Great Martyrs See book 6. chap. 32. note b. Lastly our Procopius was taken at Scythopolis brought to Caesarea in Palestine and there beheaded The other was apprehended in Egypt and Martyred in Caesarea a City of Phoenicia which was also called Paneas if we may believe Simcon Metaphrastes Vales. e It is I perceive taken for granted amongst all men that the months of the Syro-Macedonians were wholly the same with the Julian months from that time when Julius Caesar publisht his year For Scaliger and our Petavius do in many places affirm this and the only difference as they say was that the Syro-Macedonians began their year from October But there are many things which make me dissent from their opinion For first Bede in his Ephemeris and in his book De ratione Temporum says that the months of the Greeks began from Apellaeus which answers to December But Marcus in his Life of Porphyrius Bishop of Gaza attests that those of Gaza began their year from the month Dius For these are his words at pag 1090. Primo mense qui ab eis vocatur Dios deinde etiam secundo qui dicitur Apellaeos i. e. in the first month which they call Dius then also in the second which is termed Apellaeus The Emperour Julianus in Antiochico confirms this where he expresly says that Lous was the tenth month amongst the Syrians Now if they began their year from October then Lous which answers to August would not have been the tenth but the eleventh month The same is manifested by Julianus in Misopogone pag. 70. in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. The Calends of the Syrians were come and Caesar goes to the Temple of Jupiter Philius again Then came the Calends of January For in my notes on book 23. of Ammian Marcellinus pag. 252 I have shown that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the same with the Calends of January and Caesar goes to the Temple of the God Genius Concerning the Temple of this God Genius at Antioch See Evagrius's Hist. book 1. chap. 16. Then passing by the ominous day he renews his vows in the Temple of Jupiter Philius according to the custome of his Ancestours Seeing therefore Julianus attests that the New Moon of the Syrians year did a little precede the Calends of January it is manifest that the beginning of the Roman and Syrian year was not the same But it may be plainly collected from the same place of Julian that Dius was the first month of the year amongst the Antiochians For Julian says that on the Calends of the first month of the Syrians he went to the Temple of Jupiter to sacrifice because their first month was sacred to Jupiter and received its name from him For it was called Dius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Jupiter and the first month was rightly called after his name who was thought to be the principal cause and origine of all things Now if October were the first month of the Syrian year that passage in Julian would have been impertinent For when the Antiochians would deride Julian for his assiduity in worshiping the Gods they produce this example thereof The Calends of the Syrians were come and Caesar goes to the Temple of Jupiter Philius again then came the Calends of January and Caesar goes to the Temple of the God Genius There must therefore necessarily be some little space of time between the Calends of the Syrians and the Romans that so Julian might deservedly be derided by the Antiochians for his too frequent offering of sacrifice It is therefore necessary that either Apellaeus must have been the first month amongst the Syrians which is Bede's opinion or else Dius Thus far concerning the beginning of the Syro-Macedonian year which we have demonstrated to be different from the beginning of the Julian year We will now inquire into the Syro-Macedonian months and see whether they began and ended at the same time that the Roman months did Indeed this place in Eusebius does plainly shew that the beginning of the months amongst the Syrians and Romans was not the same for it makes the eighth day of the month Desius to be the same with the seventh of the month June Therefore the Syrian month Desius began one day before the Roman month June Moreover Marcus in the life of Porphyrius affirms that the months of the inhabitants of Gaza preceded the Roman months five days His words are these Pluit autem Dominus c. Our Lord sent a continued rain from the eighth day of the month Audynaeus to the tenth Now Audynaeus amongst the Romans is January For their months precede the Roman months five days But on the eleventh day we celebrated the Feast of the Epiphany praising God From which words 't is apparent that the beginning of the months amongst those of Gaza was almost the same with the beginning of them amongst the Egyptians Further Epiphanius in his book De Ponderib chap. 20. makes the sixteenth day of May the same with the twenty third of the Grecian month Artemisius The form of the months amongst the Tyrians was different from this they made use of the Macedonian account of the months For in the Acts at Tyre which are related in the ninth Action of the Council of Chalcedon the tenth day of the month Peritius is confounded with the twenty fifth of February and in the fifth Action Concil Constantinop sub Mena the twenty eighth day of the Tyrian month Lous is said to have been the sixteenth day of the Roman month September From all
ninteenth day of the month Desius which the Romans call June on the thirteenth of the Calends of July Which is confirmed by the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle by the Chalcedon Council and by that Latine collection which Baronius calls Cresconiana which account I think is the truest For should we suppose that the Council of Nice was assembled on the twentieth day of May there would be too narrow a space of time left for the transacting of those affairs which Constantine did after his vanquishing of Licinius Licinius was subdued in the last Engagement at Chalcedon in the year of Christ 324 on the 15 th of the Calends of October as 't is recorded in Fastis Idatii and in the Alexandrian Chronicle on the day following Licinius who made his escape to Nicomedia yielded himself to Constantine the conquerour After this Constantine made his entry into Nicomedia whilst he continued there and hastned to make his Progress into the Eastern parts a messenger arrived declaring to him the dissention of the Alexandrian Church and of all Egypt upon account of Arius's Opinion and the disturbances of the Melitians as himself attests in his Epistle to Alexander and Arius And first he sends Hosius with his Letters to Alexandria that he might compose those differences by his authority But Hosius after he had staied a little while at Alexandria returns to Constantine without effecting his business All this could in no wise have been done in a shorter space of time than three months Moreover Constantine perceiving the mischief to increase daily resolves upon calling a general Council of Bishops that he might thereby restore peace to the Church Upon this account he dispatcht away Couriers throughout all the Provinces to convene the Bishops at Nice in Bythinia Suppose therefore that the Couriers delivered the Emperours Letters to every one of the Bishops in the month of March it is scarce credible that the Bishops could come from the remotest regions as well of the East as of the West to Bithynia before the month July especially since they came by land and not by water as Eusebius attests book 3. chap. 6. De Vitâ Constant. See Vales. notes on Euseb. Life of Constant. book 3. chap. 14. h After these words the Six hundredth thirty six year from the reign of Alexander the Macedonian Leo Allat M. S. adds these and it was the nineteenth year from the beginning of the reign of Constantine the Emperour which is very true For when Paulinus and Iulianus were Consuls which was on the 325 th year of Christ the Nicen◠Synod was according to Socrates's Opinion assembled in May. it being then the nineteenth year of Constantines reign His twentieth year began the same year about the end of July following Vales. a Socrates has observed no order here For he says that Eusebius and Theognis were recalled from banishment almost before he had told us they were exiled Sozomen therefore did better who in this particular corrected Socrates's relation For in the first book of his History chap. 21 he relates that Eusebius and Theognis were banisht by the Emperour Constantine a little after the Synod and that other Bishops were put into their Sees Then in his second book chap. 16. he declares how they were recalled from their banishment From which passage that I may make this remark by the by it may be concluded that Sozomen wrote his History after Socrates in as much as he corrects and amends Socrates's narration in many places Further Eusebius and Theognis were banisht three months after the Nicene Synod as Philostorgius attests and returned from their exil◠as the said Philostorgius relates in the third year after that Synod that is in the year of Christ 328. which account agrees exactly with the History of affaires transacted in that time For all Historians agree that Eusebius upon his return from banishment entertained thoughts of confirming Arius's Opinion and of thrusting out those that asserted the Nicene Faith And that his first attack was made against Eustathius Bishop of Antioch whom he caused to be expell'd from his See by seigned calumnies in the year of Christ 329 or 330. Baronius therefore did ill to place Eusebius Nicomediensis's return from exile on the year of Christ 330. Vales. b Baronius at the year of Christ 325. reproves Socrates and Sozomen for saying that Eusebius and Theognis were banisht a little after the Nicene Synod ◠and that some few years after having sent a Libell of satisfaction to the most eminent Bishops they were recalled from their exile Baronius endeavours to prove that this Libell was presented by Eusebius to the Bishops in the Nicene Synod For he asserts that the rule of Faith was first written which Eusebius Nicomediensis with four other Bishops refused to subscribe but that the said Eusebius having afterwards presented a Libell of satisfaction did subscribe what had been determined in the Synod But after this when the Synod had Anathematized Arius Eusebius and Theognius says he would not subscribe this Anathematism and for that reason they were condemned and deposed by the Synod and Amphion and Chrestus were put into their Sees But the Emperour Constantine continues he interceded that the sentence might not be put in execution and perswaded the Synod that they should admit of Eusebius and Theognius upon their presenting a Libell of Repentane This is Baronius's opinion But he is out first in saying that there were two Libells presented by Eusebius for of the former Libell no body has ever made mention Secondly he cites no authour for what he says concerning Eusebius's and Theognius's deprivation and condemnation done in the Nicene Council Constantine in his Epistle to the Nicomedians the latter part of which Epistle in Greek the reader may meet in Theodoret Eccles. Hist. book 1. chap. 20 it occurs entire at the close of Gelasius Cyzicenus's 3 d book pag. 217. says not that it was then done but only says that Eusebius was afraid it would be done Lastly his saying that a Libell of Repentance was presented by Eusebius in the Nicene Synod is manifestly refuted from the Libell it self For this Libell was presented by Eusebius when he was in banishment as is attested by these words of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. and by this Libell do fully declare and confirm our consent which we are induced to do not because we look upon our exile to be tedious c. Besides this Libell was sent when Arius was recalled from banishment which is apparent from these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. But it would be absurd since he that seemed to be guilty is recalled and has made his defence in reference to c. Moreover Arius was recalled from banishment by Constantine long enough after the Nicene Synod c. Vales. c In as much as Eusebius and Theognius do say in the beginning of this Epistle that they were condemned by the Bishops it is worth our making
Caesar. Certainly Dalmatius the son of Dalmatius was when these things were done which are related by Athanasius very young and could not sit as judge in so weighty an affair Besides he lived at that time at Narbona and together with Hannibalianus his brother was an Hearer of Exuperius the Rhetorician For from that City he was sent for by Constantine and created Caesar when very young as Ansonius affirms in his book de Professor Burdigal in the year of Christ 335. But that tryal concerning the murder of Arsenius was before Dalmatius the Censor at Antioch as Athanasius attests in the year of Christ 332 according to Baronius's opinion Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning the import of this word the learned Reader may consult Scaliger Poâ—tic Lib. 3. Cap. 106. Epibaterion a The Synod of Tyre was held in the consulates of Constantius and Albinus as Athanasius attests in the year of Christ 335. This was the 28 th year of Constantines Empire His 29 th year began during the same mens consulates on the 8 th of the Calends of August on which day Constantine celebrated his Tricennalia i. e. the festivals for his having arrived to the 30 th year of his Empire as Idatius attests in Fast. anticipating that solemnity one whole year This anticipation of his Tricennalia has induced not only Socrates but several others also into a mistake Vales. a Rufinus in book 1. chap. 16. of his Ecclesiastick History says that this Archelaus was not the Consularis or President of Phoenicia but the Comes of the East Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordered the matter prudently this is the import of thâ—se words if rendred literally a In Athanasius's second Apologetick pag. 783. Edit Paris the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Archaph who is also called John In the Epistle of Alexander Bishop of Thessalonica to Athanasius he is also called Archaph Therefore this man had two names he was called Archaph by the Egyptians which was his Countrey name John was his Monastick name He was a Bishop of the Melitian faction at Memphis Athanasius relates that he was commanded by Constantine to agree with his Arch-Bishop Athanasius means Constantines Letter to John which he gives an account of at pag. 787 of his second Apologet. Edit Paris Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Calvin Lexic Juridic â—n the word paragraphe a This place is imperfect as any one may perceive It may be made perfect if instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we make this addition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made their return to Tyre which we have followed in our Version Vales. a Musculus and Christophorson render these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus depositionis causas the causes of his deposition But I suppose that by these words is meant the Libel of his deposition or the Synodical Epistle concerning the condemnation and deposition of Athanasius Socrates uses the same term in his second book chap. 1. If any one be desirous to peruse a copy of these Epistles there is extant a Synodical Epistle of the Council of Antioch concerning the deposition of Paul of Samosata also the Synodical Epistle of the Council of Sardis concerning the deposition of Gregorius Alexandrinus Valens Ursacius and other Arian Prelates Vales. b In Athanasius the reading is truer thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the City of the Hypselites as we noted before Stephanus de Urbibus says Hypseliâ— is a Town in Egypt and that the inhabitants thereof are called Hypsclites Vales. a In Athanasius's second Apology against the Arians and in his book de Synodis Arimini and Seleuciae this Synodick Epistle of the Jerusalem Council is recorded in which Epistle the Bishops who had been convened there for the dedication of Constantines Church do attest that they had received into communion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arius and his followers which they had done according to the Emperours command who by his Letters had signified to them that he himself knew that those mens faith was true and orthodox both from their own attestation by word of mouth and also from the Libel of faith which they presented to him Which Libel Constantine had annexed to his Letters Now he means that Libel of faith which Arius and Euzoïus had presented to Constantine mentioned by Socrates before at the 26 chapter of this first book and by Sozomen book 2. chap. 27. For when Arius had presented a Libel of his faith to Constantine Constantine believing his doctrine to be agreeable to the Nicene faith would not himself give his judgment concerning this matter but remitted him to the examination of the Jerusalem Council as Rufinus and Sozomen do relate Athanasius also in his book de Synodis affirms expresly that Arius and his associates were received into communion by the Jerusalem Synod his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and after the banishment of Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria writing that they should admit to communion Arius and his followers c. But I suppose that Arius the Arch-Heretick is not to be meant here but another Arius his name sake who had been condemned by Alexander Bishop of Alexandria together with Arius his Ringleader For Arius the Arch-Heretick died long before the Jerusalem Synod as I have evidently proved in my second book of Ecclesiastick observations chap. 2. The Learned Reader will find three books of Ecclesiastick observations written by Valesius and publisht at the latter end of the second Vol. of his Greek Ecclesiastick Historians Therefore that Arius who together with Euzoïus presented a Libel of his faith to Constantine is a different person from Arius the Arch-Heretick Which may be demonstrated by another argument This Arius who presented a Libel to Constantine together with Euzoïus was not restored before the Jerusalem Synod that is before the year of Christ 33â— nor joyned to the Catholick Church For he requests of the Emperour in the foresaid Libel that all altercations being taken away by his piety he may be united to the Catholick Church But Arius the Arch-Heretick was recalled from exile long before and readmitted to communion as the penitentiary-Libel of Eusebius and Theognius doth attest For Eusebius and Theognius do say there expresly that the authour of the whole controversie to wit Arius having given satisfaction was entirely restored Further Eusebius and Theognius sent that Libel to the Bishops in the year of Christ 328 as I shewed before Therefore Arius the Haeresiarch must necessarily have been recalled at the beginning of the same year Vales. b This place is imperfect it is easier to pick out the meaning of it than to correct the words Socrates therefore would say that the Bishops in their Synodical Epistle do obscurely mean Athanasius when they say that all eâ—vy and hatred now was bartished c. Vales. a In Athanasius's second Apology against the Arians where this Epistle of Constantines is recorded the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
inserted at the 739 th page of his works Edit Paris 1627. Moreover Socrates's relation here may be refuted also by these arguments For if these things had been done after the Council at Antioch not only Eusebius but the whole Synod would have sent an Embassy and Letters to Julius Besides it would have been altogether ridiculous and unseemly after the matter was determined in a Council and put in execution Athanasius being now expelled and Gregorius put into his See to write to Julius that he would be judge and remove the controversie in order to its being discust before him as if the matter were still wholly undetermined Sozomen book 3. chap. 7. has followed Socrates's mistake in this relation Vales. a In the old description of Constantinople this Church is mentioned where 't is called Paul's Church and 't is placed in the seventh ward of the City Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coagulated or curded as the runnet doth in the making of cheese a Ammianus Marcellinus had at large described this Sedition of the Constantinopolitans in those books of his History which are lost But he has by the by mentioned it in his 14 th book pag. 23. Edit Paris 1636. Libanius means this tumult in his Oration entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and says it was a most violent Sedition It hapned in the third Consulate of Constantius and in Constans's second which was the year of Christ 342 as it is recorded in Fast. Idat. Vales. See Valesius's Annotas on Amm. Marcellinus page 47. b It is doubtful whether Socrates meanes here bushells of Bread-corn or loaves of bread The Author of the Life of Paulus Bishop of Constantinople which occurs in Photius's Bibliotheca pag. 1421. Edit David Hoâ—sâ—bell 1611. supposed that in this place loaves were meant For thus he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the whole donation was eighty thousand loaves daily distributed 〈◊〉 I am rather of opinion and so Epiphanius Scholasticus understands it that Bushells are meant For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of wheat imports bushells of wheat rather then loaves Besides how could eighty thousand loaves be sufficient for that multitude of Citizens which inhabited Constantinople should any one wonder at this vast quantity of bread-corn usually distributed every day let him hear Eunapius in the Life of Aedesius pag. 38 Edit Comm. 1596. thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. But in our age neither the ships loaden with corn which come from Aegypt nor that vast quantity of wheat brought out of all Asia Syria Phoenicia and the rest of the Provinces upon the consideration of tribute is sufficient to fill and satisfic that drunken multitude of people which Constantine by emptying of other Cities hath transported to Bysantium Concerning this prescript about bread corn for the supply of Constantinople appointed by Constantine of blessed memory and afterwards increased by Theodosius See the second Law in Cod. Theod. de frumento urbis Constantinop Vales. c From the Authority of the Allat M. S. this place is to be amended thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For he was incensed against him not only because he had been ordained c. Thus also the reading is in the Life of Paulus Constantinop Vales. a Socrates mistakes here also For Gregorius who was created Bishop of Alexandria in the Synod of Antioch held that Bishoprick six years untill the Council of Serdica in which he was deposed and excommunicated as it is related in the Synodical Epistle of that Council And when he had survived this sentence about six months he died as Athanasius attests in Epistol ad Soliâ—ar Theodoret has corrected this mistake of Socrates's and Sozomon's in book 2. of his Eccles. Hist. Georgius was made Bishop of Alexandria by the Arians long after Gregorius in the year of Christ 356. Vales. b This place was corrupted by a transposition of the words which gave translatours an occasion of mistaking here But the words might have been easily put into their order after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. as being a person odious both upon account of his burning the Church and also because c. Socrates does here assign two reasons why the Arians deprived Gregorius of his Bishoprick The first is because Gregorius was a person hated by all men upon account of his burning Dionysius's Church which Socrates has mentioned before Athanasius also takes notice of it in Epist. ad solitar The other reason is because he seemed not zealous enough in defending their opinion The same is confirmed by Sozomen book 3. chap. 7. Eccles. Hist. Vales. a After the murder of Hermogenes the Emperours Lieutenant-General Constantius put Paulus into iron chains and banisht him to Singar a Town of Mesopotamia whence he removed him afterwards to Emisa as I have remarked out of Athavasius in my second book of Ecclesiastick observations chap. 6. Therefore what Socrates here says is false to wit that Paulus was at Rome at the same time that Athanasius was there Indeed Marcellus Bishop of Anoyâ—â— was at Rome together with Athanasius as we are informed from Julius's Letter to the Eastern Bishops which is also ascertained from Marcellus's Libel which he presented to Julius But Julius speaks not a word concerning Paulus in his foresaid Epistle whom he would doubtless have mentioned had he been then at Rome with Athanasius and Marcellus Vales. b Julius restored not one of the forementioned Bishops not Athanasius himself to his own See For in the Roman Synod wherein Athanasius's and Marcellus's cause was discust Athanasius was only pronounced innocent and admitted to communion by Julius and the rest of the Bishops But against Athanasius's accusers who refused to make their personal appearance in judgment nothing was determined as I have observed out of Athanasius in my first book of Ecclesiastick Observations Nor was Athanasius Marcellus Asclepas or Lucius restored before the Synod of Serdica Vales. c After the Roman Synod wherein Athanasius was pronounced innocent when Julius had sent a Letter by Gabianus the Comes to the Eastern Bishops who had met in a Synod at Antioch at such time as the Church was dedicated see chap. 8. of this book the Eastern Bishops in order to their answering of this Letter were convened again at Antioch in the year of Christ 343. And they wrote back an elegant and sharp Letter to Julius the sense whereof Sozomen relates book 3. chap. 8. Vales. * The Church of Rome See Euseb. Eccles Hist. book 6. chap. 43. d What Socrates here says to wit that Athanasius returned at that time to Alexandria is false For Athanasius went not back to that City till after the Council at Serdica that is till after the year of Christ 348. Vales. e We follow Christophorsons S r Henry Savils reading here which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. or how many complaints the Synods c. Vales. f In the Allat M. S. the reading
10. Eccles. History says the same that Socrates does here Vales. * That is Athanasius Paulus * That is Paulus and Athanasius's sufferings a The reading here and in Robert Stephens Edition is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But I suppose it should be thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understanding their sufferings sympathized with them for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to suffer with But the reading may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was very much troubled at which emendation is the best Vales. b Some few months after the Synod at Antioch which was held at the Dedication the Eastern Bishops made another form of the Creed and sent it to Constans Augustus and to the Western Bishops by Narcissus Theodorus Maris and Marcus as if it had been dictated by the Synod at Antioch So Athanasius attests in his book de Synod Arimin and Seleuc. This therefore hapned in the year of Christ 342. Socrates does evidently agree with Athanasius For he says that those messengers sent by the Eastern Bishops suppressed that form of the Creed composed by the Antiochian Synod and instead thereof produced another which themselves had made Vales. * Ephes. 3. 15. †Or Comforter ‖ See John 14. 26. * See Socrates book 1. chap. 36. a Athanasius in his book de Synodis says the same his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. Afterwards repenting as it were of what they had done they again assemble a Synod of their own party three years after And they send Eudoxius Martyrius and Macedonius of Cilicia and some other persons with them into the parts of Italy who carried along with them a prolixe form of saith c. Baronius in his Annals says that this second Council of Antioch wherein that prolixe form of faith was promulged was convened in the year of Christ 344. And he thinks that he proves this from Athanasius and Socrates But in my judgment he is much mistaken For first this expression of Athanasius's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after three years signifies the fourth year not the third For it denotes that three years were now past In this sense also Socrates understood the passage in Athanasius in regard he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the space of three years being compleatly passed after these things Since therefore that Synod of Antioch which had been convened at the Consecration was held in the year of Christ 341 this second Antiochian Synod ought more truly to be placed on the year of Christ 345. Secondly Athanasius does not say that the second Antiochian Synod wherein the large form of Faith was composed was assembled three years after that Synod at the consecration had been convened there but he says it was assembled three years after Narcissus Theodorus Maris and Marcus had brought that new form of Faith to Constans Augustus pretending it to have been composed at Antioch Now he says that this was done some few months after the Antiochian Synod held at the Consecration From whence that which I have said is made apparent to wit that that Council in which the large form of Faith had been composed was convened in the year of Christ 345 not in the year 344 as Baronius would have it Vales. * Ephes. 3. 15. * Or Comforter †See John 14. 26. b This was the opinion of the Arians The Easterns explain this sentiment of theirs better hereafter to wit that the Father may be understood to have begotten the Son willingly without compulsion Vales. c In Robert Stephens's Edition of Socrates Fol. 197. Edit Paris 1594. these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Nor must it be thought that the Son is without an original or unbegotten as the Father is are wanting The said Robert Stephens's Edition does in the following words also differ something from this Copy of the Creed here Athanasius has inserted this whole Creed in his book de Synod Arimin Seleuc. pag. 896 c. Edit paris 1627. Athanasius's copy and this in Valesius's Edition of Socrates do agree whom we have followed in our Version * 1 Cor. 11. 3. * See Euseb Eccles. Hist. book 7 chap. 27. c. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of men but Valesius renders it ex hominc of man d Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is in the Allat M. S. and in Athanasius in his book de Synodis By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philosophers mean That word which is uttered by the mouth Hilarius calls it Verbum prolativum To which is opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which modern Philosophers do term the word of the mind Vales. e By these words the Eastern Bishops mean the Heresie of Marcellus Ancyranus who asserted that Christs Kingdom began from his nativity about four hundred years before that time making use of a certain number for an uncertain The Synodick Epistle of the Eastern Bishops at Serdica informs us hereof which Epistle Hilarius has inserted in his fragments For these are their words in that Letter Extiti◠namque temporibus nostris Marcellus c. i. e. For there hath risen up in our days one Marcellus of Galatia the most execrable post of all Hereticks who with a sacrilegious mind and impious mouth and a wicked argument will needs set bounds to the perpetual eternal and timeless Kingdom of our Lord Christ saying that he began his reign 400 years since and shall end it at the dissolution of this present world Vales. f We made good this place by adding the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Jews which is not in Robert Stephens's Edit but it occurs in Athanasius and in the Allat M. S. Vales. * Gen. 1. 26. g The Heresie of the Patropassians or Patripassians was very ancient and far diffused Tertullian Adv. Prax. cap. 1 and 2. chargeth this Heresie upon Praxeas The same was maintained by Hermogenes whence they were termed Hermogeniani After whom Noëtus maintained the same who says Epiphanius lived 130 years before his time See Epiphan Heres 57. From Noëtus they had the name of Noëtiani and from Sabellius Noëtus's disciple they were called Sabelliani After whom succeeded Priscillianus in the same Heresie from him they had the name of Priscillianistae The sum and substance of this Heresie thus propagated by these succeeding assertours of it was this they affirmed there was but one Person in the Deity to wit the Father that he only subsisted and was the Maker of all things that he came not only into the world but was incarnate and did all things which we say were done by the Son In order to the Exclusion of these Hereticks the Aquileian Church added these two terms invisible and impassible to the first Article of the Creed shewing by the first that the Father was not incarnate and by the second that he was not crucified
Socrates is mistaken who attributes that to Dioscorus which was rather to have been said concerning his brother Ammonius For at such time as the Synod ad Quercum that is the Synod at the Oak was summoned Ammonius fell into a distemper And having passed over to The Oak he died soon after and was honoured with a splendid funerall in the Monastery of that place as Sozomen tells us book 8. chap. 17. Vales. a Marcellinus in his Chronicon reports this Statue to have been made in the Consulate of Theodosius Junior and Rumoridus which was the year of Christ 403 his words are these Eudoxiae Arcadii uxoris super porphyreticam Columnam argentea Statua suxta Ecclesiam posita hactenus fistit a Silver Statue of Eudoxia wise to Arcadius placed upon a Porphyry-pillar near the Church still stands Theophanes relates the same who says that that Statue was erected in that place called Pittacia neer the Church of S t Irene and that at the dedication thereof the Praefect of the City who was a Manichaean and a Semipagan excited the people to shout and daunce in such a manner that the divine Service could not quietly be performed in the Church because of the noyse made by the multitude of Dauncers Notwithstanding Baronius places the dedication of this Statue on the year of Christ 404 But in regard Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon does in express words place it on the Consulate of Theodosius Junior and Rumoridus I judge it more safe to follow his opinion provided it be said to have been made after the Synod ad Quercum and after Chrysostome's first condemnation that is about the close of the year 403. And this is confirmed by Socrates For he adds a little after that when the Nativity of our Lord drew neer Arcadius gave Johannes notice that he could not come to the Church Now John was deposed a little before Easter in the year of Christ 404. Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This Homily occurs at Tom. 7. pag. 545. of S r Hen. Savils Edition of Chrysostome b This Briso seems to be a different person from Briso the Bishop who as Cedrenus tells us was one of John Chrysostome's Scholars And Socrates seems to have put Philippi instead of Philippopolis For Philippopolis is an eminent City of Thracia But Philippi is a City of Macedonia Vales. c Baronius at the year of Christ 404 charges Socrates with a lie here For in the Synod at the Oak thirty six Bishops only had condemned Johannes of which twenty nine were Egyptians the rest were of divers Provinces as Theodorus in Palladius in his Dialogue concerning the Life of Chrysostome relates from the Acts of the Synod at the Oak But when he was afterwards recalled to Constantinople he had been admitted to communion by sixty five Bishops Either therefore Socrates must necessarily be mistaken who has said that Chrysostome was condemned by more Bishops than those by whom he had been admitted to communion and restored or else it must be said that Palladius is out Unless any one will reconcile these things by saying thus viz. That Leontius the Bishop has here reckoned the suffrages of the Bishops together who had condemned John Chrysostome in both Synods as well that held at the Oak as the other assembled at Constantinople For although at such time as Leontius spake these words the Bishops present in the Constantinopolitane Synod had not pronounced sentence against Chrysostome yet Leontius who knew they were incensed against Chrysostome made not the least doubt of their suffrages Vales. d Palladius tells us that this very answer was given by John Chrysostome's defenders against the Canon of the Antiochian Synod to wit that that Canon was made by the Arian Bishops But Chrysostome's adversaries rejected this defence asserting that Canon to have been made by the Catholick Bishops And when Elpidius a Bishop of Chrysostome's party urged them to subscribe that draught of the Creed then promulged by those Bishops they answered in presence of the Emperour that they were ready to subscribe it but they put off that business to another time Therefore what must we determine concerning this question Athanasius indeed in his book de Synodis does wholly reject that Antiochian Synod together with its draught of the Creed as having been held by the Arians with a design to subvert the Nicene Creed But to Athanasius who cannot be a sufficient witness in his own case we in the first place oppose Hilarius then Pope Julius and lastly all the Eastern and Western Bishops who have now at length by a generall consent admitted of that Synod Hilarius 't is certain in his book de Synodis does fully admit of it and commends that form of the Creed drawn up there as being usefull and necessary on account of the Heresies which sprang up after the Nicene Councill Moreover Pope Julius wrote a Synodick Epistle to all the Bishops who had been convened in that Synod amongst whom were Eusebius Narcissus Theodorus and Maris Which Synodick Epistle Athanasius does record intire at pag. 739. c. Tom. 1. Edit Paris 1626. In the title and body of that Letter Julius terms them Beloved Brethren which undoubtedly he would never have done had he lookt upon them to have been Arians Now what reason had he to look upon them to be Arians who as yet had not been condemned by the sentence of any Synod and amongst whom there were very many stiff maintainers of the Nicene Creed which Baronius himself does not deny Of which sort was Dianius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia whom Julius names in the first place concerning whose praises Basil the Great has a peculiar Epistle extant Lastly all the Easterns have acknowledged that Synod to be Catholick and inserted its Sanctions into the book of Canons soon after John Chrysostome's times as appears from the Chalcedon-Councill And at length the Western Church has by degrees admitted of those Canons rendred into Latine by Dionysius Exiguus Notwithstanding in John Chrysostome's times they might be rejected in regard they were not received by a generall consent of the whole Church nor as yet admitted by the Romish Church Pope Innocentius in his Epistle to the Constantinopolitan Church which Sozomen has recorded book 8. chap. 26. does in no wise admit of these Canons Vales. * See Socrat book 2. chap. 10. e Christophorson supposed that these words were spoken by Socrates concerning the Bishops convened in the Antiochian-Synod But I think they are to be understood concerning the Bishops then assembled at Constantinople against John Chrysostome And in this sense Epiphanius Scholasticus and Musculus took this place for Epiphanius has rendred it thus non intelligentes quod dum hâc regulâ uterentur Athanasium quoque deponerent not understanding that whilest they made use of this Canon they deposed Athanasius also and Musculus has translated it happily after this manner nec cogitantes non Johannem se modò sed
See the following chapter * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 affairs a In Priscus's History of the Goths the King of the Hunni is termed Rouas who was succeeded by Attalas In Jordanes he is called Roäs the brother of Oâ—tar and Mundïuchus the uncle of Attalas Langus Nicephorus's Translator calls him Roïlas for what reason I know not for in Nicephorus 't is Rougas as well as here in Socrates Vales. b See Ezech. 38. vers 2 22 23. In the Septuagint Version at v. 2. the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prince Rhos But the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting in the vulgar Translation instead whereof Hieronymus has rendred it thus Principem capitis Mosoch Prince of the chief of Mosoch Wherefore what Langus remarks here concerning the Russi is in my judgment forreign to this place Vales. In the Hebrew the words at this text are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in the margin of our English Version is render'd exactly thus Prince of the chief of Meshech Socrates quotes this whole text out of Ezechiel in the words of the Septuaginâ— Version and we have translated them accordingly The difference between the Greek Version and Originall Hebrew at this text is great Our English Translatours as they generally do so here follow the Hebrew * See book 7. chap. 24. a These persons were Consuls on the year of Christ 436. But Prosper Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle disagree from Socrates For those Authours relate that this marriage was celebrated on the year following whereon Aëtius bore his second Consulate with Sigisvultus in the month of November The same is confirmed by Jordanes in his book de Successione Regnorum where after he has spoken concerning the whoredom committed by Honoria with her Procurator Eugenius which was done in the Consulate of Areobindus and Aspar on the year of Christ 434 He adds these words Posthaec tertio anno Valentinianus c. On the third year after this the Emperour Valentinianus comes from Rome to Constantinople in order to his marrâ—ing Eudoxia daughter to the Emperour Theodosius and having given all Illyria as a gratuity to his Father in Law after the celebration of the marriage he returned with his Wife to his own Kingdomes Cassiodorus Senator attests the same concerning the donation of the Western Illyricum book 11. Variarum Epist. 1. pag. 684 Edit Aurel. Allobrog 1622. in these words Placidiam mundi opinione celebratam avorum or principum or aliquorum as 't is in some Copies Prosapia gloriosam purpurato filio studuisse percepimus cujus dum remisse administrat Imperium indecenter cognoscitur imminutum Nurum denique sibi amissione Illyrici comparavit factaque est conjunctio regâ—anâ—is divisio doleâ—da provinciis Vales. * He means those termed the Johannitae See book 6. chap. 18. †Or by prudence a By these words Socrates does plainly discover his opinion For he would say that these things are usually done through envy or out of favour For because Origen was condemned by Theophilus so many years after his death that Socrates ascribes to Theophilus's envy towards Origen himself or against those termed the Long-Monks And whereas John Chrysostome was brought back with honour into his own Country on the thirty fifth year after his death that Socrates attributes to the love and benevolence of Procluâ— and the people of Constantinople But I am not of Socrates's opinion For although in affairs of this nature tâ—e affections of men have some effect Yet divine Justice and providence whereby the Church is governed doth always overrule Origen therefore was condemned for his Heterodox opinions and John Chrysostome being consecrated for his integrity of life and doctrine continues in the Church to this very day Valesius * Or Tomb. †Or Rectitude a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he sate upon in which Author these words are added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and having taken the paper which seem altogether necessary Vales. * This pledge or Gage b Although our M. SS Copies alter not the reading here yet I agree with Christophorson and S r Henry Savill who have mended it thus of the month August Doubtless in regard Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists died on the twenty first of July and the paper wherein he had named Marcianus to be his successour was unsealed three days after his death as Socrates has told us before 't is not to be supposed that Marcianus could be ordained Bishop on the twenty first of the same month to wit July in regard he absconded in Tiberiopolis a City of Phrygia from whence he was to be brought to Constantinople that he might be there constituted Bishop of the Novatianists Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For he had oblieged himself to a performance c I doubt not but it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for she had obliged herself that is Eudocia Thus Epiphan Scholasticus read as appears from his Version which is thus Hoc enim ipsa votum habuerat si filiam videret nuptam For she herself also had made this vow if she might see her daughter married Vales. * Or honoured a This is the Thalassius or Thalassus Praefectus Praetorio of Illyricum to whom The one Law Tit. 6. Legum Novellarum Theodosii Junioris was directed which is dated at Constantinople on the third of the Ides of August in Theodosius's seventeenth Consulate which he bore with Festus After this day therefore on this very year Thalassius was made Bishop of Caesarea by Proclus Which action of Proclus's Socrates does not without cause wonder at as new and not practised by former Bishops Nectarius indeed when he was Praetor of Constantinople had been created Bishop of that City But the Emperour's consent had been first obtained as Socrates has told us before But here Proclus meerly by his own impulse laid his hands on a Praefectus Praetorio who by the Emperour had been designed to the government of the Orientall Praefecture Notwithstanding it is to be understood that the Emperour's consent was afterwards obtained who approved of what Proclus had done But in promoting inferiour Magistrates to Ecclesiastick degrees the Prince's consent was in no wife necessary For the Praefectus Praetorio's approbation was sufficient under whose dispose the Presidents of Provinces were We have an eminent instance hereof in the Life of S t Germanus Altissiodorensis which was written by Constantius Presbyter Which Germanus being President of a Province and Amator Bishop of Altissiodorum a City in France now called Auxerre having a mind to appoint him his successour Amator procured the consent of Julius Praefectus Praetorio of the Gallia's before he attempted to do that as 't is related in book 1 chap. 3 concerning the Life of S t Germanus Further this Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea was present at the false Synod at Ephesus convened against Flavianus
as we are informed from the Acts of the said Synod which are recorded in the first Action of the Chalcedon Councill Vales. †He was Bishop of Cyrus and set about writing an Ecclesiastick History which Valesius has published with the other Greek Historians of the Church towards the latter end of Theodosius Junior's Reign at the same time that Socrates and Sozomen wrote theirs He began where they did to wit from those times whereat Eusebius closed his History and ended with them viz. at the latter end of Theodosius Junior's Empire 'T is more than probable that he wrote after Socrates and Sozomen For 1 all the Ancients were of this opinion 2 He that reads his History will find it nothing else but a supplement of Socrates and Sozomen their Histories 3 Theodoret himself in the first chapter of the first Book of his History says these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I will attempt to commit to writing the Remaines of Ecclesiastick History 4 Lastly he published his History after the year of Christ 448 as Valesius demonstrates in his Preface before his History whereas Socrates and Sozomen had finished their Histories on the seventeenth Consulate of Theodosius Jun. that is in the year of Christ 439. He is most particular in his acccount of the affairs of the Eastern Church in regard he lived there His Books of Ecclesiastick History are but five in number as he himself intimates at the close of his fifth Book wherein he comprehends the affairs transacted in the Church during the space of 105 years * See Evagrius's Ecclesiastick History book 4. chap. 29 note f. †The plague in the Groyn * Or in the number †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Valesius quotes this passage out of Macarius in his notes on Socrates book 6. chap. 6. note f. * See Note b in that chapter * Tum in Pompa both in Pomp. * See note b in that chapter * Or ought to have c. * See Evagrius book 6. chap. 7. †See Evagrius book 6. chap. 24. * That is the volume of relations Letters c. * Pag. 274. Edit Lugd. Bat. 1651. * Repaired or put a new face upon †Or Letters-Patents a I like not Christophorson's Version who has rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perfecte Christianos perfectly Christians I would rather render it perfectly Orthodox For the followers of true opinions are properly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Photius in his Bibliotheca speaks thus concerning Socrates Scholasticus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Moreover in his Sentiments he is not very Orthodox The meaning of this place therefore is this Eusebius although he be very fit to perswade his Readers to embrace the Christian Religion yet is not able to make them very accurate in the doctrine of the Christian Faith in regard he himself seems to have inclined towards the opinion of the Arians For this was the sentiment of many persons concerning Eusebius Pamphilus whom I have sufficiently answered in the Preface I have written to the same Eusebius's Ecclesiastick History Vales. b The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 part is wanting in the Kings in the Florentine and in the Tellerian M. SS nor is it in Robert Stephens's Edition The Geneva-Printers were the first that put in this word from Christophorson's Copy the Various Readings whereof are extant at the end of the Cologne-Edition Christophorson has expressed this word in his Version For thus he renders it ad aliquam partem Regni Theodosii to some part of Theodosius's Reign But it seems more elegant to me to suppress rather than add this word If a word must be added I had rather add 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 time Vales. * Or The wicked Devil a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson and S r Henry Savil have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 compelled or rejected by force But that reading is much better which the Florentine and Tellerian M. SS give us to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 driven away as it were by an impetuous wind 'T is a Metaphor taken from Shipwrack't persons who are driven away by the violence of a Storm Evagrius compares the Holy Spirit to a wind by the force whereof Eunomius and Macedonius being driven away were at length Shipwrack't at Constantinople to wit condemned in the Constantinopolitan Synod Vales. * Or being restored to her pristine c. †See the Septuagint Version at Psalm 45. vers 9. ‖ Or monstrous * Or reduced †Or even from hence b He means the Term Homobusios that is Coessentiall For the malignant Devill made his chiefest resistance against this word in regard it was the Beesome as it were of all Heresies and the firmest sortress of the true Faith Vales. * Or remove c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a term used to denote the manner how a Serpent moves 3. which is incomparably well exprest by Virgill in these words Sinuatque immensa volumine terga And he windes up his vast back in a Roll or Volume d Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is in the Tellerian M. S. Further 't is very intricate what word Evagrius should mean here The Term Homoiöusios that is of like substance or essence might indeed be meant But because in this word there is an addition rather than a change of one Letter to wit of the Letter I therefore the praepositions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is of and in are rather to be meant which praepositions raised great stirs and commotions in the Church on account of the Eutychian Heresie some affirming that Christ was to be adored as subsisting of two natures others as subsilling in two natures Vales. †Or draw e This place wants not difficulty Musculus renders it thus Ubi absolutam haenc historiam benigno Deo commendavero Where I shall have commended this compleated History to the benign God But this rendition is not to be born with Therefore Christophorson has translated it otherwise to wit after this manner Ibique finem scribendi faciam ubi Deo clementi ac propitio visum fuerit and there I will make an end of writing where it shall seem good to the mild and propitious God But neither does this translation fully satisfie me For first Evagrius says not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the future tense but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the present tense Secondly I do not remember that I ever read this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in such a sense as to import to finish an History 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly recondere to lay up whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports a repository or store-cellar for wines It signifies also to lay on the ground or deposite in a monument Hesychius in his Lexicon renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he who lieth The same Hesychius says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does
manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and we have rendred it accordingly Nor do I doubt but Evagrius wrote it thus But Antiquaries that is Transcribers of Books writing hastily omitted the Negative particle at this place Further by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these persons he means Diodorus Bishop of Tarsus Theodorus of Mopsuestia Theodoret and the rest mentioned above See Theophanes pag. 131. Vales. i Flavianus Bishop of Antioch is meant Which I should not have remarked had there not been a fault in Christophorson's Version Vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus 't is righter thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Isauri Vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A conjunction seems necessary to be added here in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And that Copy of it which they produce Vales. m See Leontius de Sectis in the eighth Action 〈…〉 Where he tells us that the Acephali attributed some Epistles to Julius Bishop of Rome which in reality were Apollinaris's Vales. n So indeed Macedonius behaved himself in the beginning of his Episcopate whilest he was willing to gratifie the Emperour Anastasius by whom he had been promoted to the Patriarchate Therefore many of the Antient Writers have related that Macedonius at the beginning had subscribed to Zeno's Henoticon So 't is certain Theodorus Lector affirms whom Baronius has causelessly reproved on that account For Liberatus relates the same in his Breviary chap. 18 where he speaks concerning Johannes Hemula Bishop of Alexandria and a little after that where he mentions Johannes Nicaeota Hemula's successour Victor Tunonensis in his Chronicon writes thus concerning Macedonius Anastasio Aug. Cos. c. In the Consulate of Anastasius Augustus Macedonius Bishop of Constantinople a Synod being convened condemns those who embraced the Decrees of the Chalcedon Synod and such as desend the Sentiments of Nestorius and Eutyches Lastly Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 120 does wholly agree with Theodorus Lector Vales. o He means the Monasteries of Dius and Bassianus and of the Acoemeti or sleepless Monks and of Matrona who had separated themselves from the communion of Macedonius and the Monasteries of those who had subscribed Zeno's Henoticon as Theophanes tells us in his Chronicon pag. 122. Vales. p This as I think is Dioscorus Junior who succeeded Johannes Nicaeota in the Bishoprick of Alexandria Baronius places his ordination on the year of Christ 516 five years after Macedonius's banishment To whom agrees Theophanes in his Chronicon But Liberatus contradicts it who relates Dioscorus's ordination before the deposition of Macedonius And this Evagrius confirms here But after a more accurate examination of the matter Dioscorus Junior can't be meant here For Macedonius was ejected out of his Bishoprick on the year of Christ 511 as 't is manifest from Marcellinus and in his room was substituted Timotheus who forthwith wrote Synodick Letters to Johannes Nicaeota Bishop of Alexandria as Liberatus and Theophanes do attest Whereas therefore Dioscorus Junior succeeded Nicaeota he must necessarily begin his Presidency after Macedonius's deposition Wherefore another Dioscorus is meant here And perhaps in stead of Dioscorus it must be written Soterichus Vales. q Concerning this Johannes Victor Tunonensis in his Chronicon writes thus Theodoro Viro C. Cos. Julianus Bostrenus c. The most famous Theodorus being Consul Julianus of Bostâ—l and Johannes of Paltum voluntarily left their own Churches and others are put into their places But Marcellinus in his Chronicon relates that in the Consulate of Paulus and Mussianus on the year of Christ 512. Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There is a fault in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus book 16. chap. 26. writing out this passage of Evagrius makes use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 smote or wounded But I am for treading in the footsteps of the ordinary reading and therefore think it is to be restored thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wrung or choak't after which manner Christophorson seems to have read In the Tellerian M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b Nicephorus book 16. chap. 27 thought there was a Monastery so named from one Cynegius its Founder But it seems likelier to me that a Country of Syria was so termed wherein there were many Monasteries Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The last word must be expunged being superfluous how it crept into this place I know not If we have a mind to retain this word the reading must be thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man by extract a Persian For 't is referred to the Participle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perswaded Xenaias was indeed by Nation a Persian as Theophanes Nicephorus and others do attest Vales. * Field or Village a This was the year of Christ 513. For the first year of the Antiochians precedes the vulgar Aera of our Lords Nativity 48. years Severns therefore entred upon the Bishoprick of Antioch on the year of Christ 513 in the month November in the sixth Indiction So Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon Indict 6. Clementino Probo Coss. c. In the sixth Indiction Clementinus and Probus being Consuls Severus a worshipper of Eutyches's perfidiousness by the desire of Anastasius Caesar possessed the See of the Prelate Flavianus and of a Monk was made a Bishop Vales. * See book 2. chap. 12. note a. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson omitted these words in his Version The meaning of them is this on the sixth year of the Indictional Circle which then was For an Indiction is a Circle of fifteen years after the ending whereof another Circle beings of as many years Evagrius terms the partition of the Circle of fifteen years 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Latines call Indictionâ—m an Indiction But whereas Evagrius says that Severus was ordained on the month Dius that is November that must necessarily have been done in the sâ—aventh Indiction For a new Indiction was begun on the month September Evagrius has expressed himself in the same manner before at book 2. chap. 12 where he says these words concerning the Earthquake which hapned at Antioch in the times of Leo Augustus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the eleventh partition of the Cycle that is on the eleventh year of the partition of the Circle So in the thirteenth Edict of Justinian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 untill the second partition of the past Cycle Vales. * Or The Exercise of the Laws c There was a twofold Phoenice the one termed Maritima because it lay by the Sea-coast in Greek called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Metropolis whereof was Tyre The other named Libanenâ—is the head City whereof was Emâ—sa as the Old Notitiae do inform us In the Maritime Phoenice was the most famous City Tripolis In that City as Evagrius does here attest the Martyr Leontius was honoured This is the Leontius of whom mention is made in the Menologie at the eighteenth
Zeno Augustus's third Consulate And Victor Vitensis in his book De Persecutione Vandalorum and lastly the Emperour Justinian in his First Law de Officio Praefecti Praetorio Africae Which Constitution of Justinian's our Evagrius quotes a little lower in this chapter although in the Greek Text the name of Justinus is erroneously written instead of Justinianus See more in Baronius at the year of Christ 484. Vales. * In the Greek Text here and in Robert Stephens's Edit 't is Justinus See note a in this chapter †Or Have to do with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 produces I had rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 relates as Evagrius expresses himself at the beginning of the next chapter Vales. * Or From food which brought nourishment †Or Copulation with ‖ Or Scouts * Or Be injurious to †Or Which ‖ Cabaones * Or Beheld †The Scouts or Spies * Or Their own Intemperance ‖ Or Priests * Or Priests a Concerning this Vision which appeared to Justinian in his sleep Victor Thunonensis writes thus Justiniano Aug. IV. Cos. Justinianus Imp. Visitatione Lati Justinianus Augustus being the fourth time Consul The Emperour Justinianus by a Visitation of Laetuâ— the Bishop who was made a Martyr by Hunericus King of the Vandalls sends an Army into Africk against the Vandalls under the Command of Belisarius Master of the Milice Victor Vitensis has made mention of this Laetus the Bishop in his first book De Persecutione Vandalorum Further concerning this Expedition of Justinian into Africk against the Vandalls Marcellinus Comes speaks also in his Chronicon and places it on the Fourth Consulate of the same Justinianus that is on the year of Christ 534. Marius Aventicensis relates the same in his Chronicon But Baronius in his Annalls reproves Marcellinus and maintains that that Expedition was undertaken by Justinianus in his Third Consulate on the year of Christ 533. Justinian's Constitution de Confirmatione Digestorum which is prefixt before the work of the Pandects confirms Baronius's opinion But by Baronius's favour I think the opinion of Marcellinus and Victor to be truer Nor do I doubt but a fault has crept into Justinian's Constitution on the authority whereof Baronius relies and that the Third Consulate of the Emperour Justinian has been written by Transcribers of Books instead of The Fourth And this Justinian himself does so manifestly shew in the foresaid Constitution that I admire it was not perceived by Baronius For thus Justinian speaks Leges autem nostras quas in his Codicibus id est Institutionum Digestorum posuimus But our Laws which we have put in these Codes that is of the Institutions and Digests shall obtain their strength from our third most happy Consulate of the present twelfth Indiction on the third of the Calends of January and shall be of force for ever For on the twelfth Indiction Justinian bore his Fourth Consulate as Marcellinus Comes attests But some one will object that the twelfth Indiction was begun from the Calends of September in Justinians Third Consulate Therefore we must have recourse to another Argument to prove what I have said above viz. that the Vandalick Expedition was begun on Justinians Fourth Consulate and that that Constitution whereon Baronius's opinion is founded was written in Justinians Fourth Consulate Now this may be proved thus In the end of the foresaid Constitution as well in the Greek as Latine Justinian makes mention of a Prâ—fectus Praetorio of Africa But a Praefectus Prâ—torio of Africa was first created by Justinian in his Fourth Consulate a little before the Calends of the September of the thirteenth Indiction as the First Law of the Code de Praefecto Praetorio Africae informs us For Justinian speaks in this manner Haec igitur Magnitudo tua cognoscens ex Calendis Septembribus futurae decimae tertiae Indictionis effectui mancipari procuret Vales. * Or Affairs b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Procopius's words out of the First Book of his Vandalicks pag. 107 are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which words import that his seventh year was already past Now if we should say that the Vandalick Expedition was undertaken in Justinians third Consulate as Justinians words do wholly seem to perswade when about the Summer Solstice the Roman Navy came up to the Byzantine Port and soon after set Sail from thence as Procopius relates that is about the end of the month June Justinian was then in the seventh year and third month of his Empire For the first day of Justinians Reign is brought from the Calends of Aprill But if we should place the Vandalick Expedition on Justinians Fourth Consulate it will be the eighth year of his Empire and not the seventh as Procopius writes wherefore Baronius's opinion is truer which is confirmed both by the Emperour Justinians authority and also by the testimony of Procopius Vales. * Or Admirall Ship * Or Before * Reformed or repaired c The Emperour Justinian agrees whose words in the First Law of the Code De Officio Praefecti Praetorio Africae are these Ut Africa per not tam brevi tempore reciperet Libertatem ante nonaginta quinque annos a Vandalis captivata that Africk should by vs receive its Liberty in so short a time having been captivated by the Vandalls ninty five years before Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon relates that Carthage was taken by the Romans on the ninty sixth year of its being lost But Victor Thunonensis affirms that Africk was recovered by the Romans under the Command of Belisarius on the ninty seventh year of the Vandalls entrance into it Vales. * Or And transcends the Hyperbole excess or superlativeness of every wonder ‖ Or Every way * Or Theuderichus * Book 3. Chap. 27. †Gardianship ‖ Athalaricus * Or She inclined rather to a masculine gravity * Or Theudatus * Or Carried him away into Greece a Concerning the conversion of these people to the Faith of Christ Procopius speaks in book 1. of his Gothicks and Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 149. These people in regard they lived near the Lake Maeotis in Fenny places were from thence first termed Eluri For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek signifies Fens or Fennish places Jordanes in his book de Rebus Geâ—icis writes thus concerning The Heruli Nam praedicta Gens Ablabio Historico referente For the foresaid Nation as Ablabius the Historian relates dwelling near the Lakes of Maeotis in Fennish places which the Greeks term Ele were named Eluri The Authour of the Etymologicon says the same in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Helmoldus in his Chronicon of the Slavi chap. 2 affirms that these Heruli were a Slavick Nation who dwelt between Albia and Odora and reach't a great way out to the South in a long Bay who also as he writes were by another name termed Heveldi Vales. * Or The Opinions a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I
Book of his History Chap. 9 and likewise Theophanes and his Translatour Anastasius Bibliothecarius and Cedrenus Besides even Johannes Biclariensis himself disagrees from himself in his Narrative of this affair For he subjoyns these words a little after Anno quinto Justinus Imperator On his Fifth year the Emperour Justinus having repelled the Persians makes Armenia and Iberia Roman Provinces Vales. ‖ Or In relation to their own Sentiment or Opinion †Or Might be made b Concerning this Oath wherein the Emperour Justinus had bound himself that he would never deliver up the Armenii and Iberi who had Surrendred themselves to the Romans to the Persians Menander Protector speaks in his Excerpt Legationum pag. 121 of the King's Edition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which words the Translatour understood not In the first place therefore instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Justinianus it must be mended thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Justinus And then the whole place is to be rendred in this manner For Tiberius Caesar deservedly made the greatest account of those Oathes which by the Emperour Justinus had been given to the Persarmenii and Iberi who had revolted to the Romans For the Emperour had sworn that he would use his utmost endeavour to reduce that Land which had nourished them to a subjection to himself But if he should not be able to effect that thing and could not put an end to the War yet that he would never Surrender up to the Persians the Authours of that defection and their Relations and in generall those who should have a mind to be Subjects or partakers of the Roman Republick Vales. c To wit Surenas For he had been made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Rectour of Armenia by the King of the Persians after he was slain the Persarmenit delivered up themselves to the Romans as Theophilactus tells us in his third book chap. 9 and Theophanes Byzantius in his Excerpta in Photius Lastly Menander says the same in his Excerpta Legationum pag. 115. Vales. * Or By a generall consent ‖ Or Put all affairs in the Second place to c. †Or Master of the Milice or Souldiers a Theophanes in his Chronicon calls this person Martinus as does likewise his Translatour Anastasius Bibliothecarius But Theophanes Byzantius whose Excerpta are extant in Photius's Bibliotheca terms him Marcianus and calls him the Emperour Justinus's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Brother's Son Valesius in his note here renders that Greek word thus Consobrinum Sister 's Son And says he was sent Magister Militum into the East by Justinus on the Eight year of his Empire Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From the Florentine and Tellcrian M. SS I have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Drivers of Oxen and so Nicephorus read But Nicephorus inserts two words here For he expresses this passage thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is as Langus renders it as also Ditchers and Taylors and Drivers of Oxen. Which word Taylours Nicephorus seems to have read in his Copy For I see not whence he could have gotten it Further there was use of these Taylours in the Camps to mend the Souldiers clothes or else to sow Skins together for Tents or Tabernacles Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Translatours have rendred this place ill For Musculus translates it thus Et fossores quosdam ac bubulcos ex municipiis acceptos secùm habens And having with him some Ditchers and Oxe-drivers taken out of the Towns But Christophorson renders it in this manner Inter quos habuit fossores Bubulcos ex numero vectigalium exemptos amongst whom he had Ditchers and Oxe-drivers exempted or taken out of their number who payed Tribute They knew not what the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified Evagrius has made use of this word above at chap. 42 book 3. At which place we have remarked that by that word are meant the Provinciall Tributaries who are also termed Collatores in the Code From those therefore Martinus the Magister Militum had by force drawn Ditchers and Oxe-drivers and Taylours that he might make use of their Labour in his Army for he reckoned them not amongst the Souldiers as Christophorson seems to have thought Vales. * Or It follows a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a double v. So a little before where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus has it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is more usuall Yet that word may be written with a double 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Hesychius tells us Vales. * Or Remove him from his Command b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And so Musculus seems to have read For he renders it thus Exercitui porro adessenolunt would not be any more present with the Army Christophorson translates it in this manner Copias non ulterius ducunt lead not the Forces any more But the Greek will not bear this sense Vales. †Antiochians * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 words which I have not yet met with used in such a sense as by all the Translatours they are taken here a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This name is found variously written in ancient Authours In Theophanes's Chronicon he is called Artabanes and Ardamanes in the Palatine Manuscript Copy Anastasius Bibliothecarius terms him Dux Adermanus In Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vadaarmanes In Theophanes Byzantius Baraamanes Hereafter in the thirteenth chapter he is termed Ardamanes Theophylactus Book 3â— calls him Adormaanes Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Undoubtedly it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicatoris For Seleucus the first King of Syria because of his famous Victories had the surname of Nicator as we learn from the Old Coyns which ascribe this Title or Surname to him Vales. Sâ—e Vâ— lesius's notes on Amm. Marcel pag. 41. * Or Cruelties †Bankers * Machines used in Sieges to batter down the walls †Or Engines to cast stones ‖ Or With which * Or Frantick distemper a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I found it written in the Tellerian M. S. Vales. b The Emperour Justinus sent Tiberius the Comes of his Guards against the Avares with an Army sufficiently strong on the ninth year of his Empire as Theophanes relates in his Chronicon But Johannes Biclariensis says that was done on the fourth year of Justinus's Empire where he relates that from this Battel Tiberius returned a Conquerour to Constantinople Which yet is declared to be false by Evagrius and Theophanes Vales. * Or Abores or Avares * Or So great * Corrected or restored †Councill or advice a This Trajanus was Patritius and Quaestor of the Sacred Pallace concerning his Embassie to the Persians Menander Protector speaks in the Sixth Book of his Histories pag. 157. and 165. This as
prefer far before the Vulgar one Vales. * Line or Procedure a In Nicephorus book 17 chapt 35 he is called Bonossus This is he whom Anastasius Bibliothecarius and the other Authours who have written concerning the Lives of the Bishops of Rome do term Benedictus Baronius thinks he had the Surname of Bonosus Vales. b Christophorson understood these words so as if Evagrius would have said that in the times of Johannes Bishop of Jerusalem no tumuit had been raised in the Church But to me Evagrius seems to mean another thing to wit that during that whole time wherein those Prelates here named by Evagrius sate there had been no tumult in the Church Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus book 18 chap. 3 thought that by these words was meant the third year of Tiberius Augustus's Empire The same was the Sentiment also of Christophorson and Musculus as may be gathered from their Renditions But in my judgment Evagrius seems to mean here the year of Tiberius's Caesarean Dignity For in the first place the words themselves do sufficiently show that Then secondly Evagrius has not yet related Justinus Junior's death nor the Coronation of Tiberius For he speaks of these hereafter in the nineteenth chapter of this book Wherefore those things related in this chapter hapned whilst Justinus Junior was yet alive Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the very as 't is in the Tellerian M. S or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is in Nicephorus Vales. * Occasion c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I begin to relate I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I come for so Graecians are wont to speak In the Tellerian M. S. I found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I come to give a relation of Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the excellent Flotine Manuscript I found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the ordinary rank and one of the Sedentary Mechanicks The same is the reading in Nicephorus Further 't is strange that three Translatours should have been mistaken in the rendition of one word For Johannes Langus renders it thus Erat Theopoli Anatolius quidam ex plebeis ille quidem ignavis unus There was at Theopolis one Anatolius a person of the ordinary rank and one of the slothfull Musculus translates it in this manner Unus ex multis illis qui vitam delicatè instituunt One of those many who lead a delicate life Christophorson's Version runs thus Anatolius vir quidam plebeius primùm mollis Anatolius a man at first a plebeian and effeminate or soft Which interpretation they seem to have drawn from Suidas and the Authour of the Etymologicon who expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idle and effeminate But this term signifies something else here as is concluded from the preceding term Wherefore I doubt not but by this word Evagrius means the Artifices Sellularii Sedentary Mechanicks which the Greeks also term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the same reason to wit because they do their work sitting So Julius Pollux book 7 chap. 1 and the Authour of the Etymologicon in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 partly that he might confer with him the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged which crept in here from the foregoing line Vales. †Or Bought off * Or Was a partaker of that design c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had perswaded as the reading is in Nicephorus Vales. ‖ Or Intermixt d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Without doubt it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turned her face quite backward And so Nicephorus read who has exprest this place of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turned her selfe quite away from him Whence it appears that Nicephorus put a Comma before the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which punctation I do rather approve of Vales. In Robert Stephens's Edition this passage is worded and pointed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But she both abominating this impious person and perfectly reproving the Wretch hatefull to God turned backward * Or Subjected †Viz. Anatolius's Accomplices * Given-out or executed e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Curator of the Imperial Houses For the Houses of the Emperours as well those in the Imperial City as them in the Suburbs had their Curatores who look't after their Revenue And this dignity was not the meanest for the persons who bore it had the Titles of Most Glorious and Most Magnificent as I have remarked before at the third chapter of this book They seem also to have had a Jurisdiction as Agathias shews in his Fifth Book speaking concerning one Anatolius an Ex-consul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. A person that had both been honoured with the Lignity of the Consuls and besides had obtained an Office which was to take care of and to look after the Houses and possessions of the Emperour Those Officers are by the Romans termed Curatores The term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Office in this passage of Agathias though Vulcanius has omitted it in his Version is in no wise superfluous but it imports an Office of a Magistrate or a Jurisdiction Besides that purple Ribband or Garland and the Tables which the same Anatolius was wont to affixe to the Houses of private persons that he might challenge them for the Treasury as Agathias subjoyns in his following words do manifestly enough declare that Anatolius had a Jurisdiction as Curator of the Imperial Houses 'T is certain the Constitution of the Emperour Tiberius concerning the Divine Houses doth plainly attest that those Curatores had Jurisdiction For in that Constitution Tiberius does make an express establishment that an Actor who shall prefer a Plaint or Sue Process against a Cartularius or a Conductor or a Colonus of an Imperial House concerning any matter belonging to an House of the Emperour may if he will come to an hearing before the Most Glorious and Most Magnificent Curator But if he suspects him he may prosecute his Cause before any other Judge who shall have been put into Commission by the Emperour But the Emperour Tiberius in that Law prohibites the Curatores from fixing Tables or Fiscall Titles on the Houses of private persons and from Sealing them For the Curatores were wont to sell such Titles as these to the meaner sort and to exact something of them for their Patronage and Protection as Tiberius does there shew Moreover these Houses and the Conductores Hirers of them enjoyed many priviledges and immunities as may be seen in the Theodosian Code Tit. de privilegiis domus Augustae and in the fore-mentioned Constitution of Tiberius Vales. a Yea Tiberius whilst Justinus as yet survived created
‖ Or Of the life of men b Theophylactus book 5. chap. 3. says Chosdroes was only termed Son by the Emperour Mauricius But Theophanes in hâ—â— Chronicon pag. 224 affirms in express words that Chosdroes was a Son adopted by the Emperour Mauricius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. On this year the Emperour Mauricius having adopted Chosroes the Emperour of the Persians c. Vales. * To Mauricius a Theophylactus book 4. chap. 15 says that Sittas was burnt to death by the Command of Comentiolus the Magister Militiae Vales. * Or Was. * He was Grandfather to this Chosroes †Book 4. chap. 28 where see note a. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Theophylactus Simocatta book 5 chap. 13 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. in regard the Wretched Zadesprates came out of the Army which reading I like best Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Theophylactus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to disturb Vales. * Or House †Or Grandfather See book 4. chap. 28. note a. ‖ Or Pagan c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There were three sorts of Stater's 1 Stater Atticus its value in our Coyn was Fifteen Shillings 2 Stater Aureus Macâ—donicus its value in our money is Eighteen Shillings four pence 3 Stater Daricus which 't is probable is the money here meant it was valued at Fifteen Shillings our money See more in M r Brerewood de Ponderibus Pretiis veterum Nummorum chap. 8. pag. 22. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in Theophylactus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 within my self which reading I do rather approve of Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Theophylactus and Nicephorus 't is read in one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So also I found it written in the Tellerian Manuscript Vales. * Or Power †Or Pretious f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Translatours understood not this place as 't is apparent from their Version For they both render it in this manner Et unicum utrinque apertum So also Radâ—rus translated it who rendied Theophylactus into Latine save only that he has made it Hunnicum agreeable to the reading in the Greek Text of Theophylactus But Langus Nicephorus's Translatour has retained the Greek word thus Amphithyrum Hunnicum And by adding a Scholion has explained this term thus Judicio meo carceres sive cancâ—lli sunt In my judgement they are the Bars or Rails either surrounding the more Sacred Table of the Altar or keeping the people from it in each part whereof there is a door and a passage leading to it of Hunnick Work But by the favour of that Learned man he has not hit the signification of this word The Greeks termed Veyles or Curtains which hung before doors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Chrysostome in his 84 th Homily on St Matthew speaking concerning Zaâ—hâ—us who entertained our Lord at a Banquet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Consider when Christ was about to enter into his house how he adorned it for he ran not to his neighbours to borrow their Curtains and Chairs c. So in the Churches of the Christians there were Curtains before the doors as Epiphanius attests in an Epistle which Saint Jerome has done into Latine And that we may come nearer to the business at the very Altar there were Curtains where with the doors of the Altar or Choire were covered And when the Priest was about to celebrate the Eucharist those Curtains were wont to be drawn that the people might behold the Mysteries a far off This is atrested by S t Chrysostome in his third Homily on the Epistle to the Ephesians in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so also here when the sacrifice is offered and Christ is sacrificed when you shall hear these words Let us all pray together when you see the Curtains drawn then think that heaven is opened from above c. Where you see that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for the Curtains which were placed at the doors of the Altar There is also mention of these Veyles or Curtaines in an old paper of the Donation of the Cornutianensian Church which was first published by Johannes Suarefius Et pro arae or a vela Tramoscrica Alba auroclava 2 vela blattea auroclava paragaudata 2 c and afterwards vela linea paragaudata perficâ clavaturâ collomelina prasina 2 vela Linea paragaudata perficâ clavaturâ leucorhodina duo And again afterwards Item ante Regias Basilicae vela linea plumata majora fissa numero tria Item vela linea pura tria ante consistorium velum lineum purum unum In pronao velum lineum purum unum intra Basilicam pro porticibus vela linea rosulata sex Et ante secretarium vel curricula vela linea rosulata pensilia habentia arcus 2. Which place I have transcribed entire for this reason that the studious Reader may understand how manifold the use of Curtains was heretofore in the Church and that we might know what was the Hunnick veyle or Curtain in this place of Evagrius For as this paper of Donation informs us that the Persian Curtains were heretofore highly valued so the Hunnick Curtains were also chiefly commended Further the Persian Curtains are mentioned by Aristophanes's Scholiaest ad Ranas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For these Curtains were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they were hung before doors as I have said Gulielmus Bibliothecarius in the life of Stephanus Sextus has this passage Conâ—ulit in eadem Basilica Apostolorum cortinam lineam unam velothyra sâ—rica tria in circuitu altaris Whence it appears that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie the same thing Vales. a In the Greek Text of Valesius's Edition at this place we found these words wanting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were highly prevalent in which places he set forth the Ecclesiastick Dogmata or Opinions which we have inserted from Robert Stephens's Edition Valesius has exprest them in his Latine Version and so have all the other Translatours a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus has explained this place incomparably well by inserting one word thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is as Langus renders it perhibetur sane primos dentes in columnae statione mutasse 't is indeed reported that he changed his first teeth in his Station on the Pillar In the excellent Florentine and Tellerian Manuscripts 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 behaving himself like a child †Or Forgat his Nature ‖ Or Distracted into b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Rules of Grammar require that we should write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 precedes Vales. * Or One of those who
wrote under me Or Filled ‖ Or Guarded * Or Above mention * Or Were to him a Baronius does indeed place the death of Gregorius Bishop of Antioch and the Restauration of Anastasius Sinaâ—ta on the year of Christ 594. But Baronius doubts at the same place whether it ought not to be placed on the year following especially in regard Gregorius Magnus in the Register of the Letters of the thirteenth Indiction congratulates Anastafius because he had been restored to the See of Antioch But the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle who lived almost in the same times with Gregorius places Gregorius's death in the tenth year of the Empire of Mauricius on the tenth Indiction his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the tenth Indiction on this year Anastasius Patriarch of Antioch returned to Antioch after the death of Gregorius who had been Patriarch who had also before succeeded the same Anastasius Where you may note that Anastasius is called Patriarch even before his Restoration because having been deposed illegally and by force he had always retained the title of Patriarch 'T is certain Pope Gregorius in the three Letters he wrote to him at the beginning of his Episcopate does always acknowledge Anastasius to be a Patriarch But he is never found to have accounted Gregorius who had illegally taken possession of Anastasius's Chair whilst he was yet alive amongst the number of Patrlarchs Vales. b Hermodactylus was a plant unknown to the Ancients 'T is certain neither Dioscorides nor Galen have made any mention of it But the Arabians after Serapion confounded it with Colchicum and Ephemeron Whom our Apothecaries have followed and in their Shops substitute Colchicum instead of Hermodactylus But Andreds Matthiolus in his comments on the fourth book of Dioscorides hath long since taken notice of this mistake and after him others who have written concerning plants When Matthiolus published the Former Edition of his Comments he himself did not then fully know what Hermodactylus was But afterwards when he had procured that plant from the Illustrious personage Augerius Busbequius who had brought it him at his return from an Embassy at Constantinopole he gave us the Type or Cut of that plant at pag. 1109 of his Latter Edition The Roots of this plant represent the likeness of fingers with the addition of nails also Whence the plant had its name For Hermodactylus signifies the finger of Mercury Further the root hereof was heretofore given to those that were troubled with the Gout in the joynts or fingers at such time as the humours issued out for of it self and by a decoction of it it has a purgative quality as Paulus Aegineta relates in his seventh book But now a days Hermodactylus is given to those troubled with the Gout in their feet not at that time when the humours issue forth but rather when the disease is grown strong and come to its height For when Modern Physitians had found by the use of this medicine that it was noxious in the approach or augmentation of the disease they corrected the practise of the Ancient Physitians in this particular as the most famous and most Learned Tossanus de Fontaine Doctor of Physick and Regius Professor in the University of Paris informed me a person to whom I profess my self highly obliged for his singular kindness towards me and for his care and diligence in curing my distemper Vales. * Or The Junior Rome c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From these words 't is evidently concluded that Anastasius was restored to the See of Antioch a little before Gregorius's death For Evagrius says that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch dyed after Anastasius had been restored to his own Chair Yet Nicephorus thought that nothing else was meant by these words but that Anastasius had been restored to his own See after Gregorius's death Vales. d Anastasius had been deposed on the year of Christ 570 as I have observed above in my notes on book 5. chap. 5. From this year to the tenth of Mauricius's Empire whereon he was restored to his See as the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle informs us that is to the year of Christ 592 there are three and twenty years Vales. e From these words some one might prehaps conjecture that which Baronius has also supposed that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch dyed on the twelfth year of the Emperour Mauricius For why should Evagrius say that he had closed his History on the twelfth year of Mauricius's Empire unless he had related some thing before which had been done on the twelfth year of the same Mauricius Notwithstanding after a more diligent inspection into the thing Evagrius seems not in my judgment to have designed to mean that by these words for Evagrius says that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch had ended his life at such time as Gregorius Governed the Roman and Eulogius the Alexandrian Church and whilst Johannes presided over the Church at Jerusalem Which Johannes having ended his life not long after Evagrius saith no body was as yet put into his place Evagrius therefore closed not his History with the death of Gregorius in regard he relates that after Gregorius's death Johannes Bishop of Jerusalem dyed and that after his death no person was yet put into his See at that time when he wrote these things Wherefore Evagrius by these words means only this that he wrote these things on the twelfth year of Mauricius's Empire Vales. * Or A wandring History †Or Sustained f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I like not the Rendition of Christophorson and Musculus who think that the honour of the Quaesture was conferred upon our Evagrius by Tiberius But Evagrius does not say that he had the dignity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Quaestor given him but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Quaestorius Now there is a great difference between Quaestor and Quaestorius For he is Quaestor who bears the Office of Quaestor But Quaestorius is he who has already born that Office In regard therefore Evagrius says that he had the honour Ex-Quaestore given him he means that the Codicills Ex-Quaestore were conferred on him by the Emperour altogether in the same manner wherein as he adds immediately the Codicills Ex-Prafectis Praetorio were bestowed on him by the Emperour Mauricius Further such persons as by their deserts had procured these Codicills enjoyed all those priviledges which belonged to the Honorati who had born those dignities to wit of the Quaesture and of the Praefecture But in my opinion the reading at this place ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being understood the dignity of Quaestorius Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Translatours understood not this place For Musculus renders it thus unde ista composuimus cum ille imperii ignominiam ablaturus Theodosium in lucem produxit whence we composed those things when he about to take away the ignominie of the Empire brought Theodosius into the light
of the Heathens See chap. 43 note b. But Christophorson renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praeterea besides as if it 't were the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which manner Eusebius expresses himself at chap. 43. Vales. Valesius renders it in the same manner with Christophorson * Or Remeasurings †The punishment allotted him was as we are told to starve in the midst of plenty a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 After these words an Asterisk is to be placed For there is an imperfection which nevertheless may be made up from book 10. chap. 8. in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declining from the way of sober reason In the Fuk. Turneb and Savil. Copies the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b He means Galerius Maximianus who was the first Authour and Ringleader of the Christians Persecution as Euscbius relates in book 8. of his Eccles. History Cedrenus writes that on the eighteenth year of Diocletian Maximianus had raised a Persecution against the Christians by the perswasion of one Theotecnus an Impostour Who having forged Acts of Pilate stuft with impiety against Christ Galerius made an establishment by an Edict that Masters should give them to their Schollars to be learned by heart But any one may perceive that Cedrenus is out here who attributes that to Galerius Maximianus which was performed long after by Maximinus This is an usuall mistake amongst the Greeks to confound Maximianus with Maximinus Vales. * Or Deadly a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Praeposition must be expunged Further this person termed the Latter is Maximinus Tyrant of the East Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 †Or Searing-Irons †Or Hope * Or Invented †Or Of universall providence * Or Figure * Or Wrote * See Euseb Eccles. Hist. book 9. chap 10 note a. †Or Adhered to or closed with those very Actions or persons * Or Rebells against God †Or By the treachery of his Governours in each Province a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from book 10. chap. 8. of his Eccles. History where these passages occur almost word for word Further 't is strange that Eusebius should have made no mention either in his Ecclesiastick History or in these books of Basileus Bishop of the Amasâ—ni which Prelate nevertheless as all Greek Writers do agree was slain by Licinius's order But Philostorgius in the first book of his Eccles. History writes in express words that Basileus Bishop of Amasca in Pontus was present at the Nicaene Councill Further the Nicaene Councill as 't is manifest amongst all men was convened the year after Licinius's deposition Besides Athanasius in his first Oration against the Arians where he makes mention of the eminent Bishops who were either present with him at the Nicaene Councill or had approved of his opinion together with others names Basileus Bishop of Pontus Nor does he style him Martyr although he there terms Hosius Confessour The Acts also of Basileus which are extant in Metaphrastes seem to me foolish and fabulous And most of the passages which occur at the beginning of them are word for word taken out of Eusebius But that little story concerning the Virgin Glaphyra was in my judgment framed by some idle people Vales. * Or Siege a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuk Manuscript and in S r Henry Savils Copy 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in book 10. chap. 8. of his Eccles. History 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Constantine †Or Account ‖ Or Defence a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In book 10. chap. 9. whence this passage is transcribed instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clemency only which seems truer I had also rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unless the Dative case may be taken for the Ablative put absolute Vales. * Or usuall †Or The signs or Marks of his good hope in God by the c. * Or Priests a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He alludes to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Guards of his Body As therefore the Emperours had always some Souldiers with them to guard their bodies so Constantine would have some Bishops who were the guards of his soul as 't were always present with him Further after the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be placed a point from the King 's and Fuketian Manuscripts which Chistophorson perceived not But in the Fuketian Turneb and Savil. Copies 't is truer written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he carried along with him A little after in the Fuketian Manuscript the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was informed that Constantine c. which is truer in my judgment Vales. The reading in Robert Stephens is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But he himself Although our Manuscript Copies have no alteration here save that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Fuketian Manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in the old sheets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must I think be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rather in one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom he thought c. Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Kings Manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is without controversie In the Fuketian Savil. and Turneb Copies 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without contradiction Vales. e It must as it seems be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So this whole place is to be restored In the Fuketian Manuscript 't is thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the best reading and we have therefore followed it in our Version Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 After these words these following 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are wanting in the Kings Manuscript and are added in the margin in a very modern hand If I may have leave to conjecture I think it should be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Interpreters of Dreams and Aruspices or Sacrificers affirmed the like was c. Turnebus in his Copy had mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Augures In the Fuketian and Savil. Copies 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover the Interpreters of Dreams predicted c. Vales. †Or Sacrifices g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Manuscript this place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He proceeded forth with great confidence pitching his Camp as well as 't was possible Which reading and punctation displeases not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies castrametari to pitch a Camp or lodge an Army Vales. * Or The War a It was the usage of the Heathens to light Tapers before the Statues of their Gods as may be observed from the 22 book of Amm. Marcellinus pag. 226 of Valesius's Edition
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. do sufficiently shew the very same thing For who would say concerning care and solicitude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the foresaid care and solicitude That would have been altogether trifling and foolish But in our Version all things are plain and clear For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred our foresaid mother in law who by reason of her Piety and Religion could not hide so great an impiety but by Letter declared it to her Son-in-law Constantine that at length he might remedie this mischief Eutropia therefore was a Christian as we learn from this place Her daughter Fausta also profest the Christian Faith and together with her husband Constantine was buried in the Church of The Apostles Further I must not omit what I found noted at the margin of the Kings Copy For there over against the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of a Scholion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mother was written as if Constantine meant his own mother Helena which explication I don't approve of 'T is certain Sozomen says it was the Emperour Constantine's Mother-in-law who when She was come to the Oak Mamre and had found there the detestable impieties of the Heathens gave Constantine an account of that affair See Sozomen Book 2. chap. 4. Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 favour towards us I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 towards you although the common reading may be born with Further by a small transposition of the words I would have the beginning of this Letter read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This was one and the greatest favour c. The other reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Vales. a This place was likewise called Terebinthus distant from the City Jerusalem about thirty miles as we are told by the Authour of the Jerusalem Itinerarie who lived in the times of Constantine the great His words are these Inde Terebintho millia 9. ubi Abraham habitavit c. Thence to Terebinthus nine miles where Abraham dwelt and dug a well under a Turpentine tree and spake with the Angels and took food There a Church is built by Constantine's order of a wonderfull beauty Then from Terebinthus to Chebron two miles where there is a Monument or Memory built four-square or by a four-square-figure of Stones of a wonderfull beauty wherein are laid Abraham Isaac Jacob c. Sozomen also book 2. chap. 4 relates that that place was termed Terebinthus Now this place was so called from a Turpentine-tree which was said to be the oldest Tree there and to have stood from the very beginning of the world as Josephus attests in his fifth Book of the Jewish Wars Although others said it was the Staff of one of the Angels which appeared to Abraham from which Staff thrust into the ground sprang up a Turpentine-tree So Georgius Syncellus tells us in his Chronicon But 't is strange whereas there was an Oak there under which Abraham had pitcht his Tent as we read Gen. 18. why that place should have taken its name from a Turpentine-tree rather than from an Oak Vales. In our English Bibles at Genesis 18 there is not the least mention of an Oak but of a Tree only at verse 8. Nor does Saint Jerom in his Translation term it an Oak Indeed in the Version of the 72 at Gen. 18. 1. we have these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the Oak Mambre but the expression in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Plaines of Mamre The Seventy Two were belike of opinion that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the determination whereof is left to the Learned b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Kings Copy the Fuk. Manuscript and in the Kings Sheets 't is truer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is She says defiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mother-in-law is understood Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 You must again understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mother-in-law Our Mother-in-law says Constantine has related to us that there is an Altar there whereon impure sacrifices are offered Vales. d I suppose that the Pictures of the Angels are meant which had appeared there to Abraham For the Heathens worshipped these Pictures Moreover the Heathens worshipped the Turpentine-tree it self as Eusebius informs us in his fifth book Demonstr Evangel chap. 9. Which place Scaliger in his Animadversions on Eusebius pag. 192. took in a wrong sense For he thought that that Turpentine-tree had had the highest honour imaginable paid to it by the Christians and he cites Eusebius as the Relatour of that thing But Eusebius speaks of the Heathens there not concerning the Christians For after he had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherefore to this present time this place is adored as being Divine by those that dwell near it and the Turpentine-tree is visible which as yet stands He adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Angells which were entertained by Abraham are painted in a Table there on each side one but he in the middle is made better and exceeds in honour He is our forementioned Lord himself our Saviour whom they ignorantly worship You see Eusebius does here plainly speak of the Heathens who were ignorant of Christ. For this cannot be spoken of the Christians Our opinion is confirmed by Sozomen book 2. chap 4 where he discourses at large concerning that Market kept at the Terebinthus For he writes that every year in Summer time Jews Christians and Pagans came thither out of Palestine Phoenice and Arabia partly on account of Trade and partly for Religion and that all these celebrated a Festival after their own way For the Heathens he says adored the Angells offering to them Sacrifices and meat and drink-offerings The Pictures therefore of the Angells were there to which the Pagans offered Victims Saint Jerom de Locis Hebraicis where he treats concerning Arboch writes in this manner Quercus Abraham quae Mambre The Oak of Abraham which is also called Mambre was to be seen there untill the times of the Emperour Constantine and his Sepulchre is at present visible And in regard a Church is now built there by us Terebinthus the Turpentine-tree is superstitiously worshipped by all the Nations round because under that Abraham heretofore entertained the Angells Saint Jerom has added many things here of his own head For Eusebius himself in his book de Locis Hebraicis has only these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Arbo This is Chebrom now a great Village heretofore a Metropolis the ancient Habitation of the strange Nations or Philistines and Gyants and after that the Royal City of David It was in the alotment of the Tribe Judah and was one of the Cities set out to the Levites one of the Cities of Refuge also distant from Aelia at the North two and twenty miles The Oak of Abraham and his Sepulchre are to be seen there and the
THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH From Our LORD's Incarnation to the Twelfth Year of the Emperour MAURICIUS TIBERIUS or the Year of CHRIST 594. As it was written in Greek by EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS Native of Constantinople and EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS born at Epiphania in Syria Secunda Made English from that Edition of these Historians which VALESIUS published at Paris in the Years 1659 1668 and 1673. Also The LIFE of CONSTANTINE in Four Books Written by EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS with CONSTANTINE'S ORATION to the CONVENTION OF THE SAINTS and EUSEBIUS's Speech in Praise of CONSTANTINE Spoken at His TRICENNALIA VALESIUS's Annotations on these Authours are done into English and set at their proper places in the Margin as likewise a Translation of His Account of their Lives and Writings With Two Index's the one of the Principal Matters that occur in the Text the other of those contained in the Notes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socrat. Eccles. Histor. Lib. 1. Cap. 18. HINC LUCEM ET POCULA SACRA CAMBRIDGE Printed by John Hayes Printer to the University For Han. Sawbridge at the Sign of the Bible on Ludgate Hill London 1683. The Publisher of this ENGLISH Translation to the READER VALESIUS has spoken so fully and satisfactorily concerning what He has done in His Edition of these following Ecclesiastick Historians as to His Amendments of the Greek Text as to His Latine Version of them and as to His Explanation of the obscurer passages that occur in them and besides has added such compleat Accounts concerning the Lives and Histories of these Authours all which particulars because they were judged necessary to be made known to the English Reader are done into His own language and prefixed before each Writer whom they concern that 't is needless to give the Reader any farther trouble here than barely to acquaint Him for what reason this English-Translation was at first attempted and by what Helps and Assistances this attempt has at length been finished It can't be supposed a thing unknown to any person though He may have been but meanly conversant amongst Books that this is not the first time wherein these Church-Historians have appeared in English For 't is now almost a Compleat Century since Meredith Hanmer Doctour of Divinity first published His Translation of them all excepting onely Eusebius's Four Books concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine and the Two Orations subjoyned thereto which by a Dedication to S r John Lambe Knight Doctour of Laws and Dean of the Arches of Canterbury seem to have been made English several years after Doctour Hanmer's death by one M r Wye Saltonstall After Four Editions of Doctour Hanmer's Translation a fifth whereto was added M r Saltonstall's Version of the Life of Constantine and the Two Orations was published in the Year 1650. Which Impression being sold off and the Book become Scarce the person whose propriety D r Hanmer's Translation was some few years since resolved to reprint it This resolution He communicated to some friends whom He knew to be able Advisers and Directers in an affair of that Nature From them He received answer to this effect that in Doctour Hanmer's Translation they saw many things that wanted Correction which they supposed were not so much to be attributed to the Doctour as to the imperfection and mistakes of the Greek Text and those Latine Translatours which the Doctour had made use of that now there was a fair way opened whereby the errours in the Doctour's Translation might be Corrected in regard the Original Text of these Historians after it had been compared with several Ancient Manuscripts of the best Note whereby the imperfections in it were supplied and the faults committed in other Editions amended was together with an excellent Latine Version thereof published at Paris by Henricus Valesius a person of such eminent Learning that by the unanimous consent of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of the Gallican Church He had been pitcht upon and employed as the fittest man to undertake a work of this Nature and therefore their advise was that the Doctour's Translation should be compared with that Edition of these Historians which Valesius had published and that whereever it differed it should be made to agree with the Greek Text thereof After receipt of this advise 't was resolved it should be followed And accordingly a Reverend and Learned Divine was prevailed with to undertake this Work Who after He had done some few Chapters onely of the First Book of Eusebius's History for reasons best known to Himself desisted But by this Tryal of His it plainly appeared that besides its being an invidious attempt to go about to interpolate what another person had long since put his last hand to it was a work of far greater labour to bring Doctor Hanmer's Translation to an agreement with the Greek Text of Valesius's Edition than to make a New One. On which account this latter was resolv'd upon and by Divine assistance being now finished is here presented to the Reader 's view The Reader having been acquainted with the Reason why this New Translation was at first attempted 't is fit He should know farther by what Helps and Assistances this attempt has at length been finished This Version as has been intimated was taken immediately from the Greek according to that Edition which Henricus Valesius set forth at Paris whence this advantage will accrue that whatever errours are found in it will be errours but of one descent Besides Valesius's Edition That which Robert Stephens Printed at Paris in the year 1544 was likewise all along consulted Nor were the Latine Translatours of these Historians refused or neglected namely these four Musculus's Version Dedicated to Edward the Sixth King of England and Printed at Basil in the year 1549 the Translation of John Christophorson heretofore Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge afterwards Bishop of Chichester Printed at Coloigne in the year 1570 John Curterius's Version or rather his Emendation of Christophorson's Printed at Paris in the year 1571 and lastly Grinaeus's Translation set forth at Basil in the year 1591. All which Versions were all along inspected and in all places that required it their Disagreements or Consents are as the Reader will find taken notice of unless the Learned Valesius's diligence had made those Remarks needless As for the Notes they are in a manner all Valesius's nor is any Remark of his left untranslated though perhaps some times made shorter that was judg'd of use to an English Reader and becoming an English Translation If the Reader does as now and then He will meet with a Note that has not Valesius's name set at the bottome He may conclude that not to be Valesius's however He generally meets with some intimation or other whereby notice is given him on what authority such a remark is grounded But whereas in Valesius's Edition His Notes on all these Historians are placed together in a Body by themselves at
and â—led from the City ibid. Chap. 18. Concerning Eudoxia's Silver Statue and how Johannes was ejected out of his Church again on account of that and conveyed into banishment Page 365 Chap. 19 Concerning Arsacius who was Ordained Johannes's successour and concerning Cyrinus Bishop of Chalcedon Page 366 Chap. 20. How after Arsacius Atticus obtained the Constantinopolitan See Page 367 Chap. 21. Concerning Johannes's departure to the Lord in Exile ibid. Chap. 22. Concerning Sisinnius Bishop of the Novatianists what expressions he is said to have used in his discourses with Johannes ibid. Chap. 23. Concerning the death of the Emperour Arcadius Page 368 Book VII Chap. 1. THat after the Emperour Arcadius's death who left his Son Theodosius then eight years old Anthemius the Praefect had the chief management of affaires in the Empire pag. 369 Chap. 2. Concerning Atticus Bishop of Constantinople what manner of person he was as to his temper and disposition Page 370 Chap. 3. Concerning Theodosius and Agapetus Bishops of Synnada ibid. Chap. 4. Concerning the Paralyticall Jew who was cured by Atticus the Bishop in Divine Baptism Page 371 Chap. 5. How Sabbatius from being a Jew had been made a Presbyter of the Novatianists deserted those of his own opinion ibid. Chap. 6. Concerning those who at that time were the Ring-leaders of the Arian Opinion Page 372 Chap. 7. How Cyrillus succeeded Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria ibid. Chap. 8. Concerning Maruthas Bishop of Mesopotamia and how the Christian Religion was by him propagated in Persia. ibid. Chap. 9. Who were Bishops of Antioch and Rome at this time Page 373 Chap. 10. That Rome became subject to the Barbarians at that time and was destroyed by Alarichus ibid. Chap. 11. Concerning the Bishops of Rome Page 374 Chap. 12. Concerning Chrysanthus Bishop of the Novatianists at Constantinople ibid. Chap. 13. Concerning the Fight which hapned at Alexandria between the Christians and Jews and concerning Cyrillus the Bishop's difference with Orestes the Praefect ibid. Chap. 14. That the Monks of Nitria came down to Alexandria in defence of Cyrillus and raised a Sedition against Orestes the Praefect Page 375 Chap. 15. Concerning Hypatia the Philosopheress Page 376 Chap. 16. That the Jews entring upon another War against the Christians were punished Page 377 Chap. 17. Concerning Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists and concerning the Miracle done by him when he was about to have baptized a Jewish Impostour ibid. Chap. 18. How after the death of Isdigerdes the Persian King the League between the Romans and Persians was broken and a bloudy War hapned wherein the Persians were worsted ibâ—d Chap. 19. Concerning Palladius the Courier pag. 378 Chap. 20. How the Persians had another severe overthrow given them by the Romans Page 379 Chap. 21. After what manner Acacius Bishop of Amida behaved himself toward the Persian Captives ibid. Chap. 22. Concerning the excellencies wherewith the Emperour Theodosius Junior was endowed Page 380 Chap. 23. Concerâ—ing Johannes who Tyrannized at Rome after Honorius the Emperour's death And how God mollified by Theodosius's prayers delivered him into the hands of the Roman Army Page 381 Chap. 24. That after the slaughter of Johannes the Tyrant Theodosius the Emperour proclaimed Valentinianus the Son of Constantius and of his Aunt Placidia Emperour of Rome Page 382 Chap. 25. Concerning Atticus's Government of the Churches and that he ordered Johannes's name to be written into the Dypticks of the Church and that he foreknew his own death ibid. Chap. 26. Concerning Sisinnius Atticus's successour in the Constantinopolitane Bishoprick Page 383 Chap. 27. Concerning Philippus the Presbyter who was born at Side Page 384 Chap. 28. That Sisindius Ordained Proclus Bishop of Cyzicum but the Inhabitants of that City would not admit him to be their Bishop ibid. Chap. 29. That after Siâ—innius's death the Emperours sent for Nestorius from Antioch and made him Bishop of Constantinople who quickly discovered his own temper and disposition ibid. Chap. 30. After what manner the Burgundions embraced the Christian Religion in the Reign of Theodosius Junior Page 385 Chap. 31. With what miseriâ—s the Macedonians were afflicted by Nestorius ibid. Chap. 32. Concerning the Presbyter Anastasius by whom Nestorius was perverted to Impiety Page 386 Chap. 33. Concerning the horrid wickedness committed upon the Altar of the Great Church by the â—ugitiâ—e servants pag. 387 Chap. 34. Concerning the former Synod at Ephesus convened against Nestorius ibid. Chap. 35. How after Nestorius's Deposition when some were desirous of placing Proclus in the Episcopal Chair other Bishops elected Maximianus Bishop of Constantinople Page 388 Chap. 36. Instances whereby this Writer does as he supposes evince that a Translation from one See to another is not prohibited ibid. Chap. 37. Concerning Silvanus who was translated from Philippopolis to Troas Page 389 Chap. 38. Concerning the Jews in Creet how many of them turned Christians at that time Page 390 Chap. 39. Concerning the Fire which hapned in the Church of the Novatianists ibid. Chap. 40. That Proclus succeeded Maximianus the Bishop Page 391 Chap. 41. Concerning Proclus the Bishop what manner of man he was ibid. Chap. 42. That this Writer spends many words in praise of the Emperour Theodosius Junior's probity Page 392 Chap. 43. How great calamities those Barbarians underwent who had been the Tyrant Johannes's Auxiliaries ibid. Chap. 44. That the Emperour Valentinianus Junior married Eudoxia the daughter of Theodosius ibid. Chap. 45. That Proclus the Bishop perswaded the Emperour to translate the body of Johannes from the place of his Exile where it had been buried to Constantinople and to deposite it in the Church of The Apostles Page 393 Chap. 46. Concerning the death of Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists and concerning Marcianus who was his successour ibid. Chap. 47. That the Emperour Theodosius sent his Wife Eudoxia to Jerusalem Page 394 Chap. 48. Concerning Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia ibid. The Contents of the Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus Epiphaniensis in VI. Books Book I. THE Preface Pag. 401 Chap. 1. That after the destruction of the impious Julian when the Heresieâ— had been a little quieted the devil afterwards disturbed the Faith again ibid. Chap. 2. How Nestorius was detected by his disciple Anastasius who in his Sermon termed the Holy Mother of God not Theotocos but Christotocos for which reason Nestorius was pronounced an Heretick Page 402 Chap. 3. What Cyrillus the Great wrote to Nestorius and how the third Synod at Ephesus was convened to which Johannes Bishop of Antioch and Theodoret came late Page 403 Chap. 4. How Nestorius was deposed by the Synod before the arrival of the Bishop of Antioch Page 404 Chap. 5. That Johannes Bishop of Antioch coming to Ephesus after five days deposes Cyrillus Bishop of Alexandria and Memnon Bishop of Ephesus whom the Synod pronounced innocent soon after and deposed Johannes and his party And how by the interposition of the Emperour Theodosius Cyrillus and Johannes were reconciled and confirmed
verses manifesting our Lord and his Passiant The Acrostick is this JESUS CHRIST SON OF GOD SAVIOUR CROSS Page 652 Chap. 19. That this Prophesie concerning our Saviour was not forged by any of the Christians but was written by Sibylla Erythraea whose books Cicero rendred into Latine Verse before the coming of Christ. And that Virgil makes mention of this Sibyll as also of a Virgin delivered of a Child but He sang of this Mystery obscurely out of a fear of those then in power Page 654 Chap. 20. Other Verses of Virgilius Maro's concerning Christ and the interpretation of them in which 't is shown but obscurely as the usage of Poets is that The Mystery is disclosed Page 655 Chap. 21. That 't is impossible for these things to be spoken concerning a meer Man and that unbelievers by reason of their ignorance of the Divine worship know not even whence they have their being Page 657 Chap. 22. The Emperour's Thanksgiving wherein He ascribes his Victories and all his other Blessings to Christ also a Reproof of Maximinus the Tyrant of those times who by the severity of his Persecution had increased the Glory of the Christian Religion Page 658 Chap. 23. Concerning the Polity of the Christians and that the Deity rejoyces in those who lead Virtuous lives and that we ought to expect a Judgement and a Retribution Page 659 Chap. 24. Concerning Decius Valerianus and Aurelianus who ended their lives miserably because of their Persecution of the Church Page 660 Chap. 25. Concerning Diocletian who with infamy resigned the Empire and by reason of his Persecuting the Church was stricken with Thunder ibid. Chap. 26. That God is the cause of the Emperour's Piety and that we ought to seek prosperous events from God and to impute them to him but must ascribe faults to our own sloth and negligence Page 661 Eusebius Pamphilus's Oration in praise of the Emperour Constantine spoken at his Tricennalia is divided into XVIII Chapters without Contents ANcient Writers were wont before their Books to set an Index or Contents of the Chapters to the end the Readers might know at first sight as 't were what was treated of in each Book Now this was usually done by them two ways For they either prefixt the Contents of all the Books together before their whole work as Plinius Secundus has done in his Books of Natural History Or else their usage was to set the Contents of the Chapters before each Book as Our Eusebius has done in His Ecclesiastick History For 't is not to be doubted but Eusebius did Himself make these Contents or Titles of the Chapters and set them before His Books of History as they now occur We may indeed observe that in these Contents Eusebius does always Speak of Himself in the first person For instance after the Contents of the Chapters of the Second Book these words occur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is Note that this Book was collected by us out of the Writings of Clemens Tertullian Josephus and Philo. Besides in His Seventh Book these are the Contents of the last Chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. That is Concerning those Ecclesiastick persons who were famous in Our Own age c. Whence it may plainly be gathered that Eusebius the Compiler of this History was the Authour of The Contents of the Chapters also Besides Rufinus who rendred the Books of Ecclesiastick History into Latine about Six hundred years after Eusebius's death found the same Contents in His Greek Copy which now occur in Our Copies And this is apparent from Rufinus's Manuscript Copies one of which written out above Seven hundred years since I have in my Custody For in them the Contents of the Chapters are always set before every Book in the same order wherein they are now placed in Our Greek Manuscript Copies And Rufinus calls them Capitula But Cassiodorus in His Preface to the Tripartite History terms them righter Titulos as does likewise S t Cyprian in His Exhortation to Martyrdom written to Fortunatus Compendium feci says He ut propositis titulis quos quis noscere debeat tenere Capitula Dominica Subnecterem Where you see that Tituli are distinguished from Capitula Moreover Suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 remarks that Tituli differ from Capitula For instance S t Matthew He says contains Sixty eight Tituli but Three hundred fifty five Capitula and so concerning the other Gospels Capitulum is properly a part of a Book which contains the entire Narrative of some one thing But Titulus is an Index set above the Capitulum and sometimes One Titulus or Title contains many Capita or Chapters as may be seen in The Pandects of the Civil Law The same thing was heretofore visible in S t Matthew's Gospel which had more Chapters than Titles as Suidas does attest So also in the other Gospels For that passage which occurs in Suidas namely that S t Mark had fourty eight Tituli and but thirty six Capita is faulty and instead of thirty six it must be mended thus two hundred thirty three as may be plainly gathered from The Canons of the Gospels which Our Eusebius composed But sometimes each Titulus does answer each Capitulum as t is in these Books of Ecclesiastick History And in the Mazarine and Medicaean Copies The Titali or Contents of each Book are prefixed together with the Numeral Notes or Figures But in The Fuketian Manuscript after the Titulus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added together with the Numeral Note But this term never occurs in those Excellent Copies which I have mentioned Yea instead thereof I found the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placed in the Beginning of the Fourth Book over the very Contents of the Chapters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is The Contents of the Fourth Book Vales. THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF Eusebius Pamphilus IN TEN BOOKS Made English from that Edition set forth by VALESIUS and Printed at PARIS in the Year 1659. Together with VALESIUS's Annotations on the said Historian which are done into ENGLISH and set at their proper places in the Margin Hereto also is annexed an account of the Life and Writings of the foresaid Historian Collected by VALESIUS and Rendred into ENGLISH HINC LUCEM ET PUCULA SACRA CAMBRIDGE Printed by John Hayes Printer to the University 1683. VALESIUS'S PREFACE To HIS EDITION of EUSEBIUS'S HISTORY HAving performed the Office of a Solemn Dedication 't is now time Most Illustrious Prelates That I should give You a particular Account of my Work For whereas this Labour was undertaken by me on Your account chiefly and by Your Command I do both wish and also hope that before all others You will be the Readers and Judges of my Work There are three things therefore which I have endeavoured to perform in this Edition The first is an Amendment of the Greek Text The second a Latine Version of it The third
but had found it already raised by various Councills as 't is requisite in so Great an affair long and accurately weighed at length He hath resolv'd upon this that the Spaniards are to be broken by a lasting War and must really be made to know how powerfull the French are in Arms Riches Valour Constancy and the other necessary Provisions and Helps for a War that the Enemy made sensible of their own weakness and the power of the French might be slower in future to provoke Our Nation either by Arms or injuries For 't was His Sentiment that a firm and secure Peace could no otherwise be made with the Enemy than till such time as by their frequent Overthrows and Losses they had perceived that they were inferiour to the French in waging War Therefore when the Spaniards no otherwise than the Phrygians had at length understood that then the most Eminent Cardinal perceiving a fit opportunity of entring into a Peace presented it self refus'd not to make it with the Enemy and to recede something from Our Right from the chief point of the whole War lastly from that Hope and Victory which we had now almost in our hands that thereby He might promote the Good of the people answer the wishes of all good men and gratifie the desire of the whole Christian world In which affair I can't indeed enough admire His singular prudence and His wisdom that was so salutary to the State For the Peace was for no other reason deferred so long than that in future it might be lastinger and more firm And let thus much be said by the by concerning the praises of the most Eminent Cardinal Who having during the War never desisted from cherishing Learning and Learned men in a most gracious manner 't is much more to be hop'd that in the time of His Own Peace He will embrace the same Arts with a choice Affection and Care and will bring it to effect that Our French who for the Glory of Arms have been always eminent above other Nations may now excell for the praise of Learning and in the studies of the best Arts. But 't is now time that we should return thither whence we have digress'd That third Copy therefore which the Library of the Most Eminent Cardinal hath furnished us with is far the best and ancientest of all those Copies of Eusebius which I have seen For whatever Emendations we found in other Copies are all shown us by that Manuscript and many other Amendments occur in it which I found not in other Copies as the Studious Readers will be able to perceive from my Annotations It is written in Parchment transcrib'd about seven hundred years since most neatly and also most correctly It has likewise Short Expositions now and then set at the side sometimes in an ancient sometimes in a more modern hand which Expositions we have set down in Our Notes at their due places Many other things also are to be taken notice of in that Excellent Manuscript partly in the Accents partly in the Distinction or Punctation For as to the Accents in that Manuscript words are often acuted which in other Copies have a Circumflex Accent For instance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that Copy are always acuted But on the contrary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in other Manuscripts is mark'd with an acute Accent is Circumflected in that Copy And this in my judgment is righter But as to the Distinction which we vulgarly term the Punctation this Copy is so accurately poynted that from this very one Manuscript you may understand the whole manner and knowledge of poynting which is a thing of no small moment Indeed before I had procured this Copy I was not thorowly acquainted with the usefulness and necessity of the Middle distinction with which that very one Book diligently inspected and examined hath at length made me acquainted But we shall speak more hereafter concerning the Distinction This moreover I have observed in that most ancient Manuscript as often as a full distinction or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is set in any Line the first Letter of the following Line appears without the order of the rest and touches upon the very outward margin And this is a signe that a new Chapter or a new period is begun after that final distinction I have observed the same in the other Manuscript Copies also Indeed in the Old Sheets of the King's Library which contain Eusebius's Books concerning the Life of Constantine I have found that 't is always so as often as a new Chapter is begun We had besides a fourth Copy out of the Library of that most illustrious personage Nicholas Fuket who bears the Office of Procuratour General in the Senate of Paris and at the same time manages the Praefecture of the Royal Treasury with the highest commendation And these four Manuscript Copies we have made use of in order to our amendment of the Books of Ecclesiastick History But we have compared the Books concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine with three ancient Copies The first is that Copy of the King 's concerning which I have spoken above in which Manuscript before the Books of Ecclesiastick History occur the four Books concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine written though not in the same nevertheless in an ancient hand The second place belongs to the Old Sheets of the King's Library So I call certain papers which are digested into Quaternions but they are loose and are not made up into the form of a Book In these Sheets besides Eusebius's Books concerning the Life of Constantine and the Oration of the same Emperour to the Saints occurs the first Quaternion of the Ecclesiastick History whereof I have likewise made frequent mention in my Notes All the rest of it by what accident I know not is lost The Fuketian Library furnished us with the third Copy Wherein before the four Books concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine is prefixt Eusebius's Panegyrick spoken to the same Constantine in the thirtieth year of His Empire This Copy though of the meanest Antiquity is nevertheless of the best Note and in many places more correct and larger than those two former which Robert Stephens made use of in His Edition Besides these Manuscript Copies we were assisted by those various Readings and Emendations which learned men had with their own hands noted at the margin of Robert Stephens's Edition Of which sort many Books are now to be found But we made use more especially of three which are likewise often mentioned in our Notes The first was Hadrian Turnebus's which with great exactness He had compared with The King 's and The Medicaean Copy But the Books concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine had been compared with an English Copy either by the hand of Hadrian Turnebus Himself or that of Odo Turnebus The second Copy was Vulcobius's which because Renatus Moraeus a Physician
is the Glory of Good Servants to speak truth concerning the Lord and 't is the honour of those Fathers who have taught well if their Doctrines be repeated And again in the same Book pag. 37. Haec audiebamus semper a beato illo viro c. These words we always heard from that Blessed man For they were often spoken in this manner by him although some suspected that he uttered these words with his mouth but that in his heart he thought otherwise And indeed I remember with you that I have heard from him that he hath satisfied us with an holy oath that there was not one thing in his tongue and another in his heart And a little after Sed 〈◊〉 quidem paucis c. But now Let thus much be said by us in short in memory and honour of that Our Father so Good so Laborious and every where vigilant for the Churches For we have not made mention of his Stock nor of his Education or Learning or of the rest of his Life and Resolution Which passages in Eusebius that I may not defraud any one of his commendation were shown me by the Most Learned Franciscus Ogerius Now from what I have said it may be evidently enough gathered that Eusebius was joyned to Pamphilus by no Tye of kindred but by the Bond of friendship onely 'T is certain Euseb us although he names Pamphilus in so many places and boasts so highly of his friendship yet never terms him his Kinsman or Relation Tea from Eusebius ' s own Testimony 't is plainly made out that Pamphilus the Martyr was not Eusebius ' s Kinsman For in the close of his Seventh Book of Ecclesiastick History where he makes mention of Agapius Bishop of the Church of Caesarea his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In this man's time we knew Pamphilus a most eloquent man and a true Philosopher in the practises of his Life honoured with a Presbytership of that Church Whereas therefore Eusebius himself does attest that Pamphilus was first known by him then it is sufficiently apparent that they were not joyned together by any kindred or affinity In these times hapned that most severe Persecution of the Christians which being first begun by Diocletian was by the following Emperours continued to the tenth year In the time of this Persecution Eusebius in regard he was then a Presbyter of the Church of Caesarea resided almost constantly in that City and by continual Exhortations instructed many persons in order to Martyrdom Amongst whom was Apphianus a noble Youth whose illustrious Combat Our Eusebius does relate in his Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine In the same Persecution Pamphilus was taken and cast into Prison where he spent two whole years in Bonds During which time Eusebius in no wise deserted his Friend and Companion but visited him continually and in the Prison wrote together with him Five Books in defence of Origen the Sixth and last Book of that Work he at length finished after Pamphilus was dead That whole work was by Eusebius and Pamphilus dedicated to the Confessours living in the Mines of Palestine as Photius relates in his Bibliotheca Chapter 118. In the time of the same Persecution on account of some urgent Business of the Church as 't is probable Eusebius went to Tyre During his residence in that City he attests Book 8. Chap 7. that he himself was eye-witness of the Glorious Combats of five Egyptian Martyrs And in the Ninth Chapter of the same Book he writes that he came into Egypt and Thebais whilst the fury of the Persecution as yet rag'd and that there he beheld with his own eyes the admirable constancy of many Martyrs of both Sexes There are those who relate that Eusebius in this Persecution to free himself from the Troubles of a Prison sacrificed to Idols and that that was objected against him by the Egyptian Bishops and Confessours in the Synod at Tyre as we will hereafter relate But I doubt not but this is false and a caluâ—â—y forged by the Enemies of Eusebius For had so great a Crime been really committed by Eusebius how could he have been afterwards made Bishop of the Church of Caesarea How is it likely that he should have been invited by the Antiochians to undertake the Episcopate of that City And yet Cardinal Baronius has catcht up that as certain and undoubted which was objected against Eusebius by the way of contention and wrangling by his Enemies nor was ever confirm'd by any one's Testimony At the same time a Book was written by Eusebius against Hierocles The occasion of writing it was given by Hierocles of Nicomedia who about the beginning of this Persecution when the Churches of the Christians were every where demolished insulting as 't were over the disquieted Religion in the City Nicomedia published two Books against the faith of Christ which he entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In which Books amongst other things he asserted this that Apollonius Tyaneus performed far more and greater Miracles than Christ as Lactantius does attest in his Seventh Book But Eusebius contemning the Man rested satisfied in confuting him in a very short Book Agapius Bishop of Caesarea being dead during this interval and the Persecution being now abated and peace restored to the Church by the general consent of all persons Eusebius is put into his place Others make Agricola who was present at and subscribed to the Synod of Ancyra on the year of Christ 314 Successour to Agapius So Baronius in his Annals at the year of Christ 314 and Blondellus in his Apology pro sententiá B. Hieronymi Chap. 19. Where he writes that Eusebius undertook the Administration of the Church of Caesarea after Agricola ' s death about the year of Christ 315. But those Subscriptions of the Bishops which are extant in the Latine Collections of the Canons in my judgment seem to have little of certainty and validity in them For they occur not either in the Greek Copies or in the Latine Version of Dionysius Exiguus Besides Eusebius reckoning up in the Seventh Book of his Ecclesiastick History the Bishops of the chief Sees under whom the Persecution began and rag'd ends in Agapius Bishop of Caesarea who says he took a great deal of pains in that Persecution for the good of his own Church He therefore must of necessity have sate Bishop untill the end of the Persecution But Eusebius was made Bishop immediately after the Persecution was ended For when Paulinus Bishop of Tyre dedicated a Cathedral sometime after Peace and repose was restored to the Church He together with other Bishops was invited by Paulinus to its Dedication and made a most Elegâ—nt Oration before him as we are informed from the Tenth Book of his Ecclesiastick History Now this hapned before Licinius rebell'd against Constantine which fell out on the year of Our Lord 315. About these times Eusebius wrote those famous Books concerning Evangelick
a troublesome flux of Rheum which caused a perpetual difficulty of breathing And the patient having not strength to resist these things there followed a convulsion of all the parts It was said therefore by the Divine s and those who made it their business to give judgement of such things that the hand of God was upon the King to punish him for his so oft repeated horrible offences Thus much therefore the foresaid Writer relates in the fore-mentioned Book And in the Second Book of his History he speaks of him after the same manner in these words After that he was taken with a disease which seising upon the whole state and habit of his body tormented him exceedingly with several pains He had a feaver but not of any acute kind an insufferable itching over all his body with continual tortures of the Colon by the humours about his feet you would judge him to have been Hydropical besides this a strange inflammation of the lower belly and such a putrefaction of the Genitalls as bred worms moreover a shortness and difficulty of breathing with a convulsion of all the parts This moved those of that time who pretended to know the mind of God to term these diseases a punishment inflicted on him from heaven But although he strugled with so many distempers yet he hoped to live and recover and sought for remedy Passing therefore over Jordan he made use of the hot-waters that are neer Callâ—rhoe They fall into the lake Asphaltites but are so sweet that they are potable There when his Physitians thought it good to bathe his whole body in warm oil being set into a bathing-vessel filled with oil he was so weakened all over his body that he turned up his eyes as if he had been dead But at the noise of his attendants outcries he came to himself again After this despairing of recovery he gave order for the distribution of fifty Drachms to every one of his common Souldiers but to his Commanders and friends he gave great sums of money From thence he returned to Jericho and being now grown very melancholy he did as it were threaten death it self and resolved upon the commission of a most horrible and villanous fact For he commanded all the eminent personages that were in every town of Judaea to be summoned together and imprisoned in the Hippodrome Then calling for his sister Salome and her husband Alexander I know said he the Jews will rejoyce mightily at my death but if you will obey my commands I can make my self to be lameâ—â—ted by many and obtain an honourable Funeral as soon as breath is out of my body doe you being guarded with Souldiers kill all these men whom I have imprisoned so all Judaea yea every family shall though against their wills mourn at my death And a little after he says and again when he was tortured partly by want of sustenance and partly by the Convulsions of his violent Cough being overcome with continual torments he resolved to hasten his own death And having taken an apple he asked for a knife for his manner was to cut them himself when ever he eat them then looking round least there should be any one that might hinder him he lifted up his right hand as about to doe violence to himself Moreover the same writer relates farther how that a little before his death he most wickedly commanded another of his own sons having slain two of them before to be put to death and then soon after died in most exquisite torture And such was the end Herod made suffering a due punishment for his cruelty towards the infants of Bethlehem which he contrived on purpose to destroy our Saviour After his death an Angel appeared to Joseph then in Egypt and commanded him to take the young Child and his Mother and return into Judea telling him they were dead who sought the young Childs Life To which the Evangelist farther adds saying when he heard that Archelaus reigned in Judea in the room of his father Herod he was afraid to go thither not withstanding being warned of God in a dream he turned aside into the parts of Galilee CHAP. IX Of the Times of Pilate THe said Historian agrees also concerning the Reign of Archelaus after the death of Herod declaring the manner of it how both by his fathers Testament and also by the decree of Augustus Caesar he obtained the Kingdom of Judea And how when after ten years he was deposed from his Government his brethren Philip and Herod juniour and Lysanias governed their Tetrarchies The same Authour in the eighteenth Book of his Antiquities makes it plainly appear that Pontius Pilate was made Procuratour of Judea in the twelfth year of the Reign of Tiberius who then was Emperour succeeding Augustus who had Reigned fifty seven years and continued so full ten years almost as long as Tiberius lived From whence their fiction is manifestly confuted who of late have published Acts against our Saviour In which chiefly the title or note of time inscribed upon the said Acts does evidently show the Authours thereof to be liars For those things which these men have impudently feigned concerning the salutary passion of our Lord are said to have been done when Tiberius was Consul the fourth time which fell out to be the seventh year of his Reign At which time it is certain Pilate was not come as Governour into Judea if we may believe Josephus who in his foresaid Book does expresly shew that Pilate was made Procuratour of Judea by Tiberius in the twelfth year of his Reign CHAP. X. Of the High-Priests among the Jews in whose time Christ Preached the Gospel AT this time therefore namely in the fifteenth year of the Reign of Tiberius according to the Evangelist and the fourth of Pilate's Procurator-ship of Judea Herod Lysanias and Phillip being Tetrarchs over the rest of Judea our Lord and Saviour Jesus the Christ of God being about thirty years of Age was Baptized by John and then first began to Preach the Gospel And the Sacred Scripture says that he finisht the whole time of his Preaching under Annas and Caiphas being High-priests meaning thereby that all his Preaching was terminated within that space of time wherein they executed the High-priests Office Although therefore he began when Annas was High-priest and continued till Caiphas came on yet there are scarce full four years contained within this space of time For since from the time now mentioned the Laws and sanctions about Holy matters were almost abolished the High-preisthood also ceased to be for life and hereditary neither was the worship of God rightly performed But the Roman Governours made sometimes one sometimes another High-priest none bearing that Office above a year Josephus indeed in his Book of Antiquities does relate that from Annas to Caiphas there were in one continued Order four High-priests his words are these Valerius Gratus having put out
in his time a dead man was raised to life again and further that there came to pass another miracle about Justus who was surnamed Barsabas how that he drank deadly poyson and by the grace of the Lord susteined no harm That this Justus after our Saviours Ascension was together with Matthias set forth by the Holy Apostles and that they prayed that one of them might instead of the Traitour Judas be allotted to fill up their number the Book of the Acts of the Apostles doth after this manner relate And they appointed two Joseph called Barsabas who was surnamed Justus and Matthias And they prayed and said Moreover the same writer has set down some other things which came to him barely by word of mouth to wit certain strange parables of our Saviours and Sermons of his and some other more fabulous relations Among which he says there shall be a Thousand years after the Resurrection from the dead wherein the Kingdom of Christ shall be corporally set up here on earth and I judge he had this opinion from his misapprehending the Apostolical discourses in that he did not see through those things they spake mystically by way of similitude For he seems to have been a man of a very narrow understanding as it may be conjectured from his Books Yet he gave occasion to very many Ecclesiastical persons after him to be of the same erronious opinion with him who had a regard for the antiquity of the man as for example to Irenaeus and to every one also who has declared himself to be of the same opinion He relates also in his Books other interpretations of the foresaid Aristion's of the sayings of the Lord and the traditions of John the Elder To which we doe refer the studious Readers and judge it requisite now onely to adjoyn to his fore mentioned words a passage he relates concerning Mark the Evangelist in these words This also the Elder said Mark being the Interpreter of Peter accurately wrote what ever he remembred but yet not in that order wherein Christ either spake or did them For he was neither an hearer of the Lords nor yet his Follower but as I said he was afterwards conversant with Peter who Preacht the doctrine of the Gospel profitably to those that heard him but not so as if he would compose an History of the Lords sayings Wherefore Mark committed nothing of errour in that he wrote some things so as he had remembred them For he made this one thing his chiefest aime to wit to omit none of those things he had heard nor yet to deliver any thing that was false therein Thus much Papias relates concerning Mark. Concerning Matthew he says this Moreover Matthew wrote his divine Oracles in the Hebrew tongue and every one interpreted them as they were able This Papias also has quoted authorities taken out of the First Epistle of John and likewise out of the former Epistle of Peter He has set down also another relation about a woman who was accused of many crimes before the Lord which relation is contained in the Gospel according to the Hebrews And thus much we have usefully and diligently observed and added to those things which before we had set down THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History of EVSEBIUS PAMPHILUS CHAP. I. Who were the Bishops of the Roman and Alexandrian Churches in the Reign of Trajane ABout the twelfth year of Trajan's Empire Cerdo the Bishop of the Alexandrian Church whom we a little before mentioned departed this life and Primus the fourth from the Apostles was elected to the publick charge of that Church At the same time also Evarestus having finished his eighth year Alexander undertook the Bishoprick of Rome who was the fifth in succession from Peter and Paul CHAP. II. What the Jews suffered in this Emperours time MOreover the Doctrine and Church of our Saviour flourishing daily increased more and more but the calamities of the Jews were augmented by continual mischiefs following one upon another For the Emperour entring now upon the eighteenth year of his Reign there arose again a commotion of the Jews which destroyed a very great number of them For both at Alexandria and over all the rest of Egypt and moreover throughout Cyrene they being stirred up as it were by some violent and contentious spirit raised Sedition against the Greeks and Gentiles with whom they dwelt And they increasing the Faction very much on the ensuing year enkindled a great War Lupus was at that time Governour of all Egypt Moreover it happened that in the first encounter they were too hard for the Greeks who flying to Alexandria took the Jews that were in the City alive and slew them But those Jews who inhabited Cyrene being frustrated of assistance in the war from them persisted to infest and destroy the countrey of Egypt and all its Prefectures by pillages and robberies one Lucuas being their Leader Against whom the Emperour sent Marcius Turbo with horse and foot and also with Navall forces he in many ingagements having made the war against them long and tedious destroyed many Myriads of Jews not onely of those of Cyrene but also of those of Egypt who flockt together to give assistance to their King Lucuas But the Emperour suspecting that those Jews in Mesopotamia would also set upon the inhabitants there commanded Lusius Quiet us to clear that Province of them Who ingaging with them destroyed a very great number of them that dwelt there for which successfull piece of service he was appointed Deputy of Judea by the Emperour And thus much those heathens who committed to writing the transactions of those times doe almost in the very same words relate CHAP. III. Who in the time of Adrian wrote Apologies in defence of the Faith WHen Trajan had held the Empire twenty years compleat excepting six months Aelius Adrianus succeeded in the Government To whom Quadratus dedicated and presented a book wherein he had comprized an Apology for our Religion because certain malicious men endeavoured to molest the Christians This work is still extant amongst many of the brethren and we also have it From which book may be seen perspicuous evidences of the man's understanding and of his truely Apostolical faith and sound doctrine The same Writer makes his own antiquity sufficiently evident by what he relates in these very words The works of our Saviour were always conspicuous for they were true Those that were healed such as were raised from the dead did not onely appear after they were healed and raised but also were afterwards seen of all and that not onely whilest our Saviour was conversant upon earth but also after he was gone they continued alive a great while in so much that some of them survived even to our times Such a person indeed was Quadratus Aristides also a faithfull man of that Religion profest by us left in like manner as Quadratus did an Apologie for
the faith dedicated to Adrian And this mans book is to this day preserved by many persons CHAP. IV. Who were ennobled with the Title of Bishops over the Roman and Alexandrian Churches in this Emperours time IN the third year of Adrians Empire Alexander the Bishop of Rome died having compleated the tenth year of his administration Xystus was successour to him and about that time Primus dying in the twelfth year of his Presidency over the Alexandrian Church Justus succeeded him CHAP. V. Who were Bishops of Jerusalem from our Saviour even to these times MOreover the space of time which the Bishops of Jerusalem spent in their Presidency over that See I could in no wise find preserved in writing For as report says they were very short lived But thus much I have been informed of from old records that unto the Siege of the Jews in Adrian's time there were in number fifteen successions of Bishops there all whom they say were by birth Hebrews who had sincerely embraced the knowledge of Christ in so much that by those who were then able to give judgment as to such matters they were approved to be worthy of the Episcopal Office For that whole Church at Jerusalem was made up of believing Jews who had continued steadfast in the faith from the Apostles times even to the then Siege wherein the Jews revolting again from the Romans were vanquished and destroyed by no small wars The Bishops therefore that were of the circumcision then ceasing it will be now requisite to give a catalogue of them in their order from first to last The first therefore was James called the brother of the Lord after him the second was Simeon the third Justus the fourth Zaccheus the fifth Tobias the sixth Benjamin the seventh John the eighth Matthias the ninth Philip the tenth Seneca the eleventh Justus the twelfth Levi the thirteenth Ephres the fourteenth Joseph the fifteenth and last Judas And thus many were the Bishops of the City of Jerusalem from the Apostles to this time we are now treating of all which were of the Circumcision But now Adrian being in the twelfth year of his Empire Telesphorus the seventh from the Apostles succeeded Xystus who had compleated the tenth year of his Episcopal Office over the Romans and within a years space and some months Eumenes the sixth in order succeeded in the Presidency over the Alexandrian Church his immediate predecessour there having sate eleven years CHAP. VI. The last Siege of the Jews in the time of Adrian BUt when the rebellion of the Jews again increased exceedingly Rufus the president of Judea having had auxiliary forces sent him from the Emperour marched out against them and making use of their madness and desperation as an occasion of his sparing none he slew Myriads together both of men women and children and by the Law of war reduced their country to servitude and subjection to the Romans The Leader of the Jews at that time was by name Barchochebas a name indeed that signifies a Star but otherwise he was a man that was a murderer and a robber who by reason of his name did monstrously pretend to his followers being slaves that he was a star come down from heaven to enlighten them who were now oppressed with servitude But the war growing sharp in the eighteenth year of Adrian's Empire at the City Betthera which was the best fortified place and not far distant from Jerusalem and the Siege continuing a long time the innovatours also having been utterly destroyed by famine and thirst and the authour of this their madness undergone condigne punishment from that time that whole Nation was altogether interdicted to enter into the country about Jerusalem the Law Edict and Sanctions of Adrian having commanded them that they should not so much as from a far off behold their paternal soyle Ariston of Pella relates this Thus the City being made destitute of the Jewish Nation and wholly cleared of its old inhabitants was possessed by forreigners that dwelt there and afterwards made a Roman City and changing its name was in honour of the Emperour Aelius Adrianus called Aelia And when there was a Church there gathered of the Nations that dwelt in it Mark was the first who after the Bishops of the circumcision undertook the publick administration of matters there CHAP. VII Who at that time were the Authours of false doctrine NOw the Churches throughout the whole world shining like most bright stars and the faith in our Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ flourishing among all mankind the Devil that hater of good as being always the enemy of truth and most malicious impugner of mans salvation using all his arts and stratagems against the Church at first armed himself against it with outward persecutions But then afterwards being excluded from them he made his assaults by other methods making use of evil men and Impostours as being the pernitious instruments for destroying of souls and ministers of perdition devising all ways whereby these impostours and deceivers cloathing themselves with the title of our Religion might both lead into the Pit of destruction those of the Faithfull whom they had enticed to themselves and also divert such as were unskilfull in the Faith from the way that leads to the comfortable Word by such means as they attempted to put in practise From that Menander therefore whom we a little before manifested to have been the successour of Simon there was hatcht a Serpentine breed double mouthed as it were and double headed which constituted the Founders of two different and disagreeing Heresies Saturninus by birth an Antiochian and Basilides an Alexandrian whereof the former in Syria the other in Egypt set up Schools of most detestable Heresies Moreover Irenaeus makes it manifest that Saturninus feigned mostly the same things that Menander did but that Basilides under a pretext of more mystical matters most mightily enlarged his inventions forming monstrous and fabulous fictions for the making up of his impious Heresie There being many Ecclesiastical men therefore who at that time were defenders of the Truth and eloquent maintainers of the Apostolical and Ecclesiastical doctrine some of them forthwith comprized in writing explanatory accounts of the fore-manifested Heresies which they left as cautions and preventions to posterity of which there is come to our hands a most strenuous confutation of Basilides of Agrippa Castor's a most eminent Writer in those times wherein he discovers the horrible imposture of the man disclosing therefore his secrets he says that he made four and twenty books upon the Gospel and that he counterfeited for himself Prophets named by him Barcabbas and Barcoph and some others who never were in being and that he gave them barbarous names to astonish those who were admirers of such things and that he taught that it was a thing indifferent to taste of meats offered to Idols and that in times of persecutions those did
containing some short notes concerning the soul wherein he proposes divers questions pertinent to the explication of that Subject and produces the opinions of the Philosophers among the Gentiles which he promiseth to confute and to set forth his own opinion thereof in another work of his He also composed a Dialogue against the Jews being a conference which he had at the City of Ephesus with one Trypho the most famous person amongst the Jews at that time In which book he manifests after what manner divine grace incited him to embrace the doctrine of the true faith and with what sedulous earnestness he before that set himself about the study of Philosophy also with how great an ardency of mind he was laborious in finding out the truth Moreover in the same book he relates concerning the Jews how that they formed treacherous plots and contrivances against the doctrine of Christ and useth these express words to Trypho So far were you from a repentance of your impious doings that you chose out some men fit for such a design and at that time sent them forth from Jerusalem over the whole world to publish this that there was an impious Sect called Christians sprung up and to divulge the same reproaches which all those that are ignorant of our Religion doe now fasten upon us so that you are not onely the authours of your own wickedness and errour but also give the sole occasion thereof to all other men He says also in the same work that the gifts of Prophecy even in his time shone forth upon the Church Moreover he has mentioned the Revelation of John and says expresly 't was written by that Apostle Also he recites severall testimonies of the Prophets which in his dispute with Trypho he evinces were cut out of the Bible by the Jews Several other works also of his are extant among many of our Christian brethren Further the Books of this person were so highly esteemed by the Antients that Irenaeus quotes some expressions of his partly in his fourth book against Heresies where he produces these words of his And Justin â—ays well in his book against Marcion I would not have credited the Lord himself if he had Preached any other God than him who was the Maker of the world and partly in his fifth book of the same work where he quotes these words of his It was well spoken of Justin to wit that before the coming of our Lord Satan never durst blaspheme God because till then he did not certainly know his own condemnation And let thus much be here necessarily said by us to incite such as are lovers of learning to have an high esteem for and accurately to read over his books Thus far concerning Justin. CHAP. XIX Who in the Reign of Verus presided over the Churches of Rome and Alexandria NOw the foresaid Emperour being in the eighth year of his Reign Anicetus having compleated the eleventh year of his Episcopal dignity over the Roman Church was succeeded by Soter And moreover Celadion having presided fourteen years over the Church at Alexandria Agrippinus was his successour in that See CHAP. XX. Who then Governed the Church of Antioch AT that time also Theophilus the sixth from the Apostles flourisht in his Presidency over the Church at Antioch for Cornelius successour to Heros was the fourth that presided there after whom Eros in the fifth remove from the Apostles succeeded in that Episcopal See CHAP. XXI Concerning the Ecclesiastical Writers who flourisht in that Age. IN those times Hegesippus flourisht in the Church of whom we have made frequent mention in the foregoing book and Dionysius Bishop of the Corinthians also one Pinytus Bishop of the Cretians Moreover Philippus Appollinaris and Melito Musanus also and Modestus and lastly Irenaeus All which persons wrote books that are come to our hands containing the sound doctrine and true faith delivered by the Apostles CHAP. XXII Concerning Hegesippus and those he makes mention of MOreover Hegesippus in his five books of Historicall memorials which are come to our hands has leâ—t a most full and compleat account of his own faith and opinion Wherein he declareth that travelling as far as Rome he discourst with many Bishops and from them all heard one and the same doctrine You may please to hear him after some words of his concerning the Epistle of Clemens to the Corinthians continuing his discourse thus And the Corinthian Church continued in the true faith untill Primus came to be Bishop there with whom I had some discourse in my voyage to Rome and was conversant with the Corinthians a sufficient time wherein we received mutual refreshment from the true faith But arriving at Rome I staied there till Anicetus's time whose Deacon Eleutherus then was after Anicetus succeeded Soter and next to him Elutherus Now in every succession of Bishops and throughout each City the doctrine is conformable to what the Law the Prophets and our Lord Preach't And the same Authour subjoines an account of the Heresies which were broacht in his age in these words And after James the Just had suffered Martyrdom as the Lord had also for the preaching of his doctrine Simeon the son of Cleophas which Cleophas was Uncle by the mothers side to our Saviour was constituted Bishop in his room whom all preferred to be second Bishop there because he was the Lords Cousingerman by the mothers side Upon which account that Church was stiled a Virgin for it was not hitherto corrupted with vain opinions Thebuthis because he was not made a Bishop was the first that began to vitiate it This man was one of those that took his rise from the seven Sects which were amongst the Jewish people of which Simon was another from whom the Symoniâ—ns and Cleobius from whom the Cleobians and Dositheus from whom the Dositheans and Gortheus from whom the Gortheans and Masbotheus from whom the Masbotheans had their denomination from these also came the Menandrians and the Marcionists and the Cartocratians and the Valentinians and the Basilidians and the Saturnilians each of which men in particular was an introducer of his own opinion From these came the false Christs the false-Prophets and the false-Apostles who rent asunder the Unity of the Church by their corrupt opinions brought in against God and his Christ. Moreover the same Writer gives an account of the Heresies which were heretofore amongst the Jews in these words There were divers Sects and Opinions in the Circumcision among the children of Israel which were opposite both to the tribe of Judah and also to Christ to wit the Essaeans the Galilaeans the Hemerobaptists the Masbotheans the Samaritâ—s the Sadducees and the Pharisees And he writes many other things of which we have partly made mention before and inserted his relations in their proper and opportune places and times Also he produces several passages out of the Gospel according to the Hebrews out
about the word of God you have often requested me to make you some short Collections and excerptions both out of the Law and the Prophets about those things that belong to our Saviour and all the Articles of our Faith and moreover you being very desirous to have an accurate account of the books of the Old Testament how many they are in number and in what order they were written I have made it my business to doe all this and to satisfie your desire herein For I well know with what an ardour of faith you are enflamed and how earnest your desires are after knowledge and that by reason of your love of God you greatly prefer these before all other things striving earnestly to obtain eternal salvation When therefore I travelled into the East and came into that Countrey where these things were heretofore Preacht and done I made an accurate inquiry about the books of the Old Testament a Catalogue whereof I have herewith sent you Their names are these The five books of Moses to wit Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomie Joshua Judges Ruth the four books of the Kings the two books of the Chronicles the Psalms of David the Proverbs of Solomon which is also called the book of Wisdom Ecclesiastes the song of Solomon Job the prophecies of Esaiah and Jeremiah one book of the twelve minor Prophets Daniel Ezechiel Esdras Out of these I have made some short Collections which I have divided into six books But thus much concerning the writings of Melito CHAP. XXVII Concerning Apollinaris Bishop of the Hierapolitane Church ALthough several books written by Apollinaris are extant among many men yet these onely of his are come to our knowledge to wit His Apology to the foresaid Emperour his five books against the Gentiles his two books concerning truth and his two books against the Jews Also those books he wrote afterwards against the Heresie of the Cataphrygians which not long after occasioned great distâ—â—bances but at that time it began to make its first appearance Montanus with his false Prophets then laying the foundation of his Errour And this is what we had to say concerning Apollinaris CHAP. XXVIII Concerning Musanus and his Writings THere is extant of Musanus's whom we mentioned a little before a most sharp piece written by him to some brethren who turned to the Heresie of the Encratitae which then first sprang up and introduced â— new and most pernicious false opinion into the world Tatianus as report says was the Authour of this Heresie CHAP. XXIX Concerning Tatianus and his Heresie VVE mean that Tatianus whose words we quoted a little before treating concerning the admirable Justin who we told you was a disciple of that Martyr's Irenaeus evidences this in his first book against Heresies where he writes thus concerning this Tatianus and his Heresie From Saturninus and Marcion sprang those Hereticks called Encratitae who taught that marriage was unlawfull rejecting that Primitive institution of God and tacitely accused him because he created Male and Female for the propagation of Mankind They were assertours also of an abstinence from the eating those things that as they termed them had life shewing hereby their ingratitude towards God who Created all things They deny likewise that the first man was saved And this is a Tenet lately invented amongst them of which impious assertion one Tatianus was the first broacher Who having been an Auditour of Justin as long as he converst with him disclosed no such false opinions but after his Martyrdom he revolted from the Church and being arrogant and puâ—â— up with the conceit of his being an Ecclesiastical Doctour as if he were better then any body else he was the composer of a new form of Doctrine of his own making inventing stories about invisible ages in the same manner as Valentinus did and asserting with Marcion and Saturninus that Matrimony was nothing less than corruption and whoredom and framing some new arguments to disprove the Salvation of Adam Thus far Irenaeus concerning the Heresie of the Encratitâ— which then was broacht But not long after one whose name was Severus did consolidate and strengthen the foresaid Heresie and so was the occasion that the followers of that Sect were called by reason of his name Severiani They approve indeed of the Law the Prophets and the Gospels expounding the sentences of holy Scripture according to a peculiar sense and meaning of their own but they speak reproachfully of the Apostle Paul and reject his Epistles neither doe they admit of the Acts of the Apostles But Tatianus their first founder put together a confused heap of collections extracted out of the four Gospels which he entitled a Diaâ—â—ssarωn i. e. a Gospel made up of the four Gospels which book is at this time extant in the hands of some men They say also that he was so audacious as to alter some sayings of the Apostle Pauls and to express them in more elegant terms undertaking to correct the composition and order of his phrase He left a very great number of books among which his book against the Grecians is look't upon to be an excellent piece and is commended by most men in which work giving an account of the series of times in the former ages of the world he has made it evident that Moses and the Prophets amongst the Hebrews were much more antient than all the famous men amongst the Grecians Indeed that book of his seems to be the best and most usefull piece of all his writings But thus far concerning these things CHAP. XXX Concerning Bardesanes the Syrian and those books of his that are extant FUrther in the Reign of the same Emperour when Heresies were numerous in Mesopotamia one Bardesanes a most eloquent man in the Syrian tongue and an excellent disputant wrote some Dialogues against Marcion and several others who were Authours and assertors of different Opinions which he publisht in his own country language as also many other works which his Scholars for he had very many Auditours and was a powerful maintainer of our faith translated out of the Syriack into the Grecian language Amongst which is his Dialogue concerning Fate written to Antoninus an incomparable piece 'T is said he wrote several other Tracts upon occasion of the persecution at that time raised against us This man was at first a follower of Valentinus's but having mislik't that Heresie and confuted many of the fabulous Tenets of the founder thereof he was satisfied in himself that he had turned to a truer opinion but notwithstanding he did not wholly clear himself of the filth of his ancient Heresie Moreover at the same time Soter Bishop of the Roman Church departed this life The End of the Fourth Book of the ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS The PREFACE MOreover Soter Bishop of the Roman Church having presided there eight years ended his life
of his own writings And concerning the translation of the divinely inspired Scriptures hear what he writes word for word God therefore was made man and the Lord himself saved us having given the sign of the Virgin But not as some say who are so audacious as to traduce the Scripture thus Behold a young woman shall conceive and bring forth a Son as Theodotion the Ephesian has translated it and Aquila of Pontus both Jewish proselytes Whom the Ebionites having followed say that Christ was begotten by Joseph Hereunto after a few words he adds saying For before the Romans had firmly compleated their Empire the Macedonians as yet possessing the Government of Asia Ptolemaeus the son of Lagus endeavouring with much care and industry to adorn the Library he had prepared at Alexandria with the writings of all men which were accurately compiled requested those of Jerusalem that he might have their Scriptures translated into the Greek Language They for till that time they were subject to the Macedonians sent to Ptolemaeus the Seventy Seniours which were the most skilfull persons among them in the Scriptures and most expert in both the Languages satisfying the Kings desire herein Ptolemy desirous to make tryal of every one of them and being fearfull least by compact they should agree to conceal the truth of the Scriptures by their translation separated them one from another and commanded every one of them to write a translation and this he did throughout all the books When they were come all together into the same place in the presence of Ptolemy and had compared together the version of every particular person amongst them God was both glorified and the Scriptures acknowledged to be truely divine For they all from the beginning to the end set down the same things in the same words and in the same expressions in so much that the Gentiles which were present acknowledged the Scriptures were translated by the inspiration of God Neither need it seem marvellous that God should doe this seeing that in the captivity of the people under Nebuchodonosor the Scriptures being then corrupted when after Seventy years the Jews returned into their own Country afterwards in the times of Artaxerxes King of the Persians He inspired Esdras the Priest of the tribe of Levi to recompose all the books of the former Prophets and restore to the people the Law delivered by Moses Thus far Ireneus CHAP. IX Who were Bishops in the Reign of Commodus MOreover Antoninus having held the Empire nineteen years Commodus assumed the Government In whose first year Julianus undertook the Prefecture of the Churches at Alexandria Agrippinus having compleated the twelfth year of his Presidency CHAP. X. Concerning Pantaenus the Philosopher AT that time there was a man Governour of the School of the Faithfull there who upon account of his learning was most eminent his name was Pantaenus for from a very ancient custom there had been an Ecclesiastical School among them which also continued to our days and we have been informed that 't is furnished with men who are very able Scholars and industrious about divine matters but Fame says that the forementioned Pantaenus was at that time the most eminent person among them because he was bred up in the precepts and institutions of that Philosophical Sect called Stoicks Moreover t is said he shewed so great a willingness of mind and ardency of affection towards the publication of the divine Word that he was declared the Preacher of Christs Gospel to the Nations of the East and jorneyed as far as India For there were many Evangelical Preachers of the Word even at that time who inflamed with a divine zeal in imitation of the Apostles contributed their assistance to the enlargement of the divine Word and the building men up in the faith Of which number Pantaenus was one and is reported to have gone to the Indians Where as 't is famed he found the Gospel according to Matthew amongst some that had the knowledge of Christ there before his arrival To whom Bartholomew one of the Apostles had Preacht and left them the Gospel of S t Matthew written in Hebrew which was preserved to the foresaid times Moreover this Pantaenus after many excellent performances was at last made Governour of the School at Alexandria where by his Discourses and Writings he set forth to publick view the Treasures of the divine points CHAP. XI Concerning Clemens Alexandrinus AT the same time flourisht Clemens at Alexandria being laborious together with Pantaenus in the studies of the divine Scriptures who had the same name with that ancient Prelate of the Roman Church that was a disciple of the Apostles He in his book of Institutions makes express mention of Pantaenus as having been his Master To me he seems to mean the same person also in the first book of his Stromatewn where recording the most eminent successours of the Apostolick doctrine by whom he had been instructed he says thus Now this work of mine I have not composed for ostentation but these memoires I have treasured up as a remedie against the forgetfulness of mine old age that they may be a true representation and aâ—umbration of those lively and powerfull discourses which I have had the happiness to hear from blessed and truely worthy and memorable persons Of which one was Ionicus whom I heard in Greece another in Magna Graecia the first of them was a Coelo-Syrian the other an Egyptian Others of them lived in the East of which one was an Assyrian the other in Palestine by original extract an Hebrew The last Master I met with who yet was the first and chiefest in power and virtue whom I inquisitively sought out and foundlying hid in Egypt I did fully acquiesce in and searched no further These therefore preserving the sincere tradition of the blessed doctrine which they had immediately received from the holy Apostles Peter James John and Paul like children from the hands of their Parents although few children be like their Parents are by Gods blessing come down to our time sowing those Primitive and Apostolic seeds of Truth CHAP. XII Concerning the Bishops of Jerusalem AT that time Narcissus Bishop of the Church at Jerusalem flourished a man very famous amongst many even at this time he was the fifteenth in succession from the siege of the Jews under Adrian From which time we have before manifested that the Church of the Gentiles was first constituted there after those of the circumcision and also that Mark was the first Bishop of the Gentiles that Presided over them After whom the successions of the Bishops there doe shew that Cassianus had the Episcopal Chair after him Publius then Maximus and after these Julianus then Caius to whom succeeded Symmachus then another Caius and again Julianus the second moreover Capito Valens and Dolichianus last of all this Narcissus who in a continued series of
a thief Those who are desirous to know all matters concerning him may have recourse to the publick Register of Asia where they will find them And yet the Prophet does pretend himself ignorant of this man whom he has converst with for many years Having evidently shown what this man is we have also by him declared the imposture of the prophet We are able to demonstrate the like in many other things But if they have any confidence in themselves let them undergoe the test Again in another place of the same work he adds these words concerning those Prophets they boast of If they deny that their Prophets have received gifts let them confess this to wit if they be convinced that they have taken gifts they are not Prophets And then we will produce infinite demonstrations hereof 'T is necessary that all the fruits of a Prophet should be approved of tell me does a Prophet colour his hair does a Prophet paint his eye-brows with Stybium does a Prophet make it his business to deck and adorn himself does a Prophet play at tables and at dice does a Prophet put money to usury Let them confess ingenuously whether these things are lawfull or no But I will demonstrate they are done amongst them The same Apollonius does relate in the same work that at that time of his writing that book it was fourty years since Montanus undertook to vent his forged Prophesie And again he says that Zoticus whom the former Writer made mention of resolved to oppose Maximilla who then feigned her self to Prophesie at Pepuza and attempted to reprove the Spirit she was moved by but that he was forbidden by those that were her favourers He makes mention also of one Thraseas who at that time was a Martyr Moreover he says as from tradition that our Saviour commanded his Apostles they should not for the space of twelve years depart from Jerusalem he quotes authorities also out of the Revelation of John and relates that John by the divine power raised a dead man to life at Ephesus And he says many other things whereby he sufficiently and fully sets forth the deceit of the foresaid pernicious heresie Thus much Apollonius CHAP. XIX Serapion's Opinion concerning the Heresie of the Cataphrygians BUt Serapion who as report says was about this time Bishop of the Church of Antioch after Maximinus makes mention of the writings of Apollinaris against the foresaid heresie he mentions him in that Epistle he wrote to Caricus and Ponticus wherein refuting the same heresie he subjoyns these words And that you may see that the operation of that dissembling party called the New-prophesie is abominated by all the Brotherhood in the world I have sent you also the Letters of Claudius Apollinaris of most blessed memory who was Bishop of Hierapolis in Asia In that same Epistle of Serapion's are contained the subscriptions of several Bishops One of whom has subscribed thus I Aurelius Cyrenius Martyr wish You health another after this manner Aelius Publius Julius Bishop of Develtum a Colony of Thracia As God liveth who is in heaven Sotas of blessed memory who was at Anchialus would have cast out Priscilla's devil but the Hypocrites would not suffer him In the said Letters are extant the subscriptions of many other Bishops written with their own hands who were of the same opinion with these And of this sort were the matters appertaining to the said Hereticks CHAP. XX. What Irenaeus wrote against the Schismaticks at Rome I Renaeus composed several Epistles against those at Rome who adulterated the sound law of the Church He wrote one to Blastus concerning Schisme another to Florinus concerning Monarchy or that God is not the maker of Evil. For Florinus seemed to be a maintainer of that opinion upon whose account being afterwards lead into the errour of Valentinus Irenaeus compiled that work of his entitled concerning the number eight In which piece he intimates himself to have lived in the first succession after the Apostles there also at the close of that work we found a most profitable note of his which we judged usefull to be inserted into this our History it is thus I adjure thee who shall transcribe this book by our Lord Jesus Christ and by his glorious coming to judge the quick and dead that you compare what you shall transcribe and correct it diligently according to that copie whence you shall transcribe it and that in like manner you transcribe this adjuration and annex it to thy copy And let thus much have been profitably said by him and related by us that we may always have before our eyes those antient and truely holy men as the best pattern of a most accurate care and diligence Moreover in that Epistle we spake of which Irenaeus wrote to Florinus he makes mention of his being conversant with Polycarp saying These opinions O Florinus that I may speak sparingly doe not appertain to sound doctrine these opinions are dissonant from the Church and drive those who give their assent to them into the greatest impiety these Sentiments even the Hereticks who are without the Church have not dared to publish at any time these opinions the Presbyters who lived before our times who also were the disciples of the Apostles did in no wise deliver unto thee For I saw thee when being yet a child I was in the Lower Asia with Polycarp behaving thy self very well in the Palace and endeavouring to get thy self well esteemed of by him For I remember the things then done better than what has happened of late For what we learnt being children increases together with the mind it self and is closely united to it In so much that I am able to tell even the place where the Blessed Polycarp sate and discourst also his goings out and comings in his manner of life the shape of his body the discourses he made to the populace the familiar converse which he said he had with John and with the rest who had seen the Lord and how he rehearsed their sayings and what they were which he had heard from them concerning the Lord concerning his miracles and his doctrine according as Polycarp received them from those who with their own eyes beheld the Word of life so he related them agreeing in all things with the Scriptures These things by the mercy of God bestowed upon me I then heard diligently and copied them out not in paper but in my heart and by the grace of God I doe continually and sincerely ruminate upon them And I am able to protest in the presence of God that if that blessed and Apostolick Presbyter should have heard any such thing he would presently have cried out and stopped his ears and according to his usual custom would have said Good God! For what times hast thou reserved me that I should suffer such things and he would have run out of the place where
those who had been instructed by him became Martyrs THe first of them was the aforementioned Plutarchus whom when he was led to Execution he of whom the discourse is accompanied to the last hour of his life and again wanted little of being kill'd by the men of his own City as seeming the cause of Plutarchus's death But then also the providence of God preserv'd him Next to Plutarch the second of Origen's disciples that was a Martyr was Serenus Who by fire gave a triall of the faith which he had receiv'd Heraclides was made the third Martyr of the same School The fourth after him was Heron. Both which persons were beheaded the former of them while he was yet learning the Principles of Christianity the latter when he was newly Baptiz'd Besides these another Serenus different from the former is declared the fifth Champion of Piety who came out of this School Who 't is reported was punish'd with the loss of his head after a most patient sufferance of many Torments And of women Heraïs who as yet was learning the Principles of Christianity did as he himself somewhere says depart this life having received Baptism by fire CHAP. V. Concerning Potamiaena LEt Basilides be reckoned the seventh among these who lead the most renown'd Potamiaena to Execution concerning which woman even yet there is a famous report amongst the inhabitants of those Countries for that she combated many times with her lovers in defence of the chastity and virginity of her body for which she was famous for besides the vigour of her mind there flourisht in her a comliness of body who having suffer'd many things for her faith in Christ at last after grievous Torments and horrible to be related was together with her mother Marcella consumed by fire Moreover they say that the Judge whose name was Aquila after he had inflicted grievous stripes upon every part of her body threatned at last he would deliver her to the Gladiatours to abuse her body But she having considered of the matter some short time being asked what her determination was return'd they say such an answer as thereby she seem'd to speak some thing which was accounted impious amongst them Forthwith therefore she receiv'd the definitive sentence of the Judge and Basilides one of the Military Apparitors took and lead her to Execution but when the multitude endeavour'd to molest and reproach her with obscene words he prohibited them thrusting away them who reproach'd her shewing much commiseration and humanity towards her She taking in good part the mans commiseration shown towards her exhorts him to be of good courage for when she was gone hence she would entreat her Lord for him and within a little while she would make him a requital for what he had done for her When she had spoken these things they say she valiantly underwent death hot scalding pitch being leisurely and by little and little poured upon all the several members of her body from the sole of the foot to the crown of the head such was the combat fought by this famous virgin But not long after Basilides upon some occasion being desir'd by his fellow-soldiers to swear avouch'd t was not lawfull for him to swear at all for he was a Christian and he openly confess'd it at first they thought he onely spake in jest but when he constantly maintain'd it he is brought before the Judge and after he had made profession of his stedfastness before him he was put into bonds And when some of the brethren in the Lord came to him asking him what was the cause of this sudden and unexpected change he is reported to have said that Potamiaena three days after her Martyrdom stood by him in the night put a crown about his head and said she had entreated the Lord for him and had obtain'd her request And within a little while the Lord would take him upto himself After these things the brethren imparted to him the Seal of the Lord and the day after being famous for his testimony of the Lord he was beheaded they relate that many more throughout Alexandria came thick at that time to the doctrine of Christ to wit such as Potamiaena had appear'd to in their sleep and invited them to be converted to the Gospel But for these things let thus much suffice CHAP. VI. Concerning Clemens Alexandrinus CLemens who succeeded Pantaenus was Master of the Catechetick School at Alexandria till this time So that Origen when he was a boy was one of his Scholars Moreover this Clemens committing to writing the subject of that work of his entitled Stromateis in his first Volume explains the series of times and determines his computation at the death of Commodus So that it is plain those books were elaborated by him in the Reign of Severus the History of whose times this book of ours contains CHAP. VII Concerning Judas the Writer AT this time also liv'd Judas another Writer who commented upon the Seventy Weeks in Daniel and puts an end to his computation of the times at the tenth year of Severus's Reign His Opinion was that even at that time the coming of Antichrist which was so much talk'd of drew nigh So great a disturbance did the raising of the Persecution then against us cause in many mens minds CHAP. VIII Concerning the bold Act of Origen AT this time while Origen perform'd the Office of Chatechizing at Alexandria an act of an unripe and youthfull mind was committed by him but which withall contain'd a most manifest token of Continence and true faith for he taking these words some Eunuchs there are which have made themselves Eumuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake in the more simple meaning unadvisedly like one of his juvenile years thinking it both his duty to fulfill our Saviours words and also considering that during his youthfull years he was to converse not onely with men but women about the things which appertain to God that he might exclude the Infidels from all suspition of obscene slanders his mind was full bent to perform really our Saviour's words taking great care that it might escape the knowledge of many of his familiars but 't was impossible for him although he was desirous to conceal such a fact But when Demetrius understood it as being then Governour of the Church there he both greatly admires him for his boldness and also having commended his alacrity of mind and sincerity of faith forthwith encourages and excites him to a more diligent imployment about the duty of Catechizing for such at this time was Demetrius's opinion of this act but no long time after when he saw Origen doe well and that he was famous and well reported of by all men being affected with the frailties of Mankind he endeavoured by letters sent to all the Bishops in the world to describe what was done as a most absurd action For the Bishops of Caesarea
of those parts intreated him although he was not yet Ordain'd Priest to discourse and to expound the holy Scriptures publickly in the Church This will be evidene't by what Alexander Bishop of Jerusalem and Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea wrote concerning him to Demetrius who thus excuse him Your Holiness has added in your Letters that this thing was never heard of nor done till this time to wit that Laicks should Preach in the presence of Bishops I know not how you came so apparently to misrepresent the truth For they are invited to Preach to the people when they are found fit to profit the brethren by the holy Bishops For example Euelpis was invited to Preach by Neon at Laranda and so was Paulinus by Celsus at Iconium And Theodorus by Atticus at Synnada who were our blessed Brethren And 't is not incredible that the like was done in other places though we never knew it On this manner was the above nam'd Origen honour'd though he was yet young not onely by his familiars but also by forreign Bishops But Demetrius again recalling him by Letters and urging his return to Alexandria by persons that were Deacons of that Church he return'd thither and there executed his accustomed Office CHAP. XX. What Books are now extant of such as Wrote in these times AT this time flourish'd many Learned Ecclesiastick persons whose Epistles which they wrote to one another 't is an easie thing to meet with being preserv'd till this present For they have been kept even in our Age in the Library of the City Aelia which was built by Alexander who presided over the Church which is there Out of this Library we our selves have gather'd together matter for this subject now in hand Beryllus Bishop of Bosira in Arabia being one of them left together with his Epistles and Commentaries Several other monuments of his Polite Ingenie In like manner did Hippollitus who presided over another Church somewhere there came also to our hands a disputation attempted by one Caius a most eloquent man at Rome in the times of Zephyrinus against Proclus who was a defender of the Cataphrygian Heresie In which dispute he silencing the adversaries rashness and boldness in composing new Scriptures mentions onely thirteen Epistles of the divine Apostle Paul not accounting that to the Hebrews amongst the rest Indeed even till this present 't is thought by some of the Romans that that Epistle was not written by this Apostle CHAP. XXI What Bishops were eminent in those times BUt now Macrinus succeeded Antoninus after he had Reign'd seven years and six moneths who having continued Emperour about a year another Antoninus again assumes the Roman Empire In the first year of his Reign Zephyrinus Bishop of Rome departed this life having held that Episcopal charge eighteen years compleat After him Callistus presides in the Bishoprick He having survived five years leaves the care of the Church to Urbanus After this Alexander the Emperour succeeds in the Roman Empire Antoninus having Reigned onely four years At this time Philetus succeeded Asclepiades in the Church of Antioch Now Alexander the Emperour's mother whose name was Mamaea being a most pious woman and Religious in her conversation Origen's same being now every where so spread abroad that it came even to her eares was mightily desirous to see the man and to make tryal of his knowledge in Divine matters which was so admir'd by all men She therefore making her abode at Antioch sends a military guard for him when he had spent some time with her and had demonstrated to her most things which tend to the glory of God and the power of the divine Doctrine he hastned to his wonted charge CHAP. XXII How many of Hippolytus's works are come to our hands AT this time also Hippolytus amongst many other works of his compil'd a book also concerning Easter In which having explain'd the Series of Times and set forth a Cannon of sixteen years concerning Easter he determines his computation at the first year of Alexander the Emperour Now the rest of his works which came to our hands are these Upon the six daies Work Upon those things which followed upon the six daies Work Against Marcion Upon the Canticles Upon some Chapters of Ezekiel Concerning Easter Against all Heresies And many more which you may find preserv'd amongst many men CHAP. XXIII Concerning Origen's Studiousness and how he was honour'd with the dignity of Priesthood ABout this time was the beginning of Origen's writing Commentaries upon the holy Scriptures Ambrosius chiefly inciting him to it by innumerable instigations not with supplications and bare words onely but also with most plentifull supplies of all things necessary For there were alwaies by him when he dictated more in number then seven Notaries which at set times chang'd courses with one another Neither was there a less number of them which wrote books fair together with Girls who had been instructed to write nearly and handsomely To all these Ambrosius liberally afforded a sufficient supply of all things necessary And indeed he conveigh'd into Origen an unspeakable alacrity in his study and labour about the divine Oracles By which means chiefly he induced him to write Commentaries whilest these things were in this posture Ponâ—ianus succeeds Urbanus who had been Bishop of Rome eight years And Zebinus succeeds Philetus in the Bishoprick of Antioch At which time the necessitie of the Churches Affaires constraining him Origen made a journey through Palestine into Greece And received the Order of Priesthood at Caesarea by the imposition of the hands of the Bishops there But what combustions were hereupon rais'd concerning him and what Decrees were made by the Prelates of the Churches upon these commotions And what ever else he continuing to be of great esteem contributed to the Preaching of the divine Word these things requiring a distinct Volume we have in some measure declared in the second book of our Apologie which we wrote in defence of him CHAP. XXIV Concerning the Expositions he made at Alexandria BUt 't was necessary for us to have annex'd these to the things afore-mention'd for in his sixth book of his Expositions upon John's Gospel he declares he compos'd those five first books while he yet liv'd at Alexandria But onely twenty two books of his works upon that Gospel are come to our hands In his ninth book also upon Genesis for there are twelve in all he manifests that he did not onely write those first eight books at Alexandria but also those Comments upon the twenty five first Psalms And moreover those Comments upon the Lamentations five books of which came to our hands In which books there is some mention of his books upon the Resurrection those also are two Volumes Indeed he also wrote his books De Principiis before his removal from Alexandria He also compos'd those books intitl'd
Alexander's family which consisted of many believers rais'd a Persecution and gave command that onely the Prelates of the Churches should be slain as the Authours of the Preaching of the Gospel And at that time Origen compos'd his book concerning Martyrdom which he Dedicated to Ambrosius and Protoctetus a Presbyter of the Church of Caesarea Because no trivial peril and afflictions seized on them both during the times of this Persecution Fame Records the illustrious eminenty of these men for their confession of the Christian faith when Maximinus had not Reign'd above three years Origen remarkes the time of this Persecution both in the twenty second book of his Expositions upon John and in several of his Epistles CHAP. XXIX Concerning Fabian how unexpectedly he was Elected by God Bishop of Rome GOrdianus having succeeded Maximinus in the Roman Empire Anteros succeeds Pontianus who had been Bishop of the Church of Rome six years And Fabian succeeds him after he had perform'd the Office for a month They report that after the death of Anteros Fabian together with some others of his acquaintance came out of the Countrey to Rome to sojourn there where he unexpectedly came to be elected Bishop through the Divine and Celestial Grace For when all the Brethren were assembled together in the Church in order to the Election of one who should succeed in the Bishoprick and many of them had intentions of Electing several eminent and worthy men Fabian being there present no one so much as thought of him But on a sudden as they report a Dove came flying from above and sate upon his head which seem'd to be a representation of the Descent of the holy Ghost upon our Saviour in the shape of a Dove upon which all the people being at the same time moved as it were by the divine Spirit cry'd out with all imaginable alacrity and one common consent He is worthy And without any delay they took him and set him in the Bishops Chaire At that time also Zebinus the Bishop of Antioch dying Babylas succeeded in the presidency Heraclas also takes upon him the Episcopal charge of the Church at Alexandria after Demetrius had executed that Office for fourty three years And Dionysius succeeds in the Catechetick School there who also was one of Origen's Scholars CHAP. XXX Who were Origen's Schollars WHilest Origen executed his accustomed duty at Caesarea many not onely Natives of that Countrey but also infinite others from places most remote forsaking their own Countries resorted to him to be his disciples The most eminent of them we understand were Theodorus who was also call'd Gregorius one of the most famous Bishops in our Age and his brother Athenodorus He by perswasion induc'd them being too much addicted to the love of the Roman and Greek Learning having infus'd into them a love of Philosophy to exchange their former studies for the study of Divinity when they had convers'd with him five years compleat they made so great an improvement of their knowledge in the divine Scriptures that while they were both as yet young they were judg'd worthy of the Government of the Churches in Pontus CHAP. XXXI Concerning Africanus AT this time Africanus the Author of the books entitled Cesti was very famous there is exstant an Epistle of his written to Origen in which he suspects the History of Susanna in Daniel to be spurious and fictitious Origen very fully answers this Epistle There also came to our hands five books of this same Africanus's Annalls written with great care and accuracy In which books he says he took a journey to Alexandria because of the great same of Heraclas who as we before signifi'd was intrusted with the care of the Church there for his eminent knowledge in Philosophie and other Heathen Learning There is also exstant another Epistle of this same Africanus's to Aristides concerning the disagreement which is thought to be betwixt Matthew and Luke in the Relation of Christ's Genealogy In which he manifestly demonstrates the consent of the Evangelists out of an History which came to his hands which Epistle we also took and placed it in the first book of this work in hand being its proper place CHAP. XXXII What Expositions Origen wrote at Caesarea in Palestine ABout this time Origen wrote his Comments upon Esaias and those upon Ezekiel at the same time of which books there came to our hands thirty five Volumes upon the third part of Esaias unto the Vision of the four footed beasts in the wilderness And twenty five Volumes upon Ezekiel which were all he wrote upon the whole Prophet making his abode at that time at Athens he finish'd his Commentaries upon Ezekiel He also begun his Comments upon the Canticles and there proceeded in them to the fifth book but he afterwards return'd to Caesarea and there finish'd them being ten books in number But what necessity is there at present to write an exact Catalogue of this mans works which requires a work it self which we have also written in our History of Pamphilus's Life the blessed Martyr of our times In which endeavouring to prove how great Pamphilus's care and love towards sacred Learning was we have publish'd the Catalogues of Origen's works and of several other Ecclesiastick Writers which he Collected From whence he that is desirous may have a full information concerning all the Monuments of Origen's labours which came to our hands But now we must proceed to the subsequent series of our History CHAP. XXXIII Concerning the Errour of Beryllus BEryllus who was mention'd a little before Bishop of Bostra in Arabia subverting the Ecclesiastick Canon endeavour'd to induce some new Doctrines alienating from the Faith daring to affirm that our Lord and Saviour before his coming amongst men had no proper different subsistence Neither any Godhead of his own but onely the Deity of the Father residing in him Many disputes and conferences having been held by the Bishops against this man about that point amongst the rest Origen was call'd at first he enters into a friendly discourse with the man that he might discover what his Opinion was which when he understood by his discourse he reprehended him being not Orthodox and having convinc'd him by Arguments and Demonstrations he took him as it were by the hand and set him into the way of the true Doctrine and reinstated him in his former found opinion There are also written monuments extant to this day both of Beryllus and also of the Synod which was convened upon his account which contain Origen's questions proposed against him and the disputes holden in his Church and all that was done at that time Infinite other Memoirs the Antients of our times have deliver'd to Posterity concerning Origen which I intend to omit as not pertinent to this present subject but what things concerning him are necessary to be known may be read at large in that Apology for him
which was written by me and Pamphilus the holy Martyr of our times which we fellow-labourers carefully and joyntly compos'd upon the account of some of his quarrelsome Accusers CHAP. XXXIV Concerning Philip the Emperour WHen Gordianus had held the Roman Empire six complete years Philip together with his son Philip succeeded him The report is that he being a Christian upon the day which is the last of the Vigils of Easter was desirous to be a partaker together with the congregation of the prayers of the Church but could in no wise be permitted to enter into the Church by him who was then Bishop before he had made a general confession of his fins and recounted himself amongst their number who were reckon'd the Lapsed and stood in the place of penitents for had he not done this he would not have been admitted by the Bishop because of his many offences and 't is reported that he willingly obey'd and demonstrated in his deeds the sincerity and devoutness of his affection towards the fear of God CHAP. XXXV How Dionysius succeeded Heraclas in his Bishoprick IT was the third of Philip's Reign in which Heraclas dyed after he had Govern'd the Church sixteen years and Dionysius succeeded him in the Bishoprick of Alexandria CHAP. XXXVI What other books were written by Origen AT this time therefore the faith as it was meet daily encreasing and our doctrine being boldly preach'd amongst all men Origen 't is said was now above sixty years old and because he had now gotten a most excellent habit of speaking through long use and exercise he permitted the Notaries to write his discourses which he delivered in publick but never before this time would he suffer that to be done About this time he wrote eight books against a book of Celsus the Epicurean intitled The word of Truth He also wrote twenty five Volumes upon Matthew's Gospel and those upon the Twelve Prophets of which books we have found onely twenty five There is also extant an Epistle of his to Philip the Emperour another to his wife Severa and several others to divers other persons which being scattered here and there in several mens hands as many of them as we could find preserved being above an hundred in number we have collected and digested into proper books by themselves that they may not hereafter be again dispers'd He wrote also to Fabian Bishop of Rome and to several other Prelates of Churches concerning his own Orthodoxie you have also the declarations of these things in the sixth book of the Apology we wrote in defence of him CHAP. XXXVII Concerning the dissention of the Arabians AGain about the same time there sprang up in Arabia Introducers of another Opinion alienating from the Truth These affirm'd that mens souls even in this present life expired together with their bodies and were turn'd to corruption together with them but that they should again revive together with the bodies at the time of the Resurrection No small Synod being call'd together upon this account Origen is again sent for thither and having disputed publickly concerning this question he managed the cause so well that those who before were fallen into errour changed their sentiments CHAP. XXXVIII Concerning the Heresie of the Helcesaïts AT that time also sprang up another perverse Errour call'd the Heresie of the Helcesaïts which was stifled in its birth Origen mentions it in his Homily to the people upon the eighty second Psalm in these words Lately there came one highly conceited of himself for his ability to defend that Atheistical and most wicked Opinion call'd the Opinion of the Helcesaïts which lately was raised in opposition to the Church I will explain to you what evil things that Opinion asserts that ye be not drawn away by it It reject's somethings of every part of the Scripture but makes use of some Texts both out of the Old and also out of the Evangelical Scripture it rejects the Apostle Paul wholly It says 't is an indifferrent thing to deny the Faith It â—olds also that upon necessity a wise man would deny Christianity with his mouth but not with his heart also at the same time They also carry about with them a book which they say fell down from heaven and every one that hears it and believes it shall obtain Remission of sins a Remission different from that which Jesus Christ bestowed But let thus much suffice concerning these things CHAP. XXXIX Concerning what happened in the times of Decius BUt in the mean while Decius succeeds Philip after he had Reigned seven years who because of his hatred towards Philip rais'd a Persecution against the Churches In which Fabian being Martyr'd at Rome Cornelius succeeds in that Bishoprick And Alexander the Bishop of Jerusalem in Palestine is again brought before the Governour 's Tribunal for Christ's sake And was very famous for his second confession at Caesarea where he was imprisoned being now adorned with a venerable old Age and reverend gray haires After his noble and famous testimony before the Governour 's Tribunal he expired in Prison and Mazabanes was pronounced his successour in the Bishoprick of Jerusalem Also Babylas Bishop of Antiochia died in like manner as did Alexander in prison after his confession and Fabius is preferred to be Bishop of that Church Moreover how many and how great afflictions happened to Origen in this Persecution and what was the end of these things the Devil with all his forces enviously setting himself in opposition to this man and fighting against him with all subtilty and power assailing him particularly above all those who were set upon at that time how many and how great things he also suffered for the Doctrine of Christ as bonds and bodily torments the punishment of the Iron Chain in the inmost recesses of the Prison how he was put upon the Rack his feet for several days being stretch'd so wide as to the distance of four holes how valiantly he sustain'd the menaces of fire and all other Tortures inflicted by his Enemies what also was the exit of these things the Judge with his utmost power earnestly endeavouring that he might not be slain Lastly what expressions he left behind him and how comfortable to the comfortless All these particulars many of his Epistles do both truly and accurately comprehend CHAP. XL. Concerning what things happened to Dionysius I Will also Record some things concerning Dionysius out of his Epistle to Germanus Where speaking concerning himself he makes this relation I speak in the presence of God and he knows that I lie not I never made my escape of my self nor without the Divine appointment But before to wit at the same time when the Decree for the Persecution came out from Decius Sabinus sent out his Deputy to make inquisition for me and I stay'd at home four days expecting the arrival of the Deputy But he went about
Macrianus therefore having treacherously betrayed one of the Emperours which preceded him and made War upon the other was immediately extirpated and together with his whole family became extinct Gallienus was now proclaimed and by common consent received Emperour he was both an old Emperour and a new for he was before them and also survived them for according to that which was spoken by the Prophet Esaias Behold the former things are come to pass and new things shall now rise up For as a cloud rising up before the rays of the fun overshadoweth it for a while and appears to be substituted into the place thereof but when the cloud has gone over it or is dissolved the sun which before was risen seems then to arise again so Macrianus who set himself before and approacht the very Empire of Gallienus now is not for he never was but Gallienus as he was Emperour before so he now continues to be And the Empire it self having deposited its old Age as it were and being cleansed from the dregs of its former improbity now flourisheth with greater vividness is seen and heard of at a larger distance and spreads its fame in all places He afterwards declares the time when he wrote these things in these words It now again comes into my mind to contemplate the years of our Emperour For I see how those most impious persons who had so great a name are in a short time become most obscure But our most Pious and Religious Emperour having passed his seventh is now in the ninth year of his Empire in which we are about to solemnize the Festivals CHAP. XXIV Concerning Nepos and his Schism BEsides Dionysius wrote two Books concerning the promises The occasion of his writing these Books was Nepos an Aegyptian Bishop who taught that the promises which were made to the Saints in the sacred Scriptures should be performed in the Jewish sence and affirmed that there was to come a thousand years state upon earth which should be spent in bodily pleasures Now he supposing he could confirm his own opinion out of John's Revelation wrote a Book upon this Question and intitled it A Confutation of the Allegorical Expositors which piece Dionysius confutes in his Books concerning the Promises In the first Book of which he proposeth his own opinion concerning the Question In the second he discourseth concerning the Revelation of John where in the very beginning he makes mention of this Nepos and writes thus concerning him But because they produce a Book of Nepos's on which they rely very much as if it did infallibly demonstrate that the Kingdom of Christ should be set up on earth indeed for several other things I commend and love Nepos for his faith his industry and study in the Scriptures and also for the many Psalms and Hymns he composed with which many of the Brethren are even at this time much delighted And I reverence the man for this reason chiefly because he is dead But I judge truth most to be beloved and to be the most precious of all things It is our duty to praise and freely to commend what-ever is truly said but we are also to examine and correct what-ever unsound opinion appears to have been committed to writing Now could he be present and discusse his opinion by word of mouth then a bare discourse by Questions and Answers without any writing might suffice to convince and reduce the adverse party to an agreement But since there is a Book published and as to some it seems a most perswasive one since some Teachers look upon the Law and the Prophets to be of no value neglect to follow the Gospels have small esteem for the Epistles of the Apostles and promise great things concerning the Doctrine of this Book as containing some great and hidden Mystery since they will not suffer the more ignorant of our brethren to think of any thing that is sublime and great neither of the glorious and truly divine advent of our Lord nor of our Resurrection from the dead our gathering together to him and our being made like him But perswade them to think that men hope for nothing in the Kingdom of God but abject and mortal things such as they now hope for It is necessary we enter into a dispute against our Brother Nepos as if he himself were present After some words he continues saying When I was in the Province of the Arsinoitae where as you know this opinion was long since propagated so far that there were Schisms and revoltings of whole Churches together having convened the Presbyters and Teachers of the Brethren in every particular Vilage such Brethren also as had a mind to come being present I advised them that there might be researches made into this Doctrine in the presence of a publick Assembly And when they produced this Book as a defence and an impregnable bulwark sitting with them three whole days together from morning till evening I endeavoured to discusse the contents thereof In all which time I did extraordinarily admire the constancy of the Brethren their love to truth and the great quickness and readiness of their understanding with so much order modesty and moderation did we propose Questions propound doubts and yield our assents For we took special care never pertinaciously to defend our former opinions when once they were found to be erroneous neither did we shun the objections of others But to the utmost of our power we endeavoured to keep close to the points of the present Question and confirm them as well as we could Neither if we were convinc't were we ashamed to be perswaded out of our opinion and consent with others But with a good conscience unfeignedly and with hearts displai'd to God we received what-ever was grounded upon the demonstrations and declarations of the sacred Scripture In the conclusion the chief maintainer and champion of this Doctrine by name Coracio confessed and made a protestation to us in the Audience of all the Brethren there Assembled that he would no longer adhere to this opinion nor dispute concerning it nor mention it nor preach it so powerfully was he convinc't by the Arguments which had been brought against it And the rest of the Brethren which were present rejoyced at this conference and at the reconciliation and unanimity which was amongst all men CHAP. XXV Concerning the Revelation of John HAving interposed some words he afterwards says thus concerning the Revelation of John Indeed some of our Ancestours disowned and wholly rejected this Book confuting every Chapter and demonstrating it to be an unknown and senseless work and that the Title is forged for they say it is not John's Neither is it a Revelation because it is covered over with so thick and dark a vail of Ignorance And that not onely no Apostle but also no holy or Ecclesiastick person could have been the compiler of this
have before manifested And having spent the remaining part of their time in a private and retired condition they concluded their lives after this manner The one who in respect of his Age and Honour took place of all the rest was consumed by a lasting and most painfull distemper of body the other who was the next to him in honour put an end to his life by hanging of himself undergoing this punishment which was agreeable to a certain Diabolical Prediction concerning him upon account of those many villanies he had most audaciously perpetrated Of the remaining two the last who as we have said was the Authour of the whole Persecution underwent those miseries which we have related before But he who in dignity preceded this man I mean that most favourable and mercifull Emperour Constantius who during the whole time of his Government behaved himself in such sort as befitted an Emperour who both in other matters represented himself to be most courteous and beneficent and also was unconcerned in the persecution raised against us who preserved the worshippers of God living under his Government from all manner of injuries and molestations who neither demolished the edifices of the Churches nor attempted any other new design against us this Emperour Constantius I say obtained a fortunate and truly thrice happy conclusion of his life being the onely person that ended his life peaceably and gloriously during his swaying the Imperial Scepter and left his own Son in all respects a most sober and pious Prince his successour in the Empire He being from the very beginning forthwith proclaimed supream Emperour and Augustus by the Souldiers declared himself to be an emulatour of his Fathers reverend regard towards our Religion Such was the conclusion of their lives which happened to the forementioned four Emperours at different times Moreover of them he onely whom we mentioned a little before made the foresaid confession and together with those who were afterwards taken in to be Colleagues with him in the Empire made it publickly known to all men by an Edict proposed in writing EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS'S BOOK Concerning the MARTYRS of PALESTINE In one Copy we also found these following Chapters at the End of the Eighth Book IT was the Ninteenth year of Diocletians Empire the moneth Xanthicus which the Romans call April Flavianus being Governour of the Province of Palestine in which year to wit when the Feast of the Salutary Passion was near at hand the Edicts on a sudden were every where set forth commanding the Churches to be pulled down to the ground and the Scriptures to be consumed with fire and ordering that such as were promoted to honours should be degraded and that the ordinary sort of people if they persisted in a resolution of retaining the profession of Christianity should be deprived of their liberty Such was the vehemency of the first Edict against us But not long after other Rescripts were brought wherein order was given that all Prelates of the Churches every where should first be put in bonds and afterwards compelled by all ways imaginable to offer sacrifice CHAP. I. Concerning Procopius Alphaeus and Zacchaeus Martyrs PRocopius therefore the first of the Martyrs of Palestine before he had experienced a confinement in prison was immediately upon his very first Arrival brought before the Presidents Seat of Judicature and being commanded to offer sacrifice to those by the Gentiles stiled Gods he said that he knew but one onely God to whom sacrifice was to be offered according to that manner which he himself had appointed But when he was bidden to sacrifice to the four Emperours having uttered a sentence which was in no wise pleasing to them that which he said was these words of the Poet Homer It is not good to have many Lords let there be one Lord one King he was forthwith beheaded on the eighth day of the moneth Desius that is as the Romans stile it before the seventh of the Ides of June on the fourth day of the week This was the first Martyrdom that was consummated at Caesarea in Palestine but after him very many Prelates of Churches in that Province having at the same City chearfully undergone most grievous tortures exhibited to the Spectatours a relation of illustrious Combats But others dis-spirited by reason of their fear were immediately discouraged at the very first attaque made against them Every one of the rest underwent various and interchangeable sorts of tortures one was scourged with innumerable stripes another was racked had the flesh of his sides scraped off with iron nails and was loaded with an insupportable burthen of bonds by reason of which some happened to have the sinews of their hands weakened and made feeble Nevertheless they all endured whatever befell them agreeable to the secret judgment of God For one being taken by the hand by some others who led him to the Altar and thrust the impure and detestable sacrifice into his right hand was dismissed as if he had sacrificed Another who had not in any wise touched the sacrifice yet when others affirmed that he had sacrificed went silently away A third taken up half dead was cast forth as if he had been so really and being loosed from his bonds was computed amongst their number who had offered sacrifice A fourth crying out and making protestation that he would not perform what he was enjoyned by them to do was stricken on the mouth and being silenced by a great company of persons purposely appointed upon that account was forcibly thrust out although he had not sacrificed So highly did they every way esteem their being thought to have perfected what they desired Of all these therefore who were so numerous onely Alphaeus and Zacchaeus obtained the crown of holy Martyrdom Who after they were scourged and had had their flesh scraped off with torturing irons when they had endured most grievous bonds and cruciating pains therein after various other tortures they were put into the stocks where for four and twenty hours space their feet were distended to the fourth hole and having confest that there was but one only God and one King Jesus Christ as if they had uttered something that was blasphemous and impious they underwent the same sort of punishment with the first Martyr Procopius and were beheaded on the seventeenth day of the month Dius which day amongst the Romans is before the fifteenth of the Calends of December CHAP. II. Concerning Romanus the Martyr MOreover what was done about Romanus on the very same day at Antioch does worthily deserve to be commemorated for he being born in Palestine was a Deacon and Exorcist in the Church of Caesarea coming to Antioch at that very time when the Churches were demolished and having seen many men women and children flocking in crouds to the Temples of the Idolls and offering
after he had furrowed their sides with many tortures condemned them to be devoured by wild-beasts Therefore after two days space on the fifth of the month Dystrus that is before the third of the Nones of March the day whereon the nativity of the publick Genius as the Heathens account it is celebrated at Caesarea Adrianus was cast to a Lion after which a sword was thrust through his body and so he ended his life On the next day after save one that is on the very Nones of March which is the seventh of the month Dystrus Eubulus after the Judge had entreated him with much earnestness that by offering sacrifice he would procure for himself that which they account liberty preferring a glorious death for his Religion before this transitory life when he had been exposed to the wild beasts and been made a sacrifice after the same manner with the former Martyr was the last that closed up the Combats of the Martyrs at Caesarea Moreover it will be worthy our recording here how divine providence soon after punished these impious Presidents together with the Tyrants themselves For Firmilianus who had been so reproachfully outragious against Christ's Martyrs having with some others been adjudged to undergo a capital punishment was beheaded And these were the Martyrdoms accomplished at Caesarea during the whole time of the persecution CHAP. XII Concerning the Prelates of the Churches BUt what happened to be done in relation to the Prelates of Churches during this interval of time and afterwards how instead of being continued Pastours of Christ's rational flock which they had not rightly and duly governed divine justice judging them as it were fit for such Offices condemned them to be imployed in looking after Camels a brutish sort of creatures whose bodies are naturally crooked and mis-shapen and how it adjudged them to be keepers of the Emperours horses also what and how great injuries dishonours and tortures they suffered from such as during those times were the Emperours Procuratours and Governours of Provinces upon account of the sacred vessels and treasures belonging to the Church moreover the ambitious desires of many the inconsiderate and illegal ordinations and the schismes amongst the Confessours themselves besides what those modern raisers of disturbances with much earnestness attempted against the remaines of the Church introducing innovations successively one after another being without intermission authours of evils even in the midst of the calamities caused by the persecution and heaping mischiefs upon mischiefs all this I say I think fit to omit a relation hereof being in my judgment inconvenient and which as I said in the beginning of this book I do altogether dislike and am resolved to avoid Supposing it therefore to be most accommodate for an history concerning the admirable Martyrs to speak write and instill into the ears of believers what ever is of importance to and commendable in our Religion and those passages which are virtuous and praiseworthy I thought good to adorn the close of this book with a relation of that peace which afterwards appeared to us from heaven CHAP. XIII Concerning Silvanus John and thirty nine other Martyrs THe seventh year of the persecution against us was now compleated and our affairs having by little and little obtained some thing of a tendency towards a quiet posture by an abatement of their heats who had been our malicious detractours proceeded on to the eighth year when no small number of Confessours were gathered together about the Brass mines in Palestine and enjoyed their liberty to such a degree that they erected buildings to make Churches of But the Governour of the Province a cruel and wicked person as he manifested himself to be upon account of what he did against the Martyrs making a journey thither and being informed of their way of living in that place acquainted the Emperour therewith writing what he judged sutable to calumniate them Afterwards the Governour of the Mines came thither and as if he had had an Imperial order so to do having separated that company of Confessours allotted Cyprus to be the place of habitation for some of them and Libanus for others He dispersed others of them in several places throughout Palestine and gave order they should all be wearied out with various sorts of laborious employments Then he pick't out four which seemed to be the most eminent persons amongst them and sent them to the commander in chief of the Military forces in those parts Two of these were Aegyptian Bishops by name Peleus and Nilus the third was a Presbyter and the fourth was Patermuthius a person signally renowned amonst all men upon account of his sedulity in doing all men good offices This Commander having asked these men to renounce their Religion and not obtaining his request ordered they should be burnt to death Again there were others at the same place who were allotted a particular country to inhabit in by themselves to wit such of the Confessours as either by reason of their age or the mangling of their members or because of other bodily infirmities were freed from doing service in those laborious employments The principal among these was Silvanus a Bishop born at Gaza a person that demonstrated himself to be a truly religious and most genuine example of the Christian profession This man after he had been signally eminent in all sorts of conflicts undergone upon account of confession from the very first day as I may say of the persecution and during the whole time it lasted was reserved for this opportunity that he might in the last place seal up as it were all the Combats of the Martyrs in Palestine Many Egyptians were with him amongst whom there was one John who for strength of memory far surpassed all men of our age This man had been deprived of his eye-sight before Nevertheless in the conflicts of confession wherein he got great renown when one of his feet after the same manner that others were served was rendred useless by being seared with red hot irons his eyes also although he could not then see were burnt out with searing irons to such an height of cruelty and inhumanity had the merciless and incompassionate Executioners then arrived in their carriage towards the Christians 'T is needless to extol this man for his morals and the Philosophick life he lead especially since he was not so admirable upon that account as for his strength of memory for he had whole books of the sacred Scriptures written not on tables of stone as the divine Apostle says nor on parchments or paper which are devoured by moths and time but on the fleshly tables of his heart that is on his bright soul which were legible to the most clear eye of his mind In so much that when ever he pleased he could produce out of his mouth as it were out of a treasury of Learning sometimes the books of the Law and those of the Prophets
world which reaches from the rising Sun to the utmost Western Regions together with the Provinces that lie round about as well towards the North as the South Men therefore were now secure from all fear of them who formerly had oppressed them and celebrated splendid and solemn days of Festivity All things seemed to abound with fulness of light and they who heretofore beheld each other with dejectedness and sorrow then lookt upon each other with smiling countenances and chearful eyes In Dances also and Songs in every City and in the Fields they first of all glorified God the King of Kings for thus they were instructed to do and in the next place the pious Emperour together with his children which were beloved of God There was an oblivion of past afflictions no remembrance of any impiety but only an enjoyment of the present good things and expectations of more in future In all places the Edicts of the Victorious Emperour full of kindness and clemency and his Laws containing manifest tokens of his great bounty and true piety were proclaimed All Tyranny therefore being thus extirpated the Empire which did by right belong to Constantine and his Sons was preserved firm and secure from envie Who after they had cleansed the world from the impiety of their Predecessours being sensible of those great benefits which had been procured for them by God did by a most apparent and convincing testimony of their deeds declare to all men their love of vertue and of the Deity and also their piety and gratitude towards God The End by God's Assistance of the Tenth Book of Eusebius Pamphilus's Ecclesiastical History THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF Socrates Scholasticus Translated out of the GREEK according to the Edition set forth by VALESIUS and Printed at PARIS in the Year 1668. Together with VALESIUS'S Annotations on the said Historian which are also done into ENGLISH and set at their proper places in the Margin Hereunto also is annexed an account of the Life and Writings of the foresaid Historian Collected by VALESIUS and Translated into ENGLISH HINC LUCEM ET POCULA SACRA CAMBRIDGE Printed by John Hayes Printer to the University 1680. VALESIUS'S PREFACE To the Studious READERS AFter Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea whom we may deservedly Stile the Father of Ecclesiastick History many inflamed with a Pious Emulation undertook to Treat of the same Subject But Socrates Sozomen and Theodoret are in the Judgment of all Antiquity far more famous than all the other Writers who beginning from those times wherein Eusebius concluded his Ecclesiastick History brought their work down to the Times of Theodosius Junior And at first I was resolved to have published these three Writers together that as they had prosecuted one and the same Subject in their Writings so they might have also been comprehended and read in one and the same Volume But in regard this would hereby have been too large a Volume therefore I was forced to defer the Edition of Theodoret to another time To which I will add Evagrius Epiphaniensis's Ecclesiastick History as also the Excerptions of Philostorgius and Theodorus Lector that the Studious may in future read over the whole body of Ecclesiastick History publisht and explained by our Labour In the interim you have here Reader joyned together in this Volume Socrates and Sozomen Concerning what I have done about the Edition of these Authours take this account in short Above Eight years since when by the Command and advice of the most Illustrious Prelates belonging to the Gallican Clergy I publisht the History of Eusebius Caesariensis I made it my business to perform three things most especially in that Edition For first having from all places procured those Manuscript-Copies that were most remarkable and eminent I amended and differenced those passages which in the former Editions had been corrupted and disguised Secondly in regard the former Translatours had either by reason of their want of Manuscript-Copies or on some other account erred in many places that their Versions might not induce the Readers into mistakes I my self have Elaborated a new Translation with which the Studious will I hope be in future content Lastly I have added Annotations that I might therein both give an account of mine Amendments and also explain and illustrate all the more obscure and difficult places And this Edition being candidly received by all is now in the hands of the Learned Therefore what I then by the Divine Assistance performed in the History of Eusebius Caesariensis the same I have attempted now to do in the History of Socrates and Sozomen by the Command and advice of the same Prelates I mentioned For that I may in the first place speak concerning Socrates who first betook himself to write I have amended his History by the help and assistance of three Manuscript-Copies to wit the Sfortian the Florentine and the Allatian The Sfortian-Manuscript which is the best and ancientest is at this time kept in the Vatican Library This Copy the Learned Lucas Holstenius had sometime since in favour to the most illustrious Carolus Monchallus Arch-Bishop of Tolouse compared with the Geneva Edition and had transmitted the various readings together with the Emendations of Philostorgius transcribed from the Scoriacensian M. S. to the same Prelate at such time as the Gallican Clergy had committed to him the care of setting forth a new Edition of the Ancient Ecclesiastick History so the said Holstenius informs us in his Epistle to Peter Possinus a Divine of the Order of the Jesuites But afterwards when by the entreaty of the same Arch-Bishop of Tolouse who understood that by reason of his too much other business he could not be at leisure to take care of this Edition the Gallican Clergy had injoyned me that Province the same Holstenius sent me the various readings of the fore mentioned Sfortian-Manuscript written out with his own hand at the margin of the Geneva Edition together with those amendments of Philostorgius and had sent me more had a longer life been granted him For a little before his death he sent me some dissertations concerning certain passages in the Nicene and Chalcedon Councills and concerning Synesius's Episcopate Which dissertations shall God willing be published by us in the third Tome of our Ecclesiastick History that the Learned part of the world may be no longer defrauded of that most Accomplished Persons Labours The Florentine-Manuscript follows transcribed about five hundred years since which is now kept at Florence in Saint Laurence's Library The discovery and use of this Manuscript I owe to Emericus Bigotius a most skilfull searcher into Old Libraries by whose diligence it is contrived that we sitting still and idle here enjoy the riches and treasures of many and most remote Libraries For at his entreaty Michael Erminius a Senatour of Florence compared that Copy with the Geneva-Edition and transmitted the various readings thereof to me upon which account I do profess my self much oblieged to both
Then he does not obscurely reprehend that advice of Nectarius who abrogated the Paenitentiary Presbyter For he says that hereby Licence was given to Sinners whenas there was no body that might reprove offenders Which Opinion could not proceed from a Novatian in regard those Hereticks admitted neither of Repentance after Baptism nor of a Penitentiary-Presbyter as Socrates does there attest Add hereto the testimony of Theodorus Lector who in his Epistle prefixt before his Ecclesiastick History calls Socrates Sozomen and Theodoret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is men that were pious and acceptable to God Moreover Theodorus Lector lived in the same City and almost at the same time that Socrates did to wit in the Reign of the Emperour Anastasius Lastly Petrus Halloixius in his notes on the life of Saint Irenaeus pag. 664 is of the same Opinion with us For disputing against Baronius who at the year of Christ 159. had written thus These things Socrates the Novatian who with the Jews celebrated Easter on the fourteenth day of the Moon c. he utters these words And whereas Socrates is termed a Novatian that may be taken in a double sence The one is that he sometimes favoured the Novatians which also Bellarmine affirms in his Book de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis at the year of our Lord 440. both concerning him and likewise concerning Sozomen The other is that he was a follower of the Novatian-Heresie In the now cited Chapter he neither shews himself to be a Novatian nor a favourer of them For he blames them and detects their dissensions and vices in so much that he may seem not to have been a friend but an enemy or rather neither of the two but a declarer of the truth which is the business of an Historian Thus far concerning Socrates we must now speak of Sozomen Hermias Sozomen was also a practiser in the Law at Constantinople at the same time with Socrates His Ancestours were not mean they were originally Palestinians Inhabitants of a certain Village neer Gaza called Bethelia This Village did in times past abound with a numerous company of Inhabitants and had most stately and ancient Churches But the most glorious Structure of them all was the Pantheon Scituated on an artificial Hill which was the Tower as it were of Bethelia as Sozomen relates in Chap. 15. of his fifth Book The Grandfather of Hermias Sozomen was born in that Village and first converted to the Christian Faith by Hilarion the Monk For when Alaphion an inhabitant of the same Village was possessed with a devil and the Jews and Physitians attempting to cure him could do him no good by their Inchantments Hilarion by a bare invocation of the Name of God cast out the Devil Sozomen's Grandfather and Alaphion himself amazed at this miracle did with their whole families embrace the Christian Religion The Grandfather of Sozomen was eminent for his expositions of the sacred Scriptures being a person endowed with a polite wit and an acuteness of understanding Besides he was indifferently well skilled in Literature Therefore he was highly esteemed of by the Christians inhabiting Gaza Ascalon and the places adjacent in regard he was usefull and necessary for the propagating of Religion and could easily unloose the knots of the sacred Scriptures But Alaphion's descendants excelled others for their Sanctity of Life kindness to the indigent and for their other Virtues and they were the first that built Churches and Monasteries there as Sozomen attests in the place before cited Where he also adds that some holy persons of Alaphion's Family were surviving even in his days with whom he himself when very young was conversant and concerning whom he promises to speak more afterwards Undoubtedly he means Salamanes Phusco Malchio and Crispio brothers concerning whom he speaks in Chap. 32. of his Sixth Book For he says that these brethren instructed in the Monastick discipline by Hilarion were during the Empire of Valens eminent in the Monasteries of Palestine and that they lived neer Bethelia a Village in the Country of the Gazites For they were descendants of a Noble Family amongst them He mentions the same persons in his Eighth Book and Fifteenth Chapter where he says Crispio was Epiphanius's Arch-Deacon 'T is apparent therefore that those brethren I have mentioned were extracted from Alaphion's Family Now Alaphion was related to Sozomen's Grandfather Which I conjecture from hence First because the Grandfather of Sozomen is said to have been converted together with his whole Family to the Christian Religion upon account of Alaphion's wonderfull cure whom Hilarion had healed by calling on the name of the Omnipotent God Further this conjecture is confirmed by what Sozomon relates to wit that he when very young was familiarly conversant with the aged Monks that were of Alaphion's Family And lastly in regard Sozomen took his name from those persons who were either the Sons or Grandchildren of Alaphion For he was called Salamanes Hermias Sozomenus as Photius attests in his Bibliotheca from the name of that Salamanes who as we observed before was Phusco's Malchio's and Crispio's brother Wherefore that mistake of Nicephorus's and others must be amended who suppose that Sozomen had the surname of Salaminius because he was born at Salamine a City of Cyprus But we have before demonstrated from Sozomen's own testimony that he was not born in Cyprus but in Palestine For his Grandfather was not only a Palestinian as is above said but Sozomen himself was also educated in Palestine in the bosome as I may say of those Monks that were of Alaphio's Family From which education Sozomen seems to me to have imbibed that most ardent love of a monastick life and discipline which he declares in many places of his History Hence 't is that in his Books he is not content to relate who were the Fathers and Founders of Monastick Philosophy but he also carefully relates their Successours and disciples who both in Egypt Syria and Palestine and also in Pontus Armenia and Osdroëna followed this way of Life Hence also it is that in the Twelfth Chapter of the First Book of his History he has proposed to be read in the beginning as it were that gorgeous Elogue of Monastick Philosophy For he supposed that he should have been ungratefull had he not after this manner at least made a return of thanks to those in whose familiarity he had lived and from whom when he was a youth he had received such eminent examples of a good converse For that he himself intimates in the Proeme to his First Book But it is collected that Sozomen was educated at Gaza not onely from this place which I have mentioned but also from Chap. 28. of his Seventh Book where Sozomen says that he himself had seen Zeno Bishop of Majuma This Majuma is a Sea-Port belonging to the Gazites Which Bishop although he was almost an hundred years old yet was never absent from the Morning and Evening Hymns unless it hapned that
especially because Eusebius of Nicomedia had sorely threatned him saying that he would forthwith cause him to be deposed unless he would admit Arius and his followers to Communion But Alexander was not so sollicitous about his own deposition as he was fearful of the enervating of the Doctrine of Faith which they earnestly endeavoured to subvert For looking upon himself as the keeper and patron of the determinations made by the Nicene Synod he made it wholly his business to prevent the wresting and depravation of those Canons Being therefore reduced to those extremities he entirely bad farwell to the assistances of Logick and made God his Refuge He devoted himself to continued fasts and omitted no form or manner of praying Now he made this resolution within his own mind and what he had resolved he secretly performed Having shut up himself alone in the Church which is called Irene he went to the Altar laid himself prostrate on the ground under the holy Table and poured forth his prayers to God with tears he continued doing this for many nights and days together Moreover he asked of God and received what he had desired His petition was this that if Arius's opinion were true he might not see the day appointed for the disquisition thereof but if that Faith which he professed were true that Arius in regard he was the Authour of all these mischiefs might suffer condign punishment for his impiety CHAP. XXXVIII Concerning Arius's death THis was the subject of Alexanders prayer Now the Emperour desirous to make tryal of Arius sends for him to the Pallace and enquired of him whether he would give his assent to the determinations of the Nicene Synod He without any delay readily subscribed in the Emperours presence making use of evasive shifts to elude and avoid what had been determined concerning the Faith The Emperour admiring hereat compelled him to swear This he also did by making use of fraud and deceit Moreover the manner of artifice he made use of in subscribing was as I have heard this Arius they say wrote that opinion he maintained in a piece of paper and hid it under his arm-pit and then swore that he did really think as he had written What I have written concerning his having done this is grounded on hear-say only But I have collected out of the Emperours own Letters that he swore besides his bare subscribing Hereupon the Emperour believed him and gave order to Alexander Bishop of Constantinople to admit him to Communion It was then the Sabbath day and on the day following he expected that he should be a member of the assembly of believers But Divine vengeance closely followed Arius's audaciousness For when he went out of the Imperial Pallace he was attended by the Eusebian faction like guards through the midst of the City in so much that the eyes of all people were upon him And when he came neer that place which is called Constantines Forum where the pillar of porphyrie is erected a terror proceeding from a consciousness of his impieties seiz'd Arius which terrour was accompanied with a loosness Hereupon he enquired whether there were an house of office neer and understanding that there was one behind Constantines Forum he went thither A fainting fit seized him and together with his excrements his fundament fell down forthwith and a great flux of bloud followed and his small guts And bloud gushed out together with his spleen and liver He died therefore immediately But the house of office is to be seen at this day in Constantinople as I said behind Constantines Forum and behind the Shambles in the Piazza and by every ones pointing with their finger at the jakes as they go by the manner of Arius's death will never be forgotten by posterity This accident hapning a fear and an anxietie seized Eusebius of Nicomedia's faction and the report hereof quickly spread it self all over the City nay I may say over the whole world But the Emperour did more zealously adhere to Christianity and said that the Nicene Faith was now truly confirmed by God himself He was also very glad both at what had hapned and also upon the account of his three sons whom he had proclaimed Caesars each of them was created at every Decennalia of his Reign The Eldest of them called Constantine after his own name he created Governour over the Western parts of the Empire in the first tenth year of his Reign His second son Constantius who bore his Grandfathers name he made Caesar in the Eastern parts of the Empire in the twentieth year of his Reign The youngest called Constans he created Caesar in the thirtieth year of his Empire CHAP. XXXIX How Constantine falling into a distemper ended his life THe Year after the Emperour Constantine having just entred the sixty fifth year of his age falls sick He therefore left Constantinople and went by water to Helenopolis to make use of the medicinal hot springs situate in the vicinage of that City But when he was sensible that his distemper increased he deferred bathing And removed from Helenopolis to Nicomedia He kept his Court there in the Suburbs and received Christian Baptism He was hereupon very chearfull and made his will wherein he left his three sons heirs of the Empire allotting to every one of them their part as he had done in his life time He left many Legacies both to Rome and to Constantinople and he intrusted his Will with that Presbyter by whose intercession Arius was recalled of whom we spoke something before injoyning him not to deliver it into any mans hands except his Son Constantius's whom he had constituted Governour of the East After he had made his Will he lived some few days and then died Moreover none of his Sons were with him at his death Therefore there was one immediately dispatcht into the East to inform Constantius of his Fathers death CHAP. XL. Concerning Constantine the Emperours Funerall THey that were about the Emperour put his Corps in a Coffin of Gold conveighed it to Constantinople and placed it on a bed of State on high in the Pallace and there they paid their honorary respects to it and set a guard about it as when he was alive This course they continued till one of his Sons came But when Constantius arrived out of the Eastern parts he was honoured with an imperial Sepulture and deposited in the Church called The Apostles which he himself had erected for this reason that the Emperours and Prelates might not be far inferiour to the reliques of the Apostles The Emperour Constantine lived to the age of Sixty five years he Reigned One and thirty years And died in the Consulate of Felicianus and Titianus upon the twenty second day of May which was the second year of the Two hundredth seventy eighth Olympiad Now this Book contains in it the space of thirty one yeares THE SECOND BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES
of blessed memory had determined to restore this Bishop to his own See and return him to your most amiable piety yet in regard being prevented by humane chance he died before the accomplishment of his desire We being his successour thought it agreeable to fulfill the mind of that Emperour of sacred memory Moreover how great a reverence and respect he has procured from us you shall know from himself as soon as he shall come into your presence Nor is it a wonder that We have done any thing in favour to him for both the representation of your love and also the aspect of so great a personage moved and exited Our mind hereto May the Divine Providence preserve you dearest brethren Upon the confidence of this Letter Athanasius comes to Alexandria and the people of Alexandria most willingly received him But as many as were followers of Arius's opinion entred into a combination and conspired against him hereupon continual Seditions arose which gave an occasion to the Eusebian faction of accusing him before the Emperour because upon his own inclination and award without the determination of a general Council of Bishops he had returned and taken possession of the Alexandrian Church And they made so great a proficiency in their calumnies that the Emperour being incensed expelled him out of Alexandria But how that was effected I will a little after this relate CHAP. IV. That upon Eusebius Pamphilus's death Acacius succeeded in the Bishoprick of Caesarea DUring this interval of time Eusebius who was Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine and had the sirname of Pamphilus departed this life and Acacius his Scholar succeeded him in that Bishoprick This Acacius published many other books and also wrote particularly concerning the Life of his Master Eusebius CHAP. V. Concerning the death of Constantine the Younger NOt long after this the Emperour Constantius's brother who bore the same name with his Father Constantine the younger invading those parts of the Empire that belonged to his younger brother Constans and ingaging with his Souldiers is slain by them in the Consulate of Acindynus and Proclus CHAP. VI. How Alexander Bishop of Constantinople at his death proposed Paulus and Macedonius to be elected into his Bishoprick AT the very same time the City Constantinople was involved in another tumult which followed on the neck of those disturbances we have before related raised upon this account Alexander who presided over the Churches in that City a Prelate that had couragiously opposed Arius departed out of this life after he had spent twenty three years in that Bishoprick and had lived ninety eight years compleat having ordained no body to succeed in his place But he commanded those to whom the power of electing belonged to make choice of one of those two whom he should name And if they were desirous of having one that should be both skillfull in teaching and also of an approved piety and uprightness of life he advised them to make choise of Paulus one that he had ordained Presbyter a person that was a young man indeed in respect of his age but old in understanding and prudence But if they would rather have one commendable for an external shew of piety only they might elect Macedonius who had long since been made a Deacon of that Church and was now grown aged Hereupon there hapned a great contest concerning the Ordination of a Bishop which very much disturbed that Church For the people were divided into two factions the one side adhered to the Arian opinion the other embraced the determinations made at the Nicene Synod And as long as Alexander continued alive the Homoöusian party prevailed the Arians disagreeing and contending daily amongst themselves concerning their own opinion But after Alexanders death the success of the peoples contest was dubious Therefore the Homoöusian party proposed Paulus to be ordained Bishop but those that embraced Arianism were very earnest to have Macedonius elected And in the Church called Irene which is near that Church now named The Great Church and the Church of Sophia Paulus is ordained Bishop in which election the suffrage of Alexander then dead seemed to have prevailed CHAP. VII How the Emperour Constantius ejected Paulus who had been Ordained Bishop and having sent for Eusebius from Nicomedia entrusted him with the Bishoprick of Constantinople BUt the Emperour arriving not long after at Constantinople was highly incensed at this Ordination of Paulus And having convened a Council of Bishops that embraced Arius's opinion he vacated Paulus's Bishoprick And he translated Eusebius from Nicomedia and constituted him Bishop of Constantinople When the Emperour had performed these things he went to Antioch CHAP. VIII How Eusebius assembled another Synod at Antioch of Syria and caused another form of Faith to be published BUt Eusebius could by no means be at quiet but as the common saying is moved every stone that he might effect what he had designed Therefore he procures a Synod to be assembled at Antioch in Syria under a pretence of dedicating a Church which Constantine the father of the Augusti had begun to build after whose death Constantius his son finished it in the tenth year after its foundation was laid but in reality that he might subvert and destroy the Homoöusian Faith At this Synod there met ninety Bishops who came out of divers Cities But Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem who had succeeded Macarius was not present at that Synod having considered with himself that he had been before induced by fraud to subscribe Athanasius's deposition Neither was Julius Bishop of Rome the Great present there nor did he send any body to supply his place Although the Ecclesiastick Canon doth order that the Churches ought not to make Sanctions contrary to the Bishop of Romes opinion This Synod therefore is convened at Antioch the Emperour Constantius himself being there present in the Consulate of Marcellus and Probinus This was the fifth year from the death of Constantine the father of the Augusti At that time Placitus successour to Euphronius presided over the Churches in Antioch The Eusebians therefore made it their principal business to calumniate Athanasius saying in the first place that he had done contrary to that Canon which they had then constituted because he had recovered his Episcopal dignity without the consent of a general Synod of Bishops For returning from his exile he had upon his own arbitrement and award rushed into the Church secondly that a tumult being raised at his entrance many had lost their lives in that Sedition and that some persons had been scourged by Athanasius and others brought before the seats of Judicature Moreover they produced what had been done against Athanasius in the City of Tyre CHAP. IX Concerning Eusebius Emisenus AFter the framing of these calumnies they proposed one to be made Bishop of Alexandria and in the first place they named Eusebius Emisenus Who this person was Georgius of
go directly from thence to Constantinople he arrived at a place the name whereof is Dadastana it is Situate in the Frontiers of Galatia and Bithynia There Themistius the Philosopher with others of the Senatorian Order met him and recited his Consular Oration before him which he afterwards spoke in the presence of the people at Constantinople Indeed as well the Civill as Ecclesiastick affairs of the Roman Empire being blest with so good an Emperour would have been managed fortunately and successfully had not a sudden death ravish't so eminent a personage from the publick For being seized with a distemper termed an Obstruction in Winter time he ended his life at the fore mentioned place in his own and his Son Varronianus's Consulate upon the seventeenth of February Having Reigned seaven months and lived thirty three years This Book contains the transactions of affairs during the space of two years and five months THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS CHAP. I. That after Jovianus's death Valentinianus is Proclaimed Emperour who made his Brother Valens his Colleague in the Empire And that Valentinianus was a Catholick but Valens an Arian THE Emperour Jovianus having ended his life as we have declared at Dadastana in his own and his Son Varronianus's Consulate on the seventeenth of February the Souldiers departing from Galatia on the seventh day after came to Nicaa in Bythinia where by a general suffrage they proclaim Valentinianus Emperour on the five and twentieth of February in the same Consulate By original extract he was a Pannonian born at the City Cibalis Having been entrusted with the leading of an Army he had given a demonstration of his great skill in Tacticks He was a personage of a large soul and always appeared superiour to that degree of honour he had arrived at When therefore they had created him Emperour He went immediately to Constantinople and thirty days after his being proclaimed he makes his Brother Valens his Colleague in the Empire They were both Christians but they disagreed about the Faith of the Christian Religion For Valentinianus had a veneration for the Creed of the Nicene Synod but Valens by reason of a prepossession adhered rather to the Arian opinion The reason of this his prepossession was because he had been baptized by Eudoxius Bishop of Constantinople a Prelate of the Arian Religion Both of them entertained a warmth and ardency for that Religion which each adhered to and yet after they came to the Empire they differed one from the other very much in their dispositions For formerly in the Reign of Julianus when Valentinianus was Tribune of the Souldiers and Valens had a Military employ in the Emperours Guards each of them gave a demonstration of the zeal they had for their Religion For being compelled to sacrifice they chose to leave their Military employments rather than relinquish Christianity But at that time the Emperour Julianus knowing them to be persons usefull to the Publick removed neither of them from their Military preferment nor yet Jovianus who was his Successour in the Empire But being afterwards promoted to the Empire they were at first like to one another as to their care about the management of the publick affairs but they differed as I have said about the Christian Religion and behaved themselves after a disagreeable manner towards the Christians For Valentinianus did indeed favour such persons as embraced his own sentiments but he was not in the least troublesome to the Arians But Valens desirous to promote the Arians did most grievously disquiet and disturb those who differed in opinion from them as the procedure of our History will evidence At that very time Liberius presided over the Roman Church at Alexandria Athanasius was Bishop of the Homoöusians and Lucius of the Arians whom the Arians had constituted Georgius's successour Euzoïus presided over the Arians at Antioch Those of the Homoöusian opinion in that City were divided into two parties Paulinus headed the one party and Melitius the other Cyrillus was again put into possession of the Church at Jerusalem The Government of the Churches at Constantinople was in the hands of Eudoxius an assertour of the Arian opinion the Homoöusians kept their assemblies in a little Oratory within that City Those of the Macedonian Heresie who had dissented from the Acacians at Seleucia at that time retained their Churches in every City In this posture were the affairs of the Church at that time CHAP. II. That Valentinianus went into the Western parts of the Empire and Valens resided at Constantinople who upon the Macedonians address to him that a Synod might be convened granted their request And that he persecuted the Homoousians BUt the one of the Emperours to wit Valentinianus went forthwith into the Western parts of the Empire For the care of the publick affairs necessarily required his presence there But Valens after he had resided a little while at Constantinople had an address made to him by most of the Bishops of the Macedonian Heresie who requested another Synod might be convened in order to the amendment of the Greed. The Emperour supposing they embraced the same sentiments with Acacius and Eudoxius permitted it to be done And so these persons made it their business to assemble a Synod in the City Lampsacus But Valens went with all speed possible towards Antioch in Syria fearing least the Persians should break the League they had entred into for thirty years in the Reign of Jovianus and invade the Roman Territories But the Persians were quiet Which calm Valens made an ill use of and raised an irreconcileable War against those who embraced the Homoöusian opinion He did indeed no harm to Paulinus the Bishop by reason of that persons exemplary and eminent Piety But he punished Melitius with Exile He drove all others who refused to communicate with Euzoïus from the Churches in Antioch and subjected them to losses and various punishments 'T is said that he drowned many persons in the River Orontes which runs by that City CHAP. III. That whilst Valens Persecuted those who embraced the Homoöusian opinion in the East there arose a Tyrant at Constantinople by name Procopius And that at the same time an Earthquake hapned and an inundation of the Sea which ruined many Cities WHilst Valens did these things in Syria there arose a Tyrant at Constantinople by name Procopius He got together a great force in a short time and made preparations for an expedition against the Emperour This being told to the Emperour put him into a very great Agony which for a little while represt the fury of his Persecution against the Catholicks In the interim that the disquietude of a Civil War was with pangs expected an Earthquake hapning ruined many Cities The Sea also altered its own boundaries For in some places it overflowed so much that Vessells might Sail where there was a foot passage before And it departed from other places
rather learn the points of Religion from him Moses replied an account of the points of Religion is not now required For the villanous actions you have committed against the Brethren do sufficiently demonstrate how Christian-like sentiments you have For a Christian strikes not reviles not does not fight for a Servant of the Lord ought not to fight But your facts do loudly cry out by those who have been exiled who have been cast to the wild beasts and who have been committed to the flames Moreover things seen by the eyes contain a greater and more convincing demonstration than what is received by hearing When Moses had said these and such like words as these his friends carried him to the mountain that he might receive Ordination from those Bishops who lived in Exile there Moses therefore having been after this manner consecrated at that time the Saracen War had an end put to it and for the future Mavia continued so strict an Alliance with the Romans that she betrothed her daughter to Victor the Roman Lieutenant General Thus much concerning the Saracens CHAP. XXXVII That after Valens's departure from Antioch the Orthodox in the East more especially those at Alexandria took courage and having ejected Lucius restored the Churches again to Peter who was returned fortified with the Letters of Damasus Bishop of Rome AT the same time that the Emperour Valens left Antioch those persons in all places who had been persecuted were mightily encouraged especially the Alexandrians Peter at that time returning from Rome with the Letters of Damasus the Roman Bishop whereby the Homoöusian Faith and Peters Ordination were confirmed The populace therefore resuming courage turn out Lucius and substitute Peter in his place Lucius went immediately on board a ship and sailed to Constantinople But Peter having lived but a little while after this dyed and left Timotheus his brother to succeed him in his See CHAP. XXXVIII That the Emperour arriving at the City Constantinople and being reproach't by the people upon account of the Goths marches out of the City against the Barbarians And coming to an ingagement with them near Adrianople a City of Macedonia is slain by them after he had lived fifty years and Reigned sixteen MOreover the Emperour Valens coming into Constantinople about the thirtieth of May in his own sixth and in Valentinianus Junior's second Consulate finds the people in a very sad and dejected condition For the Barbarians who had already overrun and ruined Thracia did now plunder and destroy the very Suburbs of Constantinople there being then no Forces ready that were fit to make a resistance against them But when the Barbarians attempted to make nearer approaches even to the very City walls the Citizens were grievously troubled thereat and murmured against the Emperour as if he himself had brought the Enemy thither and because he did not forthwith march out against them but deferred the War against the Barbarians Moreover when the Cirque Sports were exhibited all with one consent exclaimed against the Emperour because he was negligent of the publick affairs They cried out therefore with a great deal of earnestness Give us Arms and we our selves will fight The Emperour was highly incensed at the hearing of these Exclamations against himself and about the eleventh of June marches out of the City threatning that if he returned he would punish the Constantinopolitans both for the reproaches they then cast upon him and also because they had heretofore been Abettours of Procopius's Tyranny Having therefore said that he would totally demolish the City and Plough it up he march't out against the Barbarians Whom he drove a great way from the City and pursued them as far as Adrianople a City of Thracia situate in the Frontiers of Macedonia Ingaging the Barbarians at that place he ended his life on the ninth of August in the now mentioned Consulate This was the fourth year of the two hundreth eighty ninth Olympiad 'T is reported by some that he was destroyed by fire after he had taken refuge in a certain Village which the Barbarians assaulted and burnt But others affirm that having changed his Imperial habit he ran into the midst of the main body of Foot and when the Horse attempted a defection and refused fighting the Roman Foot were surrounded by the Barbarians and wholly cut off in the ingagement amongst whom 't is said the Emperour lay but was not known his Imperial habit whereby it might have been manifested which was he being not upon him He died after the fiftieth year of his age having Governed the Empire thirteen years with his Brother and Reigned three years after him This Book containes an account of affairs during the space of sixteen years THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS The PREFACE BEfore we begin the History of our Fifth Book we make a request to those who shall read this Work of ours that they would not blame us because designing to Write an Ecclesiastick History we intermix therewith the Wars also which have at several times hapned so far as we could procure a true Relation thereof For we do this upon several accounts First to bring the Readers to a knowledge of what has been Transacted Secondly that our Readers may not be cloy'd by being continually detained with a perusal of the contentious disagreements of Bishops and with the designes they framed against one another But most especially that it might be made apparent that when the Affairs of the State were disturbed those of the Church also by a certain sympathy as it were became distempered and disordered For let any man make an observation and he will find that the mischiefs of the State and troubles of the Church have gathered strength and spread together For he will perceive that they have either had their rise at one and the same time or else have immediately followed one another And sometimes the calamities of the Church lead the way then follow the commotions of the State at others on the contrary So that I cannot perswade my self that the interchangeable course of these things does proceed from any fortuitous accident but that they take their beginnings from our iniquities and that calamities are sent for the chastizement thereof For according to the Apostle Some mens sins are open before hand going before to judgment and some men they follow after Upon this account therefore we have interwoven some affairs transacted in the State with our Ecclesiastick History What was done in the Wars during the Reign of Constantine because 't is so long ago we could not find an account of But we make a cursory mention of the Actions done since according to the relation thereof which we have received from persons yet living We do without intermitting any one of them include the Emperours in this our History because from such time as they began to embrace the Christian Religion the affairs of the Church have
The success of the Battell being after this manner turned the Tyrant cast himself at the Emperours feet and requested his life might be saved But the Souldiers beheaded him as he lay prostrate at the Emperours feet These things were done on the sixth of September in Arcadius's third and Honorius â—â—cond Consulate But Arbogastes who had been the Authour of these great mischiefs being on his flight upon the third day after the battell as soon as he knew there were no hopes of life for him ran himself through with his own sword CHAP. XXVI How the Emperour falling ill after his Victory sent for his Son Honorius to Millain and thinking himself somewhat recovered from his distemper he ordered that Cirque-Sports should be exhibited on which very day he dyed BUt the Emperour Theodosius contracted an ill habit of body from the troubles and disquietudes he underwent in this War And supposing that his life would be ended by that distemper which was upon him he was more sollicitous about the publick affairs than concerned at his own death considering with himself how great calamities do usually befall Subjects after the death of their Emperour Wherefore he sends forthwith for his Son Honorius from Constantinople being desirous to settle the State of the Western Empire After his Sons arrivall at Millain he seemed to be somewhat revived from his distemper and gave order for the celebration of Triumphant Cirque-Sports And before Dinner he was very well and was a Spectatour at the Cirque-Sports But after Dinner he was taken very ill on a sudden and could not come to see the Games But having given his Son order to Preside at the Cirque-Sports he died on the night following in the Consulate of Olybrius and Probinus on the seventeenth day of January This was the first year of the two hundredth ninety fourth Olympiad The Emperour Theodosius lived sixty years and reigned sixteen This Book contains an account of affairs transacted during the space of sixteen years and eight months THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS The PREFACE WE have finished the task enjoyned by You most Sacred man of God Theodorus in the sive foregoing Books wherein according to our best ability we have comprized the History of the Church from the times of Constantine But you must know that we have not been curious about our Stile for we considered that should we have been carefull about an Elegancy of expression we might peradventure have mist of our design Besides could we have accomplished our design yet we were altogether unable to write such things as are extant in the Composures of Ancient Historians whereby any one of them might suppose himself able either to amplifie or disimprove Transactions Further such a Stile would in no wise have edified the Many and the Simpler sort of persons who are desirous of knowing affairs only not of admiring the Stile for its elegant composure That therefore our work might not be unusefull to both these sorts of persons to the Learned because 't is unworthy of being compared with the Elegant Stile of Ancient Writers and to the unlearned in regard they cannot attain to the knowledge of affairs being concealed by a pride and over-elegancy of Expression We have designedly made use of such a Stile as seems indeed to be lower and more mean but is notwithstanding plainer and more perspicuous But before we begin our Sixth Book we must give this premonition In regard we undertake the writing a Narrative of the affairs which have hapned in our own age we are afraid lest we should seem to record such things as will displease many persons either because according to the proverb Truth is bitter or in regard we mention not their names whom all men have a great love for with an Encomium or Lastly because we extoll not their Actions The Zealâ—ts of our Religion will condemn us because we do not give the Bishops the Title of Most dear to God or Most Holy or such like Others also will sometimes make curious remarks because we term not the Emperours Most Divine and Lords nor do give them those other titles which are usually attributed to them But in as much as I am able to prove and demonstrate from the Testimony of Ancient Writers that a Servant amongst them did usually call his Master by his proper name and made no account of his Dignity or Title by reason of the urgency of affairs and in as much as my indeavour is to obey the Laws of History which do require a sincere pure and true Narrative of Transactions free from all manner of Masks and Covers I will in future proceed in the same Narration Recording those things which either I my self saw or could learn from those who had seen them and making a judgment of the Truth from their not varying in their Relations who told me them But my Labour in discovering the Truth hath been great in regard many and those different persons gave me an account of affairs some of whom affirming they were present at the transacting of these things and others asserting they knew them better than any other persons CHAP. I. That after the death of the Emperour Theodosius when his Sons had divided the Empire between them and Arcadius had met the Army returning from Italy after some short stay there Rufinus the Praefectus Praetorio was killed by the Souldiers at the Emperours feet THE Emperour Theodosius having ended his life in the Consulate of Olybrius and Probinus on the seventeenth of the month January his Sons succeeded him in the Roman Empire Arcadius had the Government of the Eastern Empire and Honorius of the Western The Bishops who Presided over the Churches at that time were Damasus in the Imperial City Rome Theophilus at Alexandria Johannes was in possession of the Churches at Jerusalem and Flavianus of those at Antioch At Constantinople termed also New Rome Nectarius filled the Episcopall Chair as we have related in the foregoing Book About the eighth of the month November in the same Consulate Theodosius's body was brought to Constantinople and interred by his Son Arcadius with an honourable and solemn Funeral Not long after this on the eight and twentieth of the same month the Army also arrived which had been employed in the War against the Tyrant under the Emperour Theodosius's command When therefore the Emperour Arcadius agreeable to the usuall custom had met the Army without the City-gates the Souldiers at that time slew Rufinus the Emperours Praefectus Praetorio For Rufinus lay under a suspicion of turning Tyrant and 't was believed that he had called the Hunni a Barbarous Nation into the Roman Territories For at that time they destroyed Armenia and some parts of the East by making incursions into those Provinces Moreover on the same day whereon Rufinus was killed Marcianus Bishop of the Novatians died He was succeeded in that Bishoprick by Sisinnius of whom we
Johannes reproved Sisinnius and said to him a City cannot have two Bishops Sisinnius's answer was Nor has it Johannes being angry hereat and saying you seem desirous of being the only Bishop Sisinnius replyed I do not say that but that I am not a Bishop in your account only when as notwithstanding other persons look upon me to be such Johannes incensed at that answer I said he will make you leave Preaching for you are an Heretick To which Sisinnius made this pleasant return But I will give you a reward if you will free me from so great pains Johannes being mollified with this answer replied I will not make you leave off Preaching if that Office be troublesome to you So facetious was Sisinnius and so ready at answering It would be tedious to write and record all his sayings Wherefore I have accounted it sufficient by these few to shew what manner of person he was I will only add this that he was very eminent for his Learning on which account all the Bishops that were his successours loved and honoured him Moreover all the eminent personages of the Senatorian order had a great affection for and admired him He wrote many Books but he is too studious about words in them and intermixes Poetick terms He was more admired for his speaking than his writing For in his face and voice in his garb and aspect and in the whole motion of his body there was a gracefullness By reason of which accomplishments He was beloved both by all Sects and chiefly by Atticus the Bishop But I think thus much sufficient to have been said concerning Sisinnius CHAP. XXIII Concerning the death of the Emperour Arcadius NOt long after the death of Johannes the Emperour Arcadius died a man of a mild and quiet temper and who at the close of his life got the repute of a person beloved by God for this reason There is at Constantinople a very spacious house which is termed Carya For in the Court of this house there is a Nutt-tree on which 't is reported the Martyr Acacius was hanged and compleated his Martyrdom On this account a small Church was built near that tree The Emperour Arcadius desirous to see this Church went into it one day and when he had said his prayers came out again All those persons who dwelt near that Church ran together to see the Emperour Some went out of the house and made it their business to take their standings before hand in the streets from whence they supposed they might have a plainer view of the Emperour's countenance and of the Guards that were about him Others followed untill all persons together with the women and children were got out of the Church After which all that great house the buildings whereof enclosed the Church on every side fell down immediately Hereupon followed an out-cry together with an admiration because the Emperours prayer had delivered so great a multitude of persons from destruction This hapned thus Moreover Arcadius leaving his Son Theodosius then but eight years old ended his life in the Consulate of Bassus and Philippus on the first of May this was the second year of the two hundredth ninety seventh Olympiad He reigned with his Father Theodosius thirteen years after his Fathers death he reigned fourteen he lived one and thirty years This book contains the History of twelve years and six months In other Copies this following passage occurs not as if it were omitted but worded in a different manner We judged it therefore meet to annex it On which account we have added it at this place BUt in regard the Bishop of Ephesus hapned to die in the interim Johannes was necessitated to go to Ephesus to ordain a Bishop Being arrived in that City and some endeavouring to promote one person others another he preferred one Heraclides his own Deacon by Country a Cypriot to the Bishoprick Whereupon a disturbance being raised in Ephesus because Heraclides was reputed unworthy of the Episcopate Johannes was forced to stay at Ephesus for some time During his residence there Severianus grew more beloved and esteemed by his Auditors at Constantinople Nor was this unknown to Johannes For he was speedily acquainted with what hapned by Serapion whom he had a singular affection for and to whom he committed the whole care of his Episcopate in regard of his piety his fidelity in all concerns his prudence in the management of all matters and his studiousness about defending the Bishops Rights After some time Johannes returns to Constantinople and personally undertook again a becoming care of the Churches But between Serapion the Deacon and Severianus the Bishop there arose a great dissention Serapion opposing Severianus because he strove to out-do Johannes in his Preaching and Severianus envying Serapion because Johannes the Bishop favoured him highly and entrusted him with the whole care of his Episcopate Being thus affected one towards the other the vehemency of their hatred hapned to be much increased by this reason To Severianus on a time passing by Serapion shewed not that honour which is due to a Bishop but continued in his feat whether it was because he saw him not as Serapion afterwards affirmed upon oath before the Synod or whether it was because he slighted the presence of a Bishop as Severianus averred which of these was truest I cannot say God only knows But Severianus could not then bear Serapion's contempt but immediately even before cognizance had been taken of the cause in a publick Synod with an oath condemns Serapion and not only divests him of the dignity of a Deacon but excommunicates him also from the Church Johannes hearing this took it very ill But afterwards when the business came under scrutiny before a Synod and Serapion excused the fact and averred that he saw him not and also produced witnesses in confirmation thereof the whole Synod of Bishops then convened pardoned him and entreated Severianus to admit of Serapion's excuse But Johannes the Bishop that he might fully satisfie Severianus removes Serapion and suspends him from the Office of a Deacon for a weeks space although he used him as his right hand in all businesses in regard he was a most acute and diligent person about Ecclesiastick Disputes and Answers Notwithstanding Severianus could not thus be prevailed with but made it his whole business to get Serapion not only wholly degraded from his Diaconate but excommunicated also Johannes was sorely vexed hereat went out of the Synod and left the Bishops then present to determine the cause having spoken these words to them Do you inquire into the cause and make such a definitive determination as you shall think fit For I refuse to determine the difference between them After Johannes had spoken these words and was risen up the whole Synod arose likewise and left the cause in the same state it was in blaming Severianus rather because he acquiesced not in what had been
said by Johannes the Bishop But Johannes admitted not Severianus to a familiarity any more in future but advised him to return into his own Country signifying thus much to him Severianus said he 't is not expedient that the Diocess you are intrusted with should for so long a time continue unlookt-after and destitute of the presence of its Bishop Wherefore hasten your return to your Churches and neglect not the Gift which God hath bestowed upon you When Severianus had begun his journey the Empress Eudoxia informed hereof reproves Johannes and causes Severianus to be forthwith recalled from Chalcedon in Bithynia He came back immediately But Johannes declined a friendship with him and could by no persons entreaty be prevailed upon till such time as the Empress Eudoxia in that Church called the Apostles cast her Son Theodosius Junior then a very young child before Johannes's knees and having conjured him frequently by her Son with much a-do perswaded him to admit of a friendship with Severianus After this manner therefore c. THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS CHAP. I. That after the Emperour Arcadius's death who left his Son Theodosius then eight years old Anthemius the Praefect had the chief management of affairs in the Empire THE Emperour Arcadius having ended his life on the first of May in the Consulate of Bassus and Philippus Honorius his Brother still Governed the Western Empire the Eastern was under the Government of his Son Theodosius Junior at that time eight years of age Anthemius the Praefectus Praetorio had the chief management of the publick affairs He was Grandchild to that Philippus who in Constantius's Reign ejected Paulus the Bishop and introduced Macedonius into his See He encompassed Constantinople with a great wall Of all the men of his own times he was accounted and in reality was the most prudent person He never did any thing without advice but consulted with many of his acquaintance concerning what ought to be done chiefly with Troïlus the Sophista who besides the wisdom that was in him was Anthemius's equall in Politicall knowledge Wherefore almost all things were done with Troïlus's advice CHAP. II. Concerning Atticus Bishop of Constantinople what manner of person he was as to his temper and disposition DUring therefore the Emperours being in the eighth year of his age Atticus was in the third year of his Episcopate over Constantinople and was highly eminent He was a person as we have said before besides his great Learning pious and prudent Wherefore he much augmented the Churches under his jurisdiction For he not only defended those of his own Creed but caused the Hereticks also to admire his prudence He was in no wise vexations to them but when he had attempted to terrifie them afterwards he shewed himself mild towards them Nor was he careless about his studies For he bestowed much pains in reading ancient Writers spending whole nights in perusing them Wherefore he was not unacquainted with the discourses of the Philosophers and Sophistae Moreover to those that addrest to him he was pleasant and delectable He groaned with such as were sorrowfull and that I may speak summarily according to the Apostle's example he was made all things to all men Formerly during his being a Presbyter he made Sermons gat them by heart and Preach't them in the Church But afterwards by his assiduity he procured such a readiness of expression as to be able to speak extemporè and followed a panegyricall way of Preaching Notwithstanding his Sermons were not such as were either received by his Hearers with applause or committed to writing But concerning his Temper Moralls and Learning let this suffice I will now relate those memorable passages which hapned in his times CHAP. III. Concerning Theodosius and Agapetus Bishops of Synnada IN Synada a City of Phrygia Pacatiana one Theodosius was Bishop who severely persecuted the Hereticks in that City wherein there were many of the Sect of the Macedoniani he drove them not only out of the City but from the adjacent Villages also Which practise of his was not agreeable to that of the Orthodox Church which does not use to persecute nor was He incited hereto by a zeal for the true Faith but being a perfect slave to the love of money he made it his business to amass riches together by taking them from the Hereticks Wherefore he made all imaginable attempts against those that embraced the Sect of the Macedoniani putting the Clergy that was under him in Arms and practised a thousand stratagems against them nor did he forbear binding them over to the Courts of Judicature More especially he did severall ways disquiet their Bishop whose name was Agapetus But in regard the Governours of Provinces in no wise had as he supposed a sufficient power to punish Hereticks he ran to Constantinople and petitioned for Edicts from the Praefecti Praetorio In the interim therefore that Theodosius stayed at Constantinople on this account Agapetus who as I have told you presided over the Sect of the Macedoniani betook himself to a prudent and good course For having communicated the affair to his whole Clergy and called together the people under him he perswades them to embrace the Homoöusian Faith Having effected this he went directly into the Church accompanied with a great multitude or rather with the whole body of the people in generall Where when he had solemnized the prayers he took possession of the Chair wherein Theodosius was wont to sit And having united the people and professing in future the Homoöusian Creed he became possest of the Churches belonging to Synada These things having been after this manner transacted Theodosius arrives within a short time and brings along with him a Praefecturian assistance and being ignorant of what had been done goes immediately to the Church From whence he was driven by all persons unanimously and went again to Constantinople Being arrived there he made complaint before Atticus the Bishop of what had been done against him to wit that he had been unjustly ejected out of his Bishoprick Atticus knowing that this accident was advantagious to the Church gave Theodosius comfortable words perswading him with patience to embrace a quiet course of life and informing him that he ought to prefer the good of the publick before his own private concern But he wrote to Agapetus ordering him to continue in possession of the Bishoprick and bidding him not to be suspicious of any molestation from Theodosius's displeasure CHAP. IV. Concerning the Paralyticall Jew who was cured by Atticus the Bishop in divine Baptism THis was one usefull accident which befell the Church in the times of Atticus Nor was the state of these times without Miracles or Cures For a Jew who had been a Paralytick for many years was confined to his bed And when all medicinall remedies had been applied to him and no
usefull action as I have said which he performed What that is must now be declared Being neer dying he sent for all the Presbyters belonging to the Churches under him to whom he exprest himself thus Take care about electing a Bishop over your selves whilest I am alive least afterwards your Churches be disturbed When they made answer that the Election of a Bishop was not to be left to them for in regard said they some of us have one Sentiment others another we shall never nominate the same person but we wish that you your self would name that man whom you desire to be your successour To which Paulus made this return deliver me then this profession of yours in writing to wit that you will Elect him whom I shall appoint to be chosen When they had done that and confirmed it by their subscriptions he sate on his bed and without discovering it to those who were present wrote Marcianus's name in the paper This person had been promoted to the Presbyterate and likewise had been instructed in aâ— Ascetick course of life under Paulus but was then gone to travell After this he Sealed up the paper himself and caused the chief of the Presbyters to Seal it up also and then delivered it to one Marcus who was Bishop of the Novatianists in Scythia but had at that time made a journey to Constantinople to whom he spake these words If God shall permit me to continue much longer in this life restore this depositum to me now committed to your trust to be kept safely But if it shall please him to remove me out of this world in this paper you will find whom I have Elected to be my successour in the Bishopâ—ick When he had spoken these words he died On the third day therefore after his death when they had unsealed the paper in the presence of a great multitude and found Marcianus's name therein they all cried out that he was a worthy and fit person And without delay they dispatcht away some messengers who might seize him They took him by a pious fraud at his residence in Tiberiopolis a City of Phrygia from whence they brought him along with them and about the twenty first of the same month ordained and placed him in the Episcopall Chair But enough concerning these things CHAP. XLVII That the Emperour Theodosius sent his Wife Eudocia to Jerusalem MOreover the Emperour Theodosius offered up his Thanksgivings to God for the benefits which he had conferred upon him And this he performed by honouring Christ with singular and eminent honours He likewise sent his wife Eudocia to Jerusalem For she had oblieged herself also to a performance of this vow if she might see her daughter married But the Empress herself also beautified the Churches at Jerusalem and all those in the Eastern Cities with various ornaments both when she went thither and likewise at her return CHAP. XLVIII Concerning Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia ABout that very time to wit in Theodosius's seventeenth Consulate Proclus the Bishop attempted a wonderfull thing the like to which has not been performed by any of the Ancient Bishops For Firmus Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia being dead the Caesareans came to Constantinople and requâ—sted they might have a Bishop And whilest Proclus was considering whom he should preser to that See it hapned that all the Senatours came to the Church on the Sabbath to give him a visit amongst whom was Thalassius also a personage who had born a Praefecture over the Provinces and Cities of Illyricum But though as it was reported he had been the person pitch't upon who was about to have the Government of the Eastern parts committed to his care by the Emperour yet Proclus laid his hands on him and instead of his being constituted a Praefectus Praetorio made him Bishop of Caesarea Thus successfull and prosperous were the affairs of the Church But I will here close my History with my prayers to God that the Churches in all places the Cites and Provinces may live in peace For as long as peace flourishes those that are desirous to do it will have no subject for their writing an History For we our selves who have performed what you enjoyned us in Seven Books O Sacred man of God Theodorus should have wanted matter for this our History if the lovers of seditions and tumults would have been quiet This Seventh Book contains an account of affairs transacted during the space of two and thirty years The whole History which iâ—â—â—omprized in Seven Books contains the space of an hundred and fourty years It begins from the first year of the two hundredth seventy first Olympiad wherein Constantine was proclaimed Emperour and ends at the second year of the three hundredth and fifth Olympiad whereon the Emperour Theodosius bore his seventeenth Consulate The End of Socrates Scholasticus's Ecclesiastick History THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF Evagrius Scholasticus EPIPHANIENSIS And One of the EX-PRAEFECTS IN SIX BOOKS Translated out of the GREEK according to that Edition set forth by VALESIUS and Printed at PARIS in the Year 1673. Together with VALESIUS's Annotations on the said Historian which are done into ENGLISH and set at their proper places in the Margin Hereunto also is annexed an account of the foresaid Historian's Life and Ecclesiastick History Collected by VALESIUS and Rendred into ENGLISH HINC LUCEM ET POCULA SACRA CAMBRIDGE Printed by John Hayes Printer to the University 1681. VALESIUS'S ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE AND Ecclesiastick History OF EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS Epiphaniensis EVagrius Scholasticus was by Nation a Syrian as was also Theodoret born at Epiphania which was a City of Syria Secunda as he himself has declared in the Title of his own work Therefore I wonder at Gerardus Vossius who in his Book de Historicis Graecis pag. 498 relates that Evagrius was born at Antioch But Evagrius himself both in the Title of his History and also in his Third Book Chap. 34 does expressly attest that he was born at Epiphania For speaking there concerning Cosmas Bishop of Epiphania his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Cosmas Bishop of Our Epiphania in the Vicinage whereof runs the River Orontes c. Besides Photius in his Bibliotheca chap. 29 affirms that Evagrius was born in Epiphania a City of Syria Coele 〈…〉 which is strange Nicephorus Callistus does in two places term our Evagâ—â—â—◠〈…〉 ot Epiphaniensis but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Illustrious For in Nicephorus's First Book chap. 1 the words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover Evagrius the Illustrious c. And in Book 16. Chap. 31 Nicephorus quoting a passage of Evagrius out of his Third Book Chap. 34 which passage I have just now mentioned expresses himself thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Moreover in like manner as Evagrius the Illustrious has related concerning Severus But my Sentiment is that Transcribers have mistook at both
those places and have written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Illustrious instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epiphaniensis Doubtless Nicephorus might have been evidently informed from Evagrius's own words which he there produces which we have also quoted above that Evagrius had been born at Epiphania Further Evagrius was born in the Reign of Justinianus Augustus on the year of Our Lord 536 or 537 as I have demonstrated from Evagrius's own Testimony in my Notes on Book 4. Chap. 29. of his History On the year of Christ 540 his Parents committed him to the care of a School-Master that he might learn the Letters At which time when Thomas Bishop of Apamia had given notice to the neighbouring Cities that on a set day he would show the enlivening wood of the Cross which was kept at Apamia Evagrius was lead to that City by his Parents and with his own eyes saw that Miracle which was then performed in the Church as himself attests in his Fourth Book Chap. 26. Now this hapned on the year of Christ 540 when the Persians having made an irruption into Syria had burnt Antioch which was done in Justinus Junior's Consulate as we are informed by Marcellinus Comes and Marius in his Chronicon Two years after this when The Lues Inguinaria began to rage in the East Evagrius was as yet under a School-Master learning the Letters and was seized by that Pestilence as he himself attests Book 4. chap. 29. Having afterwards left the Schools of the Grammarian◠he be took himself to the Study of Rhetorick And when he had made a great proficiency in that Art he was registred amongst the company of Advocates Whence he got the Appellation of Scholasticus which term signifies a Lawyer as Macarius informs us in his fifteenth Homily in these words He that desires to have a knowledge in Forensian Cases goes and learns the Notes Letters or Abbreviatures And when he has been the first there he goes to the School of the Romans where he is the last of all Again when he comes to be the first there he goes away to the School of the Pragmatici or Practicants where he is again the last of all and Arcarius or Novice Then when he is made a Scholasticus he is Novice and the last of all the Lawyers Again when he comes to be the first there then he is made a President or Governour of a Province And when he is made a Governour He takes to himselfe an Assistant Councellour or Assessour In Macarius's Greek Text I have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that desires to have a knowledge in Forensian Cases not as 't is in the common reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that desires to have a knowledge in Letters Further in what City Evagrius practised the Law 't is uncertain Notwithstanding my conjecture is that he pleaded Causes at Antioch in which City there were three Fora that is Courts of Judicature or Tribunals and as many Schools of Advocates as I have observed from Libanius in my Notes on Evagrius Book 1. chap. 18. 'T is certain he could not be an Advocate at Epiphania which as we have declared already was the place of his Nativity in regard that City had no Judiciary Forum but brought its Causes to Apamia in which City the Consularis of Syria Secunda held a Court of judicature But for my believing Evagrius to have been an Advocate at Antioch rather than at Apamia this is my chief reason because he was mostly conversant in that City where he married a wife also and begat sons of her He married a daughter likewise in that City as himself attests in his Fourth Book chap. 29. And after she together with her son had ended her life by the Pestilentiall disease on the tenth year of Mauricius Evagrius deprived of his wife and children remarried and took to wife a young Virgin in that City as he relates Book 6. chap. 8. Where he attests also that the whole City kept holiday on that account and celebrated a publick Festivity both in Pompous Shows and also about his marriage-bed Whence 't is by the way apparent how great his authority was at Antioch Moreover he wrote his History at Antioch as may be Collected from the twentieth chapter of his First Book Where speaking concerning the Empress Eudocia's Jerusalem-journey he says she came to Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a long time afterwards in her journey which she made to the Holy City of Christ our God she Eudocia comes hither to wit to Antioch Evagrius therefore lived at Antioch when he wrote this History Hence 't is that Evagri 〈…〉 〈…〉 diligent in recounting the Works and Publick Edifices of the City Antioch as may be seen in 〈…〉 Book chap. 18 and in his Third Book chap. 28. At which places he does not obscurely intimate that he lived at Antioch whilest he wrote these things Hence 't is also that he mentions with so much care and diligence the earth-quakes wherewith Antioch was now and then shaken and that in the Notation of the times he always makes use of the Antiochian years Lastly this may be Collected from the seventh chapter of his Sixth Book where he relates that Gregorius Patriarch of Antioch having been accused of Incest before Johannes Comes of the East by a Silver-smith appealed to the Emperour and to a Synod And when he went to Constantinople in order to the prosecution of his Cause before the Emperour and Synod he took Evagrius along with him as his Assessour and Counseller that he might make use of his advice By which words Evagrius does plainly enough declare himself to have been an Advocate and a Lawyer For Assessours were wont to be taken out of their body as well by the Civill as Military Magistrates Nor was Evagrius Councellour to Gregorius in this criminall affair only but in other causes also For in regard Gregorius was Patriarch of the Orientall Church and could not but have the examination of many Causes every day he must necessarily stand in need of some Assessour who might suggest to him the Forms of Right and of the Laws Indeed Evagrius's words do fully declare what I have said For he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Having me therefore his Assessour and Companion he went to the Emperour 's City Constantinople in order to the making his defence against these accusations But let the Studious determine concerning this matter according to their own arbitrement 'T is sufficient for me to have proposed my conjecture to the Readers Further the same Gregorius made use of Evagrius's judgment not only in Judiciary proceedings but in writing Letters also and Relations which he now and then sent to the Emperour in his Sermons likewise and Orations as Evagrius attests at the close of his History Which Volume when Evagrius had published not without the consent of Gregorius the Patriarch in the Reign of Tiberius Constantinus
he had the dignity of a Quaestorate bestowed upon him by the same Emperour And not long after when he had made an Oration concerning the praises of Mauricius Augustus on account of the Birth of the most noble child Theodosius he received the Codicills of a Praefecture from the same Mauricius as he himself attests at the close of his History Evagrius's words there are thus translated by Christophorson Pro quibus duos honoris gradus consecuti sumus Quaesturam à Tiberio Constantino munus Tabularum servandarum in quibus Praefectorum nomina inscribebantur à Mauricio Tiberio For which we have obtained two degrees of honour a Quaesture of Tiberius Constantinus and the Office of keeping the Tables wherein the names of the Praefects were inscribed of Mauricius Tiberius Which ill rendition deceived Gerardus Vossius and Philippus Labbaeus For Vossius in his Book de Historicis Graecis treading in Christophorson's steps says thus Pro duobus autem hisce Libris ait gemino se honore esse affectum Nam à Tiberio Constantino Quaesturâ fuisse ornatum sed a Mauricio consecutum esse ut Tabulis publicis praeesset now for these two Books he says he had a double honour conferred on himself For he was honoured as he saith with a Quaesture by Tiberius Constantinus and that he obtained of Mauricius the having the charge of the publick Tables But Philippus Labbaeus in his dissertation de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis hath interpolated Christophorsons Version after this manner Seque duos honoris gradus ait consecutum primùm à Tiberio Constantino ad Quaesturam evectum tum à Mauricio munus adeptum servandarum Tabularum in quibus non tà m nomina quà m ipsa Praefectorum acta inscribebantur And he says that he himself obtained two degrees of honour and in the first place that he was preferred to a Quaesture by Tiberius Constantinus and secondly that he procured of Mauricius the office of keeping the publick Tables wherein not only the names but the Acts of the Praefects were inscribed Musculus has done much better who hath rendred the passage in Evagrius thus Quarum etiam Gratiâ duas dignitates sumus consecuti à Tiberio Constantino Quaestoratum largiente Mauricio verò Tiberio Literas Hyparchicas mittente On account of which Volume of Relations Letters c. we have obtained two dignities one from Tiberius Constantinus who gave us a Quaestorate and another from Mauricius Tiberius who sent us his Hyparchicall Letters He would have said The Codicills of a Praefecture which the Latines term Letters also as I have long since observed in my Notes on Ammianus Marcellinus Hence 't is that in the Title of his History Evagrius terms himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of the Ex-Praefects because he had been rewarded with the Codicills of an honorary Praefecture by the Emperour After this the same Evagrius published Six Books of Ecclesiastick History beginning from those times wherein Theodoret and Socrates had closed their Histories that is from the Ephesine Synod wherein Nestorius was condemned and deposed to wit from the year of Christ 431. And he has continued his History to the twelfth year of the Emperour Mauricius which was the year of our Lord 594. In his Third Book at chap. 33 speaking concerning Severus Bishop of Antioch he says that at such time as he wrote these things it was the Six hundredth fourty first year of the Antiochians In regard therefore the Antiochian-Hera precedes that of our Saviour's Nativity fourty eight years if from the number 641 we substract 48 years it will be the year of Christ 594. The same may also be Collected from Book 4 chap. 29. where Evagrius writes that whilest he penned this History that Plague in the Groyne which had almost wholly destroyed the whole world had already raged two and fifty years Now this Plague began to rage two years after Antioch had been taken by the Persians that is in the year of Christ 542. To which number of years if you add two and fifty it will be made the year of Christ 594. Further Evagrius's diligence is chiefly to be commended because undertaking to write an Ecclesiastick History he made a Collection of whatever was pertinent to that Subject out of the best Writers to wit Priscus Johannes Zacharias Eustathius and Procopius who were all Rhetoricians His Style likewise is not to be found fault with For it has a Beauty and Elegancy as Photius does also attest But the chief thing commendable in Evagrius is that of all the Greek Writers of Ecclesiastick History he is the only person who has kept the Doctrine of the true Faith intire and undefiled as after Photius Baronius has observed in his Annalls Notwithstanding he deserves reproof for this viz. because he has not used so much diligence in searching out the Monuments of Ecclesiastick Antiquity as in reading Profane Writers Indeed almost the whole Sixth Book is spent in a Narrative of the Persian War Besides his Style in many places is Redundant and Luxuriant as Photius has truly remarked in his Bibliotheca An instance of which superfluity of Expression you have in Book 1. Chap. 2 where he speaks concerning Nestorius after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that tongue full of hostility against God that second Sanhedrim of Caîphas c. and in Book 2. chap. 3 where he describes S t Euphemia's Church which was at Chalcedon The same redundancy of Style the Studious Reader will of himself easily observe in many other places Moreover Rob Stephens was the first person that Printed Evagrius's History in Greek from one only Manuscript Copy belonging to the Kings Library which Manuscript is very new and not extraordinary good For in many places 't is defective and imperfect But we have mended and perfected Evagrius's History in so many places from two Manuscript Copies of the best note that it may seem now to have been first published The first of these Copies was the Florent Manuscript taken out of S t Laurence's Library which the most famous Michael Erminius compared with the Geneva Edition and sent me the Various Readings written out with his own hand On which account I profess my self very much oblieged to him This Manuscript is the best and ancientest of all the Copies of Evagrius For 't is written in parchment and was transcribed about five hundred years since more or less as I have been informed by one that saw it viz. Emericus Bigotius an excellent Schollar and a person who has deserved well of Learning by whose favour and Intervention I received the fore mentioned Various Readings sent by the most famons Michael Erminius In the same Florentine Manuscript some not unlearned Scholia were written in the margin which we have put into our Annotations in their due places But the Reader is to take notice that in this Florentine Manuscript is contained Socrates Scholasticus's History also the various Readings
that in his sleep he saw a vast Vine which sprang out of his Bed at the very time of his conception and that a great many and those the fairest sort of Grapes appeared hanging on it And his Mother declared that at the very time of her delivery the Earth sent forth a strange and unusuall sweet smell Also that she termed The Empusa had often carried away the Infant as if she would have devoured it but was unable to do it any mischief Symeones likewise who kept his Station upon a Pillar near Antioch a man of extraordinary prudence in the management of affairs and one adorned with all the Divine Virtues spoke and performed many things which declared that Mauricius should be Emperour Concerning which person we shall speak more opportunely in the following book of our History CHAP. XXII Concerning the Proclaiming of Mauricius and Augusta FUrther Mauricius is promoted to the Empire at such time as Tiberius was drawing his last breath and had delivered to him his Daughter Augusta and the Empire instead of a portion He survived his being made Emperour but a very short time but left an immortall Memory for the good Actions he performed Nor are they easily to be confined within the bounds of a Narrative Moreover Tiberius left an incomparable Inheritance to the Republick to wit his proclaiming of Mauricius Emperour To whom he distributed his Names also for he styled Mauricius Tiberius and to Augusta he gave the name of Constantina What was performed by them the following book divine strength affording me its assistance shall set forth CHAP. XXIII A Computation of the Times from Justinus Junior to Mauricius MOreover that the Times may be distinguished with all imaginable accuracy you are to know that Justinus Junior reigned by himself twelve years ten months and a half with Tiberius his Colleague three years and eleven months All which time put together make up sixteen years nine months and an half Tiberius reigned alone four years So that from Romulus untill the proclaiming of Mauricius Tiberius Emperour there are concluded to be ............... as both the former and present description of the years hath manifested CHAP. XXIV Concerning the Series of History which is preserved till our Times BY God's assistance the History of the Church is handed down to us digested into one body by the industry of the best Writers Till the times of Constantine by Eusebius Pamphilus From Constantine's Reign to the Empire of Theodosius Junior by Theodoret Sozomen and Socrates and Lastly by those Collections we have made in this our present Work The Ancient History as well Sacred as Profane is extant continued in a Series by the Industrious For Moses who was the first that began to write an History as 't is most evidently demonstrated by those who have made Collections in reference to these matters compiled a true and most exact account of affairs from the beginning of the world according to the information he had from God himself with whom he conversed in the Mount Sina Others who followed him preparing a way for our Religion have in the Sacred Volumes set forth what hapned in succeeding Ages Moreover Josephus wrote a large History which is every way usefull and profitable Whatever occurrences whether fabulous or reall have hapned amongst the Greeks and ancient Barbarians whilst the Greeks waged Wars amongst themselves or against the Barbarians or whatever else has been transacted from such time as they had an account that men first existed have been Recorded by Charax Theopompus and Ephorus and by innumerable other Writers The Actions of the Romans wherein is contained the History almost of the whole world or whatever else hapned whilst they were involved in Civill and intestine Broyls or acted against others have been set forth in writing by Dionysius Halicarnasseus who began his History from those people termed the Aborigines and continued it to Pyrrhus King of the Epirotes From that time Polybius the Megalopolite hath brought down his History to the destruction of Carthage All which Apianus has with great perspicuity distinguished and hath gathered together each Action into one Body although they were performed at different times In like manner the Affairs transacted after the Times of those Historians I have mentioned have been committed to writing by Diodorus Siculus who wrote till the Times of Julius Caesar and by Dion Cassius who brought down his History to the Empire of Antoninus born at Emesa Herodian also a Writer of the same Times has given us a Record of Transactions till the death of Maximus Nicostratus the Sophist of Trapezus has compiled an History wherein he sets forth an account of affairs from Philippus who succeeded Gordianus in the Empire untill Odaenathus of Palmyra and Valerian's disgracefull Expedition against the Persians Dexippus also has written at large concerning the same matters who begins from the Scythick Wars and ends at the Empire of Claudius successour to Gallienus The same Dexippus hath compiled an History of the Actions of the Carpi and other Barbarous Nations which they performed in their Wars within Achaia Thracia and Ionia Eusebius begins from Octavianus Trajanus and Marcus and has brought down his History as far as the death of Carus Moreover Arrianus and Asinius Quadratus have written some things concerning the same times The History of the following Times is given us by Zosimus untill the Emperours Honorius and Arcadius After which Emperours Affairs have been Recorded by Priscus Rhetor and others All these Transactions are excellently well reduced into an Epitome by Eustathius Epiphaniensis in two Volumes the first whereof comprizes matters transacted untill the taking of Troy and the second unto the twelfth year of Anastasius's Empire From whence untill the times of Justinian Procopius the Rhetorician hath Recorded affairs The History of those Times next immediately following untill the flight of Chosroes Junior to the Romans and his Restauration to his own Kingdom by Mauricius who made not any the least delay at that affair but gave the Fugitive a Royall Reception and with the Expence of a vast sum of money and accompanied with great forces conveyed him back into his own Kingdom with all possible expedition hath been written in a continued Series by Agathias the Rhetorician and Johannes my Fellow-Citizen and Kinsman although as yet they have not made their Histories publick Concerning which affairs we our selves also the Divine Clemency giving us permission will in the Sequel give such a Narrative as is accommodate and agreeable The End of the Fifth Book of Evagrius's Ecclesiastical History THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS Epiphaniensis And one of the EX-PRAEFECTS CHAP. I. Concerning the Marriage of Mauricius and Augusta MAURICIUS After he had obtained the Empire in the first place made provision for his Marriage And agreeable to the solemn usage of Emperours
of his wife which when he had done immediately the milk sprang out as 't were from a fountain in such a manner that it wetted the garment of the woman Further a child having been left upon the Road in the dead of the night through the forgetfullness of those who travelled with him a Lyon laid it on his back and brought it to Symeon's Monastery and by Symeones's order those who ministred to him went out and brought in the child which had been preserved by the Lyon The same person performed many other things highly memorable which require an eloquent tongue much time and a peculiar Treatise all which actions of his are celebrated by the tongues of men For persons of almost all Nations of the Earth not only Romans but Barbarians came frequently to him and obtained their requests of him Certain branches of a shrub which grew on that mountain were made use of by him in stead of all sorts of meat and drink CHAP. XXIV Concerning the Death of Gregorius Bishop of Antioch and the Restauration of Anastasius NOt long after dyed Gregorius also after he had been seized with a Goutish distemper wherewith he was much troubled and had drank a potion made of the herb termed Hermodactylus which was administred to him by a Physitian He ended his life at such time as Gregorius was Bishop of the Elder Rome who had succeeded Pelagius and whilst Johannes presided over the Church of Constantinople and Eulogius over that of Alexandria persons whom I have mentioned before and during Anastasius's presidency over the Antiochian Church who had been restored to his own Chair after three and twenty years Johannes was then Bishop of Jerusalem who died soon after and as yet no body has undertaken the Government of that Church And here shall my History be closed namely on the twelfth year of Mauricius Tiberius's Government of the Roman Empire the following affairs of the Church being left to be collected and written by such as are desirous of employing themselves that way If any thing be either omitted or not accurately set forth by us let no person ascribe it to us as a fault but let him consider with himself that we have Collected into one Body a dispersed and scattered History and have made it our business to consult the advantage of men in favour of whom we have undertaken so many and such vast Labours Another Volume has likewise been composed by us which contains Relations Letters Decrees Orations Disputations and some other things The foresaid Relations contained in that Volume were all written in the Name of Gregorius Bishop of Antioch By reason whereof we have obtained two dignities the one from Tiberius Constantinus who invested us with the Dignity of Quaestorius the other from Mauricius Tiberius who sent us the Codicills of a Praefecture on account of that Oration we had composed at such time as having wiped away the reproach of the Empire he brought into the light his Son Theodosius who gave a beginning of all manner of felicity both to Mauricius himself and to the State Six Books of Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus Epiphaniensis and one of the Ex-Praefects THE END THE LIFE OF CONSTANTINE IN FOUR BOOKS Written in GREEK by Eusebius Pamphilus Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine done into ENGLISH from that Edition set forth by Valesius and Printed at PARIS in the Year 1659. Together with VALESIUS's Annotations on the said LIFE which are made ENGLISH and set at their proper places in the Margin Hereto is also annext the Emperour CONSTANTINE'S ORATION to the CONVENTION OF THE SAINTS and EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS'S SPEECH CONCERNING THE PRAISES OF CONSTANTINE Spoken AT HIS TRICENNALIA HINC LUCEM ET POCULA SACRA CAMBRIDGE Printed by John Hayes Printer to the University 1682. VALESIUS'S Advertisement to the READER IN My Annotations on Eusebius's Ecclesiastick History I have remarked that the Titles or Contents of the Chapters which are prefixt before each Book were composed by Eusebius himself And this in my judgment I have proved by most evident Arguments But in these Books concerning the Life of Constantine the matter is otherwise For the Contents of these Books were not made by Eusebius himself but by some other more modern Authour Now I make this conjecture from hence both because the Contents of these Chapters are for the most part uncooth insipid and barbarous and also in regard they always speak of Eusebius in the third person whereas in the Contents of the Chapters of his Ecclesiastick History Eusebius always names himself in the first person Besides the distinctions of the Chapters are two thick and occur too often and one Letter and Constitution of the Emperour is divided and torn asunder as 't were into many Chapters Which thing is wont often to beget a loathing and nauseousness in the Reader I forbear mentioning the barbarous words and terms which occur frequently in these Contents For in them you diverse times meet with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All which considerations make me of this opininon that I should believe any one else rather than Eusebius to have been the Authour of these Contents Nevertheless whoever the person was he was ancient and lived not at any great distance from the Age of Our Eusebius And this is chiefly Collected from the Contents of the Fourth Book wherein you may read some passages which could not have been known but by a Writer Contemporary with those times of which sort is that concerning Marianus the Tribune and Notary in the Contents of Chapter 44. Book 4 the name of which Notary we might at this day have been ignorant of had not that Authour of the Contents and after him Sozomen given us information thereof I have sometimes conjectured that Acacius he who succeeded Our Eusebius in the Chair of the Church of Caesarea in regard he publisht these Books of his Master after his death Composed these Contents But this is but a meer conjecture which any one that will may follow Lastly the Reader is to be Advertised that in all our Manuscript Copies the Titles of these Chapters are written without the Numerall Notes And in The Old Sheets belonging to the Kings Library they occur praefixt before each Book But in the Fuketian Manuscript they are not only set before each Book but are also added to every Chapter in the Body of each Book THE FIRST BOOK OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS CONCERNING THE LIFE OF THE BLESSED EMPEROUR CONSTANTINE The Preface Concerning the Death of Constantine ALL Mankind have not long since celebrated the recurring periods of our great Emperour 's compleated Vicennalia and Tricennalia with Festivities and publick Banquets We our selves also by a Panegyrick spoken in his Vicennalia have lately venerated the same Glorious Conquerour environed with a Synod of God's Sacred Ministers Moreover we have platted
of God ibid. bred in the Court of Tyrants 534. 2. constituted Leader of the people by God ibid. was the first that wrote the sacred History as he had been instructed by God 513. 2. his commendation 651. 1 2. Moses a Monk is made Bishop of the Saracens 327. 1. Mountain Sâ—â—â—sâ—s in 〈◊〉 â—ear Lyons 269. 2. Mursa a Fort of Gallia ibid. Musanus an Ecclesiastick Writer 67. 1. Musâ—â—â— a Jewish Writer 137. 1. N. NAamanes a Saracen son to Alamundarus is kindly used by Mauricius 516. 1. He leaves the worship of Daemons and is converted to the Christian faith 5â—â— 2. Narcissus Bishop of Jerusalem 79. 1. His miracles 95. 2. Narcissus a Bishop 248. 2. 254. â— 264. 1. Narses being sent into Italy by Justinian vanquishes Toâ—â—â—a and Tâ—â—â— Kings of the Goths 487. 1. His piety towards God ibid. Natalis a Confessour at Rome imposed upon by Hereticks 90. 1. 〈◊〉 length returns to the Church 90. 2. Nectarius is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 332. 1. Nemesion an Egyptian 111. 1. Neon Bishop of Laranda 102. 1. Neonas Bishop of Seleucia in Isauria 282. 1. Nephalius a Monk of Syria 461. 2. is by the Emperour Zeno sâ—nt to Alexandria to restore vnity ibid. Ejects Severus out of his Monastery 468. 2. Nepos Bishop of Egypt 129. 1 2. Nepos is made Emperour of Rome 436. 1. Nepoâ—ianus seizes the Empire of Rome 263. 2. Nero the first Roman Emperour that persecuted the Christians â—9 1. Nestorius is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 384. 2. persecutes the Hereticks ibid. His opinion concerning Christ. 386. â— His ignorance and pride 386. 2. He broaches a new Heresie 403. 1. He is condemned in the Ephesine Synod 404. 2. is banished to Oasis 406. 1. His Letter to the president of Thebais concerning his Exile 407. 1 2. He is taken and let go by the Blemmyae 406. 2. His tongue is eaten out with worms which kills him â—â—â— 1. New-Testament the Booâ—â— thereof 42. 2 c. Nicetas father to Herod the Eiyeâ—â—â—â—â— 59. 2. Nicias Bishop of Laodicea in Syria an Opposer of Flavianus's 466. 1. Nicolâ—â—â—es their Heresie 44. 2 c. Nicomachus a Pythagorean 101. 2. Nicomedia ruined by an Earthquake 277. 2. Nicomas Bishop of Iconium 132. 2. Nicostratus a Sophist of Tâ—apezus writes an History from the beginning of the Emperour Philip's Reign to the death of Valerian 513. 2. Nitria a mountain 316. 2. No Body is condemned out of his own Books 280. 1. Nocturnal and Morning Hymns were wont to be sung alternatively or by sides in the Church 359. 1. Novatus's Heresie 112. 2. Novatus the Founder of the Sect of the Cathari or Puritans ibid. why he made a Schism 323. 1. He was Martyred under Valerian 323. 2. Novatus or Novatianus is deserted by the Confessours 113. 1. He thrusts himself into the Bishoprick of Rome ibid. His Character 120. 1. Novatianists celebrated the Festival of Easter indifferently 344. 1. Novatianists Church at Constantinople was pull'd down and removed to another place 276. 2. Numenius a Philosopher 101. 2. O. OAk of Mamre 595. 1 2. The Miracles performed in that place 596. 1. a Church built their by Constantine ibid. Oasis by another name called Ibis 407. 1. Ocbas a very strong Castle over against Martyropolis 522. 1. Oâ—â—nathâ— and Apollonius beat the Persians 473 2. Odöacer seizes the Kingdom of Italy 436. 2. Oenomaus a Cynick-Philosopher 303. 1. Olybrius is made Emperour of Rome by Recimeres 436. 1. Onesimus Bishop of Ephesus 47. 2. Onesimus a pious and studious man 66. 2. Opportunity how described by Painters 463. 2. Optar King of the Hunni 385. 2. Optatus Praefect of Constantinople 366. 2. Optimus Bishop of Antioch in Pisidiâ— 334. 1. Oracle found in a stone in the walls of Chalcedon 308. 1 2. Oracle given to the Rhodians 302. 3. Oresteâ— Praefect of Alexandria 375. 1. Origen's Education from a child 91. 2 c. He teaches Grammar 92. 2. when eighteen years old he is chosen Catechist of the Alexandrian Church ibid. His abstinence 93. 1 2. Demetrius's envy against him 95. 1. He was called Adamantius also 98. 2. He comes to Rome in Pope Zephyrinus's times ibid. He was a person of eminent Learning 271. 1. He made the 〈◊〉 and Tetrapla 99. 2. He brought up the allegorical interpretations of Scripture 101. 2. Mamea Augusta sends for him 103. 1. He is made Presbyter at Caesarea 103. 2. His Books 104. â— â—06 2 c. 107. 2. He is 〈◊〉 for the faith of Christ. 108. 2. He dyes 〈◊〉 the seventieth year of his age 11â— â— Origen asserts the Son to be 〈◊〉 with the Father 372. â— Origen's 〈◊〉 Tâ—me of Comments on Saint Paul's Epistle to the Romans 386. 2. Origen's â—eâ—â—acters who and how many 36â— 1. His defence ibid. Theophilus's judgment concerning his Books 365. â— Origen recited his Homilies on the fourth and sixth Veria in the Church of Alexandria â—47 â— Ostracine a Region of the City Antioch 434. 1. 518. ◠〈◊〉 Bishop of Melitina 334. 1. P. PAlestines three of them subject to the See of Jerusalem 447. 1. Palladius the Courier 378. â— Palladius Bishop of Helenopolis and afterwards of Aspuna 389. 1. Palladius a Monk Evagrius's Scholar 319. 2. wrote the Historia Lausiaca ibid. Palladius Prâ—feâ—â— of Egypt 31â— 1. Palladius is ordained Petrus Fullo's successour in the See of Antioâ—â— 462. 2. Palma Bishop of Amastris 64. 1. 86. 2. Pambos a Monk 317. 1. Pamphilus a Presbyter of the Church of Câ—sarea 138. 1. 166. 2. He is crowned with Martyrdom 148. 1. 16â— 1. He collected an Ecclesiastick Library 107 1. He and Eusebius club'd in writing An Apologetick for Origen 290. 2. Pancratius Bishop of Pelusium 266. 1. Panopolis a City of Thebais 407. â— Pantaenus Master of the Alexandrian School 78. 2. 101. 2. Papâ—â—â—tius Bishop of Egypt was present at the Nicene Council 216. 1. 225. 2. Papias Bishop of Hierapolis 47. 1. His five Books 49. 1. He was a person of but mean understanding ibid. He was the first Câ—itiast ibid. Papirius a Martyr 87. 1. Paschasinus and Lucentius are by Pope Leo sent to the Chalcedon Council 421. 2. They condemn Dioscorus 424. 2. Pasinicus Bishop of Zelae 303. 2. 31â— 2. Patriachs constituted in the Constantinopolitans Council 332. 2. Patricius Bishop oâ— Paltus 304. 2. Patropassians Hereticks whom the Greeks term Sabelliani 255. 2. 312. 2. Patrophilus a Bishop 241. 2. is deposed in the Synod of Sabelliani 280. 2. Patermuthius burnt for the faith of Christ. 170. 1. Paulinus Bishop of Tyre 183. 1. built a stately Church in that City 184. 2. Paul is made an Apostle 16. 2. He is carried bound to Rome 26. 2. is a second time carried to Rome and Martyred ibid. beheaded under Nero. 29. 2. His Epistles 31. 2. Acts of Paul an Apocryphal Book ibid. and 43. 1. His Epistle to the Hebrews written in Hebrew 98. 1. The Roman Church don't believe it to be his Epistle 102. 2. Paul of Samosata 132. 2. attempts to
revive Artemon's Heresie 89. 2. 135. 2. is confuted by Malchion the Presbyter 133. 1. His avarice and pride 133. 2 c. He is deposed in the Antiochian Synod 134. 2. His Heresie 255. â— Paulus a Martyr in Palestine 164. 2. His pious and Christian prayer before his death ibid. Another Paulus Martyred with Pamphilus 166. 2. Paulinus is ordained Bishop of Antioch by Lucifer 289. 2. 293. 1. He and Meletius come to an agreement 330. 2. Paulinus Bishop of Triers 271. 1. Paulus Bishop of the Novatians at Constantinople 377. 1. His Commendation ibid. and 385. 1. Paulus Bishop of Tyre 239. 2. Paulus a Presbyter at Constantinople 247. 2. is ordained Bishop ibid. He is ejected ibid. restored 250. 2. His death 264. 1. His Reliques are removed to Constantinople 334. 1. Paulus Bishop of Emisa is sent to Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria by Johannes Bishop of Antioch 405. 1. Paulus is ordained Bishop of Ephesus 450. 2. He is put out of his See by Zeno Augustus 453. 1. Paulus after Severus's Ejectment is ordained Bishop of Antioch 471. 1. Peace termed The Interminate peace made with the Persians by Justinian 483. 2. is broken by the Persians 487. 2. Pelagius Bishop of Laodicea 304. 1. Pelagius successour to Johannes in the Bishoprick of Rome 509. 2. Pelelis and Nilus Egyptian Bishops crowned with Martyrdom 148. 1. 170. 1. Pella a town beyond Jordan 32. 2. The Christians remove thither before the siege of Jerusalem ibid. 〈◊〉 Presbyters â—4â— â— â— abolished by Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople ibid. c. Perigenes Bishop of Corinth 388. â— c. Pers-Armenia so Armenia the Great was called from the times of the Emperour Philip it was subject to the Persians â—04 1. the inhabitants thereof revolt to the Romans in Justinus Junior's Reign ibid Persâ—â—utioâ— of Diocletian lasted ten years 151. 1. Persians worship Fire 372. 2. Pestilent disease destroys almost the whole world in Justinian's Reigne 490. 1 2. it raged two and fifty years ibid. Peter the chief of all the Apostles 〈◊〉 1. comes to Rome to preach the word of God there and to oppose Simon Magus ibid is crucified at Rome in Nero's time 〈◊〉 2. 31. 1. Preached the Word of God to the Corinthians 30. 1. was Preacher to the Jews that were dispersed 30. 2. His Epistles â—1 10. His 〈◊〉 Gospel Preaching Revelation are Apocryphal Books ibid. His wife was Martyred 45. 1. Petrus Bishop of Alexandria 138. 2. is crowned with Martyrdom in the ninth year of the persecution 139. 1. Petrus of the Bed-chamber to the Emperour is crowned with Martyrdom 14â— 1. Petrus called also Apselamus a Martyr in Palestine 166 1. Petrus is ordained Bishop of Alexandria 3â—â— 2. He is put into prison 316. 1. He returns to Alexandria 327. 2. Petrus chief Presbyter of the Alexandrian Church â—59 2. Petrus Bishop of â—ippi â—04 â— Petrus the â—iberian is ordained Bishop of Majuma 4â—7 2. He was present at Timotheus Aelurus's Ordination 〈◊〉 1. He is banished with him 468. 1. Petrus Fullo Bishop of Antioch subscribes to 〈◊〉 's Circular Letters 450. 2. Zeno ejects him out of the See of Antioch 453. 1. He restores him again 457. â— Petrus Mongus is chosen Bishop of Alexandria after Aelurus's death 454. 1. He does in publick aâ—atheâ—atizâ— the Chalcedon Synod 457. 2. a man of a crafty disposition ibid. His Letter to Acacius Bishop of Constantinople 45â— 1 2. Petrus Bishop of 〈◊〉 refuses his consent to 〈◊〉 's Synodick Letters 469. 1. Petrus successour to Helias in the See of Jerusalem 49â— 1. Pharisees Hereticks amongst the Jews 〈◊〉 â— Pharmaceus a Port in the mouth of the Euxine Sea â—82 2. Phileas Bishop of the Thmuitâ— â— Martyr 144. 2 c. 148. 2. Philetus Bishop of Antioch 102. 2. Philip the Apostle had â— wife and children by her 4â— 1 2. dyed aâ— Hierapolis ibid. His daughters were Prophetesses ibid. and 87. 1. His daughters lived at Hierapolis 49. â— Philip Bishop of Jerusalem 51. 2. Philip the Asiâ—râ—â— â—8 â— Philip Bishop of Gortina 64. 1. His Book against Marcion 65. 1. Philippus the Emperour was a Christian. 107. 2. Philippus Prâ—sect of the Prâ—â—â—râ—um ejects Paul the Bishop out of his See 252. 1. Philippus a Presbyter of Side 3â—4 1. wrote an Ecclesiastick History ibid. Socrates's judgment concerning Philip's History ibid. Philippicus is made Master of the Eastern Milice by Mauricius 516. 1. He is sent a second time into the East to quiet a Mutiny of the Souldiers 517. 2. Philo the Jew a famous man is sent Embassadour to Caius 18. 1. His Books are reckoned up 24. 2. and put into the publick Library at Rome 25. 1. Philoromus a Martyr 144. 2. Philostratus writes that in his time a Pestilence raged fifteen years 491. 1. Phlegon an Historian 416. 2. Phoebus a Bishop 280. 2. Photinians Hereticks 311. 1. Photinus Bishop of Sirâ—ium founded an Heresie called by his own name 254. 2. His opinion 255. 2. He is deposed 266. 1. He wrote against all Heresies 269. 1. Phrygians are naturally temperate 323. 1. Picentius Maximinus the Emperour's Favorite is slain 181. 2. Pierius a Presbyter of the Alexandrian Church 138. 2. Pilate when made Procurator of Judâ—a and how long he continued so 12. 1. Those called Pilase's Acts forged long since his time 12. 1. and 173. 2. He sends a Relation to Tiberius concerning Christ's Miracles 16. 2. He laid violent hands on himself 19. 1 2. Pilgrimage to places of the Holy Land 96. 2. 591. 1. Pinytus Bishop of Creet 63. 1. Pionius's Martyrdom in Smyrna 60. 1. Pisander a Poet. 416. 2. Piso Bishop of the Adani 304. 2. Piso Bishop of Augusta ibid. Piterus or Petiros a Monk 317. 2. Pius Bishop of Rome 54. 2. Plato the Philosopher praised 642. 2. What he thought of the Second and Third cause 372. 1. Placidia daughter to Valentinian and Eudoxia married Olybrius 428. 2. Placidiana an Imperial Palace at Constantinople 364. 2. Plintha Master of the Milice and Consul 349. 2. Plutarchus Scholar to Origen a Martyr 92. 2. 93. 2. Pusumatomachi so the Macedoniani were termed 283. 2. Polybius Bishop of the Church at Trallis 47. 2. Polybius of Megalopolis brought down his History to the destruction of Carthage 513. 2. Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna 47. 1. 345â— 1. comes to Rome on account of the Controversie concerning Easter and conferred with Anicetus 56. 1. 88. 2. Avoids the meeting and salutation of Marcion the Heretick 56. 1. His Epistle to the Philippians 56. 1. His Martyrdome 56. 2 c. His prayer for the Catholick Church 59. 1. Polycarpus Bishop of Nicopolis in Thracia 389. 1. Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus 86. 2. His Epistle to Pope Victor ibid. Pontianus Bishop of Rome 103. 2. Ponticus Blandina's brother a Martyr 73. 2. Pontiâ—s or Chief Priests of the Jews were heretofore perpetual and enjoyed that Office by Inheritance 12. 2. The Sedition of the Chief Priests against the Priests 26. 1. Chief Priest's Robe lockt up by Herod
reckoned in the number of Bishops 38. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 402. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it imports 72. 2. Aquaeduct of Valens Augustus at Constantinople 308. 1. 2. Archelaus Bishop of Cascharum his disputation against Manichaeus 234. 2. Areopagus what it was 32. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91. 1. Arius two of that name 240. 2. Arius who with Euzoius presented a Libel of faith to the Emperour Constantine was not Arius the Arch-Heretick ibid. Arius when and how recalled from banishment ibid. Artemius Commander in chief of Egypt 288. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to take away or remove 87. 1. Arsenius Bishop of the Hypselitae 238. 2. 240. 2. Ascetae who were heretofore called so 22. 2. Not onely Monks but Clergy-men also had that name given them 139. 1. 168. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Crime of Treason 695. 1. Asia how many ways 't is taken 8â— 1. Asiarchs what they were 58. 2. how chosen ibid. a very chargeable Office ibid. Asterius Urbanus Authour of the books against the Cataphrygae 82. 1. Athanasius in what year recalled from banishment 246. 2. in what year he went to Rome 256. 2. He went to Rome once onely 253. 2. when a boy he baptized his play-fellows 229. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Attis Bacchus 302. 2. Atticus Bishop of Constantinople his Epitaph 383. 1. Augustonica a Province of Egypt 262. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a door of an house 608. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atrium or a Court. 590. 2. Avitus how many moneths he Reigned 428. 2 c. Ause or Osee the first name of Jesus the son of Nave 5. ◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 190. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christian Virgins 161. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Eusebius calls Christ. 186. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Honorati are joyned with the Decuriones 431. 2. B. BAcaudae a sort of Boors were up in Arms over the whole Roman world 690. 2. Bacurius Prince of the Iberi 233. 2. Baptism is by the Greeks termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a seal 40. 2. 't is the Symbol of our Lord's Passion 184. 2. 't is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 628. 2. Basileus Bishop of Amasia 551. 2. a Martyr under Licinius ibid. Basilius the Great what year made Bishop of Caesarea 321. 1 2. He was twice questioned by Valens 322. 1. Basilides's Prophets 52. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 681. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Imperial City so Eusebius always calls Rome not Constantinople 593. 1. Basiliscus declared his son Marcus Caesar afterwards Augustus 451. 1. Bataneotes a Surname of Porphyrius the Philosopher 100. 2. Battle at Cibalae 554. 1. Battle at Hadrianople what year it hapned 556. 2. Beneficiarii 179. 1. Beryllus's opinion concerning the Nature and divinity of Christ. 107. 1. His Heresie 290. 2. Berytus what year the Synod was convened there 409. 1. Bishops in Egypt were an hundred 212. 2. Bishops heretofore preached standing on the steps of the Altar 355. 2. Bishops their first Sermon always much taken notice of 384. 2. Bishops their sentences in judicature made valid 615. 2. Bishops of other Cities were usually buried at Constantinople in the Church of The Apostles 492. 2. Bishops anciently wore a plate of gold on their forehead in imitation of the Jewish High-priests â—7 1. Birth-day of the Martyrs was that whereon they suffer'd Martyrdom 59. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to lead a secular Life 92. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laicks ibid. Bosci Monks so called 418. 1. Botry a City of Phoenice 494. 1. Theophanes and Antoninus Martyr are mended ibid. British-Church very ancient 333. 1 2. it was and is independent of the Roman Patriarchate ibid. Bruchium what it was 136. 2. the siege of it when ibid. Brysia 518. 2. C. CAEsarea or Caesarium the Great Church of Alexandria 376. 2. whence it had that name 430. 1. Caius was Authour of the book called The Little Labyrinth 89. 2. He wrote a book against Proclus 102. 2. Calendio is ordained Bishop of Antioch at Constantinople by Acacius contrary to the Canons 457. 1. how many years he sate Bishop 462. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Constantinople was termed 597. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes made use of in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 446. 2. In old Coyns that City is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 460. 1. Camp-bread given to the City Antioch by Diocletian 427. 1. a place in Procopius about this Annona is mended ibid. Campus a place without the City Antioch where the Souldiers exercised 518. 2. Campus a place seven miles distant from Constantinople 507. 2. it was the place where Criminals were punished 658. 2. Canon of the Council of Antioch 366. 1. what must be thought concerning that Council ibid. Canon or set-allowance of Bread or Bread-corn at Constantinople 251. 1. Canon the second of the Constantinopolitan Council is explained 333. 2. Canon the sixth of the Nicene Council whither it â—eats concerning Patriarchs and their Jurisdiction 332. 2. Castalian Fountain neer Antioch 414. 2. Castrensis Panis See Camp-bread 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ligatures Inchantments 688. 2. Catechist taught in a private Auditory not publickly in the Church 102. 1. Catechumens were made by Imposition of the Bishop's haâ—d 627. 1 2. they covered their heads 629. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 74. 1. Catholick Epistles 98. 1. Catholicus a Rationalist 121. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Rationalist ibid. and 181. 2. Celsus the Philosopher against whom Origen wrote was Lucian's friend 108. 1. Cephro and Coluthio 122. 2. 123. 1. Ceratâ—s a wind about Byzantium 276. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 capitulum a period 131. 2. Chaeremon a Philosopher 101. 2. Chair or Throne of Saint Mark at Alexandria 138. 2. Chalcedon Synod the copies of it that Evagrius made use of are different from ours 439. 1. which are more genuine and authentick Evagrius's copies or ours 444. 1. Chalcedon had onely the bare name of a Metropolis given it by Marcianus 446. 2. Chartae or Libels of Caecilianus's crimes transmitted to the Emperour 194. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 125. 2. Chorepiscopi who they were 134. 1. Chosroes King of the Persians when he dyed 509. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christ was written with a dipthong 653. 1. Christ before all things and after all things 666. 1. Christ in what year born 7. 2. whether he was born on the twenty fifth of December ibid. Christian Religion termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53. 1. Christians wont to stop their Ears when they heard any impious expression 85. 1. they gave their children the names of the Apostles 131. 1. They prayed with expanded hands 611. 1. Christians were very desirous of being baptized in Jordan 628. 1. who were termed perfect Christians 628. 2. Their Feasts at the Sepulchres of the Martyrs 647. 2. Their way of Burial 124. 1.
Lately 53. 2. 553. 2. Nymphaeum the Temple of the Nymphs 434. 1. O. OBodas a God amongst the Arabians 689. 1. Ocbas and Acbas an Impregnable Fort near the River Nymphius 522. 1. Octachora Templa eight-fided-Churches 594. 1. Octaves of Infants and Neophytes how religiously observed 929. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Domestick protectors 299. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not used in reference to the Incarnation onely but concerning all things which Christ did on earth in order to mans salvation 1. 2. 189. 2. 54â— 1. 694. 1. the disputation concerning Christ is divided into the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the administration is properly attributed to the Son 683. â— 685. 1. Olympiad whence so called 19. 2. how many years it consisted of ibid. Old Testament three ranks or degrees of the books thereof amongst the Jews 37. 1. How many in number the books thereof were ibid. and 104. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Alexandria 127. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a place where the publick treasure was laid 83. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a dart 43. 2 Oâ—tâ—r King of the â—â—nni â—85 2. His brother Roas 392. 2. Oraria or handkerchiefs were wont to be shaken by Auditors 134. 1. Order of the Session of Bishops in Councils 86. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 51. 1. Origen is ordained by two Bishopâ— 95. 1. went onely once to Rome 98. 2. distinguished the books of the Old Testament into Cola verses or such parts of the Text as contained an entire sense 99. 2. After his Edition of the Hexapla he made the Tetrapla ibid. is a different person from the other Origen Plotinus's School-fellow 100. 2 c. is condemned by Demetrius and deposed 103. 2. Demetrius's sentence was ineffectual ibid. Origen before his condemnation removed from the City Alexandria 105. 1 2. His threefold work upon the sacred Scripture 108. 1 2. what year he dyed 117. 1. He was not condemned in the fifth Synod at Constantinople but long before 497. 1. Origen that name is written with an Asperate by the Greeks 92. 1. Osanna what it signifies â—8 1. Ostracine a place or village near Antioch whence so called 434. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes signifies the person of the Father 3. 1. P. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 481. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Church at Antioch in the old City 290. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one that buyes provisions and sells them again 418. 2. Pallium the Habit of the Philosophers 101. 2. Pall for a Bishop woven with threads of Gold 622. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 410. 2. Paphnutius as Rufinus says was present at the Nicene Council 225. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who they were 380. 2. not the same persons with the confectores ibid. and 59. 1. 159. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 171. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 420. 2. it imports also to list for a Souldier ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Muster-Roll ibid. Paradice upon Earth were it was 639. 1. Paradoxi Champions that had gained many Victories 143. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adulterate or counterfeit 283. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assemblies of Schismaticks 324. 1. Paredri Daemons so called what they were 688. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 178. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what they signifie 81. 2. Parembole a Village in Egypt 318. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 180. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 540. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 568. 1. 659. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 616. 1. 625. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Church 1. 1. the reason of that name ibid. sometimes 't is taken for a whole Diocesse sometimes for a particular Church ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 516. 2. 522. 1. Parricides how punished 161. 2. Particular assemblies which were held in diverse Churches at Alexandria 123. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a wedding-chamber 316. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 37. 1. Patriarchs when first constituted in the Church 332. 2. c. 33â— 1. A Patriarch being accused by a Laick appeals to the Emperour and a Synod 518. 1. He is judged in an auditory made up of Laicks and Ecclesiasticks ibid. Patripassians or Patropassians Hereticks 255. 2 c. Paul the Apostle went not to Jerusalem in Tiberius's reign 17. 2. Paulinus Bishop of Tyre is translated to the Bishoprick of Antioch 183. 1. 2. Paulus Bishop of Alexandria was a Heretick 487. 2. Liberatus makes him a Catholick ibid. Peace was not given to the lapsed without the people's consent 115. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 694. 2 Penitentiary-Presbyter why and when instituted 341. 2. Pentâ—cost and the space of fifty days from Easter to Pentecost 629. 2. Perigenes the Bishop of Corinth his Election is confirmed by the Bishop of Rome 388. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 313. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 124. 1. 128. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hills or heaps of stone 590. 1. Penâ—â—entiary-Presbyter his office 341. â— when abrogated 342. 2. Peter the Apostle his second Epistle most undoubtedly his 31. 1. He and Saint Paul did not suffer Martyrdom on the same year 30 â— He was not superior to the other Apostles 441. 2. Petrus Fullâ— died before Petrus Mongus 442. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so the opinion of Eutyches was termed 451. 2. Phileâ—â— whether he suffered at Alexandria or in Thebais 144. 2. Philip the Deacon was by the Ancients confounded with Philip the Apostle 45. 2. the names of Philip's daughters ibid. Philippus the Praefectus Praetorio when he dyed 252. 1. Philo's book against Flaccus and that entitled concerning the Embassy to â—ainâ— 18. 1. His book against Flaccus Eusebius terms His second book concerning Virtues 18. 2. Philoromus Rationalist of Egypt 144. 2. Philosophers borrowed their best Precepts from Moses's Law 4. 2. Phoenice two of them the one termed Maritima the other Libanensis 468. 1. They were subject to the Patriarch of Antioch 468. 2. The Dux of Phoenice 469. 2. 470. 1. Phosphorion and Bosporium the Port at Constantinople 435. 1. Pilate killed himself 19. 1. His character ibid. Pisander the Poet two of that name the former a Rhodian the latter a Native of Larinda who wrote six books concerning the Marriages of the Goddesses and Heroes 416. 2. Placidia Augusta gave the Western Illyricum to Theodosius Junior 393. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crusts of marble 589. 1. Plague in the Groyn which raged fifty years when it began 490. 1. Platonick Philosophy a School thereof at Alexandria 376. 1 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 152. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 abstinence 79. 2.
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it was amongst the Alexandrians 375. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Decurions 576. 1. Polycarp whether he came to Rome on account of the controversie concerning Easter 88. 2. In what year he came to Rome ibid. The day of his Martyrdom 60. â— Porphyrius why called Malchus and Bataneotes 100. when he lived ibid. Potamius Bishop of Lysbone was banished together with Hosius 268. 1. Power or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not used but concerning the Greater Judges 536. 1. Praefects of the Praetorium and the other Judges prefixed the Emperours Letters before their own Edicts 179. 1. Praefects of the Praetorium had the title of Clarissimi in Constantine's time 587. 2. 606. 2. Praefecture of the Praetorium was the highest of all dignities 47â— 1. it had two Chests 475. 1. also Numerarii of Gold 471. 1. Praenetum the name of a Town variously written 364. 2. Praepositi Laborum or rather Laboru that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Laborum 554. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 41. 2. Presbyters performed the publick prayers together with the Bishop 410. 2. Presbyters were not ordained without the consent of the Clergy and people 114. 1. Presbyters were termed Priests of the second Order 191. 2. 194. 2 c. Presbyter whom Constantia at her death recommended to Constantine who he was 236. 2 243. 2. Praesens Numen present deity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18. 2. Praesentes or Praesentales Milites present Milice who they were 477. 2. The Greeks call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. Priscus Rhetor the Historian was a Thracian born at Panium a Town in Thracia 436. 1. a passage in Theophanes in mended ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to instruct to cultivate 623. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Village at some distance from a City 123. 2. Proclus Chief of the Sect of the Cataphrygians 29. 2. Proconsul of Thracia 281. 1. Procopius two Martyrs of that name 157. 1. Procurators of the familia Gladiatoria or company of the Gladiatours 163. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 663. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to propose the name of a person to be ordained 220. â— 603. 1. Prophetae so the High-priests amongst the Egyptians were termed 53. 1. Prophets that are true how to be distinguished from the false one 82. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to live according to example 647. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Proseuchae of the Jews 18. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to take pains 405. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bear the changes of fortune ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diligence attention 457. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it imports 41. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let it be published it was a word which the Emperours added to their Laws 604. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to publish an Edict 516. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief or first of the Presbyters 359. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â— Provost or Chief â—87 1. Psalmâ— or 〈◊〉 when first in use in the Church 23. 2. 90. â— Psalms called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 129. 2. Q. QUadratus Proconsul of Asia under whom Polycarp suffered Martyrdom in what year he bore the proconsulate 57. 2 c. Quadratus Bishop of Athens a different person from Quadratus the disciple of the Apostles 64. 1. Quaternions and Ternions 618. 2. Quirinius or Gyrenius when president of Syria â— 1. Quirus instead of Cyrus and Quinegius for Cynegius 466. 1. R. REcusatory-Libels wherein Patriarchs requested of the Emperour that they might have leave to relinquish their Bishopricks 479. 1. Regius Morbus to signifie the Leprosie 9â— 2. Religion of the Christians defined 658. 1. Rhetoricians were initiated by a certain rite 374. 2. the Rhetorician's Pallium ibid. and 389. 2. Rhossus or Rhosse a City of Cilicia 97. 1. Roman-Church their Liberality and Bounty towards the poor 118 â— Romans when they left off burning their dead 1â—6 â— Rufinus's Letter to Ursacius 108. 1. S. SAbaiarius a Nick-name given to Valens by the Citizens of Chalcedon 308. 1. Sabbaâ—um magnum or the Great Sabbath what it is 57. 2. Sabbath not kept as a fasting-day amongst the Romans in Lent 346. 1. nor in the Ember-weeks 348. 1. Sabellians Hereticks 119. 1. Sacerdotes Provinciae the Chief-priests of a Province 150. 1. 173. 1. Sacred Scripture a threefold difference of the books thereof 43. 1. Sacrifices of the Heathens were not totally abolished by Constantine 613. 2. Schismaticks returning to the Church were more kindly received than Hereticks 604. 2. Scholastici Advocates 357. 1. Scholia what meant by that word 62. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it means 105. 1. Scribes amongst the Jews were the Keepers and Expounders of the Law 35. â— c. Scythae so the Greeks call them whom the Latines tâ—rm Goths 578. 1. 607. 2. Secretum what it was 134. 1. Secular Judges who were present at a Council when criminal matters were under debate pronounced sentence but in a matter of faith they concerned not themselves 424. 1. 439. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to calumniate or extort 133. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Chappell wherein was the Tomb of a Martyr 422. 2. Selâ—ucus was called Nicaror not Nicanor 505. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Excepta excerptions 440. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 84. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Origen ought in Latine to be termed Excepta not excerpta 440. 1. Senate for an house or court 366. 2. Septuagint Translation when made 78. 1. whether they translated all the books of Scripture ibid. and whether in separate cells ibid. Serapis in what manner worshipped by the Egyptian Priests 340. 1 2. why he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. His Temple when demolished ibid. Serdican-Council how many Bishops present at it 257. 1. 〈◊〉 a passage in him mended 407. 2. 〈◊〉 Augustus was called also Serpentius or Serpentinus 429. 1. Showes amongst the Romans were ordinary and extraordinary 72. 1. Sibylls whether they foretold things by divine inspiration 652. 2 c. Signes of the Zodiack were by the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45. 1. Silentiarii who they were 432. 1. Simon Magus's death when it hapned 22. 1. Sirmium three Synods there and their three Draughts of the Creed 266. 2. Sirmium-Synods in what years convened ibid. and 269. 1. Sitting the usual posture of mourners amongst the Jews 20. 2. Socrates seems to have been a Novatianist 367. 2. whether he was a Novatianist 277. 1. Son of God was by antient Divines termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 645. 2. He is termed The Middle between the Father and things created 683. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Solomon's Book of Proverbs was called 64. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to lay hands on or ordain 114. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sepulchral Monuments 2â— 1. 28. 2. Stephen the Deacon on what year he suffered Martyrdom 15. â— Stephen the Pope whether he
Christ the first according to Eusebius 139. 2. Z. ZEla a City of Cappadocia 303. 2. Zeno whether Bishop of Majuma 354. 1 2. Zozimus the Historian did not live in the Times of Theodosius Junior 472. 2 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THE END Books Printed for and Sould by Hannah Sawbridge at the Bible on Ludgate Hill Folio THE Lives of the Noble Graecians and Romans by that Learned Historiographer Plutarch Translated from the Original with the Addition of the Lives of many Eminent Persons and their Effigies Engraven in Copper Plates A Chronicle of the Kings of England containing all the passages of State and Church by the famous Sir Richard Baker Knight with a continuation of all material Affairs of State to this time Astronomia Britannica Authore Vincentio Wing In qua hi Quinque Tractatus traduntur I. Logistica Astronomica II. Trigonometria III. Doctrina Sphaerica IV. Theoria Planetarum V. Tabulae Novae Astronomicae Riverus Practice of Physick in 17 severall Books Translated into English by Nicholas Culpeper Phys. and Astr. Abadiah Cole Doct. Phys. and William Rowland Physician Anatomy Riolanus Bartholinus Veslingus All three Translated by Nicholas Culpeper Gent. Student in Physick and Astrology The Compleat Surveyor containing the whole Art of Surveying Land by William Leybourne Cambridge Concordance with Additions being the compleatest extant by S. N. A Large Bible Cambridge print fit for Churches Doctor Holiâ—kes Large Dictionary being the best and largest in Print Gallileus's Mathematical System of the World with Cuts Englished by T. Salsbury Esq Learned Cooks Comment on Litletons Tenures Maynards Edward the 2d. Doctor Cowels Interpreter with T. Manlys Additions Corrected from former Errors Now in the Press Morgans Heraldry Epitomized a large sheet Dyers Reports with 2 Tables Townsends Tables C. L. Physick Refined being the Works of that famous and profound Philosopher and Chymical Physician John Baptista Van Helmot The Year Books Compleat J. Rolls Abridgement Rastalls Entries Cooks Reports French Entries Doctor Heylins Life of Bishop Laud. Quarto Gouldman's Dictionary Thesaurus Graecae Linguae c. by W. Robertson A. M. Thesaurus Linguae Sanctae c. by W. Robertson A. M. With many other Quarto Books and Books of lesser Volumes which we have not room here to insert His Epistle Dedicatory to Robert E. of Leicester bears date December the 15 th 1584. He dyed at Dublin of the plague anno 1604. See Fuller's Worthies of Wales Flintshire pag. 39. See Godwiâ— de Prâ—sulibus Angliae pag. 561 and Fuller's Worthies Lancashire a Valesius Dedicated His first Volume which contains Eusebius's Ten Books of History His Life of Constantine Constantine's Oration and His Own to the Arch-Bishops Bishops and the whole Clergy of the Gallican Church b See Origen's Works second part pag. 46. Edit Paris 1619. a He allowed Valesius a yearly pension of 1500 Livers which sum the Cardinal sent him yearly as long as he lived and by his Will continued it till Valesius's death See Valesius's Life written by his Brother Hadrian b See Amm. Marcellinus Book 14. pag. 14. Edit Paris 1636. c Or Cryers a Scholia b He means the distinguishing the Periods one from another and the Clauses and Members of each period by poynts c Full poynt a Chap. 1. Pag. 45. Edit Paris 1590. b A pause c Actuâ— verborum d Comma's e He means the French Clergy f In His Epistle Dedicatory g Chap. 40. h Or Critical Art a These four Dissertations are published at the Latter end of Valesius's first Volume of the Ecclesiastick Historians a Eccles. Hist. Book 2. Chap. 4. b See Chap. 19. c Chap. 43. where see Note a. d See Chap. 2â— at the Beginning e Eusebius's f Book 7. Chap. 26. g Which occurs in Theodoret's Eccles. Hist. Book 1. Chap. 5. Edit Vales. h Chap. 32. a Chap. 4. where see Note â— b The Remembrance of c. c His other Life d Or Right e Chap. 3â— towards the end f Chap. 4. a He should have said his fiâ—th Book where see Chap. 2 and 3. p. 307 c. Ediâ— Thys b Chap. 32. c See Chap. 4. where Eusebius has inserted this his Speech d Valesius after this his account of Eusebius's Life writings adds a Collection which he had made himself of the Testimonies of the Ancients both for and against Eusebius a translation whereof into English was lookt upon as needless e Chap. 6. a Or Wing b Chap. 1. where see Note a. c Chap. 11. d Chap. 19. e Or Form of Faith f See this Letter in Socrates Book 1. Chap. 8. pag. 217 c. of our English Version g See the Story in Theodoret's Eccles. Hist. Book 1. Chap. 21. Edit Vales. h See Life of Constantine Book 3. Chap. 59. note c. i This calumny the Melitians fram'd instigated by Eusebius of Nicomedia as Athanasius tells us in his Apology to Constantius See his Works Tom. 1. p. 778. Ediâ— Paris 1627. k That is sacrifice to Idols a Chap. 46. b Life of Constant. Book 1. Chap. 28 30. c Id. B. 4. Chap. 36. d Book 4. Chap. 34 35. e Eccles. Hist. B. 2. Chap. 20. where see Nese k. f Chap. 4. 5. g In his Preface to his Comments on Daniel h Chap. 19. a Book 1. Chap. 1. b Twentieth year of His Empire c Chap. 8. d Judge or give sentence e Double-Tongue'd See Sâ—crat Book 1. Chap. 23. a In His Martyrology b In Epist. tertiâ ad Eliam Aqueleïensem alios Episcopos Istriae c See his defence of him in Book 2. Chap. 21. d Book 2. De Synod Nicaenâ Chap. 1. d See Scaliger's Elench Trihâ—res chap. 27 and Book 6. De Emend Temp. chap. 1. about the end and his Animadversions on Eusebius's Chronicon pag. 8. a I cannot approve of Christophorsons translat on who renders the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Provinces Neither am I pleased with the amendment of Curterius or whoever it was that translated it Churches Indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Church amongst Christian Writers and particularly in our Eusebius not in one place The original of which signification came from hence as I judge because the Church is as it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Stranger or Sojourner in the earth but its Country and freedom is in heaven Hence we often meet with this phrase in our Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Book 4. B 4. Chap. 23. And Clemens in His Epist. to the Corinthians writes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But in this place of Eusebius we must not translate this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Churches For then the same word must be repeated twice in the same clause thus Who have governed and presided over the Church especially in the most famous Churches I should rather translate it Cities or Sees or with Rufinus in celeberrimis locis in the most famous places Sometimes this word is taken for
did they look upon any Country as their own besides the heavenly Jerusalem Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that 's the term in the original So the Ancient Greeks called that which the latter call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is an allegory as they term it when one thing is said another is to be understood Vales. e From these words of Philo we may easily perceive that these Therapeutae were not Christians For the professours of Christianity were then of a very fresh date Besides what writings could these be The Books of the Prophets they were not for Philo separates them from these speaking of them a little before They could not be the Gospels nor the Epistles of the Apostles for they were scarce written in Philo's age however they could not then be called the writings of antient persons at least by Philo. Vales. f The composition of Psalms and Hymns was not in use so early in the Church as these words of Philo must suppose if we understand them to be spoken of the Christians that came in after the times of Antoninus when learned men began to embrace the Christian Faith So that neither can these words of Philo be any ways understood of Christians The junior Pliny indeed in his Epistle to Trajan Lib. 10. Epist. 97. says it was a custome of the Christians in their Coetûs carmen Christo tanquam Deo dicere secum invicem i. e. to say one with another by turns a verse or Hymn to Christ as unto God But there is a difference between saying and composing a song or Hymn and besides this was long after Philo's time See D r Hammonds preface to his Exposit on the Psalms and M r Gregory's Posthumous works Discourse 2d. g Eusebius means that whole week which precedes the feast of Easter which the Greek Fathers call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the great week and we the Passion week But in Philo's Book there is no mention of this feast of Easter He speaks indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a great solemnity but by his following words 't is evident he means the Jewish-feast of weeks or our Pentecost Vales. h He means the Presbyters concerning whom See Philo in his said Book De vitâ contemplat p. 899. Edit Par. Vales. a This Book of Philo's is not now extant Vales. b In Suidas this Book is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which inscription Suidas took from Sophronius the interpreter of Jerom. But our excellent M. SS Maz. Med. Fuk and S r Henry Savills have it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wherefore I agree with Nicephorus who rightly distinguisht the two Books of Philo the one of which was entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of flight and choice the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Of nature and invâ—ntion Whence it appears that that Book of Eusebius's which Nicephorus made use of was in this place more correct than our copies Vales. c 'T is manifest that Philo wrote three Books on this Subject That Dreams are sent from God The first of which is lost the second is extant in the Paris Edition of Philo pag. 465. in the beginning whereof he makes mention of a former Book which he had written on that subject The third is also extant in the same Edition pag. 1108. but misplaced Whether he wrote any more than these three is uncertain Suidas mentions five Books of Philo's De Somniis Vales. d In the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS it s written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 truer for there was onely one Book that bore this Title In a M. S. copy of Philo's works in the Library of Auspurg this Book of Philo's De Providentiâ is confounded with another of his Adversus Flaccum Indeed this Book De Providentiâ is lost But there is an eminent fragment of it in Eusebius De preparat Libr. 8. cap. Ultim and in Libr. 7. cap. 21. Vales. e I doubt not but it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the Jews for so this Book is quoted by Eusebius in his 8 B. De Preparat Evangel chap. 10. where there is a most elegant place produced 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. out of the Apologie of Philo for the Jews Rufinus confirms this our emendation who turns this place thus de Judaeis Apologeticus Liber Vales. f Jerome makes mention of this Book of Philo's in his interpretation of the Hebrew names Moreover Philo having onely interpreted those names that occur in the Law and the Prophets Origen added afterwards an interpretation of the words and names of the New Testament supplying that which seemed to be wanting in Philo's Book as Jerome writes in that Book of his now mentioned Vales. g Eusebius took this out of the Acts of the Apost chap. 18. v. 2. And Orosius writes as he had it out of Josephus that this was done in the ninth year of Claudius But that place of Josephus which Orosius quotes is not now extant Therefore Orosius seems to me to have forgotten himself And truely it is not very likely that Claudius the Emperour who had so great a kindness for the Jews as appears by his many Edicts extant in Josephus should drive the Jews in particular out of the City I should rather think whenas there was a great famine at Rome which in Eusebius's Chronicon is said to have happened in the tenth year of Claudius that Claudius expelled all forreiners out of the City amongst whom were the Jews also For so Augustus did before and 't was frequently practised by the following Emperours as oft as the City of Rome was in any scarcity of Provision and so I judge that place of Luke in the Acts is to be understood But if any one relying on the Authority of Suetonius whose words are these Judaeos impulsore CHRESTO assiduè tumultuantes Româ expulit in the Life of Claudius See D r Hammonds Annot. on Acts 26. v. 31. does reject this our Opinion I will not much withstand him All the Chronologers downwards follow Orosius as does also Barronius in his Annals Whom I much wonder at in that when he had placed this Edict of Claudius on the ninth year of his Reign he should also cast the Jerusalem Council upon the same year Which is manifestly repugnant to the History of the Acts of the Apostles For after the Jerusalem Council which is related Acts 15 Paul going back to Antioch delivered the Epistle of the Apostles to the brethren and is said to have tarried there some time After this being parted from Barnabas he went into Syria and Cilicia Preaching the Word of God Then he travelled into Phrygia Galatia and Mysia where he was warned by the Holy Spirit in a dream to sail into Macedonia and first Preach't the Faith of Christ at Philippi after that at Thessalonica and Berea Sailing thence to Athens he staied there a good while expecting Timothy and Sylas and Preached the Word of God to the Athenians Then going to Corinth
he found Aquila and Priscilla there who were lately come from Italy thither upon account of the Edict of Claudius commanding all Jews to depart from Rome as it is in the 18 chap. Acts. From all this its apparent that there was a good distance of time between the Council held at Jerusalem and the Edict of Claudius in which space all this we have related was dispatcht by Paul the Apostle In Chronico Alexandrino the Council at Jerusalem is placed on the sixth year of Claudius he had better have said the seventh For so all things agree exactly For Paul staid at Antioch the remaining months of that year wherein the Council was then the following year he travelled through Syria Cilicia Phrygia and Galatia At length in the ninth year of Claudius he came into Greece Vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is at which time Aquila c. for it may be read in two words thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I found it written in the Kings and the Fuk. M. SS Vales. a The same number he sets down in his Chronicon But Josephus in his 2 B. of the Jewish wars says there was somewhat more than ten thousand killed But in his 20 th B. of Antiquities which work he compiled after his History he accounts the number of the slain to be twenty thousand Which number I would rather agree too because these Books as I said were written last by him Vales. b This Agrippa the younger to speak properly was never King of the Jews For after the death of Agrippa his father who dyed the fourth year of Claudius Claudius took him being very young and kept him with him neither did he permit him to succeed in his fathers Kingdom Afterwards Herod the King of Chalcis being dead Claudius gave Agrippa his Uncle's Kingdom which when he had held four years Claudius in the twelfth year of his Reign gave him Thraconitis which was the Tetrarchie of Philip and also the Kingdom of Lysanias having first taken Chalcis from him He transferred to him also the authority over the Temple and the power of electing the High-priests which his Uncle Herod had A little after Nero added to his Kingdom part of Galilce as Josephus writes in his twentieth B. of Antiq. Which being thus its apparent Eusebius was mistaken who wrote both here and in his Chronicon that Agrippa the younger succeeded in his fathers Kingdom presently after the death of his father and was made King of the Jews by Claudius Although Eusebius says not here expresly that he was by Claudius made King presently after his fathers death Indeed out of Josephus it may be evidently shown that the younger Agrippa was not made King immediately after his fathers death For in his second Book of the Jewish wars chap. 13 he makes the twelfth year of Nero wherein the Jewish war began to be the same with the seventeenth of King Agrippa Therefore the younger Agrippa began to reign in the eighth year of Claudius Moreover I will not deny that he was King of the Jews seeing he was King of Galilce and is by Justus reckoned among the Kings of the Jews But I deny that ever he was King of Judea For after the death of the Seniour Agrippa which happened in the fourth year of Claudius Judea was brought into the form of a Province and every year the Procuratours of Caesar were sent thither as Josephus relates Vales. c In the Chronicon of Eusebius Felix is said to have been sent Procuratour into Judea by Claudius in the eleventh year of his Reign But in Scaligers Edition of that work it is more rightly placed on the tenth year of Claudius Yet it seems to be truer that Felix was sent into Judea in the ninth of Claudius For Tracitus in his twelfth Book says That Felix was lately set over the Jews Sulla and Otho being Consuls which was the tenth year of Claudius and in Acts 24. Paul pleading his cause before this same Felix which was done on the thirteenth year of Claudius speaks thus to him For as much as I know that thou hast been for many years a judge unto this Nation Moreover Rufinus is mistaken in that he thinks these are Josephus's words when as it appears that they indeed are Eusebius's Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so it is in Josephus Gelenius renders it enemies which I like not For Josephus by that term means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most eminent Personages Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly to attend too or observe In this sense Eusebius uses the word chap. 18. of this Book and in B. 3. chap. 24. This word occurs in Athenaeus Polybius and others Vales. * Acts 21. 38. See Josephus Antiq. B. 20. c. 6 7. See also D r Hammond on Acts 21. 38. b Josephus says there were thirty thousand men which is so to be understood as that the number of the whole multitude was 30000 of which 4000 onely were murtherers And so Josephus will be reconciled to Luke But I agree not with Eusebius who writes that this was done in Nero's time For in Acts 21 this Egyptian is said to have been overthrown a little before Pauls coming to Jerusalem Now Paul came thither in the last year of Claudius which may be gathered from the 24 chap. Acts where Luke writes that Portius Festus was sent as successour to Felix Seeing therefore Festus was sent into Judea in the second year of Nero the overthrow of this Egyptian must necessarily fall on the last year of Claudius The narration of Josephus who seems to refer all this to the times of Nero deceived Eusebius But Eusebius ought to have considered that Josephus does in that place relate all the Acts of Felix together as well what he did under Claudius as what under Nero. Vales. a Indeed this place is very obscure and therefore Musculus as also D r Hanmer omitted it But having considered upon it long and much at length I apprehended the true sense of this place Eusebius therefore says that from the second Epistle of Paul to Timothy this may be gathered to wit that Paul in his first defence was acquitted by the Judges sentence but afterward at his second defence he was condemned The former part hereof he apparently manifests in these words At my first defence no man stood with me and whenas he says I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lyon which is as much as if he had said I was snatcht from Nero's jaws But Paul speaks far otherwise of his second accusation For he does not say The Lord delivered me out of the mouth of the Lyon as he had said before For he foresaw God revealing it to him that he should by no means any longer avoid the sword of the persecutour but should end his life by a glorious martyrdom Therefore when he had said of his first accusation I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lyon concerning his
the word Fullers Miscellan B. 3. chap. 16. a Eusebius in his Chronicon calls him Joses So Joseph the brother of the Lord of whom Matthew and Mark speak in their Gospels is by Jerom and others called Joses Ephres also is by Nicephorus called Ephrem Vales. b Or one month for so Rufinus seems to have read in his copy Vales. * His name was Tinius Rufus Euscbius in his Chronicon says this rebellion happened on the 16 year of Adrian at which time the said Rufus was President of the Province of Judea Vales. a He calls the Jews slaves because of their poverty and baseness of birth for most of them were descended of those captives who were fold under Titus Vales. b Or Biththera there was a Town called Betthar which was two and fifty miles distant from Jerusalem another Village there was called Bethar which was twelve miles off Jerusalem both these Jerome calls Bethoron Vales. c The same is attested by Tertullian Apologet c. 16 by Celsus in the latter end of B. 8 of Origen against him and by Gregor Naz. in his 12 Orat. Onely on one day that whereon Jerusalem was taken and destroyed by the Romans the Jews out of all nations were wont to meet in Palestine and having paid a sum of money to the Souldiers they entred into that part of the City where Solomon's Temple heretofore stood and there they bewailed the destruction of the City and Temple See Scaliger in Animadvers Euseb. p. 198. Vales. d That was a City of Syria which after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus was the seat of the Bishops of Jerusalem as Eusebius testifies This Ariston of Pella wrote a book entitled a Dispute of Jason and Papiscus this book Origen makes mention of in his 4 B. against Celsus but the Preface of it is onely now extant amongst the works of Cyprian Vales. e Euscbius is here doubly mistaken both in that he says Jerusalem was wholly destroyed in Adrian's time and also because he thought that Aelia Capitolina was built by the same Adrian after the Siege of Betthera As to the first its evident from Josephus that Jerusalem was totally destroyed by Titus in so much that it was ploughed As to the second Aelia was so far from being built by Adrian after this Victory obtained over the Jews that this war was begun by the Jews upon that very account For when the Jews saw the Soyle of their City occupied by strangers and perceived that in that very place where the Temple had been Jupiter Capitolinus was worshiped and sacrificed to being not able to endure that they took Arms and began this war which Eusebius here relates Which was begun in the 16 year of Adrian and ended the 18 of his Empire But Aelia Capitolina was built long before to wit in the second year of Adrian From whose times to those of Constantine the Great it was always called Aelia But from the time of Constantine the Great it recovered again the name of Jerusalem both upon the account of the honour of that name and also because of its prerogative being the first Episcopal Seat Vales. * Book 3. chap. 26. a Eusebius says not upon what Gospel Basilides wrote these books perhaps Basilides made these books upon his own Gospel for he wrote one and set his own name to it and called it the Gospel according to Basilides as Origen attests in his 1 Homil on Luke and Jerom in his Preface to S. Matthew These books were called Basilides's Exegeticks Clemens lib. 4. Stromat quotes some places out of the 23 d of these books Vales. b Or Barcabas upon these Prophets Barcabbas and Barcoph Isodore the son of Basilides wrote some books of Expositions as Clemens Alexandr shews B. 6. Stromat Vales. c Eusebius speaks here of those Prophets whom Basilides seigned for himself Our Authour is right in his saying that Basilides's Heresie sprang up in Adrian's Reign For then the Hereticks began to creep out of their holes they thought the Apostles being all dead that they had then an opportune time to divulge their errours Vales. d So they were called because they were supposed to be assistant to men and kept them from diseases and unfortunate accidents Magicians had such spirits as these at their command by whose help they did miraculous things Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original hence the Christian Religion was by the heathens called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the prevailing opinion and the Christians were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Porphyrius in his book de Oraculor Philosoph which place Eusebius quotes in his 9 th B. Preparat Evangel cap. 10. Vales. a In my opinion Hegesippus is not rightly placed in the times of Adrian neither doe his words here quoted by Eusebius evince so much It 's certain Hegesippus wrote his books when Eleutherus was Bishop of Rome as he himself attests in the 22 chap. of this book He was contemporary therefore with Irenaeus who then composed his Elaborate books against the Heresies Indeed our Eusebius retracting as it were his former opinion does in the 21 and 22 chapt of this book place Hegesippus in the times of Marcus Antoninus Vales. b Which was celebrated every fifth year at Mantinea in Arcadia says Pausanias in Arcad. Vales. c Amongst the Egyptians the chief Priest who was over the other Priests and distributed to them the Revenue of the Temple was called a Prophet For the first Officer of the temple was the Cantâ—r then the Horoscopus after him the Scriba then the Vestitor last of all the Propheta took his place who carried a water-pot in his bosom See Epiphan in 3 B. advers Haeres c. Concerning these Prophets of Antinous instituted by Adrian there is mention made in an old Greek inscription quoted by Casaubon in his notes on Spartianus Wherefore it s no wonder that Antinous deified by Adrian had his Prophets seeing he was worshipped chiefly by the Egyptians Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. in the Jewish war which was not long since For the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes used in such a sense as to signifie nuper i. e. lately In which sense Justin uses it when he speaks of Antinous in this chapt Vales. e Or Serennius he was Proconsul of Asia and predecessour to Minutius Fundanus in that Government Vales. f It may be deservedly questioned why Adrian answered not Granianus from whom he received these letters but wrote to Minutius Fundanus his successour the reason as I suppose might be this either Granianus died soon after he wrote to Adrian or else he left that Government For the Proconsuls were annual Vales. g Justin in his second Apologie as 't is now commonly written p. 99. Vales. a He means the outcries which the people were wont to make in the Theatres The Christians to the Lyons as Tertullian attests Sometimes it so happened that
Maz. Med. nor Fuk. M. SS nor in that copy Rufinus made use of as appears from his Version nor yet in Jeroms B. de Eccles. Scriptor where he reckons up all Apollinaris's books But Nicephorus mentions the◠〈◊〉 his History Vales. c M r Tho. Lydyaâ— in his Emâ—â—d Tempor says this Heresie began in the times of M. Aurelius and L. Verus the Authour whereof was Montanus a The Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS and also Nicephorus call him Saturninus Epiphanius and Theodoret name him Saturniâ—us and Hegefippus terms those Hereticks which had their name from him Saturâ—ilians See chap. 22. of this B. 4. Vales. b Jerom in his book de Scriptor Eccles. takes the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in such a sense as to signifie a master of Eloquence Such an one Tatianus was before his conversion to the Christian Religion as may be seen from chap. 16. of this 4 th book But I rather think that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the term in the original should be meant an Ecclesiastical Doctour which sense of that term the following words of Irenaus doe confirm for he says he was the composer of a new form of Doctrin of his own making Vales. c Epiphanius makes this Severus to be ancienter than Tatianus which is a mistake as 't is evident from these words of Eusebius Irenâ—us makes no mention of this Severus Theodoret in his first book Haeret. fabul has rightly placed Severus after Tatianus Vales. d Epiphanius in Haeres 46. says this work of Tatianus's is by some called the Gospel according to the Hebrews But that Gospel is more ancient than Tatianus For Hegesippus who flourisht some years before Tatianus makes mention of the Gospel according to the Hebrews as Eusebius tells us chap. 22. of this book Papias also quotes a passage out of that Gospel as our Authour asserts about the close of the 3 d book Vales. e That is his Oration against the Grecians which is extant at the latter end of Justin Martyrs works Edit par 1636. At pag. 171. he begins the proof of this point viz. the Antiquity of Moses and tâ—â— Prophets a Tatianus who was the Founder of the Heresie of the Encratita lived in Mesopotamia and there publisht his Heresie as Epiphanius attests And the same may be concluded from what Theodoreâ— writeâ— to wit that he found above 200 copies of the Gospel made by Tatianus in the Churches of Osdroâ—na Vales. b It 's doubtfull whether Antoninus the Emperour or one of that name who was a follower of Tatianus's be here meant It is not likely that Bardesanes should dedicate his books to the Roman Emperour which he wrote in the Syriack language Besides Eusebius in his 6 B. de praparaâ— does declare that Bardesanes dedicated his Dialogues to his followers and friends Vales. a The persecution of the Christians in the Reign of Marcus raged not every where at the same time nor was it ended in one years space In Asia it began first in the seventh year of M. â—ntoninus and that not by the Edict of the Emperour but by a tumultuous insurrection of the populace against them where it lasted to the end of that Emperours Reign as 't is evident from these words in Melito's Apology For from that time the power of the Roman Empire began to be eminently great and was much augmented of which Empire you by succession are the most acceptable inheritour that could be wisht for and shall so continue together with your son c. See chap. 26. B. 4. note f. Now Commodus was by his father received as his partner in the Empire when Melito presented this Apology to the Emperour His being made Colleague in the Empire 't is evident happened about the latter end of M. Antoninus's Reign wherefore the persecution of the Christians in Asia must necessarily have lasted till that time But this persecution was more sharp and violent in Asia in the Gallias and in other Provinces in the seventeenth year of the said Antoninus as Eusebius does here say expresly See Baronius ad annum Christi 179. Vales. a There arises here a double question 1. Why this Epistle was written joyntly by the two Churches that of Vienna and that of Lyonâ— 2. Why the French wrote in Greek to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia As to the first I suppose it was for this reason done because the Churches of Vienna and Lyons were joyned together not onely by vicinity of place but also by the bonds of mutual love And seeing they had together been engaged in the same Persecution they joyntly wrote an Epistle concerning their own Martyrs Besides both Provinces seem at that time to have been under the jurisdiction of one President which may be conjectured from hence because as well they of Vienna as those of Lyons are in this Epistle said to have been by the President apprehended and condemned for the Faith of Christ. These therefore are the reasons why they wrote joyntly For that which some have supposed to wit that then there was but one Bishop of Vienna and Lyons is easily confuted out of this Epistle which says that Pothinus was Bishop of Lyons but not of Vienna Moreover those of Lyons doe out of respect set the name of those of Vienna first whenas notwithstanding they of Lyons wrote the Epistle concerning the things which were done at their own City Which respect also may seem to be attributed to the antiquity and nobility of the Colonie at Vienna As to the second query we may understand from this Epistle that there were many Grecians in the Church of Lyons as was Attalus and Alexander the Phrygian and Alcibiades who was by original extract a Phrygian also as I think also Irenâ—us was born in Asia and when he was very young had together with Florinus been an auditour of Polycarps at Smyrna as he himself evidences The very name also of Pothinus the Bishop shews him to be originally a Grecian 'T is no wonder therefore that those who came out of Asia into the Gallia's should write to their brethren that were in Asia concerning their affairs from whom as 't is probable they had before received that Epistle concerning the Martyrdom of Polycarp and others I suppose Irenaeus to have been the Authour of this Epistle who at that time was a Presbyter of the Church at Lyons Vales. b The term in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies onely private houses from which the Christians were then driven that is from the houses of their friends relations c. For I agree not with Rufinus who thought that the Christians were prohibited to inhabit their own houses Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original which signifies any promiscuous or popular assembly these setting aside the sacred assemblies which are otherwise expressed are principally of two sorts either 1. to buy and sell or 2. to resort for justice and the word here
not yet perswaded me to believe that the Legion Melitina was named the Lightning Legion upon that account Some may object that there was indeed a Legion called the Lightning Legion before Antoninus's time but that he gave the Legion Melitina that name also because of the benefit he received by their means But if it were so it ought to be called the second Lightning Legion and yet Dio makes no mention of any such Legion although he reckons up exactly all the Legions enrolled by the former Emperours Moreover Dio says that the Lightning Legion had its station in Cappadocia which agrees very well with the Legion Melitina In the book called Notitia Imperii Romani the prefecture of the 12 Legion termed Fulminea at Melitina is reckoned under the disposition of the Duke of Armenia Whence t is collected that Melitina was not the name of the Legion but of the Town wherein the 12 Legion called Fulminea abode But 't was not usual to give the Legions their denomination from the places where they were in Garison but from the Countreys wherein they were inrolled Therefore what Eusebius says concerning the Legion Melitina seems to me scarce probable Besides Rufinus purposely omitted this name of the Legion as I suppose because he knew that Melitina was the name of a Town in Armenia the less wherein the 12 Legion called Fulminea kept guard in his time But that I may freely say what I think it seems not very probable to me that a whole Legion of Roman Souldiers should at that time be Christians which yet Eusebius seems to affirm who errs in this also because he has not produced the place of Apollinaris nor shown the book wherein he wrote these things But the words with which Eusebius closes this whole story doe sufficiently shew that he himself doubted of the truth of this matter for thus he says in this chap. Let every one determine concerning these things according to his own pleasure Vales. e Tertullians words are these At nos è contrario èdimus protectorem si litera Marci Aurelii gravissimi Imperatoris requirantur quibus illam Germanicam sitim Christianorum forte militum precationibus impetrato imbriodis cussam contestatur Tertul. Apol. pag. 6. Edit Regal Paris 1634. f Quales ergo leges istae quas adversus nos soli exequntur impii injusti turpes truces vani dementes Quas Trajanus ex parte frustratus est vetando inquiri Christianos quas nullus-Hadrianus quanquam curiositatum omnium explorator nullus Vespasianus quanquam Judaeorum debellator nullus Pius nullus Verus impressit Tertul. Apol. pag. 6 and 7. Edit as before We have added these words of Tertullian here that the learned Reader may see how different the translation Eusebius here quotes is from the original copies of Tertullian which we now have g Baronius has placed the election of Irenaeus to the See of Lyons on the year of Christ 180. For after the death of Pothinus which happened in the year 179 he says that See was vacant till the heat of the persecution was over Vales. D r Cave in his Chronological Table says Pothinus died in the year of Christ 177 to whom succeeded Irenaeus the year following * 2 Tim. 4. 21. a Our M. SS copies read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I doctrine I would rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 succession as Christophorson S r Hen. Savill and the old Translatour of Irenaeus read it Vales. a The Mâ—â— Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prayer the Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 purity Vales. a These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. of which number Irenaeus was one seem to be superfluous and written in the margin onely by some Scholiast But they are in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS Vales. b Irenaeus in that he affirms here that The Gospel according to Mark was written after the death of Paul and Peter does contradict what Eusebius related before at the 15 th chap. of the second book where he says Mark 's Gospel was publish't at Rome whilest Peter was alive and approved of by that Apostle But 't is no wonder that the antient fathers disagree amongst themselves in this matter seeing we have almost nothing of certainty about the writing of the sacred Gospels save that they are four and written by four several Authours But when or for what reason they were written and whether the Gospel of S. Matthew were first penned in Hebrew it s not very evident Vales. c All the ancient Ecclesiastick Writer as before was noted call that book the Wisedom of Solomon which we now call the Proverbi But that B. entitled now the Wisedom of Solomon is Apocryphal Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term here in the original does properly signifie the sayings of wise men which are repeated by heart Vales. e Irenaeus is the ancientest writer that makes mention of Theodotion Wherefore we will see if from hence we can make out the time when Theodotion lived Epiphanius in his book de ponderib says Theodotion flourished under Commodus and then put forth his translation The Chronicon of Alexandria follows Epiphanius's opinion and says he publisht that work in the sixth year of the Emperour Commodus I Judge Theodotion to be somewhat ancienter For seeing Irenaeus has mentioned him in his books against Heresies which books t is manifest he wrote when Eleutherus was Bishop of Rome for he says so in the 3 d B. of thaâ— work we must necessarily grant that Theodotion flourisht before Eleutherus was made Bishop of Rome Vales. f Some of the Ancients doe declare that the Greek translation of the holy Scriptures was performed under Ptolemaeus the son of Lagus others mention it to have been done under Ptolemaeus Philadelphus Which latter opinion in that 't is confirmed by the authority of the greater number of writers has at last prevailed Anatolius says the translation of the 72 was made both in the Reign of Ptolomy the Son of Lagus and also in that of his successour Philadelphus which to me seems very probable For seeing Aristobulus Josephus and Tertullian doe say in express words that Demetrius Phalereus put Ptolomy upon this business and it being manifest that the said Demetrius was in great favour with and authority under Ptolomy the son of Lagus and died soon after him we must necessarily say that this translation if it were done by the procurement of Demetrius was begun in the Reign of Ptolomy the son of Lagus And seeing that Philadelphus reigned about two years together with his father being made his Colleague in the Kingdom therefore perhaps 't is related that this translation was made under both the Princes Vales. The Learned Petavius is of the same opinion with Valesius in this matter as may be seen from his Annotations on Epiphanius's Book de ponderib pag. 379. Edit Paris 1622. g Cleâ—oens Alexandrinus says
Apollinaris as Rufinus and Christophorson supposed Vales. p This was a great man amongst the Montanists who boasted himself to be a Confessour and a Martyr and was so audacious as like an Apostle to write a general Epistle to the Churches in recommendation of this New Prophecy Apollonius speaks much concerning this man in the following chapter Vales. a In the foregoing chapter we observed that the name Miltiades was put for Alcibiades On the contrary here Alcibiades is crept into the Text of Eusebius instead of Miltiades In Nicephorus t is Miltiades but neither he nor Christophorson understood this place Vales. b Rufinus and Baronius were mistaken in that they supposed these following words were taken out of Miltiades's book For this nameless Authour quotes nothing out of Miltiades's book but onely out of the Cataphrygians answer to Miltiades's book which thing translatours understood not Now the meaning of this place is this there is a great difference between the true Prophets and the false For the true Prophets who were filled with the spirit of God did foretell things future in a quiet and serene temper of mind But the false Prophets as was Montanus uttered what they said in a raging and mad temper of mind Indeed this was the chief objection of the Ecclesiasticks against the Montanists who boasted they were inspired with a Prophetick spirit because they Prophecied in an extasie But we read that no Prophet either under the Old or New Testament did ever Prophecy in an extasie Therefore Miltiades wrote a book against them which was thus entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. a Prophet ought not to speak in an extasie of mind See Epiphanius advers Haeres Montanist chap. 2. 4 and Chrysostom Homil. 29. on the 1 Epist. Corinth Vales. c Jerom Refinus and other Translatours thought Miltiades dedicated his Apology to the Roman Emperours called here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But because at that time there was onely one Roman Emperour to wit Commodus I judge the Governours of Provinces are here rather meant For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does commonly signifie the Presidents of Provinces To these therefore Miltiades dedicated his Apology as did Tertullian afterwards who calls this Miltiades the Rhetorician of the Churches Vales. a Montanus instituted three â—ents every year and besides them two weeks of abstinence wherein nothing but dry meats were to be eaten So Tertullian in his book de jejuniis and Jerom in his Epistle to Mercella Apollonius objects here against Montanus his instituting fasts by a Law not that 't is a fault to observe fasts or as if 't were not lawfull for some in the Church to proclaim fasts for the Apostle S t John appointed a three days fast â—t Ephesus before he betook himself to the writing his Gospel But Montanus had no power to proclaim a fast being an Heretick an excommunicated person and no Presbyter Apollonius therefore does deservedly blame him because of his own head not by Apostolick tradition he instituted fasts Vales. b In the Maz. Med. Fuk. M. SS and in Nicephorus this woman is called Prisca which is confirmed by Rufinus Tertullian and Firmilianus Robert Stephens calls her Priscilla Vales. c The Montanists covered their avarice under the pretext of Religion and specious term of Oblations as Apollonius says a little before in this chapter Vales. d Christophorson thought the Cross was meant here but doubtless Apollonius means bonds which Themison could not endure for Christs sake For that which he calls the sign of confession here in the next words he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bonds Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original At Athens there was an house so called behind the Temple of Minerva Polias wherein the publick treasury was laid So says Harpocration on that word In all the Temples there was such a place as Varro asserts B. 4. But here this term must mean the publick Registry where the publick Records are kept Vales. * Mat. 10. 9 10. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term which Rufinus translates an Apostate Vales. * He means Montanus g The Greeks call that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Latines term crines tingere seu rutilare to die or make the hair red To doe which they made use of ashes which had been put into lye as Varro says See Hesychius in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * That is a kind of colouring stuff which is used to make the eye-brows black h I perceive now why Eusebius places Apollonius after the Authour without a name of whom he spake in the foregoing Chapter For because that anonymous authour says he wrote his books fourteen years after the death of Montanus and Maximilla and in regard Apollonius does here say Montanus broacht his new Prophecy 40 years before he wrote therefore Eusebius supposed Apollonius to be a later writer than that anonymous Authour In which as I judge he is much out For Apollonius wrote his book whilest Montanus and his mad Prophetesses Priscilla and Maximilla were yet alive which appears from these passages Let the Prophetess answer us concerning Alexander who terms himself a Martyr with whom she feasts c and again And yet the Prophet does pretend himself ignorant of this man whom he has converst with for many years Eusebius quotes in this Chapter Apollonius therefore does not say 40 years were past from the death of Montanus when he wrote this book but onely that Montanus had set a broach his false Prophecy 40 years before he went about to write this book against him Let us suppose therefore Montanus to be thirty years old when he set up to be a Prophet he could not be above 70 years old when Apollonius wrote his book against him Neither had he Maximilla and Priscilla for his companions as soon as ever he began his heresie but as I judge they were ensnared by him a long while after Vales. a Eusebius in his 6 th B. cha 12. calls these men Pontius and Caricus Jerom in Catalogo calls them Carinus and Pontius Vales. b So the Ancients termed the prophesie of Montanus and his associates as may be seen from Tertullian de Jejuniis Jerom in Catalogo Firmilian in his Epistle to Cyprian and the old Authour quoted by our Eusebius chap. 16. of this B. Vales. c The reading of the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS agrees with our translation to wit by all the Brotherhood in the world The Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens read it thus by all the Brotherhood in Christ over the whole world Vales. d Debeltum or Develtum a Colony in Thracia is mentioned by Geographers and in the old Coyns which John Tristan put forth Anchialus also hereafter named is a City of Thracia sufficiently known But why should the subscriptions of the Bishops of Thracia be put to the Epistle of Serapion Bishop of Antioch If I may make a conjecture I
is the Catechumen of whom mention is made in the Menologie on the fifth of September the third Heraïs the Egyptian Virgin born at a place called Tamma whose fathers name was Peter a Presbyter she suffered Martyrdom when she was twelve years old as 't is in the Mâ—nâ—um at the 23 d of September where she is called Hieraïs in the Roman Martyrologic she is termed Iraïs Vales. a This Aquila was Governour of Aegypt as Euscbius before relates in the 3 d Chapter at which time Origen was in the eighteenth year of his age Vales. b The Gladiators were commonly noted to be lascivious wicked men therefore Aquila threatned to deliver her to them thinking she who had such special care of her chastity would rather revolt from her faith then hazard the purity of her body by being put into their power c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies to fright birds away but here as also in Demosthenes it signifies to thrust aside out of the way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Demost. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius means Baptism e Rufinus translates this place so as to make Potamiaena Origen's scholar neither dare we contradict him in that For although Eusebius does not mention it particularly yet we may gather so much from this his narration for reckoning up the Martyrs which were of Origen's School he adds to them Basilides and Potamiaena whence 't is collected these two also were his disciples and though we cannot for certain say Basilides was yet 't is probable Potamiaena might be one of them Vales. a There is little connexion betwixt this and what he said before Clemens was not then the Catechist at Alexandria but Origen Clemens's Scholar Moreover concerning Clemens and his books Eusebius writes in the foregoing book And Caius in his little Labyrinth reckons him among the Ecclesiastick Writers which writ in the time of Victor the words of Caius are at the end of the 5 th Book therefore Rufinus rightly places this and the following chapter in the 3 d Chapter of this book where he speaks of Demetrius the Bishops committing the office of Catechizing to Origen Vales. * Matth. Chap. 19. v. 12. a Eusebius here laies open the the reason why Demetrius who was formerly so much Origen's friend should now so persecute him by his letters which was because the Bishops of Caesarea and Jerusalem had ordain'd him Priest In which thing no small injury was done to Demetrius both by the Bishops and Origen by Origen because he had yielded to be ordain'd by forreign Bishops and by the Bishops because by doing this they had translated the Catechist of Alexandria into their Church Moreover there arises a difficulty not to be pass'd by viz. why two Bishops together should ordain Origen By this means he had power to sit in two Churches and to communicate with other Priests See the 23. and 27. chapters following where this conjecture is confirm'd 'T was the â—â—der when either Deacons or Priests were ordain'd some Bishops should be present that the ordination might be more solemn saies Innocentius in his Epistle to Marcianus the Bishop Photius in Biblioth Chap. 118. says that Theoctistus solemniz'd the ordination but Alexander gave his approbation Christophorson also says these were the names of the Bishops Theoctistus was Bishop of Caesarea and Alexander of Jerusalem Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word here has several significations Rufinus explains it thus when a man has free power to do a thing all impediments being remov'd which explanation seems best for before Origen made himself an Eunuch for fear of a scandalous report he had reason to be cautious of conversing with women and teaching them but when he had unman'd himself as he did he might do it freely without suspicion Vales. c Rufinus's old book which was in the Church at Paris begins a new Chapter here and so does Christophorson Vales. d Concerning this Alexander Eusebius in his Chronicle in the 12 year of Severus's Reign which was the second year of this Persecution writes thus Alexander was accounted famous for his confession of the Name of the Lord. Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the nature or quality of oil we should rather read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fatness of oil Rufinus translates it thus aquae naturâ in olei pinguedinem versâ and in Moraeus's book 't is so corrected in the margin the Fuk. M. S. also reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus renders thus Regio morbo But Langus calls it morbus sonticus the falling sickness Christophorson morbus scevus faedus an unfortunate or cruel and filthy disease which comes nearest to Rufinus's Version for by this morbus Regius he means the Leprosie as appears by what follows For in the 10 Book and 25 chapter he speaks thus of Eunomius vir corpore anima Leprosus interiùs exteriúsque morbo Regio corruptus Gregorius Nyssenus also in his first Book against Eunomius certainly affirms he was a Leper pag. 307. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He who goes into another mans house not invited and keeps not the filthiness under his own Roof considers not what natural abhorrence they who are sound have towards those who are infected Hieronymus in the Life of Hilario speaks thus of his Scholar Adrianus post aliquantum temporis computruit morbo Regio Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The interpreters seem not to have rightly understood this place Eusebius's meaning is this those perjur'd men did not forswear themselves against Narcissus but against themselves alluding without doubt to that of the Psalmist he ly'd mischief to himself For craft often falls upon the Author 's own head though he intends it for another Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus thinks 't was the snuff or spark which fell from a candle Christophorson and Musculus render the place as if fire had fell from heaven upon this perjur'd man's house but Eusebius confutes that saying it came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 makes a publick confession So the Kings M. S. reads but the Med. and Fuk. M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which tense the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confirms Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson and Musculus alter the reading thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which also Nicephorus follows but the reading ought not to be alter'd Rufinus very well corrects this story of Eusebius's which he makes something obscure thus He sales that that Revelation concerning Alexander was sent by God to Narcissus and other holy men but the voice was heard by all men here Rufinus like a good interpreter lightly corrects what the Authour saies amiss Vales. b Nicephorus and Hieronymus write that Narcissus also consented which without doubt he did Here are two things contrary to the Canon of the Church committed in the Election of Alexander first his translation
words of the Authour are prefixt before the exposition this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not onely the exposition but the text at which the exposition is set Vales. h From this place 't is evident that this work of Origen's was called Hexapla because there were six Greek translations contained in it besides the Hebrew Text which was written in two columns two manner of ways in the one in Hebrew in the other in Greek Letters See Epiphan Haeres Originist cap. 3. And the reason why this work was thus termed is plain for as the Tetrapla were so called because they contained four Greek translations collected into one body so the Hexapla were thus termed because they comprehended six Greek Versions to wit that of Aquila Symmachus the seventy two Theodotion and lastly the fifth and sixth translation But the Hebrew Text must not be reckoned amongst the Versions that being the original Zonaras in his History of the Emperour Severus is of the same opinion with us and explains this place of Eusebius though he mentions not his name as we doe Vales. i The Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS have it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is all one as if Eusebius should have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. after the Edition of his Hexapla having prepared c. For when Origen perceived that his Hexapla required too much cost and labour he composed his Tetrapla which were more ready and useful having taken away the two Editions of the Hebrew Text and the fifth sixth and seventh translation Hitherto it has been the opinion of the Learned that Origen made his Tetrapla before his Hexapla Usher in Syntag. de Sept. Interpret cap. 5. and Salmasins in his book De Lingud Hellenist are of this opinion But this passage in Eusebius as it is corrected by the Authority of our M. SS Copies does wholly confute it Vales. a The Ebionites admitted onely S t Matthew's Gospel to be genuine but that Gospel of the Ebionites was not the same Gospel of S t Matthew which we now have but a forged one and which wanted the Genealogie of Christ as Epiphanius declares in Heres Ebion For the Gospel according to the Hebrews which they made use of as Eusebius saies B. 3. chap. 25. where see note c. they called the Authentick Gospel of S t Matthew These words therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have rendred thus disputing strongly against Matthews Gospel to wit ours and the true Gospel of S t Matthew From this Symmachus the Ebionites were afterwards termed Symmachians because he strongly asserted their opinions Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is elegantly us'd for alicujus partibus favere to be a favourer of such a mans party So Euripides in Hecuba when Polyxena speaks to her mother saying ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Agamemnon is on our side◠thus much for the Phrase Now that Ambrosius was of Valentinus's Sect or at least favour'd that opinion Origen testifies in the Proaemium of his fifth Tome of Explications on S t John's Gospel where he commends Ambrosius for relinquishing those dangerous principles But some will have Ambrosius not to have been a Valentinian but a Marcionist and Epiphanius is of that opinion Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifies to give attention to any one so as to learn something from him or to come often to any one to learn as Scholars and therefore he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 almost like Scholars Vales. * That is Grecian Philosophy c That is who were his Scholars Vales. a Eunapius in his vitâ Philosophorum saies this Porphyrius was a Tyrian by birth and was first call'd Malchus which in Syriack signifies a King but afterwards by his Master Longinus a Platonick whom he was an Auditour of at Athens he was call'd Porphyrius which signifies one cloath'd in purple a king because Kings onely wore the true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S t Hierom saies he was a Jew born in the City of Batanaea thence he calls him Bataneotes or Batanaetes Socrates attests that this man was once a Christian but could not endure the reproofs of those Christians who reprov'd him and therefore turn'd an Apostate Lactantius who liv'd in his time saies he wrote his books against the Christians in the same year the Emperour pull'd down the Churches but S t Hierom affirms he left his Master Plotinus and Rome and went to Sicily for his healths sake and dwelt at Lilybaeum where he wrote those books but we ought rather to believe Lactantius who liv'd in his time S t Augustine says there were two Porphyrius's one who liv'd in Sicily a famous man and another who wrote against the Christians but all agree that 't was one and the same Porphyrius the Platonick who liv'd in Sicily and wrote against the Christians Baronius's Annals b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their own judgment and understanding being bewitched or misleaden by their pride So Langus Rufinus and Christophorson understand these words but Valesius otherwise He saies Porphyrius's meaning was this that the Authours of these expositions through the loftiness of their words bewitch'd or inchanted the minds and judgements of their hearers and then impos'd upon them with their expositions Vales. c 'T is probable Origen was seen by Porphyrius in his younger daies in the City of Tyre where Origen having left Alexandria staid some time For Porphyrius was a Tyrian and he was a young man at the same time when Origen made his abode at Tyre But Porphyrius could by no means see Origen at Alexandria when he was an old man because when Origen left Alexandria he was not compleat fifty years old Vales. d We must believe Porphyrius whenas he so expresly affirms here that Origen Adamantius so he was called was an Auditour of Ammonius Alexandrinus But amongst the Auditours of Ammonius there was at that time another Origen School-fellow to Herennius and Plotinus mentioned by Porphyrius in vitâ Plotini by Longinus in his book de fine by Eunapius and Hierocles in his book De Providentia Baronius in his Annals and Lucas Holstenius in 2 and 6 cap. De vitâ Scriptisque Porphyrii supposed this Origen to have been the same person with Origen Adamantius But I dissent from them for these two reasons especially 1. Longinus the Philosopher in his book De fine reckons Ammonius and Origen Platonick Philosophers among those who would not commit to writing their Opinions for the benefit of posterity but thought it sufficient to deliver them by word of mouth to their Auditours If any thing be written by any of them these are the words of Longinus as indeed Origen did wrote one book De Daemonibus it is very little for they seemed not to have made it their business to write books These words cannot be supposed to have been spoken of Origen Adamantius who 't is manifest was a Voluminous Writer as the Catalogue of his works recorded by Eusebius does manifest
Moreover Porphyrius in these words of his here quoted by Eusebius saies Origen was eminently renowned upon account of his writings which he left behind him 2. Porphyrius in his life of Plotinus not far from the beginning has these words But when Herennius Origen and Plotinus had agreed amongst themselves that they would not publish the Opinions of Ammonius which having heard from him they approved of as most especially pure and refined Plotinus was as good as his word but Herennius first broke the compact and afterwards Origen followed him But Origen wrote nothing besides a book concerning Daemons and a piece in Gallienus's time wherein he proved that the King was the onely Poet. This last book Origen wrote in praise of Gallienus the Emperour to commend his Poâ—tical faculty For Gallienus was given to Poetry and there are some nuptial verses of his extant amongst the fragments of Petronius Arbiter Now if it be true that this Origen School-fellow to Plotinus wrote this book under Gallienus the Emperour doubtless he must necessarily be distinguished from Origen Adamantius For Origen Adamantius survived not the times of Gallienus but died when Gallus and Volusianus were Emperours in the year of Christ 252 having compleated the sixty ninth year of his age Vales. e The Heathens call'd the Christians and Jews Religion barbarous as Justin Tatianus and others affirm So they termed every thing which was not Grecian Porphyrius calls this barbarous Impudence to despise the Roman Gods and the Emperour's Edicts to be forc'd by no Torments or Persecutions to sacrifice to those Heathen Gods Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cauponari to sell Wine or to keep a Victualling-house Now because these Cauponae us'd to cheat the buyers by mixing and dashing their Wines and so enrich themselves this word is us'd to adulterate or corrupt as here and likewise in holy Writ in the 2 d Epistle to the Corinthians Chap. 2. 17. we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not corrupting the Word of God Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Porphyrius takes this Metaphor from Hucksters who by counterfeiting false wares for true circumvent the buyers for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to suborn to lay one thing for another hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Changling a false child left in the place of one taken away Thus Porphyrius saies Origen plaies the Huckster Vales. h Origen quotes this Numenius in his books against Celsus he was a famous Pythagorean born at Apamea in Syria Longinus in his book De Fine mentions these Philosophers Numenius Cronius and Moderatus who he saies connected Pythagoras's and Plato's Opinions together Cronius's book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is quoted by Nemesius in his book De Naturâ Hominis Cap. 2. Vales. i Apollophanes is call'd by Stobaens in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the son of Aegimius Vales. k This was Cassius Longinus who has onely one book exstant at this day entitl'd De sublimi Genere dicendi most men think he was a Grammarian but he profess'd Philosophy as Suidas and others testifie he was Porphyrius's Master in Platonick Philosophy at Athens He liv'd in Origen's time and was younger then him and died a long time after him 't is a wonder therefore that Porphyrius should reckon him amongst the antient Philosophers Vales. l This Moderatus was born at Gades now call'd Cales an Island on the South side of Spain without the Straits of Gibraltar he wrote eleven books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning Nicomachus See Photius and Suidas Vales. m Chaeremon was a Stoick Philosopher Origen in his books against Celsus quotes Charemon's book De Cometis he taught Philosophy at Alexandria and Dionysius Alexandrinus succeeded him in his School See Suidas in Dionysio Vales. Of this Chaeremon see Martials Epig. book 11. Epig. 57. n This Cornutus Aser Leptitanus taught Philosophy at Rome in the Reign of Claudius Nero he wrote many things concerning Philosophy and Eloquence Persius dedicates his fifth Satyr to him as to his Master he wrote a book De Graecorum Theologia which is cited by the Etymologist in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the name is corrupted by Aldus Manutius and call'd Phornutus Vales. o We may from these words gather that Heraclas and Origen had the same Philosophy Master which Porphyrius affirms was Ammonius the most famous Philosopher of that Age. Vales. p The Philosophick habit was the Pallium or Cloak which was the usual Badge of the Greek Philosophers different from that which was worn by the ordinary Greeks which those Christians still kept to who before their conversion had been professed Philosophers this our Eusebius affirms of Justin the Martyr B. 4. Chap. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one that in a Philosophick habit was an assertour of the divine Word q Hence we may conjecture that the Clergie had at that time no peculiar habit seeing that Heraclas a Presbyter of Alexandria and afterwards Bishop always retain'd his Philosophick habit Vales. r Hence 't is conjectur'd that Origen Catechiz'd at Alexandria in a private Auditory and not publickly in the Church for had he before taught in the Church Demetrius could not have brought this as an objection against Alexander and Theoctistus Wherefore Rufinus mistakes who saâ—es Demetrius permitted him to Catechize publickly in the Church Vales. s He writes to Demetrius the Bishop in the third person understanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Your Holiness And without doubt had we the whole Epistle we should find these words to precede Vales. t Alexander Bishop of Jerusalem was a very eloquent man and without doubt wrote this Epistle himself which makes him use the first person here but the letter was writ both in his name and in the Bishop of Caesarea's Vales. u This Synnada is a very noted City of Phrygia and as Stephanus in his book De Urbibus writes it ought to be written with a double n though some write it with a single one it is deriv'd from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 câ—habito to dwell together because many flock'd from Macedonia to dwell together there from whence it was first call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but was corrupted by the interposition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There is also some old pieces of Caracalla's Coin with this inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence it appeares these Synnadenses were Doricks mix'd with Ionians for they were originally Macedonians and therefore Doricks though they liv'd in the midst of Ionia Vales. x Origen was about 30 years old when he came into Palestine for according to our Eusebius's account in this place he went thither about the end of Antoninus Caracalla's Reign Vales. a Christophorson translates this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 libellos ex variis Scriptoribus excerptos tanquam flosculos i. e. books like flowers selected out of divers Authours 'T is true the Antients call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 things selected or excerptions out of any Authour such are Origen's Philocaliae Such
also are Apulcius's libri floridorum But this signification does not well agree with this place because Eusebius does not mention that Beryllus selected them out of any books And likewise he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Several And 't is not likely that Beryllus should compose several books upon so slight an Argument therefore 't is better to translate it as we have done elegantis ingenii monumenta i. e. monuments of his Polite Ingenie He seems to mean Hymins and Poems And in this sense Pâ—rynicus uses this word in his Epistle to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b Georgius Syncellus Nicephorus and others affirm that this Hippolytus was Bishop of Portua Theodoret who quotes him much terms him a Martyr and a Bishop but does not mention where Gelasius in his book De Duabus Naturis stiles him a Martyr and calls him Bishop of the Metropolis of Arabia Vales. c This Sect of the Cataphrygae was divided into two parts the leader of one part of them was Proclus and over the other parties Aeschines was their chief as Tertullian attests Those which adher'd to Proclus were call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Proclus's men as Tertullian again witnesses Hence we may safely conclude that Proclus was a Grecian Besides Caius wrote against this Proclus in Greek wherefore we must not assent to Baronius who says that this Proclus and Proculus the African who as Tertullian saies wrote against the Valentinians were one and the same person Now if these were one and the same why should Tertulliam call one of them Proculus a Latine name and the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek concerning Caius's book against Proclus see Photius's Biblioth But Theodoret instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 writes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this book of Proclus was a Dialogue in which Proclus was brought in defending Montanus's Prophecie See the 3 d book of this Ecclesiastick History Chap. 31. Vales. d Eusebius before in the 3 d book and 3 d Chapter disputing about Pauls Epistles says that some rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews as false averring that the Church of Rome question'd the Authority of that Epistle Amongst the Roman Authors who doubted the Authority of this Epistle Hippolytus the asore nam'd Bishop of Portuâ— may be reckoned for he in his book against Heresies has affirm'd that the Epistle to the Hebrews is not Paul's the Apostles Vales. a Hippolytus's Canon Paschalis is extant till this day which Joseph Scaliger has inserted into his book De Emendatione Temporum And Aegidius Bucherius translated it into Latine but neither of them takes notice that this Canon is onely a part of the book which he wrote Concerning Easter And through his inadvertency Scaliger blames this place of Eusebius and saies that Hippolytus's Canon does not end at the first year of Alexander's Reign but begins there which is really true but Eusebius does not speak concerning the Canon which Hippolytus annex'd to his books but concerning the book it self which ends at the first year of Alexander the Emperours Reign Vales. b He means the second Chapter of Genesis as Scaliger notes Where also he reproves Hieronymus as if he had been ignorant of it but undeservedly for when Hieronymus says he wrote upon Genesis he means as well his books on the Hexameron as those on the Post-Hexameron Vales. c Theodoret in his book call'd Eranistes quotes this book of Hippolytus Vales. d Concerning this book of Hippolytus's See Photii Biblioth Chap. 121. This book was written against 32 Heresies the first of which was the Dosithean the last the Noâ—tian Heresie Which Heresies Irenaeus having confuted in his Sermons Hippolytus his Schollar wrote an Epitome thereof Stephanus Gobarus has often quoted this piece of Hippolytus's as appears from his 7 10 and 13. chap. B. 2. Vales. a Here the Maz. M. S. and that most excellent Copie of Rufinus which we have often quoted begin this chap. 23. But Rufinus's book instead of chap. 23. calls it the 20. Hieranymus takes these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a bad sence as if Origen had set himself to write in emulation of Hippolytus and referrs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Hippolytus which is not so for we must understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which thing is common and so the sence is plain to wit from this time Vales. b Rufinus's Version may here well serve instead of a Comment upon this place who has rendred it thus he was intreated by the Churches of Achaia to come thither to convince Hereticks who grew strong in those parts So also says Hieronymus in his Catalogue Vales. c Eusebius ought here to have recited the decrees of the Bishops against Origen as being matter most accommodate to an Ecclesiastick History and might better have omitted other things concerning him and have inserted these as most pertinent but we ought not to blame Eusebius for this omission here because it had been superfluous having before declared them in his second book De Defensione Origenis which books some men through their immoderate hatred to Origen envied us the use of There is nothing of Eusebius and Pamphilus the Martyrs Apologia Origenis extant except some fragments which Photius preserv'd as it were from shipwrack He in his Biblioth chap. 118. says that there were two Synods summon'd against Origen the first decreed that Origen should be banisht out of the Church of Alexandria but did not divest him of his Priesthood the second which was assembled by Demetrius consisting of Aegyptian Bishops degraded Origen from the Office of a Priest to which Decree almost all the Bishops of the world subscrib'd as Hieronymus says whose words Rufinus relates in a Apolog. Hironymus also adds that he was not onely depos'd but also excommunicated by Demetrius But this Decree of Demetrius's was ineffectual for two reasons first because he issu'd it out against him in his absence without any legal citation and secondly because this sentence was not confirm'd by the Authority of many Bishops particularly not by the Bishop of Rome Wherefore Origen still retain'd his Priests-Office and continued Preaching in the Church as Eusebius witnesses in this book and Pamphilus in his first book Apologiae Originis Vales. a He means he ought to have adjoyned these things to what he has said in his second book of his Apology Vales. b There were thirty four books of Origen's Expositions upon John as Hieronymus says but onely nine are now remaining which are still divided into thirty-four Vales. c Hieronymus in his Apology makes this short Catalogue of Origen's Works â— 13 books upon Genesis two books of Mystical Homilics Excerptions upon Exodus Excerptions upon Leviticus Also Monobiblia four books De Principiis two books concerning the Resurrection and two other Dialogues concerning the Resurrection Methodius the Bishop wrote an excellent book of the Resurrection against Origen's books upon the same subject as Hieronymus in his book De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis and Maximus in
men him will I also confess before my Father c. Matth. 10. 32. Vales. a Hieronymus in his Catalogue where he relates the beginning of this Epistle instead of Novatus more truly writes Novatianus And so in George Syncellus's Chronicle we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus says that Dionysius wrote two Epistles after the same Copy one to Novatus another to Novatianus and at the end of Dionysius's Epistle to Novatus which Eusebius here rehearseth he addes thus much and he wrote these same words to Novatianus which words are no where found in the Greek Text. The Greek writers being deceived through the likeness of the names make a confusion betwixt Novatus and Novatianus using them both to signifie one and the same person Our Authour Eusebius is also guilty of this mistake Vales. a Hieronymus in his book concerning the Ecclesiastick Writers saith that Dionysius wrote this Epistle about Repentance and the order or degree of sins to the Armenians Vales. b Musculus and Christophor translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an hortatory Epistle but not well Eusebius uses the same word in his former books Vales. c In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was Bishop of Armenia the less as I think Vales. d We must understand this News was written in the same Epistle and not in another as Christophorson thinks Vales. e Rufinus translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Ministeriis as if the Epistle were so intitled because it treated concerning the Ministers of the Church Jacobus Gâ—ar who published Georgius Syncellus and illustrated him with his Notes thinks that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a kind of an Ecclesiastick Epistle as were the Synodical the Dimissory Epistles and the like but I rather affent to Rufinus that it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because iâ— treated concerning the Duty of a Deacon Vales. a Decius the Emperour had 2 sons the elder was named Quintus Herennius Etruscus Messius Decius The younger Caius Valens Hostilianus Messius Quintus They were both made Caesars by their father and afterwards Augusti as may appear by their Coins and the inscriptions upon them Vales. b Eusebius in his Chronicle saith Decius Reigned one year and three moneths Aurelius Victor saith he died after he had Reigned two years compleat But Victor in his Epitomy saith he Reigned 30 moneths Eusebius in his Chronicle Assigns one year and three moneths to Decius because he had before said that Philip Reigned seven years whereas he Reigned but six After his death Decius proclaimed himself both Emperour and Consul which was in the year of Christ 249. And in the year 250. he was again Consul And also the year after he kept his Government as we may gather by a Decree of the Senate which was made in that year which Pollio in Valerian relates Wherefore he died the year following together with his sons when Gallus and Volusianus were Consuls being all kill'd in the Waâ—â—s in Thrace Vales. c Baronius placeth Origen's death at the year of Christ 256 in the third year of Gallus and Volusianus Eusebius here placeth it in the same year that Decius died and Gallus began to Govern But Eusebius himself in the 36 th chap. of the 6 th book of this History confirmeth what Baronius saith for he says that in the 3 d year of Philip the Emperours Reign Origen was above 60 years old And from the 3 d year of Philip's Reign to the 3 d year of Gallus and Volusianus's Consulship 't is 9 years Moreover if we say Origen liv'd 69 years and died in the first year of Gallus the Emperour he must necessarily be born in the 4 th year of Commodus the Emperour but the Chronicon Alexandr assigns his birth to the ninth year of that Emperour Vales. d Some Copies as the King's M. S. and Stephan Edit instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And make it a Metaphor taken from them who sail with tide and stream Vales. a At these words we should begin the 3 d Chapter for what follows concerning Cyprian ought to be contained in the same sentence with these last words in this Chapter And before these words in all books we find a distinction which shews here is to begin another Period But Musculus and Christoph begin the third Chapter where we doe Vales. a Cyprian was not the first Authour of this Opinion but Agrippinus who was Bishop of Carthage a long time before him having assembled together the Bishops of Africa and Numidia made a Decree that Hereticks should be rebaptized as Cyprian saith in his 71 and 73 Epistles Therefore Cyprian ought here to be excused who onely endeavoured to maintain his predecessours Opinion which was established by the Authority of a Synod But this Custom of rebaptizing Hereticks had been used in Cappadocia time out of mind as Firmilianus Bishop of Oâ—sareâ— in Cappadocia testifieth in his Epistle to Cyprian Vales. b The Epistle of Stephen to the Bishops of Africa is in the 74 and 75 Epist. of Cyprian Firmilianus also in his Epistle to Cyprian relates some heads of that Epistle and confutes them Vales. * To Stephen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term here his some allusion to Novatus or Novatianus's name other Greek Authours call that which the Latines call Novitates haereseon Novelties innovations or newness of Doctrine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a Baronius from this Epistle of Dionysius's at the year of Christ 259 gathers that the Eastern Bishops had renounced their Errour and adhered to Stephen's Opinion that Hereticks were not to be rebaptized But any considerate reader of this Epistle will find it far otherwise For the subject of this Epistle is twofold 1. Whether Hereticks were to be rebaptized 2. Concerning the unanimity of the Oriental Churches which had abominated the Novatian Heresie and Decree'd that the lapsed should be received He therefore tells him that Demetrianus Bishop of Antioch Metropolitan of the East and the rest had subscribed to this Opinion which he knew would please Stephen because Fabius Demetrianus's predecessour endeavoured to establish the Novatian Heresie as Dionysius before signified in the end of the 6 book of this History Vales. b These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little farther are not in the Fuk and Savil M. SS but Syncellus Nicephorus King 's Maz. and Med. M. SS have them and though some will have these words to signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the more Remote Churches yet I think that they are Eusebius's own words repeating the heads of Dionyfius's Epistle And this is my reason because in most of our M. SS there is a middle distinction at these words therefore we translate it thus a little further he writes Vales. c This City was in Dionysius's days and also till Constantinus's time called Aelia It was afterwards called Jerusalem as I before noted through the
b Here we may see the Difference between Apostates and those which are simply called Hereticks Apostates were them who had been baptiz'd in the Catholick Church but had deserted the Church and revolted to Hereticks Simple Hereticks were those who had never been admitted into the Church And this was the custom in the Church that Apostates as well as simple Hereticks should be received when they returned to the Church by imposition of hands S t August in his 48 Epistle to Vincentius saith the Church dealt more kindly with them who were never received into the Church that is with them who were simply Hereticks then with them who had been received into her and deserted her that is Apostates This is therefore the sence of Dionysius's words here as we may gather by the afore mentioned words of S August Dionysius here says Heraclas his predecessour had this form of admitting Converts who had been Apostate Hereticks into the Church He required a publick confession which is called Exomologesis of the Principles of that Heresie which they had followed but he did not rebaptize them because they had been before baptized immediately after this confession he laid hands upon them as we may gather from Dionysius's words this imposition of hands upon an Apostate and a simple Heretick was different The one was ad panitentiam in order to Repentance the other was ad tradendum Spiritum Sanctum for the delivery of the Holy Ghost the first was used at the admission of Apostates the other at the admission of them whom they called pure Hereticks See Cyprians Epistle to Stephanus Vales. * In the Med. M. S. and Rob. Stephens's Edit the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. for they had received the holy Spirit c. In the Kings Maz. and Fuk. M. SS the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spirit is wanting which in my judgment is the truest reading For Dionysius gives the reason why Heraclas did not reiterate Baptism in the admission of Hereticks in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baptism for they had before received holy Baptism from him Dionysius calls Baptism holy to difference it from the Baptism of Hereticks which Cyprian Firmilian and others who at that time defended the opinion of not rebaptizing Hereticks call profane Dionysius was a favourer of their party as appears both from his Epistles here quoted by Eusebius and also from S t Jeroms testimony Vales. c That these Synods were before Dionysius Alexand his time we may easily gather by his own words here for he expresly affirms that these Synods were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 long before our time The same thing Firmilianus witnesseth in his Epistle to Cyprian concerning the Synod of Iconium This Synod was a long time before the days of Stephen Bishop of Rome as we may gather by Firmilianus's words in his said Epistle to Cyprian where he expresly affirms that this Synod of Iconium had been long since assembled Also Dionysius Alexand. in his Epistle to Philemon Presbyter of Rome which he wrote about the beginning of the presidency of Xystus saith that this Synod was solemnly assembled by the Bishops which preceded him a long time Therefore this Synod seems to have been assembled about the end of Alexander Severus's Reign about which time as Euscbius in the 6 th book of this History recordeth Firmilianus was newly promoted to the dignity of Priest in the Church of Caesarea Therefore I cannot assent to Baronius and Binius who reckon this Synod of Iconium in the year of Christ 258 which was the 2 d year of Stephen's presidency Vales. a The Maz. Med. Fuk. M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and truely as we afore noted book 6. chap. 45. 'T is strange that we find the true name of this Heretick only in this place of Eusebius Vales. b ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what may be the true meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place may be best conjectured by considering the divers significations of the word for from the various meanings of the word arose the different translations of this place ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes signifies to reject to scorn sometimes to disgrace or dishonour as Hesych saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to esteem or value one but to despise so Clemens Alexand. Stromat book 4. uses the word ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Novatianus who did not allow but condemn the Baptism of the Catholick Church is fitly said here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. he rejected and contemned that Baptism as unprofitable and ineffectual to salvation Vales. c T was the custom for the Catechumeni or Catechized before the receiving of Baptism to repeat the Creed And at every Article the Priest asked them whether they believed to which they answered yes I believe wherefore when they said that they believed the Remission of sins Novatianus who did not allow Remission of sins but abolished it must also abolish that confession of faith which the Catechized repeated before Baptism See Cyprians 70 and 76 th Epistle Vales. d It is very difficult to understand what Dionysius here means by saying Novatianus banished the holy Spirit from the Brethren Perhaps by the holy Spirit he means the grace which was given to penitents by imposition of hands when they were admitted into communion after the performance of the duty of Repentance But then these words are very obscure although there was some hope that it still rested in them or would return to them again 'T is plain and evident that Dionysius here speaks concerning them who had lapsed but how can the holy Spirit be said to abide in them who had sinned indeed it may be said to return again to them after their repentance but can in no wise abide in them for the Scripture saith Every soul which sinneth shall likewise perish We must then understand it of them who had lapsed through weakness and ignorance who in those days were called libellatici or sacrificers who had purchased libells of security from the Heathen Magistrate for fear least they should be compelled to sacrifice for such as sin through weakness or ignorance do no◠forfeit the grace of the Spirit but if this explication please not we will understand it spoken of the faithfull some of whom retained the holy Spirit which they received in Baptism some lost it From them who had lost it Novatianus utterly expelled and banished the holy Spirit by denying them Repentance and Peace by which the grace of the holy Spirit is regained he drove it away from them who retained it and kept it by insinuating into their minds false and sinister opinions of the holy Ghost as that he was unmerciful implacable c. And so denied them and utterly deprived them of all hopes of pardon for sin committed Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by Christophorson rendred susceptio in Ecclesiam a receiving into the Church 't
have here rendred friendship yet the word primarily and properly signifies that which the Latines call comitas that is complaisance courteousness civility affability as for this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have translated a Ransom we find it in the first Epistle to the Corinth Chap. 4. v. 13. this word seems to have been used by the Alexandrians in their salutations when they met-together and promised their sincere love willingness and diligence in serving one another they used to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or else we may take the word in this sence as if the Heathens should call the Christians the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the off-scouring the filth the very faeceâ— populi and the purgamâ—nâ—a seculi which interpretation is not to be rejected here Vales. f Christoph. in his Latine Version renders this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decenter ornantes dressing them up neatly but he mistakes for Dionysius speaks of their dress afterwards in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decking them in their best cloaths 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here we therefore render componentes that is burying them and so the word is used in profane as well as in sacred Authours Compostus prosepulto in Virgil and Horace Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some render linteo funebri involventes shrowding them in a winding sheet But this is contrary to the custom of buryings in those days for the Heathens used to dress the dead in their best cloaths and so interr them And the Christians used in like manner so to dress the Saints Corps See Chap. 16. of this seventh book concerning Asturius Vales. a Though we find here barely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he therefore yet we must understand Macrianus for by his treachery it was that Valerian was delivered into the hands of the Persians Other Historians assert that he was delivered to them by his own Captains so Aurel. Vict. Syncel and others These words of Dionysius are to be joyned with those in Chap. 10. of this Book for they are fragments of one and the same Epistle to Hermammon we also find a piece of it in Chap. 1. of this seventh Book Vales. * He means Macrianus and his two sons See Chap. 1. of this Book at the close of the Chapter †Esai 42. 9. b Dionysius here speaks of Macrianus's Empire because he was owned and received as Emperour by Aegypt and the Eastern Provinces Which his Coins declare for on the fore-side there is this inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And on the reverse this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * That is that the Promises were to be literally understood a We have here sufficient evidence that this Book concerning the Promises was written in answer to Nepos I wonder that Hieronymus in his Preface before the eighteenth Book of his comments upon Esaias should affirm that this Book was written against Irenaeus Bishop of Lions Indeed Irenaeus was one of them who believed that Christ should come and Reign on the Earth a 1000 years which opinion was grounded on Papias's Authority as Hieronymus himself affirms and also our Authour Eusebius in the end of the third Book But as well from this place as also from Hieronymus himself in his Book De Script Ecclesiastic we may gather that this Book was not written against Irenaeus but against Nepos Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have here translated the Composition of Psalms and Hymns according to the custom of the Christians who used to compose Psalms and Hymns in honour of Christ as Eusebius in the end of the fifth Book attesteth We also find mention of these Hymns in the Epistle of the Council of Antioch against Paul of Samosata and in thâ— last Canon but one of the Council of Laodicea where there is an express prohibition that no Psalms which in Greek are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is composed by private or ignorant persons should be sang in Churches Vales. c Pliny in his 28 Book Chap. 2. asketh why we affirm when we mention any dead persons that we will not vex or disturb their memory Vales. d This word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly to promise a great while before any performance it is a Metaphor taken from the Mysteties of the Grecians who promised strange and great things to them who are initated and tormented them with a long expectation that by keeping their thoughts thus in suspence they might beget in them an opinion and a fear and reverence Vales. e The true reading of this place in the Greek we owe to the Maz. M. S. according to which reading we have here translated it Vales. f This Province was so called from Arsinoe who was Queen of it before it was a Roman Province Vales. g ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original I have rendred it docilitatem aptness to be taught For auditours are properly said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when they apprehend the sense of words Vales. h The Greek phrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Valesius renders ad ea de quibus instituta erat disputatio eniti and we to keep close to the points of the Question in hand or the present question i This phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is truly translated thus expansis cordibus patefactis with hearts unfoulded and as it were spread abroad but some translate it puris simplicibus cordibus with pure and single hearts which sense though the words may bear yet it is not so good in this place as the other Version Vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not put in this place for dispensation but for the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. an union and reconciliation and so Dionysius uses the word a little before S t Paul also in his Epist. to the Colossians Chap. 2. v. 2. 19. useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this sence Vales. * See B. 3. Chap. 28. pag. 44. note c. d. * Revelat. c. 22. v. 7 8. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a term proper to the Rhetoricians as plainly appears by the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with dispositio or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Suidas is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to dispose or handle Or we may render it the form and manner of writing for first he proves the Revelation not to be John's the Apostle by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Genius or Nature of the writer Then by the stile and mode of writing that is by the Phrase and the sentences Vales. * Revelat. c. 1. v. 1 2. †Vers. 4. * 1 John c. 1. v. 1. †Matth. c. 16. v. 17. * Revalat c. 1. v. 9. †Revelat. c. 22. v. 7 8. b We ought to take special notice of this passage concerning
the primitive Christians custom of calling their children by the names of Peter and Paul which they did both for the reverence and love they bare to those Saints and also that their children might be beloved and no less dear in the sight of God then those Saints were Chrysostom in his Oration concerning S t Meletius saith that the Antiochians had such a reverence and esteem for him that the parents called their children after his name that they might have their houses in a manner adorned with his presence The same father also in his 21 Homily upon Genesis adviseth his Auditours that they should not carelesly call their children by their grandfathers or great Grandfathers or some noble Heroes names but that they should rather give them the names of some men who were famous for virtue and piety that the children by their example might be excited to an imitation of them Vales. * Acts 1◠25. and 1◠5. * Acts 1◠25. and 1◠5. c This is Dionysius's second Argument by which he proves that the Gospel and Revelation were not written by one and the same John for he had urged his first Argument begun at note a to this place now here he begins a second viz. to prove by the words and sentences and by the placing of the words or method that they were two distinct persons For I render this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the placing or modelling of words according to Cicero though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place may as well comprehend the ordering and modelling of Sentences as well as of words But here we may take notice what an excellent Critick Dionysius Alexandrinus was For it is the property of a Critick to judge of the writings of the Antients and to discern what is true and genuine and what spurious and supposititious Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place signifies Periods or sentences by which an entire sense is concluded Chapters also they may be called the Greeks also call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Latines Capitula Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must I think be rendred here rather the condemnation of the world then the reproving of the world In the old Glossary we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie judicium Vales. * See Jude vers 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without any errour or mistake f By both faculties he means that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. externus and internus serm◠which is afterwards mentioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gift of knowledge and the gift of speaking by which subsequent words the preceding are explained Vales. a Hence we may gather that the 2 books concerning the Promises out of which Eusebius has the fragments afore quoted were Epistles We may also confirm this by a passage in Chap. 22. where Dionysius uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is an Epistolary phrase But because these Epistles were something prolix they were therefore called books Rufinus truly calls Dionysius's Epistles concerning Baptism Books and the four Books against Sabellius here mentioned are nothing else but a longer sort of Epistles which Eusebius testifies for he saith that all the rest of Dionysius's books were written in an Epistolary form and style Vales. b Dionysius Alexand. in his Epistles against Sabellius seemed not to be Orthodox as touching the Divinity of Christ and he was accused of it before Dionysius Bishop of Rome by some of the Bishops of Pentapolis who went to Rome Dionysius Roman called a Synod heard the Accusers and having examined some select Opinions in Dionys. Epistles he wrote to Dionys. Alexand. desiring him that he would more distinctly declare his faith and opinion concerning those matters Upon this account Dionys. Alexand. wrote four Epistles to Dionys. Roman which he intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is concerning the confutation of his Adversaries and concerning his own Apology or defence of himself Vales. c Eusebius in his 14 th Book De Praeparat produces an excellent piece of this Book De Naturâ It was dedicated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this word being dubiously taken to signifie either a son or any other child or servant 't is some difficulty to determine who the person was to whom it was dedicated some say to his son I have here rendred it to a child For I cannot think that Dionys. was ever married The like difficulty occurs in Book 6. Chap. 40. Vales. d Of these many Epistles written by Dionysius to this Basilides onely one is now extant which Theodorus Balsamo has preserved for us Vales. a Here Eusebius is in a gross mistake for Xystus was not Bishop of Rome Eleven Years but onely two Years and Eleven Months as we may see in the book De Pontificibus Romanis which Cuspinianus first published and that book is most exact in its account of the times of the Pope's from Callistus to Liberius the same also says Xystus suffered Martyrdom on the eight of the Ides of August but our Authour neither here in his History nor in his Chronicle mentions any thing of Xystus's Martyrdom which I really admire and should more admire did not I certainly know that Eusebius is not over sollicitous and curious in his History concerning what things were done in the Western parts Moreover Eusebius in his Chronicle ascribes Eight Years to Xystus and he says that Dionysius succeeded Xystus in the 12 th Year of Gallienus and that Maximus succeeded Dionys. Alexandrin in the 11 th year of the said Gallienus the Emperour Which is most absurd whenas 't is evident that Dionys. Alexand. dedicated his four Books against Sabellius to Dionys. Roman as our Authour tells us in Chap. 26. of this 7 th Book Vales. a This name Nichomas seems to be abbreviated and should rather be Nichomedes or Nichomachus In the old M. S. in the Abbey of Corbie which contains a collection of the Canons amongst the Bishops which subscribed to the Council of Nice Nicomas Bishop of Bostra is named the first of the Bishops of the Province of Arabia but the common M. SS read Nicomachus and so we find it in the M. S. of C. Justellus which is of no less antiquity then the other Vales. b We here translate it divers times though some Greek Copies read onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but all our M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There were several Synods called against this Paul of Samosata hence follows the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we must in no wise suppose to be superfluous here Eusebius says there were many Synods assembled at several times and in every Synod there were many Sessions or Actions The first Synod against Paul was at Antioch in the twelfth year of Gallienus of which Synod Firmilianus was President concerning which see Baronius Anno Christi 265 and 266. Vales. * Anno Christi 265. †See B. 4. Chap. 16. Note f. a Hence it
may be gathered that the Synod of Antioch was assembled in the beginning of Aurelianus's Reign But I cannot assent to Baronius who says this Synod was called in the second year of Aurelianus The Council of Ephesus in pag. 228. utterly destroys this Opinion of Barorius's for it says that Paul of Samosata was excommunicated 160 years before that time and if we reckon backwards we shall find that the year of Claudius and Paternus's Consulship that is the year of Christ 270. is the 160 year backwards from the time that book was written which was Theodosius 13 th and Valentinianus 3 d being Consuls Moreover if Baronius reckon these things done in the 2 d year of Aurelianus he must of necessity make Dionysius to continue Bishop of Rome till that year but that is contrary to the Authority of the Lib. Pontifical Farther in the second year of Aurelianus his Reign there was a War waged against Zenobia when Antioch and other Cities were taken so that 't is impossible there should be a Synod of Bishops that year there Vales. b Leontius in his first book against Nestorius has a fragment of this disputation In Theodoret this Malchion is called Malachion but falsly this man gained such honour in this Confutation of Paul that he was thought worthy to be Cannoniz'd in the Greek Menology at the 28 day of October Vales. a In the Maz. Fuk. Med. and Sav. M. SS 't is writ thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lianus but in some printed Editions 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Amilianus Also Rifinus and Niceph. call him Aelianus Athanasius says there were 70 Fathers in this Synod who devested Paul of Samosata Vales. b We ought to take notice of the inscription of this Epistle for we find here not the names of Bishops onely but also of Presbyters's and Deacons and of the Laity also The same we may see in the Acts of the Council of Carthage in which Cyprian was President and in the Council of Eliberis Vales. c Hence we may gather the Epistle of Dionys. Alexand. to Paul of Samosata which is inserted in the 11 th Volume of the Bibliotheca Patrum is supposititious together with the 10 Propositions of Paul and Dionysius's Answers to them For the Fathers of the Council of Antioch do here affirm that Dionys. did not write to Paul but to the whole Church of Antioch In that Epistle which goes under the name of Dionysius we find that he wrote to Paul twice But the stile of the Epistle and Answer is not at all like Dionysius's works So that I am fully perswaded although Baronius takes that work to be true and Genuine it is false and adulterate Vales. d The Greek words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be translated sine ullâ Religionis nostrae contumeliâ and we have rendred them in English accordingly but Christoph. scorn'd to follow that excellent version of Rufinus which agrees with us Vales. e The Fathers called the Rule of faith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the true rule See the fourth book of our Authour Eusebius and Chap. 23. where we find the same use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exactly with this here Vales. f Extortion is twofold and is committed either by the terrour of Authority as when a Souldier or Magistrate demands any thing or else by deceit and cunning when under pretence of favouring or succouring and helping a man we get something from him And this latter is that which the Fathers of the Council of Antioch here mean the Greeks call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to which the Latine word concussio and concutere does exactly answer in which sense they were used among the old Lawyers We also find the word in the Gospel where John gives this command to the Souldiers viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luke Chap. 3. 14. And amongst the Grecians the antient use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the same sence as calumniari So Aristophanes and Telâ—clides use the word Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by Langus very well translated praemia accipere to take bribes S t Paul uses that term Colos. 2. 18. Vales. h Although 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be joyn'd with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek and we have so translated it viz. getting money for doing nothing making it to be referred to Paul yet it should rather be referred to the Litigants or people in suit who gave their money to Paul for his help and favour in their cause and so lost it he never helping them Vales. i This is a Scripture phrase taken out of 1 Timothy chap. 6. v. 6. k These Ducenarii were procuratours called ducenarii because they were such receivers or Collectours of the Revenues as had 200 festerces paid them from the Emperour as a yearly sallary See Dio Lib. 53. p. 506. Vales. * See Book 5. Chap. 1. note c. l The Fathers do not here condemn Paul because he had a throne for that was customary amongst Bishops even from the times of the Apostles as we may see in Chap. 19. Book 7. concerning the throne of James the brother of the Lord. But for this they condemn him because he erected a Tribunal for himself in the Church and buil't a high throne as Rufinus well translates the place higher then it was before Bishops did sit higher then the people but they had not a Tribunal Vales. m This Secretum was onely proper to Magistrates and the Judices Majores or Judges of Life and Death It was the inner part of the Court of Judgment and was compassed about with Rails and Curtains were drawn about it in it the Judges sate when they heard the Tryals of Criminals See my notes on Amm. Marcell p. 87. Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to shake a linnen cloth or handkerchief in token of applause as the Spectatours used to doe in the Theater Vopiscus says that Aurelianus was the first who gave these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 craria in English handkerchiefs to the people of Rome that concutiendo by shaking them they might signifie their consent in Elections But Aurelianus borrowed this custom from the Eastern People who long before his time used these Oraria after the same manner Vales. o Eusebius seems here to mean the Chorepiscopi which some term Vicarios Episcopi Vicarios Episcopos i. e. Deputys of the Bishop and Vicar-Bishops They here make a distinction betwixt the Episcopi Civitatum and Episcopi Pagorum And these latter the Fathers here say sang or repeated these songs or Hymns in their Sermons and congregations See Damasi Epist. concerning these p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are here Gesta or Acta Publick Acts such are commonly Registred but some falsly translate them Commentaries Now the Acts of this Synod of Antioch were nothing but the Disputation of Malchion against Paul of Samosata which were Registred by the Notaries Vales. *
See Joh. 8. 23. q These Subintroduced women were neither Wives nor Concubines but a third sort of women which the Presbyters c. kept not to have children by nor upon account of lust but as 't was pretended out of a desire of piety See John Langus's notes on B. 6. Niceph. Eccles. Hist. Chap. 30. These sort of women Valesius says were called Sisters which he was informed of from the third Canon Concil Nicen. They were also termed Commanentes See Jerom's Epistle to Eustochius where he inveys against these sort of women r Here the Fathers accuse Paul because he kept these fair women with him and because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he glutted himself with all sensual delights as feasts drinking and the like which are the common incentives of lust Vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Latines call them Literas communicatorias communicatory Letters the use whereof is very ancient in the Church They were also called Formatae as Augustine in Epist. 163. attests There were two sorts of these Letters One sort was given to the Clergy and Laity that were going to travel that they might be admitted to Communion by forrein Bishops Another sort were those which Bishops sent to other Bishops and received from them mutually to attest and declare their mutual Communion concerning this latter sort the Synod speaks here They were usually sent by the new Bishops a little after their Ordination See August 162 Epist and Cyprians Epistle to Cornelius pag. 92. Vales. t Baronius at the year of Christ 272. in which year he has placed this Synod of Antioch accuses Eusebius of fraud or rather of connivence because he on set purpose as he says omitted that Creed which the Fathers made in this Council of Antioch which utterly destroyed Arrianism But Baronius as in other places so here also causelesly accuseth Eusebius For that Creed which he there produceth out of the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus was not the Creed which was composed by the Fathers of the Council of Antioch but by them of the Nicene Council For the more certain demonstration of this See the 3 d Tome of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus pag. 378 where this Creed which Baronius mentions as composed by the Fathers of this Council of Antioch is expresly assign'd to the Fathers of the Council of Nice Wherefore that Creed which Baronius and Binius following his example have placed in the Acts of this Council of Antioch must be razed out There is also extant an Epistle of this 2 d Synod of Antioch to Paul of Samosata in the 11 th Tome of the Bibliotheca Patrum which Epistle was written about the beginning of the Session of this 2 d Synod but Baronius ascribes that Epistle to the first Synod which cannot possibly be because of the title and the persons mentioned in it and other circumstances Vales. u After the sentence of being deposed was passed against Paul he kept his Church for some years and would not obey the decree of the Bishops relying on the power of Zenobia an Eastern Queen Theodoret says in his 2 d Book Haeretic Fabul that Paul did flatter her and used all means possible to get her favour When Zenobia was conquered the Christian Prelates petitioned Auretianus that this Paul who had conspired with Zenobia against the Romans might be removed from the See of Antioch which was done in the third year of Aurelianus Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the import of which words being litterally rendred is the house of the Church perhaps they mean the Bishops Palace a little after they call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have rendred the Palace Valesius renders the first phrase Ecclesiae Domus and the second Domus a Eusebius as we here see derives the name of this Heretick from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a mad-man The Learned Bishop Pearson on the Creed supposes Manes to be a Title rather than a name and to be derived from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying an Heretick see his reasons for this derivation in his marginal notes at pag. 64. of his Exposition on the Creed Edit Lond. 1669. * See the note on Chap. 14. B 5. b The phrase in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Valesius renders in Orbem Romanum into the Roman Empire c Manes was not the first Authour of this Heresie though his followers were from him called Manicheans Indeed Manes disseminated this Heresie in the days of Aurelianus or Probus the Emperour but he had a predecessour though not a master called first Terebintbus afterwards Buddas which Buddas had a former master by name Scythianus who was the first Authour of this Heresie and lived about the Apostolick times See the pedegree of this Heresie drawn at large by Epiphanius Advers Manicheos pag. 617 c. Edit Petav. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 knowledge falsely so called 1 Tim 6. 20. a This Eutychianus sate Bishop of Rome 8 years and 11 months as is evident from the old book of the Popes in which the years of all the Popes from Callistus are very well digested by the Consuls under whom they began their Presidencies and under whom they died Eusebius here takes away 8 years from Eutychianus and ascribeth them to Xystus See Chap. 27. note a. Vales. b This Dorotheus Presbyter of Antioch Baronius in his notes on the Roman Martyrology takes to be the same with that Dorotheus who was a Presbyter of Tyre but this is a mistake in him which errour Blondellus undertakes to correct but in the interim committeth one far worse For he confounds this Dorotheus Presbyter of Antioch with Dorotheus Diocletian's Groom of the Chamber whose Martyrdom our Authour in the 8 book giveth us an account of I do not in the least doubt but there were two of this name viz. Dorotheus's one was Presbyter of Antioch and the other was an Eunuch Groom of the Chamber to Diocletian And this may be proved by sufficient arguments 1. This Dorotheus the Presbyter was not a Martyr for we find no mention of him as such in Eusebius and certainly had he been so Eusebius would not have omitted him amongst the Ecclesiasticks he reckons up Book 8. chap. 13. who suffered Martyrdom seeing also he was his master 2. This Dorotheus the Presbyter was a man nobly descended and he bore Office before he was a Presbyter but the other Dorotheus was a man of a servile condition an Eunuch and Groom of the Chamber to Diocletian Besides 't is impossible that the same man should be a Groom of the Chamber and a Presbyter for that was inconsistent with the Ecclesiastick Canon and with reason onely youths of great beauty were chosen to serve in the Emperours Bed-chamber Lastly we read in Eusebius and others that Dorotheus the Groom of the Chamber suffered Martyrdom while he had that Office Hence arose this confusion both these
Bishops as they are now called These sort of Assistants were first instituted for the ease of Aged Bishops but afterwards they grew customary and were chosen not out of necessity but ambition and pride but the Fathers of the Council of Sardis put a stop here to Vales. f Eusebius relates the same thing concerning Eusebius Alexandrinus in the beginning of this chapter viz. that he went to the Synod of Antioch which was called upon Paul's account and in his return was stopped by the Laodiceans and made Bishop of that place Now again we find the same concerning Anatolius which cannot possibly be defended except we should say that Eusebius died some few days after his Ordination but in opposition to that we will produce Hieronymus's authority who in the second year of Aurelianus writes thus Eusebius is now famous at Laodicea Vales. t That is he was not so well affected to the Christian faith as he was to Philosophy and Grecian learning some will have the Greek phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have reference to some thing else but thus I understand it Vales. u Musculus and Christophorson because of the false punctation of this place translate it otherwise than we have done They mistook 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a passive and thus point it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. all things were restored to their former state by God the preserver c. But after a diligent inspection into this place I think the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought to be referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and then the sence will be agreeable to our translation to wit Theodotus who was elected Bishop by God himself the preserver of all things restored the affaires of the Church to their former splendour Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some translate these words thus concerning the School in which he was educated but I understand them spoken of the School which Pamphilus founded at Caesarea concerning the Library which he erected at Caesarea see Hieronymus's Catalogue where he speaks concerning Matthew see also his Epistle to Marcella Vales. x Christoph takes these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie one book onely But Eusebius wrote three books of the Life of Pamphilus Which Hieronymus attesteth in his book De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis and in his Apology against Rufinus Vales. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that is as we have translated it amongst those men who lived nearest to our times c. Some will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most eminent mâ—â— but that I cannot approve of Pierius and Meletius of whom Eusebius afterwards speaks lived even till Constantine's time concerning Pierius see Photius and Hieronymus Rufinus does not call him Pierius but Hierius So does the old Roman Martyrology at the fourth day of November But this Martyrology I think is neither the old one nor the Roman For had it been the Roman Martyrology we should have had mention of none but Roman Martyrs But in it we have a Catalogue of the Martyrs of all Countreys That I think if any desire to know which it is is the old Roman Martyrology which Bucherius published with the Canon of Victorius Aquitanus although that looks more like a Calender then a Martyrology There is indeed none which is properly the Roman Martyrology for that which Gregory the Great mentions in his Epistle to Eulogius is S t Hierom's Martyrology which the Western Church then used as we shall hereafter at another place demonstrate Vales. z This is the man whom Athanasius in his Speech against the Arrians calls Meletius the great pag. 291. Where in his Catalogue of the Orthodox Bishops he reckons Meletius Bishop of Pontus for one Philostorgius in his first book calls him Bishop of Sebastopolis in Pontus He says he was at the Council of Nice with Basilius Bishop of Amasia and that he sided with the Arrians but Athanasius in the place above quoted proves that to be false Vales. a Therefore the name of Meletius is derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from honey Gregory Nazianz in his Iambicks calls Meletius the Bishop of Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b By these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means that the throne of James the brother of the Lord was preserved at Jerusalem till that time as 't is recorded Chap. 19. book 7. So also at Alexandria the Chair or Throne of Saint Mark the Evangelist who first founded the Church of Alexandria was preserved there for a long time Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 literally the School of the divine faith c There is nothing more frequent in Eusebius then the use of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which terms the Christians borrowed from the Philosophers as I noted Chap. 17. book 2. Note a. The Philosophers called those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who professed a stricter kind of life Hence it is that Artemidorus in his fourth book chap. 35. calls Alexander the Philosopher 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ascetick Philosophy is opposed to Philosophy which consists in bare words When the Christians first made use of this name Ascetae they bestowed it on the Clergy A long time after that the Monks laid claim to this name But at the first it was used as was before shown see Chap. 17. book 2. note a. which may be proved by the instance here of Peter Bishop of Alexandria and Pierius the Presbyter both whom Eusebius in this Chapter calls Ascetaâ— Eusebius also Chap. 11. concerning the Martyrs of Palestine calls Pamphilus the Presbyter Asceta Vales. d This place ought particularly to be taken notice of in regard Eusebius here summeth up the time which he hath comprehended in his Ecclefiastick History He saith that from our Saviour's Birth to the demolishing of the Churches which was in the nineteenth year of Diocletian there were 305 years Also in Eusebius's Chronicle the 305 year of Christ is set opposite to the 19 year of Diocletian But in Scaliger's Edition the year in which the Persecution under Diocletian began is reckoned the 304 year of Christ. Hence arises this difference Scaliger in his Edition of Eusebius's Chronicle reckons not that to be the first year of Christ in which he was born but the year following But Eusebius reckons that to be the first of Christ in which he was born as I before noted Chap. 5. book 1. note a. For Eusebius places his birth on the 8 th of the Ides of January Indeed in all the M. SS of Eusebius's Chronicle which have the years of Christ annext particularly in that of Millaine which is ancienter then any other that is noted for the first year of Christ in which he was born in Bethlehem of Judea Vales. a In the most ancient Maz. M. S. and in the Editions of Rufinus the first chap. is begun at these words How great c. Vales. b The Maz. and
passion i. e. Good-friday The Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle says it came forth on Easter-day which was on the 25 of March but Easter-day could not fall on the 25 of March in the 19 year of Diocletian as Scaliger and Petavius have observed Eusebius in his Chronicon says it came forth in March diebus pasch◠The Greek phrase here imports onely that Easter was near at hand when the Edicts were proposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus renders it dies solennis pascha imminebat the solemn day of Easter was at hand In the year of Christ 303 according to the Dionysian Aera Easter fell on the 18 day of April amongst the Eastern Churches Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus and Nicephorus supposed the servants of the Christians were hereby meant But that cannot be the meaning of this place For then the Imperial Edict would have been imperfect providing onely for the apprehension of those who were honoured with any degree of preferment and of servants and leaving out the rusticks and ordinary sort of people Besides how can servants be said to be deprived of their liberty Christophorson translates it privatos private persons I think he means the Actores and procuratores who were servants to the richer sort of men Zonaras expounds this place very well thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 persons of a private condition Vales. a I suppose he means the plumbatae i. e. instruments of torture made with lead with which they beat the Martyrs on the face and cheek There is frequent mention of this sort of torture in the sufferings of the Martyrs Our Authour had said before that the Martyrs were beaten with the fists of the Souldiers Here therefore he must mean these Plumbatae otherwise what he says is a tautology Vales. a He means the Devil who is said in the Gospel to be the Princo of this world Vales. b His name was Veturius he was Magister Militum the Master of the Camp or Lieutenant-General of the Army Concerning whom Eusebius in his Chronicon at the 17 year of Diocletian says thus Veturius Master of the Camp persecutes the Christian Souldiers the persecution against us being from that time begun by degrees Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It Imports his doing of the Office of a Judge amongst his Souldiers examining the place and order of each of them The same term occurs book 10. chap. 4. where see note ◠* He means the Devil not the Roman General as Christophorson supposed Vales. a This person is called John in the Martyrology of Usuardus Ado Notker and in the old Roman Martyrology at September 7. Vales. b The Edicts and Rescripts of the Emperours were written in paper Therefore Nilus in his 264 Epistle says it was barely called Charta but after it had been subscribed by the Emperour it was called Sacra which appears also from the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon and from Justinians Novells Vales. a Concerning this Peter Dorotheus Gorgonius and the others that were martyred see the Acts of the suffering of Indes and Domna at the 26. of December Vales. b There is an illustrious evidence of this fire which happened at Nicomedia in the first year of the persecution in the 25 chap. of the Emperour Constantine's Oration ad Caetum Sanctorum Vales. c See B. 5. chap. 5. note b. concerning Melitina There was a City and a country called by this name in Armenia the less But I never met with any thing concerning this tyrant who seized the Empire in that region Vales. d He means Eugenius who for some little time tyrannized in Syria Libanius in his Oration to Theodosius pag. 411 and in his Antioch pag. 363. tells the whole story Whereto may be annext a passage of the same Libanius's out of his Oration to Theodosius concerning the Sedition at Antioch pag. 399. There was a Tribune of Seleucia by name Eugenius who had the command of 500 Souldiers These Souldiers were ordered to open the mouth and passage of the Haven When they had laboured day and night without any intermission being much displeased at their task they force their commander Eugenius to take the Empire upon him threatning him with death unless he would give his assent The Tribune being after this manner compelled took the purple off the image of one of the gods and was saluted Emperour He goes forthwith to Antioch which then had no garrison in it supposing that if he could possess himself of that City it would much advance his designs he makes himself master of that place about Sun-setting But his Souldiers agreeable to their usual irregularities destroyed the Country as they marched and stuft themselves with wine and good cheer Which being perceived by the Antiochians they despising the paucity and drunkenness of the Souldiers killed them all with stones and weapons of all sorts the very women giving their assistance and their Leader also as he was going towards the palace so that about the first watch none of them were left alive But the Emperour who ought to have exprest his thankfulness to the Antiochians ordered the princes of the Antiochensian and Seleucensian Order should be slain when as neither of them deserved any punishment Amongst them the Grandfather of Libanius a proper comely old man was killed All this I met with pag. 411 363. Moreover Libanus in Orat. ad Theodosium de seditione tells us the name of this Tribune of the Seleucensian Souldiers was Eugenius and the name of the Emperour was Diocletian whom he calls by his true name Diocles. Thus I have given you the name and History of the Tyrant and the time when this Eugenius made his attempts on the Empire Eusebius here declares to wit when Diocletian was the eighth and Maximian the seventh time Coss. Vales. e This was the third Edict of the Emperours against the Christians By the first it was ordered the Churches should be ruined and the Scriptures burnt and those who were honoured with any preserment if they refused to sacrifice should be deprived of their dignity the meaner sort were to loose their liberty see chap. 2. Another Edict soon followed this that Bishops Priests and Deacons should be imprisoned and by all ways compelled to sacrifice The third Edict comprehended all sorts of Christians as well those of the Laity as the Clergy which Edict was proposed says Eusebius in the chap. 3. of his book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine in the second year of the persecution But this seems rather to have been the fourth Edict for the second and third concerned the Presbyters onely by the second 't was ordered they should be imprisoned and by the third it was enjoyned they should by tortures be compelled to sacrifice Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the reading of the Maz. and Med. M. SS accordingly we have rendered it of those truly admirable champions c. Those champions were termed paradoxi who had gained many victories See
this it may be concluded that the account of the whole year and of the months was not of one and the same form amongst the Syrians For those of Gaza computed them after one way those of Tyre after another and those of Caesarea after a third manner But I am fully perswaded that the Caesareans used months wholly composed according to the Julian form For in all places of this book of Eusebius's concerning the Martyres of Palestine wherever mention is made of the Macedonian months amongst the Caesarians the mention whereof does frequently occur in it the days of those months do always agree with the days of the Roman months excepting this only place in this first Chapter Therefore I think that the reading in the Text of Eusebius here should be thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the seventh day of the month Desius Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is on the fourth feria or to render it word for word on the fourth day of the Sabbath or of the week For the ancient Christians having received a set account of the seven days of the week from the Jews named them as they did Therefore they called them the first of the Sabbath the second of the Sabbath c. See Tertullian in his Book De jejuniis Sometimes they called them feriae Feria is the same with Sabbath Therefore as the Jews termed the week-days the first the second the third of the Sabbath and so on to the Seventh-day which they called the Sabbath so the antient Christians termed them the first second and third feria c. making an alteration only in this that they did not keep the Sabbath-day holy as did the Jews but observed their Sabbath 〈…〉 the first day of the Sabbath which they also called Sunday or The Lord's Day So Isidorus in his Book De Natura Rerum Chap. 3. Bede in his Book De Ratione Temporum says the week-days were called feriae because the Clergy-men by the decree of Pope Sylvester were ordered to keep every day holy But this opinion cannot be true for the days of the week were called feriae long before Pope Sylvester's time as Tertullian informs us Moreover not only the Christians but the Gentiles also received the computation of the week from the Jews as Josephus informs us in the close of his second book against Apion But the Gentiles called the days of the week by the names of the seven Planets which names continue still in use amongst most Nations being as it were certain reliques of the ancient errour of the Gentiles See Tertullian in his Book Ad Nationes Vales. The Ecclesiastical year of old began at Easter the first week whereof was all Holyday the days being distinguished by prima secunda tertia c. added unto feria From thence the days of any other week began to be called feria prima secunda c. See M r Jo. Gregory of Oxford in his Tract De Aeris Epochis Chap. 5. The original of the names which we in England give to the days of the week may be seen in Verstegan's Antiquities pag. 68 c. Edit Antwerp 1605. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we render primum Martyrium the first Martyrdom so the Latine Acts render it whence it appears the Translator thereof did read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * See B. 8. Chap. 3. He was a Deacon of the Church of Gadara Concerning whom we have this passage in the Mâ—â—ologiâ— at the 18 th of November The commemoration of the holy Martyrs Michaeus Zacchaeus Deacon of Gadara and Alphaeus The blessed Zacchaeus was led before the tribunal having an heavy iron-chain about his neck Vales. a The Greeks in their Menaeum make mention of two Romanus's both Martyrs the one they say was condemned by Asclepiades the Praefect at Antioch in the Reign of Galerius the other was a Deacon of Caesarea concerning whom Eusebius here speaks who as they affirm suffered under Diocletian But in as much as they confess that both of them suffered on one and the same day for they affirm that both of them had their tongues cut out that they both spoke after they were cut out and that both of them were afterwards strangled in prison 't is plain that the Greeks mistake in their making of them two distinct Martyrs I wonder that this opinion of theirs should please Baronius in his notes on the Martyrologie If there were two Martyrs called by the same name to wit Romanus and if they both suffered Martyrdom on the same day at Antioch why does Eusebius mention but one here It will perhaps be answered that Eusebius was resolved to speak of the Martyrs of Palestine onely in this book and therefore that he onely mentioned Romanus the Deacon because he was a Palestinian But Eusebius has made mention of this Martyr in another place to wit in his second Book concerning the Resurrection and Ascension of Christ where he acknowledges but one Romanus who was Martyred at Antioch Vales. b Amongst the Primitive Christians especially in the smaller Towns because the Clergy were few in number one and the same Clergy-man performed two or three Offices Hence 't is that in the Acts of Procopius the Martyr which we related before Procopius is said to have born three Offices at the same time in the Church of Scythopolis to wit the Office of a Reader of an Interpreter and of an Exorcist After the same manner therefore Romanus was both a Deacon and also an â—xorcist in the Church of Caesarea See Vetus Author Question Veter Novi Testament ch 101. Vales. c There was in former times a twofold use of the Exorcists in the Church For their business was to cleanse both those possessed with devils and also the Catechumens who were exorcized more than once For after every examination in their Catechism they were brought to the Exorcist ungirt and with their Shoes off that they might be purged by him See Cyril Hierosolymit in procatechesi ad Illuminandos and Chrysostom in his first Homily ad Illuminandos in his first Tome Vales. d Many of these persons had renounced Christ as Eusebius declares in his second Sermon concerning the Resurrection where he speaks of the tortures inflicted on Romanus which he mentions not here Vales. e I suppose he means Galcrius Caesar for Diocletian made his abode then at Nicomedia The Caesars like Apparitours and Officers went all over the bounds of their own district Indeed in that year when the persecution begun Diocletian lived together with Galerius at Nicomedia in April as Eusebius attests in his eighth book Also a little after the persecution began when the Imperial Palace aâ— Nicomedia was burnt by Lightning Diocletian was at that City as Constantine informs us in his Oration Ad Caetum Sanctorum Wherefore he could not be at Antioch when Romanus was condemned to be burnt which happened about the beginning of the Persecution For Romanus was strangled on the 15 th
of the Calends of December after he had lain in prison some months as Eusebius here attests Vales. f This place is in an especial manner to be taken notice of because it most evidently declares the year wherein Diocletian's Pesecution began For Eusebius says that in the first year of the Persecution the Emperours Vicennalia i. e. the Festivals for his having arrived to the twentieth year of his Reign were kept which can only fall on that year wherein Diocletian was the eighth time Consul and Maximian the seventh For in this year which was the year of Christ 303. Diocletian's twentieth year was begun at the fifteenth of the Calends of October that being the first of Diocletian's Reign Carinus II. and Numerianus Coss. in the year of Christ 284 as 't is set forth in the Alexandrian Chronicle But there arises no small difficulty from what Eusebius here says to wit that Romanus suffered Martyrdom on the 17 th day of November when Diocletians Vicennnlia were kept Whence it seemes to follow that the first day of Diocletian's Reign must have been in the month of November and not in September as the Alexandrian Chronicle attests Wherefore 't is necessary that either in our Eusebius or else in the Alexandrian Chronicle the name of the month should be mistaken Unless we say that Diocletians Vicennalia were kept at Antioch not on the same day which was the first of his Empire but a little later Eusebius indeed says in his Chronicon that Constantines Vicennalia were kept at Nicomedia and in the following year celebrated at Rome g It was usual amongst the Romans that on the fifth and tenth years of their Emperours Reigns offenders who were guilty of less notorious crimes should be discharged from their imprisonment the Emperours Edict being set forth for that purpose which they called an Indulgence See the Cod. Theodos. tit de indulgentiis criminum Vales. a These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who lived in our times are not without reason added by Eusebius For by them it was his intent to manifest that this Thecla should be distinguished from the other Thecla who was companion to S t Paul the Apostle In the Menaeum at the 19 th of August this Thecla is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Byzietis the meaning whereof I know not For this Thecla here spoken of was a Palestinian not born at Bizua a City of Thrace Yet it may be this Thecla was a Thracian for neither were all those whose Martyrdoms Eusebius here relates Palestinians nor does he in this book treat of the Martyrs of Palestine but of those who suffered Martyrdom in Palestine Vales. b The reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our rendition whereof is together with those others whom they had a great esteem for Christophorson read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but took it in the neuter gender for thus he has rendred it inter alia quae magnopere ipâ—is in optatis erant ad contemplandum amongst other things which they had a great desire to be spectatours of I suppose it to be spoken in the masculine gender and that he means those more eminent Bestiarii who amongst the Grecians were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the stoutest and strongest sort of men who let themselves out to combat with the wild beasts before the people in the Amphitheatre Such a one was he whom the people in the Amphitheatre at Constantinople called for in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which words Cassiodorus Histor. Tripart Lib. 2. thus renders crudeli bestiae artifex parabolus componatur Vales. c In the Maz. and Med. M. SS his name is Päesis In the Greek Menâ—logy which Canisius published at the 15 th of March instead of Päesis he is called Publius Vales. a Christophorson haâ— rendred this place ill thus he translates it Maximinus Caesar who by his own power and strength had possest himself of the Empire as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the Greek term here signified by his own power and strength Indeed Maximinus proclaimed himself Augustus as our Eusebius relates in Chap. 13. Book 8. But he was made Caesar by Galerius Maximianus Moreover Eusebius speaks here of Maximinus whilst he was only Caesar and of the time when he had that title first conferred on him to wit in the second year current of the perfecution immediately after the resignation of Diocletianus and Herculius The import therefore of Eusebiâ—â—'s words is this that Maximinus as soon as he was made Caesar shewed a proof of his impiety by a most cruel persecution of the Christians Wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be rendred from the very time Now Maximinus was made Caesar in the year of Christ 304 on the Calends of April as Idatius in fastis declares which agrees very well with the account here given by our Eusebius For he reâ—ates that Maximinus after the Resignation of Diocletian was created Caesar in the second year of the persecution immediately after which promotion that he might shew his power he renewed the persecution against the Christians But this must not be understood of that very year wherein Maximinus was made Caesar for during that year affairs being then in confusion and Galerius scarce well setled in the Empire Maximinus was quiet Therefore Eusebius mentions no Martyrdoms in Palestine during that year But in the year following which was the third of the persecution Maximinus set forth his Edicts against the Christians and renewed the persecution as Eusebius expresly relates in this chapter Vales. b It is sufficiently apparent that the Greek Text is here corrupted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherefore we have rendred it before the gates c. Eusebius confirms this correction hereafter in this chapter where he says that the dead body of Apphianus which had been cast into the Sea swam to the Caesarian shore hard by the gates of the City Vales. c He means the Civill Law and the Latine tongue the knowledge whereof was necessary for those that bore Offices in the Magistracy At Berytus there was a School for Civil Law as many have taken notice from Gregory Thaumaturgus Eunapius Nonnus and others Hence 't is that Eusebius adds the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is secular or mundane literature Gregorius Nazianzenus in carm Nicobuli ad filium calls Berytus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A famous City of Phoenicia the seat of the Aâ—sonian Laws In the Menologies of the Greeks at the second of April Amphianus with his brother Aedesius is mentioned to have been instructed in the Christian Religion by Pamphilus the Martyr at Berytus Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have rendred according to the prescripts of Christianity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 congruous or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agreeable which way of expression is frequently used by Eusebius Vales. e In the Med. M.
S. this City is called Arpagas in the Maz. M. S. Arapagas in the Fuk. M. S. Harpagas but in the margin notice is given that it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with an asperate I never met with any thing concerning Aragas a City of Lycia Araxa a City of Lycia is mentioned by Pâ—olemaeus and Stephanus And in the Constantinopolitan Council amongst the Bishops of the Province of Lycia who subscribed to that Synod the last that is recounted is Theanthinus Araxenus also in the Synod of Chalcedon there is mention of Leontius Bishop of the Araxi In the Menaeum of the Greeks Amphianus is said to have been born in Lydia Vales. f Symeon Metaphrastes who professes he transcribed the Martyrdom of Apphianus or as he calls him Amphianus out of Eusebius has altered this passage thus And having been conversant with us in divine studies and instructed in the sacred Scriptures by the great Martyr Pamphilus he obtained no mean habit of virtue by which he opened a passage for himself whereby he procured the crown of Martyrdom But Eusebius attests here that Apphianus was not instructed in the sacred Scriptures by Pamphilus the Martyr but by himself which as I judge is the truest account For our Eusebius was a person much learneder than Pamphilus But the Menaea of the Greeks and the Menology set forth by Canisius agree with Symeon Metaphrastes excepting only in this which Metaphrastes relates that Apphianus after he was returned from his studies at Berytus when he came to Caesarea was there instructed by Pamphilus But in the Menaea and in the Menology Apphianus with his brother Aedesius is said to have been instructed by Pamphilus at Berytus no mention being made of Eusebius So carefull were the latter Grecians that the blessed Martyr should not be said to have been instructed by Eusebius Pamphilus who as they perswaded themselves was an Heretick Vales. g The reading I judge should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which contains most evident signs for it referrs to the foregoing word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attempt Vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the phrase in the original Metaphrastes thought the shore was meant by these words and therefore renders it circumstans littus But the Greeks by this expression do usually mean the Air that surrounds the Earth Vales. * This was the punishment which the Romans inflicted on Parricides In Seneca's age see his 5 th Book Controver 4. at the latter end only Serpents were put into the leathern sack which they termed Culeus with the Malefactor afterwards they sowed up an Ape and a Cock with him and at last a Dog The offender was first whip't with rods till the bloud came then sown up after this manner See Coel. Rhod. B. 11. Chap. 21. The Grecians had a way of putting Criminals to death by drowning them in the Sea which they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but they made use of a leaden vessell only into which they put the Malefactor as appears from Athenaeus B 14 his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Patroclus therefore Ptolemie's Governour in the Isle Caunus took him and put him into a Leaden vessell and carried him to the Sea and drowned him Neither was this accounted amongst the heaviest sorts of punishment by the Grecians as appears from Polybius B. 2. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that is Although Ulpianus suffered not in Palestine but in Phoenicia yet because he suffered Martyrdom at the same time and died by the same sort of punishment that Apphâ—anus had inflicted on him we judged it not unfit to make mention of him here It is therefore apparent from these words that Eusebius in this book designed to give an account of the Martyrs of the Province of Palestine only Vales. b In the Greek Menaeum at the second day of April Aedesius is stiled Apphianus's brother by the mothers side Vales. c In the Med. Fuk. and Maz. M. SS the term is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one entire word which in my judgment is the better reading Eusebius does usually call those Christian Virgins by this name who spontaneously had devoted their virginity to God Such persons the Latines called devotae For so Ausonius and others term them Vales. d The explication of this place is to be had from the Menaeum of the Greeks where Aedesius is said to have struck Hierocles Prefect of Egypt in the interim of his raging against the Christians with his fist The words there are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. But Aedesius who was condemned to work in the mines of Brass having seen at Alexandria in Egypt Hierocles the President punishing the Christians he accounted him a despicable person and struck the President with own hand Wherefore in this place of Eusebius the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes the blows given to the President and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports the reproachful language which Aedesius gave him Both which are intimated by Eusebius in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by his words and deeds Epiphanius and Lactantius mention this Hierocles Prefect of Egypt who was famous for the great slaughter he made amongst the Christians This was the Hiâ—rocles against whom our Eusebius wrote a book Vales. a He means the Pantomimi Mimicks that used antick filthy and obscene gestures the Pegmatarii those that managed the Machines and Images in their Plaies the Contigeri Pole-carriers and Funambuli Rope-dancers and such other Artists which were made use of by those that were at the charge to exhibit shews to the people See Claudianus in his book De Consulatu Theodori Vales. b At first I thought the reading here should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the second year for so Eusebius had said above in Chap. 3. But the vulgar reading to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second of that name is best for he is called Agapius the Second to distinguish him from the former Agapius who had suffered two years before concerning whom Eusebius speaks in the said third Chapter Vales. c This place is corrupted and imperfect Christophorson reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 brought out of Prison which reading is not amiss But I think there is a whole line omitted here which I thus make up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Brought out of Prison wherein he had been confined now three years Agapius was cast into Prison at the beginning of the second year of the Persecution Therefore this was the third year of his confinement Vales. d Concerning this custom of leading the Criminals about the Stadium see book 5. chap. 1. z. a In the M. S. Acts of the passion of Theodosia she is said to have suffered not on Easter-day but only on a Sunday Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so the Greek words it Christophorson renders it ante tribunal considentibus sate before the tribunal which version I do not approve of I have rendred it before the
and having despised earthly things was by sire offered up as a victim well pleasing to God in the sixth year of Diocletian's and Maximian's Empire In which passage this is observable that the sixth year of Diocletian's Empire is put for the sixth year of the persecution Vales. a Symeon Metaphrastes has transcribed this whole relation of the Martyrdom of Pamphilus and his companions out of our Eusebius adding some things and altering others as he usually does But he seems to have been furnished with more perfect copies of Eusebius than those we now have which will manifestly appear to the Reader who may meet with Metaphrastes's account hereof in that Latine version of him which Lipomanus and Surius put forth Tome the third aâ— the first of June pag. 139. Edit Venet. Anno. 1581. Vales. b He means the Minor Prophets who were twelve in number this passage is more clearly exprest in Metaphrastes thus It is worth our while to admire the number of the men which represents a certain Prophetick and Apostolick grace For it happened that they were in all twelve of the same number with the Patriarchs Prophets and Apostles as we are informed Vales. c This passage also is more perfect in Metaphrastes after this manner He was Pamphilus a man truly pious loving and friendly towards all men really demonstrating the truth of his name the import of Pamphilus is friend to all men the ornament of the Church at Caesarea c. See Lipomanus and Surius's version of Metaphrastes aâ— the fore-cited place Vales. d In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let us prosecute in the Imparative mood Moreover hence we may make this manifest collection to wit that this Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine was Eusebius's own work written by him after his Books concerning Pamphilus's Life and after his Ecclesiastick History Vales. e There may be a double meaning given of these words For the import of them may be either that Aelia was Valens's country or that he was a Deacon of the Church of Aelia Symeon Metaphrastes followed this latter sence as appears from his words The like ambiguity I took notice of before book 5. chap. 1. note o where we spoke concerning Sanctus a Deacon of Vienna Vales. f 'T is easily discernable that the Greek Text is here corrupted I suppose it may be thus amended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading we have followed in our version and it agrees with Symeon Metaphrastes's interpretation as 't is evident from Gentianus Hervetus's translation in Lipomanus's Edition at the month of February see note a in this chapter But Hervetus has rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to get by heart whereas that term signifies to recite by heart as we observed before Vales. g ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term here used seems to be taken passiveâ—y for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Euscbius's meaning is that Firmilianus the Judge was well versed in passing such sentences and in extracting examinations by tortures But because the same term is taken in an active sense hereafter in this chapter it ought also to be taken so here By the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius means the scourges and tortures Vales. h These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of God are wanting in the Med. M. S. Eusebius's meaning is that those Aegyptians who gave themselves the names of Israelites or Jews did both by their actions and names represent the true and genuine Israel and those Jews who were inwardly such Vales. i Eusebius alludes to that passage in S t Paul Rom. 2. 28 29. where the Apostle makes two sorts of Jews some that were Jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 outwardly others that were such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inwardly the former as he affirms are not truly Jews because they observed the bodily ceremonies only of the Law the latter are really Jews whose Circumcision is that of the heart in the Spirit and not in the Letter See Origen Chap. 1. Philocal Vales. * Galat. 4. 26. †Heb. 12. 22. k Eusebius seems to mean Firmilianus's desire of knowing from the Egyptian Martyrs where that Jerusalem was which they called their Country Whence we may make this remark by the by that 't is sufficiently evident as we observed before Book 4. Chap. 6. note e. there was no City upon earth at that time called Jerusalem Otherwise Firmillanus President of Palestine would never have been so earnest in his enquiries of the Martyrs where Jerusalem was scituated But the Greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot I think be taken in that sense I have mentioned Indeed this place is obscure and if I mistake not faulty Therefore Symeon Metaphrastes when he transcribed this passage from Eusebius on set purpose omitted these words Vales. l At this place Symeon Metaphrastes adds some words which deserve to be set down here Nondum autem dictum c. The Judge had scarce made an end of speaking when a young man belonging to Pamphilus's family called out at some distance and coming out of the midst of the crowd into the presence of those who sate round in the place of Judicature requested that their bodies might be interred This was the B. Porphyrius one of Pamphilus's own breeding not full eighteen years old a youth well skilled in the Art of writing but one that concealed these praises by his modest behaviour in regard he had been educated under so eminent a person Vales. m Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fire at a distance Christophorson seemes to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a slow or remiss fire see his translation Hervetus also has rendred it thus pronuntiat sententiam ut tradatur molli lento igni he pronounc't sentence upon him that he should be set into and consumed by a soft and gentle fire The same is confirmed by Eusebius's following words for he says that Porphyrius was â—astned to a stake and that the pile which lay round him but at some distance was kindled that so the Martyr might be consumed by a slack fire We read of the same sort of punishment in the passion of Pionius and of other Martyrs Eusebius uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same sense hereafter where he mentions Julianus Further we must take notice that both Porphyrius and Julianus were Catechumens as Metaphrastes informs us Vales. * See B. 6. Chap. 19. note p. n This garment is in the Greek termed ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 see its description in A. Gellius Book 7. Chap. 12. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original it peculiarly imports that age which is fit for warfare which Livy stiles Militarem aetâ—tâ—m the Military age beginning from the seventeenth year of a mans age says Plutarch in Graccho p Christophorson judged amiss in that he supposed by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Monks were meant For at that time there were no Monks or if
Diociesian was Consul the fourth time and Maximian the third as the inscription of the first interrogatory sheweth Whence 't is plain that these Acts of Pilate were forged long before the persecution the contrary to which Eusebius affirms in this place But that I may freely speak my sense the inscription of these Acta praefidialia is in my judgment false and it should be corrected thus when Diocletian was Consul the ninth time and Maximian the eighth For 1 there is in those Acts mention of the Imperial command whereby 't was ordered that all men should sacrifice to the Gods Now this command was issued out on the nineteenth year of Diocletian's Empire 2 In the ninth chapter these words occur The President said you curse the Princes who have secured a lasting and continued Peace Andronicus said I have cursed the Plague and the bloud thirsty which destroy the world That expression concerning the securing a lasting and continued Peace cannot agree with the fourth Consulate of Diocletian for at that time the Barbarians attacked the Roman Empire on every side Besides I can't see how Diocletian and Maximian can be termed Blood thirsty till after the 19 th year of Diocletian when the Persecution began Lastly which is another argument Eusebius affirms that these Acts of Pilate were forged in the time of this persecution Vales. b Rufinus has rendred the Greek phrase here which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus act is profiteri to attest the truth of the said Acts by signing of them for an evidence may be given both by word of mouth and in writing also Vales. a This Silvanus is a different person from that Silvanus which Eusebius mentions in his book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine chap. the last For this was Bishop of Emesa the other was Bishop of Gaza The first was beheaded in the Mines at Palestine with 39 other Martyrs in the eighth year of the Persecution But this Silvanus was cast to the wild beasts at Emesa on the ninth year of the Persecution Concerning this man's Martyrdom Eusebius has said something before in his eighth book although not in its proper place see B. 8. Chap. 13. Vales. b Eusebius mentioned this man's Martyrdom before in the eighth book chap. 13. but not in its proper place For the eighth book does not go beyond the eighth year of the Persecution But Peter Bishop of Alexandria was Martyr'd in the ninth year of the Persecution which Eusebius expresly affirmeth in the end of the seventh book upon the seventh of the Calends of December as we read in the Excerpta Chronologica published by Scaliger Usuardus says the same and so does Ado and the old Roman Martyrology The Greeks celebrate his birth day on the 14 th of November The Acts of his Passion are extant in a M. S. in Greek which the Reverend Father Franciscus Combesisius has and will shortly publish with many other things Vales. c Eusebius has mentioned this man's Martyrdom at book 8. chap. 13. though not in its due place But here he remarks the time more distinctly wherein Peter and Lucianus suffered to wit under Maximin not in the Reign of Galerius Maximianus as Baronius would have us believe at the year of Christ 311. cap. 3. Also Baronius is mistaken in placing the Martyrdom of Peter Bishop of Alexandria on the year of Christ 310. for he suffered in the year of our Lord 311 on the ninth year current of the Persecution Baronius's errour arose from his beginning the Persecution a year too soon which mistake we have sufficiently confuted before at book 8. chap. 2. note c. Moreover in regard Lucianus's Martyrdom happened under Maximin the Martyrdom of Anthimus Bishop of Nicomedia should in my judgment be placed under Maximin also Indeed Anthimus suffered a little before Lucianus as Lucianus informs us in his Epistle to the Antiochians which I made mention of in Book 8. chap. 13. note a. we may also make the same conclusion from the Acts of Lucianus the Martyr where instead of Maximinus we read Maximianus which is a common errour in the Greeks Vales. d When Galerius was dead Maximinus took possession of Asia and Bithynia which Provinces together with Illyricum and Thracia were governed by Galerius For Galerius kept these Provinces for himself as Eutropius informs us the same is asserted by the old Authour of the Excerptions which I published at the end of my Amm. Marcelinus Maximinus therefore made his abode at Nicomedia which was the chief City of Bithynia where the Emperours had a pallace ever since Diocletions time Further the following words do evidently manifest that by the term Emperour Maximinus must be meant Wherefore I wonder at Baronius for asserting that Lucianus suffered under Galerius not under Maximin when as Eusebius contemporary with Lucianus affirms he was killed by Maximin Vales. a Any man may justly wonder why Eusebius should affirm here that this was never seen before Were the Decrees of the Cities or the Edicts of the Emperours never published before now This cannot be denyed nor is it denyed by our Eusebius But that which he asserts to have never been seen before is the ingraving of these Edicts upon plates of Brass For as we observed before Book 8. chap. 5. note b. the Imperial Edicts were written on paper Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all day long so Rufinus and Langus render it Christophorson and Musculus translate it quotidie daily Vales. b Christoph. and Musculus thought that this clause ought to be referred to Deos the Gods but we make it to be referred to the Tyrians themselves Maximin does attempt to blacken the faith of the Christians by these words he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a faith of bare words as if the Christian faith had nothing in it but words and were void of all reality Vales. c The antients believed that on set days the Gods descended into those Cities for which they had a kindness hence it is that the inhabitants of Delos and Miletum solemnized the coming of Apollo and the Argivi the advent of Diana This coming of the Gods we find mentioned up and down in the Poets as in Virgil. Hence it is that upon old Coins and in the Calendar we find written Aâ—ventuâ— Impp. Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He aludes to that Aspect of the Planets called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which term is used concerning the Planets when they seem to move neither backward nor forward in their Epicycles but are stationary Vales. e In the Greek Text the term is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 parts not in sunder but it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not raise vast hills out of its own bowells For two sorts of Earthquakes contrary to each other are here spoken of by Maximin to wit 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which as Amm. Marcellinus describes them book 17. pag. 98. Edit Paris 1636 humum molestius suscitantes sursum propellunt
which contained the division of the 12 Tribes the description of the City Jerusalem and the Hebrew appellations of extraneous nations is now lost But the latter which treats of the Hebrew names of places was above twenty years since put forth in Greek by the Reverend Father Bonsrerius to which there is prefixt an Epistle to Paulinus Wherein Eusebius attests that by Paulinus's perswasion he attempted that work and he gives him this title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 O Paulinus thou sacred man of God! Paulinus therefore was our Eusebius's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Instigator to compile his books as Ambrosius heretofore was Origen's Further this Paulinus was at first a Presbyter of Antioch Afterwards being preferred to the Bishoprick of Tyre he was much commended for his Presidency over that Church And at length when Eustathius was divested of the See of Antioch he was by the Antiochians preferred to the Goverment of their Church so Eusebius info 〈…〉 us in his book against Marcellus chap. 4. in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Afterwards he inveighs against the man of God Paulinus a most blessed person who was adorned with the dignity of a Presbyter at Antioch and was so famous for his Government of the Tyrian Church that the Antiochians challenged him as their own proper goods Philostorgius book 3. chap. 15. says expresly that Paulinus succeeded Eustathius in the See of Antioch and that six months after his translation he died Paulinus therefore died in the year of Christ 328 after he had born the Episcopate of Antioch six months Wherefore Gothofredus is much mistaken who in his notes on Philostorgius supposes Paulinus to have died in the year of Christ 324 and blames Philostorgius for being inconstant to himself But Philostorgius agrees very well with himself which Gothofredus does not in asserting that Paulinus Bishop of Tyre died on the year of Christ 324. undoubtedly Paulinus Bishop of Tyre was present at the Nicene Council and survived that Synod sometime as Theodoret informs us book 1. chap. 6. and Sozomen book 2. chap. 18. Baronius indeed says that Paulinus died in the year 324 and that Eustathius succeeded him But Baronius affirms not that that Paulinus whom he makes Eustathius's predecessour was Bishop of Tyre Vales. * The phrase in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Valesius Chistophorson and Grynaeus render in perfecto numero and we in its due order Psal. 98. 1 2 3. Psal. 46 8 9. * Psal. 37. 35 36. b This place which neither Musculus nor Christophorson understood must be thus mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But although they did not enjoy them in the same degree that we did yet at least in some measure might together with us partake of the streams c. Vales. In Stephens Edit the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. * Ezek. 37. v. 7. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here as 't is frequently in this Historian us'd to signifie the praising of God so also is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 laudare Deum to praise God Vales. b Rufinus's Version of this place may serve in stead of a comment he translates it thus Jam verò ingens in Sacerdotiis ministeriis atque in omnibus quae ad religionis observantiam pertinent gratia refulgebat Adstabant hic psallentium chori juvenes virgines senes cum junioribus laudabant nomen domini Hic mystica ministeria ordinatis dispositis vicibus agebantur And now an exceeding great glory and beauty appeared in the performances of the Presbyters and in the Ecclesiastick Services and in all things belonging to the observances of Religion In one place the company of those that sung Psalms youths and virgins old men and young praised the name of the Lord. In another the mysticall services were performed by set courses orderly appointed The terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore denote the people of the congregation who sang Psalms in the Church and hearkned to the sacred Lessons which is confirmed by these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 auditours of the expressions which can be understood of the Laicks only The words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 point out to us the Presbyters who performed the mystical ceremonies Vales. c By these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the mystical Symbols of our Saviour's passion is meant Baptism which is a sign of our Saviour's suffering For by Baptism we die and are buried with Christ and we rise again through the same Christ by faith See Colos. 2. 12. Vales. a These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we render to whom God hath given this special and particular priviledge Christoph. understands as if this were the sense of them viz. That this Church which was founded by Paulinus was a special ornament or honour to Christ and his Church but Musculus follows the same sense that I do Vales. b In the Greek Text the term is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have translated Religious but doubtless Eusebius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 majestick for it would be a simple way of expressing ones self thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Religious Auditory of Religion Vales. * Psal. 44. v. 1. Psal. 48. v. 8. * 1 Tim. c. 3. v. 15. †Psal. 87. v. 2. * Psal. 122. v. 1. †Psal. 26. v. 8. * Psal. 48. v. 1. c In the Med. M. S. I found this Scholion written at these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Thou deliverest no good divinity here O Eusebius I concerning the Son of God who is coëqual in dominion coëternal and con-Creatour of all things with the Father Thou stilest him the second Authour of all good when as he is the same Authour and Framer of all things with the Father and of the same substance with him Also in the Maz. M. S. we met with this Scholion here in a later hand wherein Eusebius is also reproved in regard he subjects the Son to the Father and attributes to him the second place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is why doest thou utter this divinity O man to thine own destruction detracting from and subjecting him who in glory power and essence is every way like the Father and attributing to him the second place from the Father Thy sentiments and writings do herein contradict those holy Fathers who determined the Son to be coëssential with the Father To whose opinion thou didst subscribe unless they who wrote their Acts do declare a palpable untruth Vales. d In the Greek these following lines the translation whereof is contained within this parenthesis seem to be Iambicks taken out of some Tragedian The words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which verses are undoubtedly very elegant and smel something of Aeschylus or Sophocles But I think they ought rather to be blotted out of this place for they disturb the sence Vales. e Here he first relates what Christ did in the days of old for the salvation of mankind Afterwards
This was Constantin's second Edict directed to the Praefect of the Praetorium the same person to whom was sent Constantin's first Edict for the Christians The first Edict was signed or dated at Rome Constantine 〈◊〉 and Licinius II. Coss. and it was immediately sent into the East to Maximin see book 9. chap. 9. But this second Edict was dated at Mediolanum on the year following Vales. c Concerning the Restitution of the publick places and Coemiteria of the Christians there is extant an Edict of Gallienus's in book 7. chap. 13. of this History in which these places are commanded to be restored to the Christians In the first Decree therefore which Constantine and Licinius after Maxentius was conquered published in favour of the Christians a Copy of which they sent to Maximinus the Emperour into the East they only Decreed that all places where the Christians used to assemble themselves which had been heretofore taken from them should be restored to them again but they said nothing expresly concerning the restitution of the price Neither in the Edict of Maximin which was published soon after the Decree of Constantine and Licinius was there any caution concerning repaying of the price as we may see in book 9. chap. 9. of this History It was necessary therefore that Constantine should Decree something more distinctly concerning that point That the Christians might recover those places which had been taken from them or sold or given by the Treasury without repaying the price Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So he terms adjectiones i. e. the additions to the prices in sales of Goods or Estates These adjectiones which Civilians in other words call additamenta pretii accessions to the price we in France call encheres Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according 〈◊〉 the Decree aforesaid i. e. according to that Edict signed at Rome Constantine II. and Licinius II. Coss. which Edict Constantine mention'd before That was Constantine's first Decree for the Christians But Constantine having in that Law shew'd himself too favourable towards the Christians in that in it he had extolled their Religion and condemn'd all other Sects and Ceremonies was forced in this second Edict to explain his mind for fear least the Heathens should murmur at the prohibiting and abolishing the worship of their Gods Wherefore Constantine saies that he granted free liberty to every one to worship what Gods and follow what Sect and Religion he pleased This second Decree therefore is nothing else but an explication of the first For in the first Edict there were some words with which the Gentiles and also the Schismatical Christians were not a little offended in that they saw themselves named Hereticks The Catholick Christians also resented it because they were joyned in the same Decree with the Gentiles and Hereticks Wherefore Constantine that he might shew himself kind to all desired that those words might be razed out And this is the sense of those former words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. That the names of these Sâ—its in our former Rescript might be wholly taken out c. Vales. e Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Citizens in this place we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are call'd by the Latines Decuriones concerning whom see my notes on Amm. Marcellin B. 22. p. 225. These Decurions in the time of persecution seized upon the places and Farmes which belonged to the Catholick Church as being vacant Vales. f It is much controverted amongst the Learned who this Mark is whom Constantine here joyneth with Miltiades Bishop of Rome Baronius at the year of Christ 313. Chap. 23. thinks the Text of Fasebius is faulty and instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he would read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But this emendation cannot be admitted of for whereas Miltiades is before call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop t is superfluous to adde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sacred Magistrate Moreover Titles of honour are common words but this here is an affected and unusual term Wherefore rejecting this conjecture of Baronius's I think this Mark was a Presbyter of the Church of Rome whom Constantine had a desire should be present at this Synod with Miltiades This also I think was that Mark who was Bishop of Rome after Silvester This Epistle of Constantine to Miltiades was extant in the third Conference at Carthage Chap. 319. But the latter part of this third Conference which in my opinion is the most useful is lost Vales. g By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are meant two Libels which contained the faults of Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage which being subscribed by the faction of Majorinus they gave them to Anulinus the Proconsul at Carthage on the 17 th of the Calends of May. Constantine the Emperour being the third time and Licinius the third time Consuls These Libels Constantine calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they contained in them many papers and many publick Acts to prove the faults of Cecilianus Christoph. calls these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epistles but that is an ill term for there was but one Epistle sent by Anulinus to Constantine the Emperour but there were several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or papers Constantine also a little further calls them Libelli so does Augustine also in his 48 Epistle to Vincentius call it Libellus and saies it was thus superscribed The Libell of the Catholick Church containing the faults of Cecilianus put in by the faction of Majorinus Vales. h In our Text it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Niceph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Maz. and Med. M. SS 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a transposition of the aspirate which the Greeks usually do in turning Latine pâ—oper names into Greek Vales. i Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we should undoubtedly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. those Countries which Divine Providence gave into our hands by a voluntary surrender For when the head of Maxentius was sent into Africa all Africa at the sight of the Tyrant's head yielded to Constantine And also before the overthrow of Maxentius some African Cities yielded themselves voluntarily to Constantine when he sent some Sea-forces thither Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 k Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reading in Nicephorus is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dearest in the plural number For since the Rescript was written to Miltiades Bishop of Rome and to Mark and since he always speaks to them in the plural number 't is reasonable that in the close of the Rescript it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Further the Acts of this Synod at Rome are extant in Optatus B. 1. The Authour of the Synodicon whom we have often quoted says this Synod was convened by Miltiades and Mark at Rome he joyns Mark to Miltiades as soon as he perceived from this Rescript that Constantine mentioned them
raised by Arius and to those affairs which preceded the Nicene-Council If therefore we have a respect onely to Eusebius's Ten Books of his Ecclesiastick History we may say that Socrates began where Eusebius ended But if we also add his Books concerning the life of Constantine as Socrates here does then that will not be true Vales. a Vales. in his Latine translation begins this period not as Musculus and Christoph do and we have followed his judgment as more agreeable with the continuation and connexion of the sense b Socrates seems to have been of opinion that Constantine and Maxentius began their Reign in the same year that Diocletian and Maximianus Herculius did Resign the Empire This also was the opinion of the Authour of the Chronicle of Alexandria and of others who attribute the years of Constantius's Reign to Constantine his Son And hence it is that Constantine the Great is reported to have Reigned 32 years when as really he Reigned but 30 years and 10 months Vales. c Socrates does in the end of his Seventh Book where he concludes his History repeat this in which place he says that he began his History in the first year of the 271 Olympiad in which year Constantine the Great was proclaimed Emperour This Olympiad does begin at the Solstice of the CCCV year being the year after the resignation of Diocletian But Constantius died not this year but in that following when he was the sixth time Consul with Galerius Augustus as we may read in Fastis Idatii And therefore Constantius's death is to be reckoned on the second year of the aforesaid CCLXXI. Olympiad Vales. d Socrates is here in an error for Maximianus Herculius who was otherwise called Maximian the Elder was by Constantin's command slain in Gallia in the year of Christ 310. But Maximinus Caesar being two years after conquered by Licinius died at Tarsus as Aurelius Victor relates and Eusebius in his Chronicle and other Authours This is the common mistake of the Greek Historians they make a confusion betwixt Maximianus and Maximinus using them promiscuously Vales. e Although in the Greek it be Galerius Maximinus yet we must read Maximianus the Greeks usually confound these two names In the beginning of this chapter where the words are Maximianus surnamed Galerius the Sfort. M. S. has it written Maximinus Vales. f This passage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maximianus Galerius who was now the supream person in the Empire must be understood favourably for Galerius was not really chief and sole Arbitratour of all things whenas there were at the same time two other Augusti to wit Constantine in the Gallia's and Maxentius at Rome But nevertheless he may be said summam imperii administrasse because he was the seniour Augustus and was respected by the junior Augusti as a father Vales. g Constantine got this Victory over Maxentius in the year of Christ 312. when he and Licinius were in their second Consulate this was the sixth year of Constantin's Reign for he begun his Reign on the 25 th day of July in the year of Christ 306. But if we say that Maxentius was conquered on the eighth of the Kalends of October in the year 312 as Onufrius reckons in his Fasti and Sigonius in his Second Book concerning the Western Empire then that which Socrates here affirms may be true that Constantine routed Maxentius in the seventh year of his Reign But it seems something odd to me that Maxentius should in the Panagyrick of Nazarius be said to be slain in the end of his sixth year just the day before he began his seventh Maxentius began his Reign some days after Constantine therefore if Maxentius died on the eighth of the Kalends of October he must necessarily begin his Reign on the 7 th And by this computation Constantine came to the Empire two months before Maxentius Which indeed does not seem probable to me But Socrates does here accord with his own opinion For whereas Constantine according to him began his Reign in the 305 year of Christ he very well reckons this Victory in the seventh year of his Reign Vales. h Diocletian died at Salona the 3 d of the nones of December in the year of Christ 316. as Idatius does very well write in his Annals The same also says the Authour of the Chronic. Alexand. but instead of Diocletian there is crept into the Text Galerius Maximianus 't is also confirm'd by the authority of Zosimus in the second book of his History where he says that Diocletian died 3 years after the 3 d Consulship of Constantine and Licinius For having said that from the Consulship of Chilon and Libo in which the secular Games were celebrated to the third Consulship of Constantine and Licinius it was above 110 years he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. three years after died Diocletian But Joseph Scaliger in his notes upon Eusebius understood this passage of Zosimus so as if Zosimus should say that Diocletian died three years after the resignation of his Empire or after his ninth Consulship Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made common or exposed the Images placed therein that is as we suppose he caused them to be desecrated * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the import whereof rendred word for word is this it hapned there only where Licinius was Valesius renders the words thus in iis enim duntaxa◠partibus grassata est quae subditioni erant Licinii it raged in those parts only which were under Licinius's jurisdiction a In the Kings and Florentine M. SS the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and is wanting which Christoph inserted To me it seems not very necessary If we do retain it then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must signifie Augustus not King as Christoph. renders it Socrates alludes to the Souldiers acclamations who after a signal Victory were wont to stile their Prince Emperour and Augustus The Citizens did the same when the Victorious Prince made his entry into the City Vales. * See Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History book 7. chap. 6. note b. a Lucas Hotstenius a very learned person heretofore wrote a dissertation upon this Epistle of Alexander's which together with some other pieces of his he sent me a little before his death In that Treatise he remarkes in the first place that interpreters had not well rendred these words of Alexander 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which they had translated thus Cum unum sit Catholicae corpus Ecclesiae whereas there is one body of the Catholick Church But he asserts that the place should rather have been thus rendred whereas the Catholick Church is one body c. or consists of one body For that learned person is of opinion that Alexander alludes to Saint Paul's Epistles wherein the Church is frequently called Christ's body But by the favour of that great man and heretofore my dearest friend this Version cannot be born with For if Alexander had thought as Holstenius means he would doubtless
Epiphanius mentions in Hares Arian It was written by Constantine after the Nicene Synod and it contains the punishment of those that would not recede from Arius's wicked tenets For at the close of that Epistle the Emperour commands that if they be persons of the ordinary rank they shall pay tribute for ten heads besides their own Poll-money But if they be descendants of the Curiales or Noble-men they shall be delivered to the Court and made liable to bear the publick Offices of the Decurions This Letter therefore was like an Edict and so ought to be publickly read and promulged Vales. a The greatest part of this Epistle is extant in the first book of Theodorets Ecclesiastick History chap. 20. it is entire in Latin in Baronius at the year of Christ 329 as Justinian the Emperour sent it to Pope Vigilius Vales. a Sozomen relates the same story in his first book chap. 22. but in such a manner that 't is sufficiently apparent he had it out of Socrates's History For Socrates tells the whole story more fully and elegantly And after he has told it says he had it from a credible person who lived in the times of the Nicene Council But Sozomen begins this relation thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. It s reported that the Empeour c. Nor does he confirm it by any persons authority Besides Sozomen has in a manner stole the very words of Socrates making some small alterations and interpositions as Plagiaries usually do But this story seems to me very improbable upon many accounts First because it is founded on the autority of no ancient writer Secondly neither Socrates nor Sozomen do say of what City Acesius was Bishop which was very necessary to confirm the story Thirdly it is not at all likely that an Heretical Bishop should be summoned by Constantine to an Ecclesiastick Synod For if Constantine had sent for Acesius in order to the restoring of Peace and Agreement to the Church upon the same account he ought to have summoned the Bishops of other Heresies also to the Nicene Council Lastly what Socrates says to wit that he had this story from a very old man who was at the Synod seems to me altogether incredible This persons name was Auxano a Novatian Presbyter who was at the Synod with Acesius and lived untill the reign of Theodosius Junior as Socrates says chap. 13. of this book Now from the Nicene Synod to the beginning of Theodosius's reign there are 83 years To which if you adde 20 for so old Auxano must needs be when he was present at the Council Auxano must necessarily be above an hundred years old when he told Socrates this story Let the Reader judge therefore at what rate the testimony of a decrepid old Heretick is to be valued Vales. a The Florent M. S. addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Sub-Deacons and so the reading is in Sozomen book 1. chap. 23 where he tells this story concerning Paphnutius where also what we said before is apparent to wit that Sozomen borrowed from Socrates For he that addes to anothers relation shews evidently that he wrote last Vales. b Rufinus out of whom Socrates had the former story which he tells in this chapter concerning Paphnutius says not a word of this speech of Paphnutius see his first book Eccles. Hist. chap. 4. But he relates that Paphnutius was one of the Bishops in the parts of Egypt and that he was present at the Nicene Council * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in a place where the Ascetae lived concerning whom and their course of life see Euseb. Ecclesiast Hist. book 2. chap. 17. note a. book 7. chap. 32. note c. in the second Alphabet Vales. a By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means the Protectores Domestici or Guards of the Body which waited on the Emperours person They were Souldiers of a superiour order who also had greater pay then the others See Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcellin book 14. pag. 33. b We perfected this place by the assistance of the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS For in the common Editions of Socrates after these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hosius Bishop of Corduba followed these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vito and Vincentius But those incomparable M. SS exhibited this place entire to us after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. Hosius Bishop of Corduba in Spain I do believe as it is before written Vito and Vincentius Presbyters of Rome c. This is the series of the Bishops who subscribed the Nicene Council which Socrates transcribed from Athanasius's Synodicon as he himself attests hereafter In the Greek collections of the Canons this series is wanting nor is it extant in Dionysius Exiguus's Version But in that ancient collection lately published at Paris which the Western Church heretofore made use of before Dionysius's Version and in Isidorus's collection this series occurs almost in the same words In that ancient collection the words are these Et subscripserunt Osius Episcoâ—us civitatis Cordubensis Provinciae Spaniae dixit ita credo sicut superius scriptum est Victor Vincentius Presbyteri urbis Romae Alexander Alexandriae magna Alphâ—cration c. i. e. And they subscribed Osius Bishop of the City Corduba in the Province of Spain said I believe so as it is above written Victor and Vincentius Presbyters of the City of Rome Alexander of Alexandria the great Alphocration c. The words in Isidorus's Collection are almost the same But in Athanasius's Synodicon Eustathius Bishop of Antioch and Macarius Bishop of Jerusalem are placed after Alexander Bishop of Alexandria Vales. c Athanasius makes mention of this Vito the Presbyter in His Apologetick against the Arians and attests that a Roman Synod consisting of fifty Bishops by whom he was received into communion was convened in his Church Vales. d In the Latine collections of the Canons Harpocration is stiled Bishop of Naucratis and next to him is set Adamantius Cynopolites or Cynensis as it is in that forementioned ancient collection Vales. e This book of Athanasius's is not now to my knowledge extant But 't is probable that the names of the Bishops who subscribed the Nicene Council were translated out of that book Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term that occurs here imports the notation or express declaration of the time usually prefixt before publick Acts. In the Greek collection of the Canons which Joannes Tilius first published the notation of the time is prefixt thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. The Canons of the 318. Holy Fathers convened at Nice in the Consulate of the most illustrious Paulinus and Julianus on the 636 th year from Alexander on the nineteenth day of the month Desius before the thirteenth of the Calends of July Vales. g It is otherwise in the Greek collection which Tictius published see the foregoing note For 't is said that the Synod was convened on the
an inquiry when and where they were condemned Baronius says they were condemned and deposed in the Nicene Synod But this is contradicted by S t Jerom's autority who in his Dialogue against the Luciferiani does in express words attest that Eusebius and Theognius with other Bishops of the Arian faction were admitted of by the Nicene Synod And this he proves both from the testimony of those that were present at the Synod and also from the very Acts of the Nicene Synod in which amongst the names of those Bishops who subscribed the Synod Eusebius and the others I have mentioned are reckoned The same is attested by Philostorgius who says that Eusebius was banisht about three months after the Nicene Synod Since therefore Eusebius and Theognius do confess themselves to have been condemned by the Bishops and since 't is manifest that was not done in the Nicene Synod it must necessarily have been done in some other meeting of the Bishops The reason of their being exiled Constantine does declare in his Epistle to the Nicomedians the latter part whereof see in Therodoret Eccles. Hist. book 1. chap. 20. For he says that he banished them because they entertained certain Hereticks whom he had commanded to be sent to his Court from the City Alexandria and held communion with them Baronius at the year of Christ 329 thinks these Hereticks were Melitians But I do rather believe they were Arians and this is expresly affirmed by the Egyptian Bishops in their Synodick Epistle which Athanasius has recorded in his second Apology against the Arians For this reason therefore Constantine ordered a Synod of some Bishops to be convened by whom Eusebius and Theognius were condemned and deposed after which the Emperour banished them This is expresly affirmed by Athanasius in his book De Synodis and by Theodoret book 1. chap. 19. Eccles. Hist. Vales. d Christophorson and Musculus omitted these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without having our cause declared or defended in their Version They occur in Sozomen book 2. chap. 16. and Epiphan Scholasticus has rendred them thus Duâ—um quidem ante judicium condemnati à Reverentiâ— vestrâ patienter ferrâ— quae decreta sunt a sancto vestro concilio debuimus i. e. Having been sometime since condemned by your Reverence before judgment we ought patiently to bear what is decreed by your holy Council By these words Eusebius seems to intimate that he was condemned without being heard and by a rash judgment or prejudice to wit because the Emperour had condemned him before who was angry with Eusebius for several reasons which you may meet with in Constantine's Epistle to the Nicomedians see Theodoret Eccles. Hist. book 1. chap. 20. Vales. e The meaning of these words is this If we then satisfied your holy Council to wit the Nicene and perswaded it to think that we had just cause for our being unwilling to subscribe the Anathematism now we fully compleat our consent and are ready to subscribe as well the Anathematism as the form of the Creed You see how much the adding of these two words then and now would enlighten this place Vales. * Arius f That is attributed here to the Bishops which had been done by the Emperour For the Emperour not the Bishops had recalled Arius from his exile But writers do usually speak thus assigning that to the Bishops which was the Emperours deed and on the contrary that to the Emperour which the Bishops did So Socrates said above that the Nicene Synod forbad Arius to enter Alexandria whenas this was the Emperours doing as appears from his Epistle Vales. a Socrates as also Sozomen Mistakes here in placing Alexander's death and Athansius's Ordination after Eusebius's and Theognis's return from exile For Alexander Bishop of Alexandria dyed within five months after the Council of Nice as Athanasius testifies in his second Apology against the Arians where he speaks of Melitius The same says Theodoret in the first book of his History chap. 26. Alexander therefore dyed in the year of Christ 325. and Athanasius was Consecrated either at the latter end of the same year or in the beginning of the next Vales. b See Rufinus's Eccles Hist. book 1. chap. 14. where Rufinus adds this circumstance to this story that the boys upon Alexanders enquiry confessed some Catechumens had been Baptized by Athanasius whom they had chosen Bishop in their sports Then Alexander having demanded of those said to be baptized what questions they had been asked and what answers they made and also having examined him who had asked them the questions found that all things had been done according to the rites of our Religion and after a confult with his Clergy 't is said he ordered that those boys on whom water had been poured after they were perfectly questioned and had returned compleat answers should not be rebaptized c. See Rufinus at the book and chapter now cited a That is the Festivals for his having arrived to the twentieth year of his Empire b This place which was corrupted and obseured by an ill distinction we have illustrated and restor'd by blotting out the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which particle is not to be found either in the Florent or Sforti M. S. our correction is also confirm'd by Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version who thus translates the passage Et denominatam Constantinopolim appellari secundam Romam lege firmavit Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was set or placed it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was exposed or erected This emendation is confirmed by Epiphan Scholasticus's Version Vales. d The Strategium was a publick edifice wherein the Strategi i. e. the Duumviri the two principal Magistrates that heretofore governed the City Byzantium were wont to sit It is mentioned in the old description of the City Constantinople which is prefixt before the Notitia Imperii Romani Vales. * See Esaâ— 1. 8. where the Septuagint Version is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in our English translation is thus worded as a lodge in a Garden of Cucumbers which rendition does exactly agree with the original Hebrew a Socrates borrow'd this story out of Eusebius's third book of Constantin's Life chap. 33. But mistakes in saying that the Church which was built over our Saviours Sepulchre by Helena or rather by Constantine was call'd New Jerusalem For Eusebius says no such thing but he only alludes to the new Jerusalem which is mentioned in Saint John's Revelations See our notes on Euseb. Life of Constant book 3. chap. 33. Vales. b Philostorgius does report that the people us'd to come to this Pillar with their Tapers and worship it which is very strange and almost incredible but Theodoret does by his authority confirm it in the first book of his Ecclesiastick History and the last chapter Vales. a Christophorson and Musculâ—â— thought that these words were transposed they read them as appears from their Version thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Emperour
〈◊〉 together with some others But the reading we follow to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with some Presbyters is better which is confirmed by Epiphan Scholasticus Vales. b Perhaps he means the Iberians concerning whose conversion Socrates has spoken before Vales. c In Leo Allatius's M. S. and in Athanasius the reading of this place is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Ye who seem to have a greater estâ—em for the holy mysteries of his clemency Epipâ—anius Scholasticus read this passage thus also as appears from his version where instead of We who seem c. it is ye who seem c. which is confirmed by the Flâ—rent M. S. Vales. a In Athanasius's second Apology this man iâ— called Arbetion But it must be read with a diphthong thus Arbaetion For 't is a Greek name derived from Arbaâ—us of which name there was a Consul in Constantius's reign as I have observed in my notes on Amm. Marcellin Vales. a Athanasius in his book de Synodis says that this Asterius sate in the Church amongst those that were of the Clergy and recited his books in publick Vales. b In the Allat M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to write against him So Epiphan Scholast seems to have read Vales. c This book of Marcellus's was intitled de subjectione Christi concerning Christs subjection as Hilarius informs us in the fragment of his book de Synodis Vales. a Socrates does here follow Rufinus who says that Arius after the Synod at Jerusalem returned to Alexandria and a little after that when his devices would doe no good there was recalled to Constantinople by Eusebius But all this is false as we intimated before in regard Arius died long before the Jerusalem Synod Vales. b Rufinus book 1. chap. 12. Eccles. Hist. from whom Socrates borrowed this words this passage thus sub altari jacens lying under the altar Sozomen tells the same story book 2. chap. 29. Vales. a In Leo Allatius's M. S. or in Theodorus Lectors Tripertite History this place is worded thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and together with his excrements his fundament slid secretly down and that termed by Physitians the Apephâ—hesma fell immediately through his fundament which was followed by a great flux of bloud and his small guts ran out together with his spleen and liver Which passage is in my judgment incomparably well expressed Nor do I doubt but Socrates wrote thus 'T is certain Epiphanius Scholasticus does in part confirm this reading Also in the Ssortian M. S. it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 slid secretly down instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fell down Vales. * Or every tenth year of his Empire b It should not be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. in the Eastern parts And a little before it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same name with his Grandfather as it is in the Allat M. S. But the vulgar reading is tolerable For the Greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used not only to signifiy him who gives his name to another but in respect to him also who takes his name from another So Socrates does usually stile Constantinople 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a City that took its name from Constantine Vales. a Concerning this gift which Constantine by his will bequeathed to the Elder-Rome our Eusebius is a witness in his 4 th book of Constantines Life chap. 63. Vales. b Socrates borrowed this out of Rufinus book 1. Eccles. Hist. chap. 11. But this story seems to me very improbable For who can believe that the Emperour Constantine who then had many Bishops about him for so Eusebius says expresly as also Grandees and great Officers should make choice of one Presbyter an unknown person for his name is always concealed to whom he might commit the keeping of his Will when he died Wherefore I had rather follow Philostorgius here who says that Constantine delivered his Will to Eusebius of Nicomedia by whom he had been baptized a little before Vales. * Chap. 25. of this Book a Musculus and Christophorson have rendred this place thus ne Imperatores Antistetes reliquiis apostolorum destituerentur that the Emperours and Prelates might not be deprived of the Apostles reliques But I cannot approve of this Version For Constantine had deposited no reliques of the Apostles in that Church I would therefore rather translate it thus that the Emperours and Prelates there to be buried might not be far inferiour to the Apostles reliques but might be affected with the same degree of honour with them Which interpretation Eusebius confirms in book 4. chap. 40. Concerning the Life of Constantine Vales. b Socrates mistakes here For in the consulate of Felicianus and Titianus which was the year of Christ 337 on the eleventh of the Calends of June i. e. on the 22 d of May the fourth year of the 278 th Olympiad was current Which may be demonstrated by most evident reasons But Socrates seems to have made use of a corrupt Copy of Eusebius's Chronicle wherein the year of the Olympiad was erroniously set But at this place of Socrates we ought rather to read The third year For Socrates says that this first book of his History contains the space of One and thirty years For he begins from the beginning of Constantines Reign who as he says reigned One and thirty years The beginning of his Reign he places on the first year of the 271 Olympiad as we saw before Now from this year to the second year of the 278 th Olympiad there are but thirty years including therein the two terms Wherefore there must necessarily be a mistake in this place of Socrates Vales. * That is to make a new Edition of c. a Our Eusebius has given the same title to Paulinus Bishop of Tyre at the beginning of the tenth book of his Ecclesiastick Hist. whose Example Socrates here follows Who this Theodorus was to whom Socrates dedicated his History is uncertain For I cannot think that Theodorus Bishop of Mopsuestia is here meant Vales. * That is the faith that professed Christ to be of the same substance or essence with the Father a This place is imperfect and faulty It may be made good not incommodiously thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but they understood that they could not effect this if Athanasius should return Vales. b Christophorson rendred these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus Imperatoris satellites the Emperours guards which is ill translated For by this term all the Palatini are meant not only the Protectores the domestici and the rest of the Scholares see Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcellin pag. 31. c. but the Ministeriani and Scriniarii also For this was termed the Palatine Milice Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is in Athanasius's second Apologetick against the Arians Caesar Baronius in his Annalls Dionysius Petavius
in his Rationarium Temporum Blondellus in his book de Primatu Ecclesiae and others do relate that Athanasius was recalled from banishment in the year of Christ 338 to wit the year after Constantines death who perceiving the foresaid prelate to be pressed on every side by the calumnies of his adversaries had for a time banished him into the Gallia's But I do maintain that Athanasius was restored in the year of Christ 337 when Felicianus and Titianus were Consuls in that very year wherein Constantine died which I can make evident as I suppose by a most demonstrable argument For Athanasius in his second Apology against the Arians pag. 805. relates that he was released from his banishment and restored to his Country by Constantine the younger who also wrote a Letter in his behalf to the populace and Clergy of the Alexandrian Church This Letter as Socrates does here so Athanasius there recites the inscription of it is this Constantinus Caesar to the people of the Catholick Church of Alexandria The subscription of this Letter is thus dated at Triers the fifteenth of the Calends of July As well the inscription as subscription of this Letter does attest what I say to wit that Athanasius was released from his exile soon after the death of Constantine the Great in the year of Christ 337. For if he had been restored on the year following then Constantine the younger would not have called himself Caesar but Augustus Nor would Athanasius have been restored by Constantine the younger but by Constantius to whom was allotted the Eastern part of the Empire Wherefore in regard Constantine stiles himself only Caesar in that Letter and since Athanasius attests that he was restored by Constantine the younger 't is apparent that that was done before the sons of Constantine the elder were by the Souldiers proclaimed Augusti For upon Constantines death there was a certain interregnum and the Roman world continued without an Emperour almost three months untill the brethren who under the name of Caesars Governed divers Provinces had met together in order to their making a division of the whole Roman Empire Constantine died on the eleventh of the Calends of June and on that very year there were three Augusti proclaimed to wit Constantinus Constantius and Constans on the fifth of the Ides of September as it is recorded in the Old Fasti which Jacobus Sirmondus published under the false name of Idatius This is that which Eusebius writes in his fourth book of Constantines Life chap. 71 to wit that Constantine retained his Empire after his death and that all Rescripts and Edicts bore his name as if he had been yet alive For this reason therefore Constantine the younger stiles himself Caesar only in his Letter to the Alexandrians in regard he was not yet proclaimed Augustus For the Letter was dated on the fifteenth of the Calends of July But he was created Augustus together with his brethren on the fifth of the Ides of September Moreover at that time whilst the brothers were stiled Caesars only Constantinus Junior was the chief in Authority because he was the eldest brother See Valesius's first book of Ecclesiastick observations on Socrates and Sozomen chap. 1. * Place a Socrates mistakes here and all those that follow him in placing the death of Alexander Bishop of Constantinople on the Consulate of Acindynus and Proclus in the year of Christ 340. In the second book of my Ecclesiastick Observations upon Socrates and Sozomen The Learned Reader will meet with Valesius's Ecclesiastick Observations on Socrates and Sozomen at the close of Valesius's second Volume of the Greek Ecclesiastick Historians he may find this matter discussed at the first chapter of the second book of those Observations I have by most evident arguments demonstrated that Alexander Bishop of Constantinople died in the Reign of Constantine the Great and that Paul succeeded him during the Reign of the said Constantine Baronius who places Alexanders death on the year of Christ 340 does manifestly contradict himself For he says that the Synod of the Bishops of Egypt which was summoned to confute the calumnies brought against Athanasius by the Eusebian faction was convened in the year of Christ 339. But those Bishops do expresly attest in their Synodick Epistle that at that very time Eusebius had left Nicomedia and had lept into the Constantinopolitan See 'T is needless to quote the words of that Epistle here in regard they are produced by Baronius himself at the year of Christ 340. Now if Eusebius had gotten the See of Constantinople in the year of Christ 339. Alexander must necessarily be supposed to have been dead before this year Vales. b This person was afterwards promoted to the degree of Presbyter under Paul Bishop of Constantinople and accused his own Bishop as Athanasius relates in his Epistle ad Solitar Vales. * Parts †That is those that owned Christ to be of the same substance or essence with the Father c There were two Churches of this name in Constantinople the one called the Old the other the New Irene as it is recorded in the Life of Paul the Constantinopolitan Bishop which Photius relates in his Bibliotheca Moreover the Old Church called Irene was contiguous to the Great Church which was afterwards named Sophia nor had it separate Clergy-men but the Clergy of the Great Church by turns ministred in that Church The Emperour Justinian informs us of this in the third Novell In the old description of Constantinople which is prefixt before the Notitia Imperii Romani this is called the Old Church and 't is placed in the second ward of the City together with the Great Church The Church Irene to wit The New Irene is recounted in the seventh ward of that City Socrates hath made mention of The Old Irene in his first Book chap. 37. It is termed the Church of Saint Irene after the same manner that the Church Sophia is called Saint Sophia not that there was a Virgin or Martyr called by that name Vales. a The Allatian M. S. inserts some words here after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. and having through Eusebius's own ambition removed him from Nicomedia he constituted him Bishop of the Great City Constantinople Vales. * That is he means Constantiu◠and Constans sons to the Emperour Constantine the Great who had a little before this been proclaimed Augusti Constantine the other son of Constantine the Great was now dead See chap. 5. of this book a The particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged here and the whole clause read in this continued form having considered with himself how he had been circum vented that he might subscribe Athanasius's deposition For Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem had together with Paul and the rest subscribed Athanasius's deposition in the Council of Tyre In regard of his sorrow for doing this he refused afterwards to be present at the Council of Antioch as Sozomen relates in his
is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his that is Sabinus's Arch-heretick Vales. g The amendment of this place we owe to the Allat M. S. wherein t is thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would instead of these reproaches c. Vales. a Socrates as also Sozomen is mistaken here For Paulus was by Philippus Praefect of the Praetorium banished not to Thessalonica but to Cucusus and was there strangled by the Arians as Athanasius informs us in his Epist. ad Solitar But these things hapned a long while after this to wit when Constans Augustus was dead in the year of our Lord 350 or 351. as Baronius will have it who long since perceived this errour of Socrates's Further 't is easie to confute Socrates out of Athanasius For Athanasius relates that Philippus after he had banished Paulus and caused him to be cruelly murdered by the Arians was within less than a year deposed from his Prefecture deprived of his goods and ended his life miserably Now Philippus was Consul in the year of Christ 348 and on the year following he bore the Office of Praefect of the Praetorium as may be collected from the Laws extant in the Theodosian Code directed to him The same Philippus was after this sent Embassadour by Constantius to Magnentius a little before the fight at Mursa as Zosimus relates in his second book Which hapned in the year of Christ 351. Let us therefore suppose that Philippus died on the year following which was the year of Christ 352. Then Paulus might have been banished by him in the year of Our Lord 351 which is Baronius's opinion And from this year Macedonius's presidency over the Constantinopolitan Church must be begun Vales. b At this place there was wanting this whole line 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 through which Paulus was carried into the Imperial Palace which I have made good from the Florentine and Sfortian M. S. In Leo Allatius's M. S. there is something more added here after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. They had flockt about the publick Bath being gathered together there by the report of a suspicion because the people environed all the passages out he ordered one of the Bath doors to be opened thorough which Paulus was conveyed into the Imperial Palace c. Vales. c How Philippus could banish Paulus to Thessalonica I see not For Socrates relates these things as done whilst Constans was yet living and before the Council of Serdica But at that time Thessalonica was under the Government of Constans Augustus How therefore could Philippus who was Praefect of the Praetorium to Constantius banish Paulus to Thessalonica and permit him to live in the Cities of Illyricum but wholly forbid him entring into the Eastern parts of the Empire Vales. * See Euseb. Eccles. History book 6. chap. 43. note e. pag. 113. †Churches d This Great-Church was consecrated by Eusebius Bishop of Constantinople he that before had been Bishop of Nicomedia if we may credit Cedrenus For at the ninth year of Constantius he writes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. And Eusebius consecrated the Church of God called the Great Church which was finished by Constantius according to the order of Constantine the Great in his Will And he brought the reliques of the holy Martyr Pamphilus and those of his companions Theodulus Porphyrius and Paulus from Antioch and deposited them therein But Cedrenus mistakes in his notation of the time For if this consecration were performed by Eusebius of Nicomedia it must be placed on the third or fourth year of Constantius at which time Eusebius governed the See of Constantinople The same Cedrenus relates that this Church being afterwards ruined and reedified by Constantius was consecrated by Eudoxeus Vales. * Constantine the Great a Socrates does here confound all things and repeats the same things twice as if they had been done again For he says that Athanasius fled to Rome twice The same is asserted by Baronius in his Annalls by Petavius in his Rationarium Temporum and by Blondellus in his book de primatu But we have sufficiently refuted this mistake in our first book of Ecclesiastick Observations chap. 6. Socrates makes the same mistake in his asserting that Paulus Bishop of Constantinople came twice to Rome Moreover Julius received Eusebius of Nicomedia's Letter before that Council of Antioch which was held at the consecration of the New Jerusalem as we remarked before And at the same time he invited Athanasius and his adversaries to Rome in order to the discussion of their cause as 't is manifest from Athanasius's relation Vales. b The Bishops who had been convened at Antioch at the consecration having received Julius's Letter written to Eusebius of Nicomedia in which he invited him and the rest of the Eusebians to Rome in order to the having their cause discussed there on a set day whereon a Council was there to be held deteined Julius's messengers Elpidius and Philoxenus beyond the day appointed Then after they had held their Synod they dismissed the messengers and gave them a Letter to Julius Upon receipt whereof he wrote back that famous Letter which Athanasius hath inserted in his second Apology against the Arians pag. 739 c. Edit Paris 1627. Vales. c He means the Synodical Epistle which the Bishops of Egypt wrote to all the Bishops every where which is inserted in the first place by Athanasius in his forecited Apology pag. 722. Edit ut prius Julius speaks concerning this Synodical Epistle in that letter he wrote to the Eastern Bishops convened at Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover many Bishops says he wrote from Egypt and from other Provinces in defence of Athanasius Vales. d I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he blamed not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he sent S r Henry Savil hath mended this place in the margin of his Copy and made it agreeable to our reading In the Allat M. S. this place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. in the first place he found fault with the bitterness of their Epistle This Letter of Julius's is still extant preserved for us by Athanasius in his second Apology against the Arians pag. 739 c. Edit ut Prius In that Letter Julius reprehends the insolency and pride which the Eastern Bishops had used in their Letters to him But that which Socrates here adds to wit that Julius complained because they had not invited him to the Synod and that it was the Ecclesiastick rule that nothing should be determined in the Church without the Bishop of Rome's consent is not to be found in that Letter Indeed Julius complains in that Epistle because the Eastern Bishops upon their receipt of his Letter wherein he invited them to the Synod at Rome disregarding this his invitation had ordained Gregorius Bishop in Athanasius's See But he says not one word concerning this Ecclesiastick Rule or Canon And yet Sozomen chap. 3. book
the neighbouring Bishops to a Synod without the permission of the Bishop of Caesarâ—a Vales. b Socrates speaks here concerning the Ordinations performed by Athanasius in Egypt For he says that was done after he arrived at Pelusium which is the first City of Egypt to those that come out of Syria If this be so that opinion can no ways be maintained which some now a days assert to wit that all Ordinations as well of Bishops as of Presbyters throughout Egypt belonged to the Bishop of Alexandria But we have sufficiently refuted this opinion in our Third Book of Ecclesiastick Observations published at the close of our Annotations on Socrates and Sozomen Vales. * Constantine the Great The emendation of this place which is very corrupt in Robert Stephens's Edition we own to the Allat M. S. where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. But you must know that together with them reigned their Cousen-german whose name was Dalmatius of the same name with his own Father See Socrat. book 1. chap. 27. note g. The Florent and Sfortian M. SS alter not the Vulgar reading here But the reading of the Allat M. S. is evidently confirmed by Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version Only he calls Dalmatius Constantiuâ—'s Cousin-german by the mother's side But Dalmatius was Constantiuâ—'s Cousin-german by the Father's side for he was son to Dalmatius Constantine the Great 's Brother Vales. b Eutropius relates the same Dalmatius Caesar says he Haud multò post oppressus est factione Militari Constantio patruele suo siâ—â—nâ—â— potius quà m jubente i. e. Not long after Dalmatius Caesar was slain by a faction of the Souldiers Constantius his Cosin-german by the Father's side suffering rather than commanding it Vales. * See Socrat. book 2. chap. 5. c He means the fight by night between the Romans Persians at Singar a sortress of Mesopotamia wherein the son of Sapor King of Persia was slain but the Romans had a very great slaughter made amongst them as Amm. Marcellinus relates book 18. pag. 122. Edit Paris 1636. See Our Annotations on that passage pag. 1â—6 This Engagement hapned in the year of Christ 348 when Philippus and Salias were Consuls as Idatius relates in his â—â—stâ— Vales. * Or crept up by the Souldiers means d In the Greek the reading is Constantius had a Sister's Son c. But it must be Constantine had c. For Nepotianus was Son to Eutropia Constantin's Sister as Victor tells us in his Epitome and as we are informed by Eutropiuâ— Epiphanius Scholasticus's reading agrees with our emendation but he mistakes in calling Nepotianus â—ratruâ—lem Constantâ—ni i. e. Constantin's Brothers Son in regard he was his Sisters Son Vales. a The same is recorded in Idatius's Fasti in these words Sergio Nigriniano Coss. his Consulibus Constans occisus est in Galliis à Magnentio levatus est Magnentius die 15. Kal. Februar Et Vetranio apud Sirmium Kal. Martii Eo anno Nepotianus Romae tertio Nonas Junias â—t pugna magna suit cum Romanis Magnentianis i. e. Sergius and Nigrinianus being Consuls Constans was slain in the Gallia's by Magnentius and Magnentius was set up on the 15 th of the Kalends of February And Vetranio at Sirmium on the Kalends of March. On the same year Nepotianus also at Rome on the third of the Nones of June And there was a great battel between the Romans and Magnentians The same is recorded in the Alexandrian Chronicle but there these passages are placed on the Consulate of Limenius and Catullinus when as they hapned on the year following Which was the year of Christ 350. Vales. * Or Nigrianus b Constantius was long before Emperour of the East But when Constans was dead who Governed the Western Empire he was by the Souldiers stiled Emperour of the whole Roman world Vales. c In the Florent M. S. this Towns name is written with a double s thus Cucussus Vales. d Olympius was Bishop of Acnum a City of Thracia Theodulus was Bishop of Trajanople as Athanasius attests in Epist. ad Solitar He mentions the same Bishops in his Apologetick de Fuga Sua pag. 703. But these passages are preposterously related by Socrates For they were not done before the Magnentian war as Socrates says but when that war was ended in the year of Christ 356 as Baronius hath truly remarked Vales. e This person has a great elogue given him in the Alexandrian Chronicle at the Consulate of Sergiuâ— and Nigrinianus which commendation was taken out of some Semi-Arian writer Athanasius doth every where speak sharply concerning this Leontius His crafty disposition is incomparably well described by Theodoret book 2. chap. 24. Eccles. Histor. Vales. a In Atbanasius the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they banished But in the Florent and Sfortian M. SS the reading which I like better is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he banished To shew that this is to be understood of Sebastianus the Captain of Egypt who then adjudged matters in a detestable course Moreover all these things are as I have said related in a preposterous manner by Socrates in regard they were done in the year of Christ 356. Vales. b The reading is the same in Athanasius But in Theodoret book 2. chap. 14. where this passage of Athanasius's is inserted the reading is They murdered Vales. c The same is recorded in Idatius's Fasti after the Consulate of Sergius and Nigrinianus in these words His Coss. Levatus est Constantius Caesar Id. Martii apparuit in Oriente Signum Salvatoris die 3. Kal. Februar Lunae 28. i. e. During these mens Consulate Constantius Gallus was created Caesar on the Ides of March and the Sign of our Saviour appeared in the East on the third of the Kalends of February on the 28 th of the Moon But the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle says this Sign was seen in the East on the Nones of May about the day of Pentecost To whom agrees Cyrillus Philostorgius and Cedrenus And Socrates seems to confirm the same in this place For he saith that this Sign appeared in the East when Gallus Caesar entred Antioch Now Gallus was created Caesar on the Ides of March as besides Idatius the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle doth affirm Vales. * That is Sirmium a It is not agreed amongst the Learned in what year the Synod of Sirmium wherein Photinus was deprived of his Bishoprick was held Socrates and Sozomen affirm it to have been celebrated after the Consulate of Sergius an Nigrinianus in which year by reason of the disturbances caused by the Civil War there were no Consuls in the East but in the Western parts Magnentius Augustus was Consul with Gaiso Baronius in His Ecclesiastick Annalls asserts that that Synod was convened in the year of Christ 357 when Constantius Augustus was the Ninth time Consul and Julianus Casar the Second time But Dionysius Petavius First in his Animadversions on Epiphanius and
Secondly in his dissertation de duplici Synodo Sirmiensi doth by most evident arguments demonstrate that the year of that Synod is truly assigned by Socrates after the Consulate of Sergius and Nigrinianus which was the year of Christ 351. I know Jacobus Sirmondus hath written two books wherein he has endeavoured to maintain Baronius's opinion against Dionysius Petavius But in regard he himself did not publish those books that is an evidence sufficient that at length he acknowledged his own opinion to be false Vales. b The Bishops here named by Socrates sate not in that Synod of Sirmium which was convened against Photinus after the Consulate of Sergius and Nigrinianus in the year of Christ 351 but in that other Synod which was convened there when Eusebius and Hypatius were Consuls in the year of Christ 359 a little before the Council of Ariminum which Latter Synod at Sirmium did also set forth that draught of the Creed which was afterwards recited at Ariminum before which the Consuls names were perfixt And this is evidently made out by Germinius in his Epistle to Valens which is recorded in Hilarius's Fragments and by Epiphanius in Heres Semiarian In the former Sirmium-Synod assembled against Photinus the Eastern Bishops only were present this is attested by Hilarius in his book de Synodis and by Vigilius Bishop of Tapsis in his Fifth Book against Eutyches Vales. c Georgius was not at this time viz. after the Consulate o◠Sergius and Nigrinianus Bishop of Alexandria For he was created Bishop there in the eighth Consulate of Constantius Augustus and in the First Consulate of Julianus Caesar which was in the year of Christ 356. Wherefore he could not sit in the former Sirmium Synod which deposed Photinus in the year of Christ 351. The same must be said of Hosius also who at that time lived under Magnentius's jurisdiction nor was he as yet banished to Sirmium Vales. * See chap. 14. of this book d Theodorus continued to be Bishop of Heraclea in Thracia in the year of Chist 356 as it is manifest from Athanasius's Circular Epistle to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya pag. 290 which Epistle Athanasius wrote in the year of Christ 356 after Georgius's entrance into the See of Alexandria Wherefore Hypatianus must necessarily have been made Bishop of Heraclea after the year 356. Sozomen hath made mention of the same Hypatianus book 6. chap. 7. Eccles. Hist. Vales. e Socrates here means by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Ludi Circenses which the Consuls exhibited at their entrance upon their Consulate which by the Latines is termed Consulatum dare Some Consuls besides the Ludi Circenses entertained the people with Scenical Plays and with hunting of wild beasts in the Amphitheatre Vales. f At this place we follow the Sfortian M. S. in which Copy this passage is more fully exprest thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. But those Bishops who staid behind c. Incomparably well in my judgment Indeed that draught of the Creed which was published in the Synod of Sirmium against Photinus is approved of by Hilarius in his book de Synodis as being Catholick but Athanasius in his book de Synodis Arimini Seleuciae condemns and rejects it in the same manner with the other Creeds composed by the Arians Nor do Hilarius and Athanasius disagree with one another concerning this one form of the Creed but about other draughts of it also for example about the Antiochian draught For Hilarius confesseth that the Eastern Bishops had good reason to compose new forms of the Creed when new Heresies arose against the Church But Athanasius doth maintain that those new draughts of the Creed were craftily composed by the Arians with a design to destroy the Nicene Creed Further that this place of Socrates instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that which was not best for all men I had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that which was not gratefull to all men And so I have rendred it Vales. * Or other explanations concerning the Faith a Socrates and with him Sozomen is here doubly mistaken First because he supposed that there were three forms of the Creed drawn up in the Synod of Sirmium against Photinus whereas there was one form only composed in that Synod which besides Socrates is recorded by Athanasius pag. 900. and by Hilarius in his book de Synodis 338. Edit Paris 1631. Secondly in regard he asserts that that form of the Creed which was published in the Greek tongue at the Synod of Sirmium against Photinus was dictated by Marcus of Arethusa Marcus of Arethusa did not dictate that form I have mentioned but another before which the Consuls names were prefixt and which was afterwards recited at Ariminum as Nicholaus Faber hath already observed in the Preface he wrote to Hilarius's Fragments from Germinius's Epistle We must therefore distinguish between the three Synods of Sirmium each of which published their form of the Creed The first was convened against Photinus in the year of Christ 351. The second was assembled in the year of our Lord 357 wherein the Blasphemie of Hosius and Potamius was composed The third was celebrated when Eusebius and Hypatius were Consuls in the year of Christ 359 wherein that Creed was drawn up which Marcus of Arethusa dictated Vales. b Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other two or two more as it is in the Allat M. S. For Socrates here recounts three draughts of the Creed composed at Sirmium the two latter whereof he saith were written at first in Latine and afterwards translated into Greek Which in my judgment is not true I grant indeed that that Creed which by Hilarius is termed Hosius's Blasphemie was at first published in Latine But the other which had the Consuls names prefixt before it was undoubtedly at first dictated in the Greek tongue For he that dictated it viz. Marcus of Arethusa and the rest of the Bishops then assembled were almost all Graecians Lastly the subscriptions of the Bishops who subscribed this form are extant in Greek in Epiphanius in Hares Semiarian Vales. c Without doubt it must be Ariminum not Sirmium which reading Epiphan Scholasticus followed as appears from his Version See chap. 37. of this second book Vales. * Ephes. 3. 15. * Are not d Hilarius seems to have read otherwise For in his book de Synodis where he records this Creed he renders this passage thus fiquis c. and if any one affirming one God but shall not profess Christ to be God the Son of God before ages c. Vales. †Enlarged * Esai 44. 6. †John 1. 14. e In the Allat M. S. and in Athanasius's book de Synodis this Anathema is thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. and we have rendred it accordingly after the same manner Hilarius read this passage as from his Version appears Vales. †Gen.
1. 26. f This whole Anathematism was omitted here it occurs in Athanasius's and Hilarius's Copy of this Creed and therefore we inserted it Vales. The Learned Reader will find it in Robert Stephens Edit also †Gen. 19. 24. g This Anathematism is differently worded in all the Authours we have seen wherein this Creed occurs Valesius says that he has published it according to the reading of the Florent and Sfortian M. SS which Copies we have followed in our English version where it is thus worded in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading in Robert Stephens is different from this and so is that in Athanasius pag. 901 where 't is thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Hilarius has translated otherwise as appears from his Version at pag. 339. Edit Paris 1631. His words are these Siquis dominum dominum patrem filium quasi dominum a domino intelligat quia dominum dominum duos dicat deos Anathema sit Thus variously is this Anathematism represented The Learned Reader may take the liberty as we have done to follow which Copy he pleases h We follow the reading in Hilarius and in Athanasius where it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Sodom In Robert Stephens the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For neither did he descend into the body * Psal. 110. 1. †See John 14. 16. i Here we follow the reading in Athanasius which is thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For the Father was not forced c. which reading is confirmed by Epiphanius Scholasticus and by Hilarius Vales. * 1 Cor. 11. 3. k Athanasius has the same words in his book de Synodis Arimini Seleuciae where after he had inserted this foregoing Creed he adds these words concerning this which follows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Having rejected all these things as if they had invented better they promulge another Creed which they wrote at Sirmium in Latine but it was translated into Greek But Hilarius recording this Creed in his book de Synodis prefixes this title before it Exemplum Blasphemiae c. A Copy of the Blasphemy composed at Sirmium by Hosius and Potamius Which title Hilarius made himself and deservedly calls this Creed Blasphemy Who this Potamius here joyned with Hosius was Marcellinus Presbyter informs us in the Supplicatory Libel which he presented to the Emperour Theodosius Where amongst the corrupters of the Divine and Apostolick Faith after Arius he in the first place names this person his words are these Potamius Odyssiponae civitatis Episcopus c. i. e. Potamius Bishop of Lisbon was at first a Defender of the Catholick Faith but afterwards induced by the reward of a Farm belonging to the Emperours Revenue which he was very desirous of be corrupted the Faith Hosius of Corduba amongst the Churches in Spain detected this man and repelled him as being an impious Heretick But even Hosius himself summoned before the Emperour Constantius by the complaint of this Potamius and terrified with threats was fearfull being old and rich of banishment or proscription and so yielded to the impiety Vales. l These three words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the rest occur not in the Latine Copy of this Draught of the Creed But they are extant in Athanasius and in all our M. SS Copies Hence 't is manifest that many Bishops were at that time convened at Sirmium Indeed Phoebadius Bishop of Angolesm in France in the Epistle he wrote against this Draught of the Creed does expresly affirm that it was published in a Synod of Bishops The same is sufficiently confirmed by Athanasius in the forequoted place Lastly in regard Hilarius in his foresaid book does attest that this Creed after it had been dictated at Sirmium was forthwith sent to all the Eastern and Western Bishops to be approved by them he evidently shews it to have been dictated in a Synod Nor can the Draught of a Creed be any where dictated but in a Synod of Bishops Further that Germinius here mentioned was Bishop of Sirmium put into Photinus's See upon his being ejected in the year of Christ 351. Nicolaus Faber in his Preface to Hilarius's Fragments says that this Germinius had before been Bishop of Cyzicum which I do not believe That place in Athanasius in his Epist. ad Solitar pag. 860 where he reproves the Emperour Constantius because contrary to the Ecclesiastick Canons he would send obscure fellows born in remote countries to be Bishops in the Cities deceived that Learned man Athanasius's words there are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. So he sent Gregorius from Cappadocia to Alexandria And Germinius was by him sent from the City Cyzicum to Sirmium From Laodicea he sent Cecropius to Nicomedia From these words of Athanasius it cannot be concluded that Germinius had been Bishop of Cyzicum before Otherwise the same must be said concerning Gregorius and Cecropius that the latter had been before Bishop of Laodicea and the former in Cappadocia which in regard 't is evidently false in these two cannot be said of Germinius This Germinius was preferred to the Episcopate of Sirmium by the Arians because he was a most eager defender of their opinion This we are informed of by Athanasius in his circular Letter to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya pag. 290. Vales. m In the Allat and Sfortian M. SS and in Epiphanius's Version these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and God occur in Athanasius and Hilarius they are wanting Vales. * John 20. 17. †Rom. 3. 29 30. †Substance or Essence †That is of the same Substance or Essence * That is of like Substance or Essence ‖ Esai 53. 8. †See John 14. 28. †Matth. 28. 19. n In Athanasius it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he might teach Vales. * See chap. 29. note b. o Epiphanius in Hâ—râ—s Photinian relates that Photinus after he had been condemned and deposed in the Synod of Sirmium for so the reading must be not in the Synod of Scrdica went to Constantius and requested that he might dispute concerning the Faith before Judges by him nominated and that Constantius enjoyned Basilius Bishop of Ancyra to undertake the disputation against Photinus and gave leave that Thalassius Datianus Cerealis and Taurus who were Counts should be Judges or auditours of that disputation Amongst these Thalassius was the chief person in favour and authority with the Emperour as Zosimus tells us in his second book And was sent Prefect of the Pretorium into the East together with Gallus Caesar in the year of Christ 351. He died in the year of our Lord 353 in the sixth Consulate of Constantius Augustus and in the second of Gallus Caesar as Amm. Marcellinus relates book 14. Therefore the Synod of Sirmium and the disputation of Basilius against Photinus cannot fall on the year of Christ 357 as Baronius asserts Besides Epiphanius says further that in Basilius's disputation against Photinus Callicrates was
a Notary who had before been Notary to Rufinus Prefect of the Praetorium Now Rufinus was Prefect of the Praetorium in the Gallia's in the sixth Consulate of Constantius Augustus and in the second of Gallus Caesar as Amm. Marcellinus tells us book 14. But two years before he had been Praefect of Illyricum Now in the year of Christ 357 Anatolius not Rufinus bore the Praefecture of the Praetorium in Illyricum Further it may be evidently concluded from Germinius's being made Bishop that the Synod of Sirmium against Photinus wherein Photinus was ejected out of his Bishoprick was not held in the year of Christ 357. For Germinius was Bishop of Sirmium before Georgius intruded himself into the See of Alexandria upon Athanasius's Ejectment as Athanasius relates in the Circular Letter he wrote to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya at such time as Georgius was in possession of the Alexandrian See Moreover Georgius entred upon the See of Alexandria in the beginning of the year 356 as it is evident from the protestation of the Alexandrians which is extant at the close of Athanasius's Epistle ad Solitar Seeing therefore Germinius was Bishop of Sirmium before the year of our Lord 356 Photinus also whom Germinius succeeded must necessarily have been deposed before this year Athanasius in Epist. ad Solitar pag. 860 where he recounts the ordinations of extraneous persons made by Constantius does in the first place mention Gregorius's Ordination then Germinius's and Cecropius's afterwards Auxentius's and at last Georgius's Amongst these persons Gregorius was made Bishop of Alexandria in the year of Christ 341. Germinius succeeded Photinus in the Episcopate of Sirmium in the year 351 after he had been sent for by Constantius then residing at Sirmium as Athanasius relates in the fore-quoted place which the Latine Translatour has rendred ill On the same year Cecropius was made Bishop of Nicomedia as it may be concluded from the foresaid passage in Athanasius Lastly Auxentius was preferred to the Bishoprick of Millaine in the year of our Lord 355 and on the year following Georgius thrust himself into the See of Alexandria Vales. p In the Allat M. S. it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he wrote Books which reading is confirmed by Epiphanius Scholasticus's version Vales. †That is in Greek and Latine q Socrates borrowed this passage out of Athanasius's book de Synodis Arimin Seleuciae But herein he mistakes viz. what Athanasius had said concerning the third form of the Creed drawn up at Sirmium before which the Consuls names were prefixt Socrates attributes to the second composed by Hosius and Potamius The place in Athanasius is extant at pag. 904 but in regard of its length we forbear quoting the words here Petavius in his Animadversions on Epiphanius pag. 318. has followed this mistake of Socrates's Vales. a I noted before that Hosius's banishment to Sirmium and the form of the Creed drawn up by him are here preposterously related by Socrates For Hosius's lapse hapned in the year of Christ 357. as Baronius has truly observed Vales. * Signâ— a In the Allat M. S. this place is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Monto seleucus Epiphanius Scholasticus terms it The mountain Seleucus We have the site of this place in the Jerusalem Itinerary Vales. b It is something otherwise in Idatius's Fasti thus in the sixth Consulate of Constantius and the second of Constantius Gallus Magnentius killed himself in the Gallia's at Lyons on the third of the Ides of August and Decentius brother to Magnentius hanged himself on the fifteenth of the Kalends of September In the Alexandr Chronicle the year of Magnentius's death is falsely set down but the day is noted to have been on the fourteenth of the Ides of August Vales. a I corrected this place by the assistance of the Allat M. S. of Sozomen and Cedrenus In the Allat M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He slew them because they had acquainted the Emperour with his deâ—ign Sozomen's words book 4. chap. 7. are almost the same But Epiphanius our M. SS Copies and the Alexandrian Chronicle retain the Vulgar reading to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He that is Gallus having not acquainted the Emperour with his design of slaying Domitianus c. Vales. b Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into Gallia the reading in the Allat M. S. is truer which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into Italy which reading we have followed in our Version Vals c Julius Bishop of Rome died on the twelfth of April when Constantius Augustus was Consul the fifth time and Constantius Caesar the first time which was the year of Christ 352 after he had sat Bishop fifteen years one month and eleven days as it is recorded in the Antient book concerning the Roman Bishops which is published together with Victorius Aquitanus's Cycle Vales. * Book 1. chap. 38. a Who these Ephecticks were we may know from Diogenes Laërtius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Philosophers says he were generally divided into two sorts some were termed Dogmatici who discoursed concerning things as they might be comprehended others were called Ephectici who define nothing and dispute of things so as they cannot be comprehended See Diogen Laërt in Proëm de Vit. Philos. pag. 10. Edit Colon. Allobrog 1616. of these Ephecticks whom we may in English call Doubters the Scepticks were one Species b In the original the term is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unbegotten which is used instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without a beginning wherefore we have rendred it accordingly Vales. * That is one that believes there is no God †Or methods of arguing c In the Allatian M. S. instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Haeretical opinion the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that contentious and verbose way of disputing but Epiphanius Scholasticus follows the vulgar reading and so does Suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he transcribes this passage of our Socrates Vales. a We meet with the same number in Sozomen book 4. chap. 9. But 't is scarce credible that so great a number of Bishops should have been convened at this Council of Millaine I should rather think that the copies of Socrates and Sozomen were false and that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three hundred it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thirty In the Epistle of the Council of Millaine sent to Eusebius Bishop of Vercellae there are the names of thirty Bishops only who consented to the condemnation of Athanasius Marcellus and Photinus Amongst whom some Eastern Bishops are recounted as you may see in Baronius at the year of Christ 355. Vales. b Paulinus Bishop of Triers was not present at the Council of Millaine but at that of Orleance which had been convened two years before in the year of Christ 353. See Baronius Vales. c The reading is the same in Sozomen book 4. chap. 9. But Baronius has long since remarked that
very good coherence with the preceding sentence I conjecture that this place was transposed in the Latine Copies Therefore next these words a passage would be opened to the poisons of Hereticks those in my judgment are to be placed which follow a little after in this manner Constantine being present in this Consult in regard after a searching disquisition c. unto these words our Lord Jesus Christ. To which are to be subjoyned these Therefore Ursacius and Valens c. Vales. n At chap. 20 of this book note a. we have remarkt many things concerning this first Synod of Millaine wherein Ursacius and Valens having presented a Libel of satisfaction condemned the Arian Heresie The said persons confirm the same in another Libel which they presented afterwards to Julius Bishop of Rome at Rome in these words Haereticum vero Arium c. sicut per priorem nostrum Libellum quem apud Mediolanum porreximus nunc semper anathematizasse profitemur Vales. †Maimings * Understanding p These words are spoken against Ursacius and Valens and their followers who daily promulged new forms of the Creed hereby demonstrating that they had no certain Faith as Athanasius frequently objects against them Vales. * Taken away q Here I followed the Greek Translatour of this Epistle and corrected the Latine Copy For in Hilarius's Fragments the common reading of this place is this Ne vel permittat Clementia tua jura vetera convelli that Your Clemency would not permit the ancient Laws to be reversed In the M. S. Copy which Sirmondus had seen the reading is ne vel aliquid permittat clementia tua injuriam veterum convelli Whence we smelt out the true reading which we have exprest in our Version Vales. r Here the Greek translatour was grievously out for instead of credulity he has rendred it cruelty Vales. * Or have s The Greek Translatour of this Letter makes use of the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Divinity here but in Athanasius 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sanctity It is improbable that the Bishops should have said The Divinity of the Emperour Vales. t This Letter of Constantius's together with the answer of the Bishops at Ariminum is extant in Athanasius's book de Synodis near the close of it Vales. * Or perform u Socrates is here mistaken For Liberius was not banished and Felix the Deacon put into his See after the Synod of Ariminum but long befoâ—e in the year of Christ 356. Vales. * That is Ursacius's party x In the Kings M. S. which copy Robert Stephens followed and in Robert Stephens's Edition there are several words wanting in the text at this place we have made up this Chasme frâ—â—â—he 〈◊〉 and Sfortian M. SS after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. embraced the Arian opinion and was preferred to that Bishoprick But there are some who affirm that he was not addicted to the Arian opinion but was by force Moreover Baronius maintaines that Felix the Deacon preserred by Acacius to Liberius's See never was an Arian but was defiled with the communion only of the Arians Theodoret affirms the same in the second book chap. 17. of his Eccles Hist. And so does Sozomon book 4. chap. 11. Vales. y The Embassadours of the Synod of Ariminum who were sent to Constantius having been corrupted by Ursacius and Valens held a Council at Nice a Town of Thracia on the sixth of the Ides of October in the Consulate of Eusebius and Hypatius In which Council they in the first place rescinded the sentence of Excommunication which the Ariminum Bishops had pronounced against Ursacius Valens and the rest and pronounced them to be and always to have been Catholicks Then they published an Haeretical Form of the Creed Part of their Acts are extant in Hillarius's Fragments pag. 452 c. where are recounted 14 names of those that were Embassadours Vales. a This place is in an especial manner to be taken notice of For from it we conclude that the Bishop of Constantinople had even then a right of ordaining throughout Hellespont and Bithynia before the Council of Constantinople was held The same is confirmed from the Acts of Eudoxius Bishop of Constantinople who made Eunomius Bishop of Cyzicum Indeed the Bishops of Byzantium had a very great addition of authority and power from the time that the Emperour Constantine gave that City his own name and ordered it should be equal to the Senior Rome Also Eusebius of Nicomedia after his translation to that See brought no small increase of jurisdiction to it For he was the most potent Prelate of his own times Further the Reader is to take notice that the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lying near to Constantinople so Epiphanius Scholasticus reads it Unless we should say that the words are transposed here as it frequently happens in these books and that the place is thus to be construed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Macedonius in Constantinople subverted the neighbouring Provinces c. Vales. * See chap. 16. of this book †That is the Bishop of the Novatians * That is the Bread and Wine in the Eucharist †Or Chests b Polybius says the same in the fourth book of his History and Strabo in his sixth book to wit that Ceras is a Bay near Byzantium so termed from its likeness to an Harts horn But Pliny calls a promontory by this name scituated in that Bay To whom agrees Amm. Marcellinus book 22. pag. 212. Edit Paris 1636. which place because the common reading of it is very corrupt and is not yet mended in our Edition shall be here set down by me as it ought to be read thus promontorium Ceras praelucentem navibus vehens constructam celsius turrim quapropter Ceratas appellatur ventus inde suctus oriri praegelidus i. e. and the promontory Ceras on which stands a Tower built very high which gives light to the ships wherefore that extream cold winde which usually arises from thence is termed Ceratas Thus I have corrected this place having followed the footsteps of the written reading for the common reading which is this promontorium Ceras pralucentem navibus vehens constructam celsius turrim quapropter pharos appellatur vetus inde fons Euripuâ— pragelidus The Authour whereof was Petrus Castellus is without any sense It was the usage of the ancients to name the winds from those places whence they blew Thus the Athenians called the North-west wind Scironites because it blew from the promontory Sciron as Strabo relates After the same manner therefore that wind was by the Constantinopolitans called Ceratas which blew from the promontory Ceras Vales. c In the Allat M. S. and in Epiphanius Scholasticus this old man is called Auxonius But at the beginning of this chapter and in Socrates's first book he is named Auxano From this Auxano Socrates seems to me to have had all the stories throughout
of the piety of our Emperour does exactly agree with this Creed is a thing manifestly known to those who have read that Creed Then follows another Chapter after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I doubt not but the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to which subscribed i. e. To which they who were present subscribed Basilius Marcus Georgius Bishop of Alexandria Pancratius Hypatianus and most of the Western Bishops Vales. c In the Florent and Allat M. SS as saies Vales. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have exprest in our Version But Valesius follows the other reading which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it had the knowledge of before d Nay long before Cyrill the Donatists appealed from the determination of the Council of Orleans For thus the Emperour Constantine speaks concerning them in his Epistle ò rabida furoris audacia Sicut in causis Gentilium solet appellationem interposuerunt i. e. O the outragious audaciousness of fury As 't is usually done in the cases of the Heathens they have put in an appeal Vales. e These two lines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a general consent they might paâ—s a definitive sentence against the persons accused For they had cited some other persons besides that were accused were at this place wanting in the common Editions we have inserted them from the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS To which agrees Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version But Christophorson made up the chasme at this place very unhappily by conjecture whence it appears that he had no Manuscript Copies of Socrates but various readings only gathered from the Margins of Printed Copies Vales. f This persons name should be Uranius not Ursacius so he is called in Athanafius's book de Synod Arimin Seleuciae pag. 880. which name also Epiphanius Scholasticus gives him as does likewise Epiphanius in Haeres Semiarian who names him among the Bishops that subscribed the Acacian Creed Vales. g In the Florentine and Allatian M. SS this person is named not Theodorus but more truly Theodulus For that is his name in Athanastus Epiphanius and Philostorgius When this Theodulus had been divested of the Bishoprick of Chaeretapi in the Council held at Seleucia he was afterwards ordained Bishop of Palestina by the Eunomians as Philostorgius relatet Concerning Leontius of Tripolis you may meet with many passages in Philostorgius Vales. h Into his See they put one Philippus a Presbyter of Scythopolis as Epiphanius attests in Haeres Semiarian Vales. * Or by making their defence i It should be but one word thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So the Greeks term the Libels of protestation or protests which were usually deposited with the Acts. We meet a form of one of these Libels at the close of Athanasius's Epistle ad Solitarios I suppose that two Libels of protestation were delivered by the Council one to Leonas the Comes another to Lauricius President of Isauria Vales. a In the Old Fasti put forth by Jacobus Sirmondus under the name of Idatius there is this Record concerning this thing Eusebio Hypatio his consulibus primum processit Constantinopoli praefectus Vrbis nomine Honoratus die tertio Idû◠Decembris i. e. in the Consulate of Eusebius and Hypatius a Praefect of Constantinople was first made his name Honoratus on the third of the Ides of December Vales. b Before the Emperour Constantius had made a Praefect of the City at Constantinople the Province Europa the chief City whereof was Constantinople was governed by a Proconsul as Socrates here attests Athanasius mentions this Proconsul in his Apologetick de Fugâ suâ not far from the beginning where he says that the Emperour Constantius wrote Letters to Donatus the Proconsul against Olympius Bishop of Thracia In the Emperour Constantius's Epistle also which he wrote to the Senate and Constantinopolitan-people concerning the praises of Themistius there is mention of this Proconsul at the close of that Epistle Vales. c That is the Greed which had the Consuls names praefixt Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So this place is worded in the Original What the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were I have long since explained in my notes on Amm. Marcellinus to wit the Bodies or Sodalities of Officials or Apparitours who attended upon the Presidents and Governours of Provinces It was their duty to collect the tribute from the Inhabitants of the Provinces and to put in execution the Presidents Orders Further as they who had listed themselves in the Camp-milice stood obliged by a Military-oath and enjoyed not a compleat liberty but were bound in a servitude as it were till such time as they were disbanded as Suidas declares in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so those Officials who followed the City-milice were bound to this employment as it were and lyable to the Offices of their Milice and their Farms as well as those of the Decurions were incumbred with these burdens as 't is apparent from the Theodofian Code Vales. e In the Alexandrian Chronicle seventy two Bishops are said to have been present at the Constantinopolitan-Synod in the year of Christ 360. Vales. * Or who is the only begotten born the only of the only Father c. * Substance f In Athanafius's book de Synodis pag. 906 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nor ought c. to which agrees the Version of the Latine Translatour Which is also confirmed by Athanasius himself in the same book pag. 905 the place we will quote by and by Vales. a Satala was a Town in Armenia of which there is frequent mention amongst the Antients But in Macedonia no mention is made of a City of this name by the Ancients Wherefore I judge that instead of Macedonia it should be Armenia here in the Greek Text. Vales. a Sozomen book 4. chap. 24. says 't was at Neocaesarea Vales. b These words of Socrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those who had an aversion for or detested the Churches are not to be understood of all those who declined the Churches but they must be joyned to the foregoing words and are to be meant of those persons who by Eustathius's perswasion had separated themselves from the converse of their wives Eustathius perswaded these men to avoid the Churches assemblies and not to communicate with other believers but that being as it were pure and perfect they should participate of the sacred Mysteries by themselves at home See what Epiphanius has related concerning this Eustathius in his Hareâ—â—e of the Aâ—riani and Basilius in his Epistles Vales. c I am not of Socrates's opinion who makes the Synod of Gangra wherein Eustathius was condemned to have been after that assembled at Seleucia and after the Constantinopolitan-Synod Sozomen book 4. chap. 24. makes the Synod of Gangra to be ancienter than the Council of Antioch which was held at the Dedication in the year of Christ 341. Indeed Baronius at the year of Christ 361. places the Synod
stiles Magnus See his note * Or Jovinus's †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as big as would fill a mans hand ‖ Emperour * Nicomedia was destroyed by an Earthquake in the consulate of Dacianus and Cerealis about the 28 th of August See Socrates book 2. chap. 39. a Basilius was made Bishop of Câ—sarea in Cappadocia in the year of Christ 369 as Baronius has rightly observed But Socrates seems to make Basilius's promotion to that Bishoprick somewhat ancienter For in his account at this place of those affairs that were transacted in Valentinianus's and Valens's second Consulate which was the year of Christ 368 he does acknowledge that Basilius was then Bishop of Caesarea and Gregorius of Nazianzum But as to Gregorius Socrates is manifestly mistaken For he was not at that time made Bishop of Nazianzum by Basilius but of Sasimi which Bishoprick he notwithstanding never entred upon as he himself attests in his Epistles But in his Verses concerning his own Life he evidently complaines of Basilius who when as he had sixty Bishopricks under him had preferred him to the Church of a pittifull little Town although he himself was nothing inferiour to Basilius Vales. a Baronius at the year of Christ 365 reproves Socrates because he places this Embassy of the Macedoniani to Liberius Bishop of Rome the chief of which was Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia on the year of Christ 368 in which year Valentinianus and Valens were the second time Consuls Baronius thinks 't was sent in the year of Christ 365 and grounds his opinion on these two arguments especially First Eustathius with his companions was sent Embassadour by the Synod of Lampsacus Now that Synod was convened in the year of Christ 365 seven years after the Seleucian Synod as Socrates attests 'T is certain the Embassadours in their Libel of Faith which they presented to Liberius do expresly profess that they were Legates from the Synod of Lampsacus and that they brought the Letters of that Synod to Liberius Secondly if this Embassy of the Macedoniani were sent on the year of Christ 368 it would not have been sent to Liberius but to Damasus For Liberius died on the year of Christ 367 in the Consulate of Lupicinus and Jovinus and on the same year Damasus entred upon that See But the Macedonian Embassadours presented a Libel of their Faith to Liberius and from the same Liberius received Letters to the Prelates of their own party as Socrates relates in this chapter This Embassy therefore was not sent in the year 368. These are Baronius's arguments But I would rather place this Embassy on the year of Christ 367 and will determine hereof against Baronius upon this account Baronius confesses that Elpidius Presbyter of Rome was sent together with Eustathius and his companions to the Illyricum Synod the Synodick Letter whereof Theodoret has recorded book 4. chap. 9. Eccles. Histor. But the Illyricum Synod at which Elpidius and Eustathius of Sebastia were present was convened in the year of Christ 367 or 368 as appears from the inscription of that Letter which the Emperour Valentinianus wrote to the Bishops of Asia that he might confirm that Synod For that Imperial Letter has this title Valentinianus Valens and Gratianus Augusti to the Bishops c. as you may read in Theodoret book 4. chap. 8. Now Gratianus was proclaimed Augustus by his Father in the Consulate of Lupicinus and Jovinus on the ninth of the Calends of September as besides Socrates Idatius in his Fasti and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle do declare Therefore if the Illyricum Synod hapned on the same year whereon the Macedonians Embassy was sent the Macedonians Embassy must necessarily be placed on the year of Christ 367 in which year Liberius died in the beginning of September Eustathius therefore might go to Liberius in June and receive Letters from him in August Now I am of opinion that the Illyricum Synod was held on the same year in the month of September which Synod Valentinianus the Emperour confirmed after Gratianus was created Augustus Vales. b Socrates should have said The Alamanni rather than the Sarmaâ—â— For at this time Valentinian was detained in the Gallia's by reason of his War against the Alamanni Towards the end of his Reign he went into Illyricum in order to his engaging in a War against the Sarmatae Vales. * Or Repentance c The studious Reader may observe from this place that Eustathius Silvanus and Theophilus after they had spoken concerning many Synods to wit of that at Lampsacus of that at Smyrna and of others held in Lycia Pamphylia Pisidia and Isauria do now say that they came as Legates from one Synod and that they brought the Letters of one Synod For these are their words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From which Synod we being employed as Legates do bring a Letter The reason why they exprest themselves thus is because the Smyrna Synod and those other Synods which were held by the Macedonians in Pisidia Isauria Pamphylia and Lycia had been composed according to the pattern and likeness of the Synod at Lamâ—sâ—â—us and had exprest their Faith and Doctrine as being the original Draught Upon which account all these Synods are by the Macedonian Legates taken for one Synod and the Letters of each of those Synods which Socrates has a little before told us were brought by those Legates are taken for one and the same Letter because they contained one and the same Doctrine of Faith I made this remark because in Christophorson's Version all things are here confused and altered Epiphanius Scholasticus has rendred this place much better Vales. d Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Epiphan Scholast reads and accordingly we have rendred it Vales. * See Socrates book 2. chap. 19. note g. e In my judgment it should be thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. which we have expressed in our Rendition For they Anathematize not only that Form of the Creed which had been recited in the Ariminum Council but the Acts also at Nice in Thracia See Socrates book 2. chap. 37 neer the close of that chapter to which being brought to Constantinople the Bishops induced thereto by sraud had subscribed as if they had been the Acts of the Nicene Synod Vales. f In the Florent and Sâ—orâ—ian M. SS this persons name is constantly written thus Autho. So he is also called in Epiphanius Scholasticus In Christophâ—rson's Version 't is Aÿtho with three Syllables Invermet with this name in all my reading Perhaps it should be Aâ—tho Vales. g The words of Italy must be expunged Epiphan Scholasticus acknowledges them not or else it must be thus worded Liberius Bishop and the Bishops of Italy and those in the West c. For thus Liberius distinguishes the Bishops of Italy from the rest of the Western Prelates in the beginning of this his Letter in these words both to our slenderness
and also to all the Bishops in Italy and in the Western parts Nor is it otherwise exprest in the Libel of Faith which the Legates presented to Liberius Vales. h It must undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it may be referred to the foregoing word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Letters And thus Epiphanius Scholasticus and Langus Nicephorus's Translatour read it It would doubtless have been foolish to term antient Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 persons illuminated with the light of Faith as if they had been some Neophytes or late Converts to the Faith Vales. i Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it would be better thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Nicene Synod hitherto So in the Libel of Faith presented to Liberius by the Legates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which having been established in the holy Nicene Synod hath hitherto always continued intire and unshaken So Musculus and Christophorson read this place Vales. k It should not be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is your Legates themselves For Liberius means the Libel of Faith which the Macedonian Legates had presented to him In which Libel the Legates profess that as well those persons by whom they had been sent did constantly retain that Creed which had heretofore been set forth at Nicaea as also that they themselves did and always would observe and keep to the same Creed Masculus and Christophorson supposed that by these words the Nicene Fathers were meant than which nothing is more absurd Langus led them into this mistake who in his Version of Nicephorus has rendred this passage in relation to the Nicene Fathers Epiphanius Scholasticus more truly supposed that hereby the Macedonian Legates were meant which is apparent from his Version Vales. * See Gen. 14. 14. where we find that the number where with Abraham routed the four Kings forces was three hundred and eighteen being all his own servants l The erroneous punctation in Rob. Stephen's Edition deceived Christophorson For he renders it thus Cum jurejurando adhibito subscripsistis to which Transactions You Your Selves by taking an Oath have subscribed Langus and before him Epiphanius Scholasticus have rendered it truer thus Quibus vos perjurâ—o capti subscripsistis to which you beguiled by perjury have subscribed In the Macedonians Libel of Faith 't is said in express words that the Bishops being imposed upon by Fraud and Perjury had subscribed the Creed set forth at Nice in Thracia For the Arians see note e. in this chapter after they had drawn up a Form of the Creed in a Synod held at Nice in Thracia swore that that was the Creed of the Synod of Nicaea Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by impudency and improbity †Or destroy * Or interceded with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term here used signifies in this place to decline or have an aversion for in which signification Lucianus uses it in Hermotimo Langus and Christophorson render it abhorrere to abhorre But Epiphanius unacquainted with this signification of the word has rendred it thus Sed quoniam omnes unanimes illius eum Sectae alterius â—atebantur But because all those of Eudoxius's Opinion confessed him to be of another Sect. Vales. This term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs 2 Tim. 2. 16. where in our English Version 't is rendred to shun b He means an order of the Prafects of the Praetorium For 't was usual that the Praefect of the Praetorium as often as he issued out any Edict should annex the names of the other Praefects of the Praetorium An instance whereof occurs both in the Gesta purgationis Ceciliani which are published after the Carthaginian Collation and also in Theodosius and Valentinianus's Novells There is a famous evidence of this thing in the antient Writer De Quaeâ—â—ionâ—buâ— veteris ac Novi Testament Cap. 97. Vales. * Or bear the blame of c. a The Emperour Valens had gone towards Antioch before But hearing of Procopius's defection whilst he was in his journey he was forced to come back as Amm. Marcellinus attests book 26. Baronius therefore finds fault with Socrates without cause For Socrates says not that Valens came to Antioch before but that he went towards that City which is certainly most true But Christophorsons Version seems to have been the cause of Baronius's mistake for he renders it thus Imperator Valens denuo Antiochiam ire maâ—urans the Emperour Valens hastning to go to Antioch again Vales. b Sozomen's account is truer who makes Eudoxius to have been Bishop but eleven years 'T is certain Eudoxius thrust himself into the Bishoprick of Constantinople when Eusebius and Hypatius were Consuls which was the year of Christ 359. He died in the third Consulate of Valentinianus and Valens in the year of our Lord 370. Wherefore at this place of Socrates in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nineteen it ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eleven which is confirmed by Epiphanius Scholasticus Wherefore Baronius does here also undeservedly reprove Socrates in regard not Socrates himself but the Copies of Socrates's History are here false Concerning Eudoxius's death consult Philostorgius book 9. Vales. c Sozomen tells us the same story in his Eccles. Histor. book 6. chap. 13. But Baronius at the year of Christ 370 reproves both these Historians For he maintains that Eustathius Bishop of Antioch was dead long before in Constantius's Reign Indeed Jerome in his book de Scriptor Ecclesiast does relate that Eustathius died in exile and was buried at Trajanople in Thracia to which place he had been banished If this be true Eustathius must necessarily have died in Constantius's Reign For Julianus and after him Jovianus recalled all the Bishops from exile It is indeed scaâ—ce credible that Eustathius Bishop of Antioch could live to these times For in regard he was at the Nicene Council which was held in the year of Christ 325 we may suppose him to have been then in the forty fifth year of his age From this year to the third Consulate of Valentinianus and Valens wherein Eustathius is said to have ordained Evagrius at Constantinople there are five and fourty years So that Eustathius must necessarily have been ninety years old if he ordained Evagrius Bishop in this year Further I must not omit what I have been informed of from Victor Tununensis's Chronicon to wit that Eustathius was not interred at Trajanople as Jerome relates but at Philippi For these are his words Post Consulatum tertium Longini c. After Longinus's third Consulate Câ—lendio Bishop of Antioch got together the reliques of his predecessour Eustathius Bishop and Confessour from Philippi in Macedonia and with great honour conveyed them to Antioch Theodorus Lector says the same in his second book Excerpt Histor. Ecclesiast Baronius does ill to place this translation of Eustathius's reliques on the year of Christ 482 in regard as 't is evident from Victor Tununensis's Chronicon 't
was performed in the year of our Lord 490 when Longinus II and Faustus were Coss. But what Theodorus Lector adds at that place to wit that the Eustathians who before had meetings by themselves were then at length united to the Catholicks an hundred years after Eustathius's death is in my judgment false For this being supposed Eustathius would have lived to the year of Christ 390. Vales. a This account disagrees both from what we have related before chap. 14. note c. out of Jerome and also from the relation of Theodorus Lector and Theophanes in his Chronicon For Jerome says that even in his age Eustathius lay buried at Trajanople whither he had been banished But Theodorus Lector and Theophanes relate that he was banished to Philippi and there buried That Eustathius therefore who was banished by Valens to Bizua must necessarily be a different person from Eustathius Bishop of Antioch Bizua is a City of Thracia heretofore the pallace of the Thracian Astorâ—s as Stephanus attests Eutropius mentions it in his sixth book where he speaks of Lucius Lucullus who subdued the Thracian Bessi Vales. * Or be might raise an irrational tumult of the multitude c. a Sozomen book 6. chap. 14. tells the same story where he calls this place Dacibyza and says 't is a Maritime-City of Bithynia Cedrenus also terms it Dacibyza But Theophanes gives it the name of Dacidiza Vales. b Concerning this Famine there is this Record in the Old Fasti with Sirmondus has published under the name of Idatius Valentiniano III and Valente III c. i. e. in the third Consulate of Valentinianus and Valens there was a great Famine in the parts of Phrygia Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it sometimes signifies a place where the reliques of some Martyr are deposited 'tis plain from what follows that by it our Authour here means a Church a Rufinus from whom Socrates borrowed this story book 2. chap. 5. Eccles. Hist. words this passage thus Infantem quoque parvulum secum trahentem cursuque rabido irrupto etiam officii agmine festinantem Leading her little child with her and making such great bast that she broke through the Praefects Guards This memorable fact of the woman of Edessa hapned on the year of Christ 371 or 372 as we shall see by and by Baronius has done ill to place it on the year of our Lord 370. Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus in the book and chapter just now quoted says she made such hast that she would not stay to shat her door nor dress herself in the usual garb that women appeared in in publick b After these words there were wanting in Robert Stephens's Edition these two whole lines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And whither draggest thou that little child said the Praefect the woman replied that he also may be voutsafed the honour of Martyrdom which I have inserted from the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS Epiphanius Scholasticus acknowledges them and so does Rufinus from whom Socrates borrowed this story Moreover from this place also 't is evident that Christophorson had perused no M. S. Copies of Socrates Vales. * Or. Th. a This whole scene of that unhappy Oracle which some Heathens had consulted that they might know who should succeed Valens in the Empire is at large set forth by Ammianus Marcellinus in his 29 th book But 't is difficult to assign the year whereon it hapned Baronius in his Annalls places it on the year of Christ 370. I am of opinion that it was acted in the year of our Lord 371 or at the beginning of the year 372. For Valens in the year of Christ 371 made his entry into Antioch at the end of Summer Gratianus II and Probus being Consuls as I have demonstrated in my notes on the foresaid book of Marcellinus partly from the Laws of the Theodosian Code and partly from Libanius's book concerning his own Life Now that Tragedy and Conspiracy of those wicked wretches against Valens hapned after his entry into the City Antioch as 't is manifest from Marcellinus Therefore it must necessarily happen at the close of the year 371 or at least at the beginning of 372. 'T is certain Theophanes and Cedrenus do place Valens's entry into Antioch on his eighth year But the same Theophanes does ascribe that conspiracy of those impious wretches who had consulted the Oracle concerning the future Emperour to Valens's ninth year Which agrees exactly with our opinion if we may compute Valens's first year from the Consulate of Jovianus and Varronianus Vales. * Or Th E O D. b In the Sfortian M. S. the reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another Theodosius Epiphanius Scholasticus also calls him Theodosius Who this Theodosius or Theodosiolus should be 't is uncertain For I cannot think it was that Theodosius father to Theodosius the Emperour of whom Ammianus makes frequent mention in his History For he lived in the West and was not slain by the fraud and treachery of malevolent persons till after Valentinianus's death And yet this Character added by Socrates a personage of great Valour and Courage a descendant of a Noble Family in Spain does exactly fiâ— him Vales. Athanasius's death a This Magnus is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Comes of the Court-Largesses in the Letter of Petrus Alexandrinus the person spoken of in this chapter part of which Letter Theodoret has recorded book 4. chap. 22. Eccles. Histor. * In the original he is termed Praefect of Alexandria which title was sometimes given to the Praefects of Egypt as it has been observed before * Or out of his bonds †Peter * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or which has the same import 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Wedding-chamber Dining-room or entertainingroom See Stephens's Thesaur Graec. Ling. in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Seventy two Translatours do use this term at Joâ—l 2. 16 and at Psalm 19. 5. to express the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chuppa which was a Tabernacle or Tenâ— set up on purpose for the performance of the solemnities usual amongst the Jews of betrothing between the man and woman a In the original 't is thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in so great an house Christophorson has rendred it in tantillo domicilio in so small an house But the Greek term will not admit of this rendition Wherefore I had rather it should be thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in your dwelling Vales. * See Socrates book 1. chap. 21. †Or ashamed or he refused ‖ Or a contemner * See Psal. 39. v. 1. * Or practise †Or Theorems or Expositions * Evagrius b Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Monk Epiphanius Scholasticus in his copy read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Monastick as 't is apparent from his Version Notwithstanding Nicephorus book 11. chap. 42 confirms the common reading But as to Evagrius's other book here mentioned he words the
harm And yet Rufinus Eccles. Histor. book 2. chap. 7. out of whom Socrates borrowed this story defends the common reading which we have followed in our Version And Jerome also does confirm this our reading in his Epistle to Castrutius Vales. a What Socrates says here is in my opinion false viz. that Basilius and Gregorius after they had finished the course of their Learned studies at Athens were hearers of Libanius the Sophista at Antioch Gregorius himself does refute this in his Poem concerning his own Life where he says that he was in the thirtieth year of his age when he left Athens and that his friends would have detained him at Athens that he might be a professour of eloquence the same is attested by Rufinus book 2. chap. 9. Eccles. Hist. but that he fled secretly from thence and went into his own Country Vales. * Or Rhetorick * Or quoted †Or the Office of a Deacon b Baronius says Basilius was prefered to the Bishoprick of Caesarea in the year of Christ 369 and this he attempts to prove from Gregorius Nyssenus's testimony Theophanes and Cedrenus in his Chronicon do place the beginning of Basilius's Episcopate on the ninth year of Valens which was the year of Christ 371. But the same Authours do affirm that Basilius was yet but a Presbyter in the eighth year of Valens See Theophanes's and Cedrenus's words at the said eighth year of Valens Gregorius Nazianzenus does confirm the sâ—me in his Oration de Laudibus Basilii Where he does attest in express words that Basilius was yet but a Presbyter only of the Church of Caesarea at such time as Valens guarded with a part of Heretical Prelates undertook an expedition against the Churches of the East which he hastned to deliver up to the Arians Moreover Valens undertook this expedition against the Orthodox on his own third Consulate that is on the year of Christ 370 as our Socrates does affirm compare the 14 th and 17 th chapters of this 4 th book Gregorius Nyssenus confirms this in his first book against Eunomius who had upbraided Basilius with fearfulness and pusillanimity where he describes Valens's preparations and expedition against the Churches in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Emperour went from Constantinople into the East pâ—ft up in his mind with the late successfull and fortunate Actions he had performed against the Barbarians That is after the War against the Goths and the League made with them Which hapned in the year of Christ 369. as Amm. Marcellinus attests Wherefore that expedition of Valens's to destroy Gods Churches hapned in â—ife year of our Lord 370 as I have now said Now that Basilius was then no more than a Presbyter his Brother Gregorius does in the same place inform us For he says that the Praeâ—ect of the Praetorium to wit Modestus at first made use of flatteries and promised Basilius a Praesulate and an Ecclesiastick presidency provided he would obey the Emperour Nyssâ—n's words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Therefore Basilius was not Bishop of Casarea at such time as Modestus endeavoured to pervert him Moreover Modestus first bore the Praefecture of the Praetorium when Gratianus â—I and Probâ—s were Coss. in the year of Christ 371 as I have remarkt in my notes on the 29 th book of Amm. Marcellinus pag. 380. It may also be proved by another argument that Basilius was preferred to the Episcopate of Caesarea after the year of Christ 370. For Nazianzon in the Funeral Oration which he wrote on him says that Basilius was but a Presbyter at such time as that Famine by far the â—orest of all the Famines that are mentioned to have hapned at any time hapned in Cappadocia Now this is the Famine which our Socrates mentions in the sixteenth chapter of this book it hapned in the third Consulate of Valentinianus and Valens Vales. c Gregorius Nazianzenus who is more to be credited in these things does attest in his Funeral Oration concerning the praises of Basilius that Basilius as yet but a Presbyter went into those parts with a design to oppose himself against the perfidiousness of the Arians Vales. d Socrates borrowed this out of Rufinus who in book 2. chap 9. Eccles. Histor. writes thus Gregorius vero apud Nazianzon c. But Gregorius being substituted Bishop in his father's stead at the Town Nazianzum faithfully â—ore the storm of the Hereticks And yet 't is manifest that Gregorius was not made Bishop but Coadjutor only to his own father Gregorius in the Episcopate of Nazianzum and upon this condition too that he should not succeed his father in that Bishoprick as he himself attests in his Eighth Oration and in his Poem concerning his own Life He was first constituted Bishop of Sasimi by Basilius the Great who had been the first Founder of this Bishoprick that he might assure that place to his own Church as Gregorius attests in the Poem concerning his own Life From thence he was translated to the Constantinopolitan See which he quickly left betook himself to Nazianzum and governed the Bishoptick of that place some while till such time as being wearied out with age and diseases he made choise of his own successour Jerome's account therefore is true whose words in his book De Script Ecclesiast are these Gregorius primùm Sasimorum deinde Nazianzenus Episcopus c. Gregorius Bishop first of Sasimi and afterwards of Nazianzum c. And 't is strange that although he governed three Bishopricks yet they were all doubtfull and uncertain 'T is plain that in his Epistles he himself does frequently deny that he ever presided over the Episcopate of Sasimi or ever performed any sacerdotal office there Neither Jerome his Scholar nor Rufinus do ascribe the Constantinopolitan Bishopâ—ick to him Lastly he delivered the Bishoprick of Nazianzum to another rather than governed it himself Vales. * That is Basilius and Gregorius e This account disagrees from what the two Gregorius's to wit Nazianzenus in his funeral oration and Nyssenus in his first book against Eunomius do relate concerning Basilius For they do attest that Basilius was not brought before Modestus the Praefect of the Praetorium at Antioch but that this was done in the City Caesarea Sozomen therefore Eccles. Hist. book 6. ch 16. has truly corrected Socrates's mistake here where he relates that Valens came from Antioch to Caesarea and ordered Basilius should be brought before the Tribunal of the Praefect of the Praetorium Further you must observe that Valens Augustus came to Caesarea twice and made an attempt to vanquish Basilius His first journey thither was when Basilius was no more than a Presbyter which as we have shown before was in the year 370. This is evidently confirmed by Sozomen in his sixth book When he came the second time thither 't is not certain But I conjecture it was on the year of Christ 371 or 372. Which I collect from Modestus's Praefecture which falls
on those years Nazianzenus distinguishes these two journeys of Valens's in his twentieth Oration pag. 346. of his works Edit Paris 1609. Vales. f Socrates took this out of Rufinus book 2. chap. 9. Eccles. Hist. But Gregorius Nyssenus in his first book against Eunomius says that Basilius stood before the Tribunal of Modestus the Praefect twice once when he was Presbyter and a second time when he was Bishop But Nazianzen makes no mention of Basilius's former examination Vales. g In Rufinus Eccles. Hist. book 2. chap. 9. this passage is thus worded utinam te non mutares I wish you would not have changed your self In which words Basilius reproves Modestus because from being a Catholick he was become an Arian that he might please the Emperour We are indeed told by Gregorius in his funeral Oration that Modestus was an Arian Vales. h Here Valentinianus Junior is called by another name as we have observed before chap. 10. of this book note a He was surnamed Galates because he was born in Galatia Further in regard Socrates does here term him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a young child our opinion which we have given in before is very much confirmed to wit that these things were done about the year of our Lord 371 or 372. For Valentinianus Junior was born in the year of Christ 366 as we have remarked before from which year to the year 372 are six years compleat So Valentinianus Junior called also Galates died at six years old For a child of that age is rightly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * So Rufinus says book 2. chap. 9. Eccles. Hist. * So Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 6. chap. 30. a At this place I have followed Nicephorus's authority and instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have amended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pontick dioecesis although our M. SS copies make no alteration here See Socrat. book 1. chap. 9. note s. Vales. * Or Epistles b Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning Origen it would be better thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in defence of Origen for he means Pamphilus's Apologetick in defence of Origen concerning which consult Photius in his Bibliotheca Vales. c In the Greek 't is thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Musculus renders thus Liber Gregorii quo Origenem commendavit Gregorius's book wherein he has commended Origen Christophorson translates it thus Oratio Gregorii in Crigenis commendationem conscripta Gregorius's Oration written in praise of Origen But I cannot approve of this Version for that Oration was not written by Gregorius Thaumaturgus in commendation of Origen but to return thanks to his master when he left his School Indeed Commendatory Letters are termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but there were never any Orationes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commendatory Orations Wherefore I doubt not but it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 although Nicephorus confirms the vulgar reading Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a Valedictory Oration as we have remarked in our notes on Euseb. Life of Constant. book 3. chap. 21. note a. Vales. a The Greeks usually term him Novatus whose right name was Novatianus Concerning whose Heresie you may consult Eusebius Eccles. Hist. book 6. chip 43 Epiphanius the Authour of the questions on the Old and New Testament and Theodoret. Vales. * Or Moralls †He means the Sacrament of the Lords Supper b Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is doubtless to be thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Questionless Socrates left it written thus and we have rendred it accordingly Vales. c The expression in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Musculus renders thus sicut fieri solet as it is usually done and Christophorson thus ut moris est as the manner is But I cannot approve of these Versions For the Grecian writers make use of not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie as it is usually done or as the manner is Wherefore I am rather of opinion that it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every inhabitant of the Provinces so Epiphanius Scholasticus read it For he renders it thus Singuli Provincialium c. Every Subject of the Provinces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which phrase Socrates has made use of a little before in this chapter where his words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Inhabitants of every Province having received such Letters as these Vales. * Or studiously exercised or followed * Novatus d The Novatians did boast that the Founder of their Sect was a Martyr and they wrote a book the Title whereof was The Martyrdom of Novatianus But this book which was stuft with Lies and Fables has long since been confuted by Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria in his sixth book against the Novatians the Excerptions whereof occur in Photius's Bibliotheca p. 1621. Edit David Hoeschel 1610. Moreover in those Acts of the Martyrdom of Novatianus Novatianus was not said to have suffered Martyrdom but only to have been a Confessour of the Faith of Christ. For the Authour of the Acts. says that of the eight Presbyters of the Roman Church who were under Macedonius Bishop of Rome seven offered sacrifice to Idols together with Macedonius and that only Novatus underwent an egregious Martyrdom of confession And that together with Novatianus three Bishops almost the only persons of the Western parts termed it a Martyrdom to wit Marcellus and Alexander Bishops of Aquileia and Agamemnon Bishop of Porta or rather of Tibur Who lived apart after that confession held assemblies with Novatianus and avoided their communion who had sacrificed to Idols A little afterwards they laid their hands on Novatianus and ordained him Bishop of Rome Vales. e This place is strangely corrupted Nor is this fault new but the copies were faulty even in Epiphanius Scholasticus's time for thus he renders it Hi vero qui ex eo nomen habuerunt ejusque fuere participes c. But those who had their name from him and were partakers thereof c. How Nicephorus read this passage in Socrates 't is uncertain in regard his Greek Text is at this place defective But Langus who had seen a Greek Copy of Nicephorus renders it thus Qui vero ejus nomine in Phrygia Censentur c. But those who are accounted of his name in Phrygia when by indulging themselves they had degenerated from his institutions and communion at this time altered the Paschal Festival also I say nothing concerning the other Translatours in whose Versions you will find nothing of soundness I am of opinion that the place by a small alteration is thus to be made good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is having an aversion even for that communion they were permitted to hold with the rest of the Catholicks in the celebrating of this Festival There is nothing more plain than this sense Before Valens's time the
Novatians in Phrygia kept Easter at the same time the rest of the Catholicks did After that they began to shun the communion and society of the Catholicks in this matter also Further although I do very much approve of Socrates's judgment who gives an account why the Phrygians more especially embraced the Novatian Heresie yet there may another reason be given hereof For Novatus or rather Novatianus was as 't is said by Country a Phrygian so Philostorgius asserts book 8. Wherefore 't is no wonder that he had many followers of his own opinion in that province Vales. * Or Fountains f I conjecture that this was long-lived Auxano a Presbyter of the Novatian Church whose testimony Socrates makes use of book 1. chap. 10 13. But we must not here omit Nicephorus's words concerning our Socrates he says thus book 11. chap. 14 Haec sibi renuntiata esse Socrates qui hoc loco non abhorrere se à Novatianorum institutis palà m prae se fert à sene quodam scribit c. Socrates who in this place plainly shews himself not to be a detester of the Novatian principles relates that these things were told him by a certain old man c. Notwithstanding I am not of Nicephorus's opinion Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under whom for that 's the reading in the Florent M. S. and in Nicephorus Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A very elegant term to signifie Scismatical assemblies and conventicles who are said to erect one Altar contrary to another Hence comes the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sort of Schism concerning which Basilius speaks in his Canonicall Epistle to Amphylochius de Baptismo Haereticorum Vales. c Amm. Marcellinus book 27. pag. 337. Edit Vales. calls it Sicininus's Pallace where says he there is a little private assembling place of the professours of the Christian Religion in which during the conflicts between Damasus's and Ursinus's parties there was in one day an hundred and thirty dead bodies found c. Read the Historians following words from the whole passage 't is plain how disorderly the Elections of a Bishop of Rome then were and at what an height they lived d Socrates borrowed this out of Rufinus book 2. chap. 10. Eccles. Hist. In that year whereon Ursinus raised his Schism Juventius not Maximinus was Praefect of the City as Amm. Marcellinus attests book 27. pag. 337. But in regard this Schism lasted many years 't is possible that Maximinus who was Praefect of the Annona might take cognizance of this business and torture some Ecclesiasticks as Rufinus relates This Maximinus was Praefect of the Annona in the seventh year of Valentinian as Jerome does assert in his Chronicon Marcellinus speaks much concerning this Maximinus in his 28 th book Vales. a Socrates has transcribed this following passage almost word for word out of Rufinus's book 2. chap. 11. Eccles Hist. For he observes the same order that Rufinus does after Damasus's ordination forthwith subjoyning Ambrosius's promotion But although Rufinus and Socrates have conjoyned these two Ordinations as if they had been made at one and the same time yet there was a great interval of time between each ordination For Damasus entred upon the Bishoprick of Rome in the Consulate of Lupicinus and Jovinus on the year of Christ 367. But Ambrosius was promoted to the Episcopate of Millain in the year of our Lord 374 in the third Consulate of Gratianus which he bore with Equitius as Baronius has observed from Saint Jerom's Chronicon Vales. * Or persons unworthy of praise †That is of the whole nation of the Sarmatae ‖ Or trample upon a We met with a double mistake here the one committed by Socrates's Transcribers the other by Socrates himself We have corrected the Transcribers errour who in stead of Acincum had made it Aconcam from the Authority of the Sfortian and Florent M. SS It will be sufficient only to take notice of Socrates's mistake here who calls Acincum a City of Italy whenas it belonged to Pannonia Vales. * That is To Gratianus †To wit Valens's brother's son * That is Valentinianus Senior * Or should be born of †Or in love with b There is no mention of this law of Valentinianus's any where No not in Amm. Marcellinus who has with great accuracy recorded Valentinianus's affaires Indeed such a law as this in my judgment is in no wise agreeable to Valentinian a serious Prince and a Christian. Therefore this whole story of Justina's marriagâ— is in my opinion of a credit doubtfull and uncertain Vales. * Or Theodosius Senior c Epiphanius Scholasticus calls her not Placida but Flaccilla which is truest For so the ancient Coynes term her But 't is strange that Greek writers should so frequently be mistaken in this name For we have remark't before that Placitus is by Socrates often used instead of Flaccillus who was Bishop of Antioch Further this Flaccilla was the daughter of that Antonius who was Consul with Siagrius as Themistius informs us in his Gratiarum Actione to Theodosius for the peace made with the Goths Vales. * Or warred against a This Oration of Themistius's to Valens is at this time extant published in Latine by Duditius For what Socrates says Themistius spoke in that oration concerning the difference of Philosophick opinions occurs in Duditius's Version at pag. 507 the words are these Artes quidem quarum magnus in vitâ—usus delectatio est c. Indeed those Arts of which there is great use in this life and which are very delightfull had never arrived at such an height and elegancy had there not been a discrepancy of judgments and a certain strife amongst the Artists themselves For has not Philosophy it self the Mother of all laudable Arts. raised from mean and small beginnings increased by the dissent of Learned men in such a manner that nothing may seem wanting to its absolute perfection Further what Sâ—crates says was spoken by Themistius in that oration to wit that God is desirous of this variety of opinions concerning himself that men may have a greater reverence for the Majesty of his Deity because the knowledge of his divinity is â—n no wise obvious and easily attainable occurs in Duditius's Version at pag. 508 where 't is thus worded Quocirca quod à cognitione nostrâ se longissimè removit c. Wherefore in regard he has removed himself at the greatest distance from our knowledge nor does humble himself to the capacity of our wits 't is a sufficient argument that he does not require one and the same Law and Rule of Religion from all persons but leaves every man a Licence and faculty of thinking concerning himself according to his own not another mans liberty and choice Whence it also happens that a greater admiration of the Deity and a more Religious veneration of his Eternal Majesty is ingendred in the minds of men For it
usually comes to pass that we loath and disregard those things which are readily apparent and prostrated to every understanding c. Vales. * â—otheÌ„ having outed the Enemy * Or in regard his paternal Religion was adulterated a Instead of the Son of God to be new which is the vulgar reading in the Sfort. and Florent M. SS the reading is the Son of God to be a new God accordingly we have rendred it Vales. a In the Florent M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be reduced into money which if I mistake not is the truer Notwithstanding the common reading to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he put a money-value upon is sound and needs no alteration For Chrysostom uses this term in this sense in his 67 Homily on Matth. 21. The old Glosses expound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Adaerat he values by money Further what Socrates remarks here to wit that Valens instead of supplies of Souldiers did afterwards exact Gold of his Provinces is also related by Amm. Marcellinus book 31. pag. 441. which place because 't is corrupt even in our Edition I will here set down as it ought to be amended Eruditiâ— adulatoribus in majus fortunam principis extollentibus quod ex ultimis terris tot tirocinia not Thracenses nec opinanti offerrent But trahens ci nec opinanti offerret ut collatis in unum suis alieniginis viribus invictum haberet exercitum pro militari supplemento quod provinciatim annuum pendebatur thesauris accederet auri cumulus magnus Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they were Gold and of about a Crown value a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under the East I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 towards the East Vales. b Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having been initiated we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in order to his being initiated c. Further this story concerning Moses's being made Bishop of the Saracens and concerning the Peace made with them Socrates has taken out of Rufinus book 2. chap. 6. Eccles. Hist. but has not observed Rufinus's order For Rufinus has placed it about the beginning of Lucius's Episcopate after the persecution of the Edessens not at the latter end of Valens's Reign And I had rather follow Rufinus's opinion than that of Socrates and Sozomen The motive I have to be of this opinion is grounded on Socrates's words at the close of this chapter where he says that Mavia the Queen having made a Peace with the Romans betrothed her daughter to Victor the Roman Lieutenant General Now Victor about the latter end of Valens's Reign was too old to have any thoughts of marrying a wife Vales. * Or Lay his hand on me * Or Peace a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Peter being returned the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peter at that time returning and the full-point which is in some copies placed before these words must be expunged Epiphanius Scholasticus seems to have followed this reading Vales. a The reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 marches out not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 passes by Moreover the same days which Socrates here assignes for Valens's entry into and march out of Constantinople are recorded in Idatius's Fasti in these words Valente VI. Valentiniano Is. c. In Valens's sixth and Valentinianus's second Consulate Valens Augustus entred Constantinople from the East on the third of the Calends of June that is the thirtieth of May. And on the same year Valens Augustus went out of the City to the Fort on the third of the Ides that is the eleventh of June Vales. * The Ancients made use of a Plough both at their demolishing and also at their raising of a City See Horace Carm. Lib. 1. Od. 16. b It should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It was usuall with Transcribers of books for brevities sake to write these words thus For they wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by being continually detained For a repetition of the negative particle is inelegant and nauseous in regard these words may not be cloy'd do precede For after them an affirmation ought to follow Vales. †1 Tim. 5. 24. * The Reader may observe from this passage in whose power it was in those days to summon General Synods * Or Domnica a Sozomen mentions this Law of Gratianus's book 7. chap. 1. and so does Theodoret book 5. chap. 2. who says that Sapor Lieutenant-General was sent by Gratianus into the Eastern parts of the Empire to put this Law in Execution That hapned in the year of Christ 378. This Law of Gratianus's is not now extant And yet it seems to be mentioned in the fifth Law in the Theodosian Code de fide Catholicâ Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 living in Exile Lucius was not banished the people of Alexandria forced him to leave that City See Socrates book 4. chap. 37. * Or to dissent again †Or they reapt no benefit or delight from their attempt * Book 4. chap. 2. †Book 3. chap. 9. * Book 4. chap. 2. ‖ See Book 5. chap. 2. * Or Colleague in the Bishoprick †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * That is Melitius and Paulinus †See Book 3. chap. 9. * Or Marched a Indeed Socrates thought that Gregorius had been translated from the Bishoprick of Nazianzum to that of Constantinople which was the opinion of many others also But Gregorius had never been Bishop of Nazianzum he was only his father Gregorius's Assistant in that Bishoprick being sent for thither by his father then very aged out of the Solitudes whither he had retired after he had accepted of and also refused the Bishoprick of Sasimi in the year of Christ 371 as Baronius has remarked Vales. b I am not of Socrates's opinion who says here that that Church wherein Gregorius Nazianzenus used to Preach the word of God at Constantinople was by the succeeding Emperours named Anastasia For in Gregorius's own life time this Church was called Anastasia which is apparent both from Gregorius's own Oration wherein he bids farwell in express words to Anastasia and The Apostles and also from his Elegiack concerning the Dream of Anastasia Consult Baronius at the year of Christ 378. Vales. * See Matt. 10. 23. where 't is thus worded in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but when they shall persecute you in this City But here in Socrates the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if they shall persecute you out of this City c. c We found a far different reading in our Florentine and Sfortian M. SS For in both those Copies 't is thus exprest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stands in need of the Churches this reading Epiphan
Lycia Caria Insula The Provinces of the Pontick dioecesis XI Galatia Bithynia Honorias Cappadocia prima Cappadocia secunda Paphlagonia Pontus Polemaniacus Hellenopontus Armenia prima Armenia secunda Galatia Salutaris The Provinces of the Thracican Dioecesis VI. Europa Thracia Haemimontis Rhodope Moesia secunda Scythia In conformity to this model of Government in the Civil State the Regiment in the Church which before had been metropolitical when the Provinces were independent on each other in Ecclesiastical administrations was adapted This Dioecesan form of Governance might 't is probable privately creep into the Church in that interval of time between the Nicene and Constantinopolitan Councils which is the opinion of D r Barrow See note e. in this chapter But 't is certain it was confirmed by the Fathers convened in this second Oecumenical Synod which sanction they made upon this occasion A little before the summoning of this Synod Melitius Bishop of Antioch in the East took a journey to Constantinople where he together with some other Bishops promoted Gregorius of Nazianzum to the Constantinopolitan See So Sozomen tells us book 7. chap. 3 and 7. Soon after Melitius had done this Peter Bishop of Alexandria sent some Bishops from Egypt to Constantinople who ordained Maximus the Cynick Bishop of that City See Sozomen book 7. chap. 9. Now in the Political partition of the Roman Empire as you may see by that Draught we have here given you of the Oriental-Praetorian-Praefecture these three places were in three several Dioeceses For Antioch in Syria whence Melitius came was in the Oriental Dioecesis Alexandria from whence the Bishops weâ—â— sent by Peter was in the Egyptick Dioecesis and Constantinople where these Bishops had celebrated their Episcopal ordinations was Scituate in the Thracican Dioecesis In regard these proceedings had produced a great deal of disorder and confusion in the Church to remedy this in future the Fathers convened in this Synod make a Sanction See Conc. Constantinopol II. Can. 2. pag. 87 Edit Bevereg that the Ecclesiastick Dioecesis's should have the same Limits with those of the State and that it should be as unlawfull for Ecclesiastick persons to perform any Office or do any business belonging to them without that Dioecesis wherein they were placed as it was for the Civil Minister to intermeddle with any affair without the Limits of his Dioecesis That this had not been duly observed in the Church before this Synod but that Prelates made frequent Excursions out of one Dioecesis into another to ordain is evident not only from the instances we have mentioned just now where we find Melitius who belonged to the Oriental Dioecesis and other Bishops of the Egyptick Dioecesis ordaining a Bishop of Constantinople a City in the Thracican Dioecesis but also from the Testimony of our Socrates a person who lived soon after the convention of this Constantinopolitan Synod who speaking here concerning its Sanctions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And they constituted Patriarchs having made a division of the Provinces that so those Bishops who make their abode without the bounds of their own Dioecesis should not invade the Churches without their Limits For this had been promiscuously done before by reason of the Persecutions But notwithstanding that this Dioecesan form in imitation of the Civil State of the Empire was brought into the Church and thereupon Patriarchical Sees were erected yet after this several Provincial Churches had their ancient priviledges confirmed to them which confirmation is grounded on the sixth Canon of the Nicene Council as D r Beveredge has fully proved in his notes on that Canon pag. 58 and remained Independent from the Patriarchical Sees For instance the Cyprian Church was adjudged to be such an one in the eighth Canon of the third General Council held at Ephesus in the year of Christ 431. In which Canon after the Ephesine Fathers had determined the Cyprian Church to be independent from the Bishop of Antioch they add this clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The same shall be observed in other Dioeceses and in the Provinces every where that so none of the most Religious Bishops may invade another Province which has not been for many years before and from the beginning under his or his predecessours hand In like manner Armenia the Great was exempted from dependence on any Patriarchate as 't is apparent from That Order of the Presidency of the most holy Patriarchs which D r Beveredge has published at his notes on the 36 th Canon Concil Trullan pag. 135 c. from a very ancient Greek Manuscript in the Bodlcian Library In which Manuscript neither England Scotland nor Ireland are reckoned dependents on the Roman Patriarchate as the Learned Reader on perusall will find Though 't is as certain that there was a compleat and absolute Church setled in this Island long before this Manuscript Order was or can be supposed to have been drawn up as that there was one at Antioch or Rome it self For not to mention those unquestionable authorities which might be here produced to prove that the plantation of the Gospel in this our Province was as early as the close of Tiberius's Reign we have many witnesses of an undoubted authority to attest that before the times of the Nicene Council there was a compleat Church setled in this Island For first in the subscriptions to the first Council of Arles convened in France Before the Nicene Council that is before the year of Christ 325 as the Acts of the said Council publisht by Jacobus Sirmondus do attest we meet with the names of these persons who went thither from this our Island See Concilia Antiqua Gallia Tom. 1. pag. 9. Edit Sirmondi Paris 1629. Eborius Episcopus de civitate Eboracensi c. Eborius Bishop of the City of York in the Province of Britania Restitutus Bishop of the City London in the fore-written Province Adelfius Bishop of the City Colonia of the Londoners From the same Province Sacerdos a Presbyter Arminius a Deacon Secondly Athanasius in his second Apology against the Arians pag. 720. Edit Paris does attest that the Bishops of the Britannia's were present at the Sardican Council which Synod was convened in the Consulate of Rufinus and Eusebius see our Socrates book 2. chap. 20 note c. on the year of our Lord 347. Lastly to mention no more Hilarius Bishop of Poictiers in France in the beginning of his Book de Synodis pag. 318. Edit Paris 1631. which book was written about the year of our Lord 350. sends Greeting Britanniarum Episcopis to the Bishops of the Britannia's This is sufficient to prove we had a Church here in those times And that this Church was governed by its own Bishops till about the year of Christ 600 and subject neither to the Roman not to any other forreign Prelate is a thing evidently apparent from what Venerable Bede has recorded in his Ecclesiastick
and whereas the Imperial commands do require this confession Vales. f Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about those of his own opinion it must be thus mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with or to those of his own opinion The same errour occurs before in this chapter where he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have corrected by rendring it thus For some were one way affected towards the Books of the Ancients others another Vales. g I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with those Churches of his own Faith For the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Churches is understood The priviledges of Churches are a priviledge of sanctuary a priviledge of receiving Embassies and the like Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhaps he means the Imperial power for Constantius and Valens were great favourers of these Sects †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 making a joynt attempt again a Musculus and Christophorson seem to have thought as by their Versions appear that this man was born in Brittain which though perhaps true yet cannot be made out from this passage in our Socrates Zosimus Histor. book 4. says this Maximus was a Spaniard Our Countrey-man Guildas calls him Germen Plantationis Britannicae a branch of the Britannick Plantation Camden mentions him in his Britannia pag. 240 241 Edit Lond. 1607. where he quotes some verses out of Ausonius in which he is termed Rhutupinum Latronem the Richborow-Thief * Or Merogaudus b I will here propose my doubt to the Reader I am of opinion therefore that Thessalonica which was the chief City of Macedonia was under Theodosius's Empire My reasons are 1. because Theodosius after he had been Proclaimed Augustus by Gratianus at Sirmium went to Thessalonica resided there a long while and received the Embassies of the Cities of the East and when he fell sick he was baptized by Acholius Bishop of that City as Zosimus Prosper Socrates and others do relate 2. During his Residence in that City he published many Laws which are extant in the Theodosian Code in the Titles de fide Catholica and de Haereticis which Laws are dated at Thessalonica 3. Lastly in the Constantinopolitan Synod at which 't is manifest the Eastern Bishops only were present Acholius Bishop of Thessalonica is reckoned as may be seen in the eighth chapter of this book After Theodosius's times there is no doubt but Thessalonica was under the Eastern Emperours For 't was the chief City of the Oriental Illyricum which contained Macedonia and Dacia as we are informed from The Notitia of the Roman Empire But whether or no it was under the Eastern Emperours about the beginning of Theodosius's Reign may deservedly be doubted For Aurelius Victor and Zonaras do expresly affirm that Gratianus gave Theodosius only the East and the Thracia's And Zosimus relates that Valentinlanus Junior upon his division of the Empire with his Brother had Italy Africk and Illyricum Neither had Constantius or Valens who governed the Eastern Empire before Theodosius Illyricum under their Dominion In the times of Valens 't is certain Mamertinus Praefect of the Praetorium Governed Italy Africa and Illyricum at the same time as Amm. Marcellinus attests Notwithstanding Valens after his Brother Valentinianus's death seems to have annext Macedonia and Dacia to his own Empire by the consent of his Brother's Sons Which Collection I make from the close of Amm. Marcellinus's thirty first book where he says that Valens's Souldiers and Palatines who had been besieged by the Goths at Adrianople went out after that Siege was broken up and hastned some into Dacia others into Macedonia supposing that Valens had retired thither See Amm. Marcellinus pag. 468. Edit Par. 1636. Vales. * Or Richomelius a The phrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Christophorson renders ill thus Valentinian's Souldiers For Socrates means Valentinian himself who was on this year when Valentinian himself was the third time Consul with Eutropius conquered by Maximus as Sulpitius informs us in his first book concerning the life of Martinus and together with his mother Justina his Praesects and Comites fled to Thessalonica Vales. b But Zosimus says that Maximus's Embassy was received by Theodosius and that he acknowledged him to be Emperour and admitted of his Statues and ordered Cynegius Praefect of the Praetorium in the East that Maximus's Statues should be proposed to publick view at Alexandria and that he should declare to the people that Maximus was Colleague of his Empire Which thing Sigonius in his book de Occidentati Imperio has done ill to place on the year of Christ 384 when Richomeres and Clearchus were Consuls in regard it was done in Valentinianus's third Consulate which he bore with Eutropius on the year of Christ 387. For on this year Cynegius was Praefect of the Praetorium Vales. c He should rather have said Aquileia For thither Maximus went as Zosimus and the other Chronologers do inform us Vales. * This Character does well befit too many persons of our own nation at this juncture a Socrates i s mistaken For Maximus was slain not on the 27 th of August but on the 28 th of July as Idatius says in his Chronicon The same is recorded in those Fasti which Jacobus Sirmondus has published under Idatius's name For these are the words there Theodosio Aug. II. Cynegio Coss. c. In the second Consulate of Theodosius Augustus which he bore with Cynegius on that year Maximus the Tyrant that publick Enemy is slain by Theodosius Augustus three miles from Aquileia on the fifth of the Calends of August that is on the 28 th of July Also his Son Victor is slain a few days after in the Gallia's by Theodosius's Comes Further this Victor had been created first Caesar and then Augustus by his Father as we are informed from this Old Inscription recorded by Sigonius in his 9 th book de Occidentali Imperio DD. NN. MAG CL. MAXIMO ET FL. VICTORI PIIS FELICIBUS SEMPER AUGUSTIS BONO R. P. NATIS Where you see Maximus has two Praenomina to wit Magnus Clemens Sulpitius Severus book 2. Histor. Sacr. calls him Clemens Maximus But by Orosius he is termed Magnus Maximus Vales. b Here is a mistake either of Socrates or of his transcribers in calling Symmachus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a person that had born the Consulate For Symmachus whose Epistles are extant at this day had not at that time been Consul but three years after he bore a Consulate with Tatianus Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about Antioch in Syria I had rather word it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at Antioch in Syria Vales. * Compare chap. 5. with chap. 9. of this book †See chap. 5. * That is Mithra's Temple what these Mysteries were Socrates has told us book 3. chap. 2. †Pieces of wood made in fashion of a mans privities * See book 3. chap. 2.
a Some excerptions of this Helladius the Grammarian are extant in Photius's Bibliotheca Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is The Ape 's Priest For the Egyptians worship an Ape as Lucian tells us in his piece 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Sozomen book 7. chap. 15. calls this Praefects name Evagrius and the Commander in chief of the Milice in Egypt he names Romanus Eunapius likewise in the Life of Aedesius names both these persons and attests that they gave a great assistance to Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria in destroying the Temple of Serapis I will insert Eunapius's own words here because they want correcting See Eunap in vità Aedesâ—i pag. 63. Edit Colon. Allobrog 1616 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is the Temples about the City Canobus underwent the same thing Theodosius being at that time Emperour and Theophilus Presiding over those execrable persons he was a certain Eurymidon that reigned over the haughty Gyants Evetius being then Governour of the Civill affairs and Romanus intrusted with the Command of the Milice throughout Egypt On my perill correct it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Evagrius being then Governour of the Civill affairs In the Theodosian Code title De Paganis there is a Law extant of Theodosius's directed to this Evagrius Praefect of Egypt and to Romanus Comes of the Milite throughout Egypt which Law was dated at Aquilcia in the Consulate of Tatianus and Symmachus From which Law it may be concluded that Serapiâ—'s Temple was demollished at Alexandria in the year of Christ 391. But Marcellinus in his Chronicon contradicts this and says this Temple was destroyed when Timasius and Promotus were Consuls which was the year of Christ 389. And this in my judgment is the truer For Cynegius Praefect of the Praetorium at his being sent into Egypt had a command from Theodosius that he should pull down the Heathen Temples as Zosimus relates in his first book And he had executed that command as Idatius attests in his Fasti. Now Cynegius died in his own Consulate on the year of Christ 388. Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because but c. Socrates means the Image of their God Simius which Theophilus had ordered to be reserved on purpose And thus Epiphan Scholasticus has explained this place in Socrates much better then Christophorson who understood those words of Socrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as spoken concerning a certain or rather uncertain God Vales. a Instead-of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called an Hieroglyphick it ought rather to be thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Letters they call Hieroglyphical so Epiphanius Scholasticus seems to have read Indeed Socrates and Sozomen do relate that these Hieroglyphical Letters were found in the Temple of Serapis cut upon the walls thereof But Rufinus does not say they were found there he tells us rather that they were kept and expounded at Canopus At his 2 d book Eccles. Histor. chap. 26 these are his words Jam vero Canopi quis enumereâ— superstitiosa flagitia c. But now who can enumerate the superstitious impieties at Canopus Where under a praetext of their sacerdotal Letters for so they call the ancient Letters of the Egyptians there was in a manner a publick School of Magick Art Vales. * Fitted or applied b Socrates borrowed this out of Rufinus's 2 d book Eccles. Histor chap. 29. He apprehended not Rufinus's meaning For Rufinus says not that it was predicted to the Pagans by other Sacerdotal Letters that Serapis's Temple would then be destroyed when that sign of the Cross should appear he only says that the Egyptians received this as a tradition from their Ancestours to wit that the Temples wherein they then worshipped should stand so long till that sign should come wherein there was Life But because mention is here made of Serapis's worship and of the Letters found in his Temple nothing hinders but we may here explain in favour of the studious an Old Epigram concerning Scrapis which is recorded by Eusebius in his books de Demonstratione Evangelicâ For it contains both the manner how this God was worshipped by the Egyptians and besides Scaliger understood it not in his Animadversions on Eusebius Number 1730. The Epigram therefore runs thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is The seven Vowells do my praise resound Who am the Great Immortal Deity Th' unwearied Father of the Universe You must know that the Egyptian Priests were wont to praise their God Serapis in no other manner than by a recitation now and then of the seven Greek Vowells Therefore instead of Hymns and Songs the Pipe and Harp the sound of the seven Vowells was heard in Serapis's Temple Dionysius Halicarnassensis does attest this in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the chapter de Collisione Vocalium Where after he has informed us that the Collision of the Vowells is not so much to be avoided in regard it sometimes produces a pleasant noise he adds these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover in Egypt the Priests sing praises to the Gods by repeating the seven Vowells sounding them out one after the other And instead of the Pipe and Harp the sound of these Letters is heard Elias Vinetus in his notes at Ausonius ' s eighteenth Epistle does declare that he had seen an old inscription which was found upon a golden plate fixt on the breast of a dead body This plate contained the seven Greek Vowells repeated in seven Verses in such order as you may see there But I doubt not but there were seven other Verses on the reverse of the said plate in the same order with those on the foreside To wit in such a manner that the second Verse of the reverse side began with Omicron the fourth with Ypsilon the sixth with Omega Vinetus could not explain this Riddle In my judgment Serapis's name is denoted by these Letters which God as Hesychius attests was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not only because there are seven Letters contained in his name but in regard he was usually praised by the seven Vowells Now it was an usage amongst the superstitious Heathens to engrave Serapis's name upon a brazen plate and wear it hung about their necks in form of a Buckler Artemidorus book 4. gives us an account of this usage in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. In what order the seven Greek Vowells were placed on the foreside of this golden plate the Learned Reader may see in Vinetus's notes on the 18 th Epistle of Ausonius written to Tetradius Edit Burdigal 1590. * Colos. 1. 26. * Acts 17. 22 c. †See Numb 24. John 11. 51. * Or rendred ineffectuall †Or in the Greatest Rome a Amongst the Romans Bakers were called Mancipes because they were Mancipati bound to the Colledge of Bakers and to the Trade of making Bread and their goods and families were obnoxious to this Function
made themselves unfit Guests for the Table of our Lord did seek direction for their better performance of that which should set them clear it was in this case the Penitentiarie's duty to take their confessions to advise them the best way he could for their souls good to admonish them to counsell them but not to lay upon them more than private pennance As for notorious wicked persons whose crimes were known to convict judge and punish them was the Office of the Ecclesiastical Consistory Penitentiaries had their institution to another end This Office of the Penitentiary was continued in the Greek Church for the space of above some hundred years till Nectarius and the Bishops of Churches under him begun a second alteration abolishing even that confession which their Penitentiaries took in private upon that occasion which Socrates mentions here in this chapter See M r Hooker's Eccles. Politie book 6. pag. 332. c. Edit Lond. 1666 also D r Cave's Primitive Christianity Part 3. Chap. 5. b In Rob. Stephens Edit the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Bishops added a Presbyter who was to have the charge of penitency to the Canon of the Churches In the Sfortian M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Ecclesiastick Canon which reading Epiphanius Scholasticus and Nicephorus found in their copies as appears by the Version of the first and the Greek Text of the second Which two Authours took Canon to signifie a Rule or Ecclesiastick Decree Petavius in his notes on Epiphanius pag. 242 took these words of Socrates in such a sense as if the import of them were that the Bishops by publishing of a Canon then newly found out added a Presbyter who should take charge of the penitents which opinion of his he confirms by these following words of Socrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. this Canon is in force to this day amongst other Heresics where the term Canon is manifestly taken for a Rule and Decree But Valesius is not of Petavius's opinion His reasons are 1 The propriety of the Greek tongue admits not of this sense 2 If a new Canon were then made concerning the institution of a Penitentiary Presbyter he queries where and in what Councill it was published Valesius's Sentiment therefore is that the term Canon is here to be taken for the Matricula or Roll of Ecclesiastick Officers belonging to the Church In which sense he says t is taken in the 2 Can. Concil Chalccdon pag. 112 Edit Beveredg where t is true it must be taken in a more comprehensive sense than to signifie the Câ—crus only that is those who are ordained by imposition of hands because the Fathers in that Canon speak of all the Ecclesiastick Officers such as were the Occonomi the Defensores the Mansionarii c. concerning whom see D r Beveredge's Notes pag. 109. But whether it is to be used in this sense here I determine not let the Learned judge c What the course of discipline in relation to penitency was as it was practised by the Fathers during the first and purest times before Penitentiaries were instituted we have declared at note a. in this chapter mostly in M r Hookers own words Which incomparable Authour in the forecited book of his Eccles. Politie has by unexceptionable authorities made it evident whatever the Learned Reader may find said to the contrary by Baronius at the year of Christ 56 by Petavius in his Diatriba about this point which occurs at pag. 225 of his notes on Epiphanius or by Bellarmine that the ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or confession which the Primitives use to speak of in the exercise of repentance was made openly in the hearing of the whole both Ecclesiastical Confistory and assembly After the institution of Penitentiary Presbyters in every Church this publick confession was abrogated and such as were guilty of crimes confessed them not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the presence of the people but as Socrates here says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before this Presbyter instituted for that purpose The same is confirmed by Sozomen book 7. chap. 16. where he tells us how a Presbyter Elected to the Office of a Penitentiary was to be qualified One of his qualifications was that he ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a person that could hold his tongue by which 't is plain that the confessions made to him were private and to be kept concealed * That is the Office of the Penitentiary For these Hereticks admitted no person to their communion upon any repentance who was once known to have sinned after Baptism see Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 6. chap. 43. which practise of theirs how fair soever their pretence might seem made sinners not the fewer but the closer and the more obdurate †To wit from the Persecution under the Emperour Decius till after the Election of Nectarius to the Episcopate of Constantinople d Valesius in his note here starts this query whether the confession made by this Gentlewoman were publick or private In order to the answering whereof he remarks that she confest twice before the Penitentiary At her first confession she made known all her sins whereupon she is advised to continue in fasting and prayer At her second she discovered her having been debaucht by the Deacon These two confessions continues Valesius were different both in time and manner The first was of all her faults 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 particularly as Socrates words it the second was of one crime only All which may perhaps be true After this remark made Valesius concludes both these confessions to have been secret which says he is apparent from these two reasons 1 because publick confession was never in use in the Church 2 in regard Socrates says that this woman accused not her self before the people but before the Penitentiary Valesius's first reason appears evidently false not only from M r Hookers words quoted before and the unquestionable authorities he there produces to prove what he asserts but from a passage in Sozomen book 7. chap. 16. where that Ecclesiastick Historian giving reasons of the alteration which the Grecians made by abrogating publick confession and instituting Penitentiaries throughout all Churches to take the confessions and appoint the penances of secret offenders assignes this for one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. It did from the beginning deservedly seem burthensome to the Priests that sins should be declared before the whole congregation of the Church as witnesses in a Theatre as it were from which words 't is evident that publick confession was once in fashion in the Church Valesius's second reason we have before cleared and confirmed by the joynt Testimony of Socrates and Sozomen See note c. e Valesius says here he can't be induced to believe that this Gentlewoman did publick pennance His reasons for this are 1 Women were very rarely compelled to do publick pennance the Church being indulgent towards the modesty of Matrons 2
confute this errour But it may be answered that after Basilius's death there was perhaps another usage observed in the Church of Caesarea For Socrates speaks of a Rite then in use when he wrote this History Vales. * That is those who have had two wives successively one after another †Or admitted that is to Communion * Or form of good life * Acts 15. 23 24 25 26 27 28 29. * Or were rather Jewish z The reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The accidents in which what sense there can be I see not I am of opinion it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Symbolls which term Socrates makes use of a little above where he says to the end that the Symbolls might be fulfilled By Symbolls Socrates means the Legal ceremonies and commands for instance Circumcision which the Jews kept in their bodies but not in their hearts Nicephorus has worded this passage in Socrates thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which words Langus renders thus Siquidem Judai ea quae sic in corporibus accidunt majore studio quà m si animabus eveniant observare contendunt for the Jews also with a greater industry strive to observe those things which so happen to their bodies than if they hapned to their Souls You see that neither Nicephorus nor his Translatour apprehended Socrates's meaning Socrates speaks concerning the Jews who observed the law of works in their bodies rather than their hearts whom the Apostle Rom. 2. 28. terms Jews outwardly Vales. * See chap. 20 at the beginning †Chap. 21. * Or things which are not †See chap. 12. of this book a Theodoret gives an account of these Hereticks book 4. Haeret. Fabul Vales. * That is a Cakeseller †Selenas * Or Precedency b It must be twenty five years and accordingly Epiphanius Scholasticus read it For from Arcadius's third and Honorius's second Consulate in which year these things were done which Socrates does here relate to the Consulate of Monaxtius and Plinta or Plintha there are twenty five years Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Consulate it must undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under the Reign For the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crept into this place from the following line Vales. * See book 4. chap. 13. †See book 4. chap. 7. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grosly and rudely †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absurd or frigid ‖ Or I am larger a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I have rendred thus Magister Scriniorum Imperatoris Master of the Emperours Desks for the Greeks call those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom the Latins term Magistros Scriniorum Masters of the Desks as Cujacius has truly remark't But Salmasius in his notes on Vopiscus pag. 481 affirms that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the Proximi of the sacred Desks not the Masters For his opinion is that there was only one Master of all the Desks who had under him four Antigraphei or Proximi that is Clerks to wit one in each Desk But Salmasius is disproved first by the Theodofian Code and secondly by the Notitia Imperii Romani For in the Notitia Imperii Romani there are four Masters of the Desks of the Roman Emperours reckoned to wit the Master of the Memory the Master of the Letters the Master of the Libells and the Master of the Greek Letters And in the Theodosian Code in the sixth Book there is a particular Title de Magistris sacrorum Scriniorum whom the Emperours will have preferred before the Vicarii But concerning the Proximi there follows another Title at a great distance from this wherein the Emperours give order only that the Proximi after two years space should leave the Scrinia and be followed by the Vicarii From whence 't is evident that the Proximi of the Desks are distinguished from the Masters for the Masters were chosen by the Emperours Codecill or Letters Patents as were the rest of the Officers of the Pallace But the Proximi came to that place by degrees and order of promotion and they were more than one in every Desk whereas there was but one Master in each Desk The Proximi therefore are not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in regard there were only four 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we are informed from the Glosses of Julianus Antecessor See Petrus Patricius in Excerpt Legationum Philostorgius relates that Eugenius was preferred to the dignity of a Master before he broke out into his Tyranny Vales. b Instead of Gallia the Less the reading in the Florentine M. S. is truer thus Galatia Although Arbogastes was not born in Gallia but in Francia as all Historians agree Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 introduced we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hired Vales. d Valentinianus Junior was murthered at Vienna in Arcadius's second Consulate which he bore with Rufinus as Idatius rightly informs us in his Fasti. But Marcellinus says that fact was perpetrated in the Consulate of Tatianus and Symmachus on the Ides of March. Notwithstanding this appears to be false from the fourth and fifth Law in the Theodosian Code de Apostatis Vales. e Zosimus in his fourth book says that only Arcadius was left by Theodosius at Constantinople and that Honorius followed his Father in his Expedition against Eugenius The same is asserted by Marcellinus in his Chronicon But Philostorgius agrees with Socrates Vales. * Or made preparations f Here there is a defect in the Greek Text these words from Aquileia thirty six miles being wanting Which Valesius says he perfected from Antoninus's Itinerary and from Sigonius in his ninth book de Imperio Occidentali * Or routed * Or running of horses * Or the Western parts †Or the sight * Or as seems indeed to be plainer and more perspicuous but is notwithstanding lower and more mean a This whole clause either because according to the proverb truth is bitter is in my judgment to be expunged in regard it disturbs the sense Or if it has a place here it must be put at the close of the period after these words extoll not their actions If this displeases any one 't will be sufficient to expunge the parcticle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either and put this clause to the head of that following Vales. b To wit in the Comoedies of Menander and others You may see the same in Plautus's and Terentius's Latine Comoedies wherein the Servants do usually call their Masters barely by their names Vales. a Zozimus book 5. relates that Alaricus and the Goths not the Hunni were sollicited by Rufinus to invade the Roman Provinces The same is assertâ—d by Marcellinus in his Chronicon But Sozomen book 8. chap. 1. agrees with Socrates Not is there any disagreement between the forecited Authors For Rufinus called in both those Nations against the Romans the Goths first under their Chief Alaricus after the Goths were routed by Stilichon
most studiously read by those who have a mind to declaim From whence it appears that Eusebius in his exposition of the Scriptures has chiefly followed the Historicall and Literal sense but has not touched the Mystick and Allegoricall For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comprehends these senses Allegoria therefore differs from Theoria as a species does from the Genus Indeed Diodorus Bishop of Tarsus of whom we now speak had written a Book with this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is what may be the difference between Theoria and Allegoria But I wonder at Jerome who says that Diodorus was instructed neither in Eloquence nor in the knowledge of humane Learning And yet Theodoret Histor. book 4. compares his eloquence to a most limpid River and Photius in his Bibliotheca does attest that in his discourses he was clear and perspicuous Vales. e That Chrysostome converst familiarly with Basilius 't is evident from Chrysostome's books de Sacerdotio But who that Basilius was concerning whom Chrysostome speaks in those books 't is uncertaine Socrates does in this place affirm that it was Basilius Magnus Photius in his Bibliotheca says it was Basilius Bishop of Seleucia Baronius at the year of Christ 382 does deservedly disprove both these opinions Chrysostome 't is certain does attest in the beginning of his book that himself and that Basilius concerning whom he there speaks had always the same masters Now Basilius Magnus learnt Rhetorick at Athens but Chysostome was Libanius's hearer at Antioch a long while after that If that were Basilius the Great whom Chrysostome affirms to have obtained the principall place amongst his own companions and friends doubtless some footsteps of his friendship would at this day be extant in Basilius's Epistles But amongst so many of his Epistles which have been preserved to our times there occurs not one written to our Johannes Wherefore I agree with Baronius who says that that Basilius who was companion to Chrysostome was Basilius Bishop of Raphanea or else Basilius Bishop of Byblus For both these persons were Chrysostomes contemporaries in regard they subscribed the Constantinopolitan Council Vales. f Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes made a Deacon c. In my judgment it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at that time made a Deacon c. For it follows but afterwards constituted Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia Epiphanius Scholasticus confirms our conjecture as 't is apparent from his Version for thus he renders it qui tunc à Meletio factus erat Diaconus who was then made Deacon by Meletius Further Amphilochius in his Life of Basilius the Great does relate that Basil was made Deacon by Meletius Bishop of Antioch But that book is stuft with fables and lies Doubtless in regard Basil the Great was by lawfull degrees promoted to be Reader and Presbyter at Caesarea as Gregorius Nazianzenus does attest in his Funerall Oration concerning the praises of the same Basilius 't is scarce credible that he should have been made Deacon any where else but at Caesarea Vales. g Nicephorus what Authour he follows I know not makes this Zeno Bishop of Gaza or Majuma But whereas Zeno was created Bishop of Majuma in the Reign of Theodosius as Sozomen relates book 5. chap. 8 he must necessarily be a different person from that Zeno who ordained Chrysostome Reader in regard Chrysostome was made a Reader in Valens Augustus's Reign about the year of our Lord 370. But Baronius at the year of Christ 382 says that this Zeno by whom Chrysostome was ordained a Reader of Antioch was Bishop of Tyre the same person who was present at the Constantinopolitan Councill and was then Meletius being absent his Deputy in the Church of Antioch In which thing I do readily assent to Baronius But whereas he repoves Socrates there for his saying that that Zeno was Bishop of Jerusalem therein the Cardinal is evidently mistaken For Socrates does not make Zeno Bishop of Jerusalem he only says that Zeno the Bishop returning from Jerusalem Ordained Chrysostome Reader of Antioch Now Zeno had made a journey to Jerusalem either on the account of prayer as it was the custom of those times or by reason of some Ecclesiastick affair But here arises a difficulty For if Zeno in his return from Jerusalem ordained Chrysostome Reader of Antioch the City of which he was Bishop must necessarily be farther remote from Jerusalem than Antioch was or at least it must lie at the side of Antioch Which cannot be said of the Cities Tyre and Gaza For both those are far nearer to Jerusalem than Antioch is Therefore this Zeno who ordained Chrysostome Reader of Antioch was Bishop of some other City In Basil the Great 's 69 th Epistle there is mention of one Zeno a Bishop who was present at the Antiochian-Council under Meletius but the name of his See is not set down I know Palladius in the Life of Chrysostome does relate that Chrysostome was ordained Reader by Meletius But this in my judgment is so to be understood that that may be said to have been done by Meletius which was performed by Zeno supplying his place Vales. * See Euseb Eccles. Hist. book 7. chap. 30. note q. †That is Meletius's party h This is the Evagrius of whom we have spoken at note b. in this chapter But what Socrates says to wit that Chrysostome was ordained Presbyter by Evagrius has but little of probability For if that be true which Socrates says I mean that Chrysostome after Meletius's death abstained from Paulinus's communion how can it be supposed that Chrysostome should admit of Evagrius's ordination who was successour to Panlinus It is better therefore to follow Palladius Simeon Metaphrastes and others who relate that Chrysostome was promoted to the Presbyterate by Flavianus the Bishop Vales. * Or Rectitude of Life ‖ Or simplicity or singleness * Bishoprick * Hatred †Or displease all men ‖ Or he chose to eat with no body * Or the first of the Eunuchs a From this place 't is apparent that the Bishops heretofore did not usually Preach to the people out of the Pulpit For this Socrates takes notice of as a thing singular in Chrysostome to wit that being about to make an Oration he went up into the Pulpit that he might be the easier heard by the people Most commonly the Bishops Preached standing on the steps of the Altar We are informed hereof from King Childerbert's Constitution which Sirmondus has recorded in his first Tome of the Councills of France pag. 300 but it is there imperfect We will make good one defect in it from the most ancient Corbeiensian Manuscript after this manner Qualiter in sacrilegos dei injuria vindicetur nostrum est pertractandum Et quia fides nostra ut verbo de altario sacerdote faciente quaecunque de Evangelio Prophetis vel Apostolo fuerit adnuntiatum in quantum Deus dat intellectum ad nos querimonia processi◠c.
its import different also For if it be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it denotes a Divine person one whose soul is full of God If it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 its import is passive and implies one born or carried by God We are told by many Learned men that Ignatius had this title from our Saviours taking him up in his arms For he was that very child they say whom our Saviour Mar. 9. 36. took up and set in the midst of his disciples Others on the contrary affirm this story to be groundless and uncertain See D r Cave's Life of Ignatius * Covered or Arched walkâ— b I cannot imagine whence Socrates had this story For 't is manifest that Flavianus and Diodorus were the first persons who in Constantius's Reign divided the Quires of Singers at Antioch into two parts and gave them David's Psalms to be sung alternatively or by turns which usage being first practised at Antioch afterwards spread over all the Churches of the world Theodoret attests this in his Hist. lib. 2. cap. 24 as does also Theodorus Moâ—suestenus a person ancienter than he who lived in the same times with Flavianus and Diodorus Theodorus's words are quoted by Nicetas in Thesauro Orthâ—dâ—xae fidei lib. 5. cap. 30. Although that way of singing of Psalms seems to have been used by the Syrians before Flavianus and Diodorus's times For Theodorus writes that Flavianus and Diodorus were the first persons who translated that kind of Psalmodie which they term Antiphonae That is when one singeth one verse another another out of the Syrian Language into the Grecian and that those two persons appeared almost the only Authours of this thing to all the parts of the world What therefore the Syrians had done long before Flavianus's time to wit in singing of David's Psalms alternatively in Syriack that Fâ—â—vianuâ— and Diodorus ordered to be done by the Grecians of Antioch in their singing the Psalms in Greek Vales. * See the second chapter of this book a Besides this reason of Theophilus's hatred against Isidorus Sozomen book 8. chap. 12. relates two other causes The first was because Isidorus had refused to give evidence in favour of Theophilus's Sister The second because â—e had reproved Theophilus for his over much diligence in building Churches whereby he wasted the money of the Church which ought rather to have been bestowed on the poor I am easily induced to believe that these were the reasons of Theophilus's hatred against Isidorus in regard both Socrates and Sozomen do expressly attest it Notwithstanding Isidorus was not for these reasons ejected out of the Church but was condemned by the sentence of the Bishops on account of Origen's Errours which he maintained as Baronius has long since informed us from Palladius in Lausiaca Vales. b So Arsacius who succeeded Chrysostome in his Bishoprick is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chief-Presbyter in the Acts of the Synod ad Quercum and one Martyrius is stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chief-Deacon Sozomen calls this Peter Arch-Presbyter This is a name of honour not of ancientness For the Bishops Elected whom they pleased out of the Colledge of Presbyters to be Arch-Presbyters as Liberatus informs us in his Breviarium chap. 14. Vales. * See book 5. chap. 15. a 'T is false that Epiphanius was ever so simple as to be addicted to the Heresie of the Anthropomorphitae he had indeed once received a check upon that account from John Bishop of Jerusalem But Jerome has refuted this Calumny and also Epiphanius himself in that Sermon he Preach't at Jerusalem in the presence of John himself as Jerome in his book to Pammachius concerning the Errours of John of Jerusalem and Baronius at the year of Christ 393 do relate Wherefore there was no need of Theophilus's feigning himself an Anthropomorphite to curry favour with Epiphanius Both Socrates and Sozomen were imposed upon by some Origenist a favourer of Ammonius and Dioscorus who told them these things For 't was usuall with the Origenists as Baronius has truly remarked to fix the crime of this Heresie upon the Catholicks by whom they were condemned Vales. b Socrates and Sozomen who has followed him herein is mistaken here in supposing that the Alexandrian Synod wherein Theophilus condemned Origen's books together with Origen himself was held after that Synod convened at Constantia by Epiphanius 'T is manifest that Theophilus did first of all convene a Synod at Alexandria and condemn that Heresie in the year of Christ 399. Which was done after many conferences concerning that matter held by the Bishops who came thither as Postumianuâ— informs us in Sulpicius's Dialogues de Vitae B. Martini After this Theophilus sent a Synodick Letter to all the Bishops and he wrote a particular Letter to Epiphanius beseeching and intreating him that he would convene all the Bishops of the Island condemn the same Heresie himself and subscribe his Synodick Letter This Letter of Theophilus's is at this day extant translated by S t Jerome Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged Moreover Socrates here uses a perfect number for an imperfect And for this reason he adds the Term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is almost or thereabout But if we would speak exactly above fifty years must be taken from this number For Origen died on the year of Christ 252 as may be made out from what we have said at note b. and c. on Euseb. Eccles. Histor. book 7. chap. 1. From which year to the year of Christ 399 wherein Origen was condemned in the Alexandrian Synod there are 147 years Vales. * Or many of the Magistracy * Or Without labour or trouble †Book 6. chap. 4. ‖ Or By the by * Or Liberty and confidence a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in so much that the Empress in my judgment it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 till at length the Empress Nor do I doubt but Socrates wrote thus Nicephorus words it expressly according to our emendation And in Sozomen the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 untill which is the same Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is having adjured him by her Son The Ancients were wont to swear by their Children So in Virgil Per caput hoc juro per spem surgentis Iüli I swear by this head by the hopes of growing Iülus After the same manner when they would earnestly entreat others they beseeched them by their own children and whatever they accounted most dear to themselves In this manner therefore Eudoxiâ— spake to John Chrysostome at that time By this little child of mine and your spirituall Soâ— whom I brought forth and whom you received out of the sacred Font be reconciled with Severianus 'T is certain Chrysostome had received Theodosius Junior out of the sacred Font as Nicephorus relates at this place from Simeon Metaphrastes as I suppose Further Baronius places this reconciliation between Severianus and
Socrat Eccles Histor. book 3. chap. 18. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Valesius renders it The Hunni †Or wonder * Attila a This Earthquake hapned on the year of Christ 447 in the Consulate of Ardabures and Callepius as Marcellinus in his Chronicon and the Author of the Aloxandrian Chronicle doe relate Marcellinus's words are these Ingenti terrae motu per loca varia imminente plurimi urbis Augustae muri recenti adhuc reaedificatione constructi cum quinquaginta septem turribus corruerunt An exceeding great Earthquake being imminent through severall places a vast part of the walls or most of the walls of the Imperial City which had been but very lately rebuilt fell down together with fifty seven Towers Which words I have annexed for this reason that I might shew that Evagrius's words here have been misunderstood by Translatours who rendred these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus in Palatio in the Palace when as they ought to have rendred them in the Imperial City By which name Evagrius usually calls Constantinople Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Rules of Grammar do require that we should write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together with their roots In the Tellerian M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A little before where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the earth was dissipated the same Manuscript has it written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the earth was separated or rent in sunder Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must I think be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Personages eminent for c. For this reading is required by the Rules of Grammar Vales. b That is to be Consulares of Syria For the Consularis of Syria governed the City Antioch and the other Cities of Syria-Coele Further take heed of supposing that these three men to wit Memnonius Zoïlus and Callistus were sent at one and the same time by Theodosius to preside over the Antiochian Jurisdiction For this was not the usage of the Romans We ought therefore to understand that each of them had been sent at severall times one after the other by Theodosius You must know further that 't was usuall for the Consulares of Syria that they might ingratiate themselves with the Antiochians to erect some publick structure Libanius informs us hereof in his Antiochiâ— pag. 370 Tom. 2. Edit Paris 1627. in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 'T is no wonder therefore if that City which excells the rest in other things which after she has vanquished other Cities in the study and exercise of wisdome has out done even herself should render those who come to be her Governours her Lovers The beginning middle and close of each of which persons Government is this to make some addition to the City The same Libanius a little before in the same page says there were three Tribunals in the City Antioch and as many Scholes of Advocates to wit equall to the number of the Tribunals or Judicatories The first Tribunal seems to have belonged to the Praefectus Praetorio of the East whose residence was at Antioch The second was the Tribunal of the Comes of the East The third was the Jurisdiction of the Consularis of Syria-Coele Libanius's words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which passage is to be rendred thus For besides the Erudition which is in the Decurions three Scholes or Quires of Advocates are there assembled equall in number to the Judicatories Vales. c The reading in Robert Stephens's Edition and here is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the Southern part of Rophinus's side The Geneva-Printers from Christophorson's Copy have set it forth thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the Southern side of Ruphinus's Pallace S r Henry Savil also in his Copy which I have by me has expunged the word Rufinus and in stead thereof has substituted these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Roof of the Pallace And thus Christophorson read as 't is apparent from his Version For he has rendred it thus Qui ad Australe latus tecti palatii quod Rufini nomen obtinet spectat which looks towards the southern side of the Roof of the Pallace which bears the name of Rufinus But in regard these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occur not either in the Kings or in the Florentine or Tellerian M. SS in my judgment they ought deservedly to be expunged Vales. Valesius has rendred this passage thus quae ad meridianum latus porticus Rufini sita which we have exprest in our English Version The import of the Greek if rendred word for word is this at the Southern part of Rophinus's side * Or those buildings which are made c. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus renders it Mansionem ducum the Mansion of the Duces or chief Military Commanders Christophorson's Version is not much different for he renders it thus è regione fori in quo pulcherrima domus est quam praefecti praesidiorum incolere solent Over against the Forum wherein there is a most beautifull house in which the Praefects of the Milice or of the Military Forces do usually dwell But by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place in my judgment must be understood not the Military Commanders in chief or Masters of the Milice but the Magistrates or Duâ—mviri who in Greek were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I have already remarked in my notes on Am Marcellinus and Eusebius See Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 7. chap. 11. note p. and book 8. chap. 11. note c. Now why I suppose this word is rather thus to be taken here this is the reason because that house is said to have been in the Forum over against the Pallace wherein was the Court of Judicature Moreover such a house as this seems to be more agreeable to a Municipall Magistrate than to a Rectour of the Milice Besides these houses were in Greek termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such a one was the Sâ—rategium at Constantinople as I have noted at the first book of Socrates chap. 16. note d. Although the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle in The transactions of the Emperour Severus brings another reason of this word But now having examined the business more attentively by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I understand here the Masters of the Milice throughout the East who had a splendid Praetorium in the Forum of the City Antioch Theophanes mentions this Praetorium in his Chronicon pag. 147. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the fire was kindled from the Church of Saint Stephen and burnt or went as far as the Praetorium of the Master of the Milice Vales. * Or during the same times of Theodosius a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If we would follow the Laws of Grammar it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not used in the plurall number I would rather make it 〈◊〉
of certainty can be gotten out of this Surname in regard 't is variously written in ancient writers Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When Pâ—â—vince submitted themselves to the Râ—mâ—n Empire 't was usual for the Emperour to cause 〈◊〉 Edict to be drawn up and proclaimed â—penly upon the place The Tenour whereof was first to entitle the Emperour himself to all respects of dominion and supremacy over that people and then secondly to aboâ—â— from this by a popular insinuation of all possible sacredness and Liberty of the Provincialls A particular instance hereof as it relates to this very City Antioch is produced by M r Jo. Gregory of Oxford see his works pag. 156 Edit London 1665 from Johannes Antiochenus's M. S. Geograph book 9â— in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And when the City Antioch had yielded it self up to the subjection of the Roman Empire an Edict of the Liberties thereof was sent by Jullus Caesar and publickly proclaimed at Antioch upon the twentieth of Mâ—y 〈◊〉 the Contents where of were these AT ANTIOCH THE HOLY SACRED AND FREE CITY THE METROPOLITAN QUEEN AND PRESIDENT OF THE EAST CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR c. The Provinces usually returned the honour of these priviledges back upon the Emperour by this way of acknowledgement That they might keep the Emperour's Grace in perpetuall memory they reckoned all their publick affairs ever after from that time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 continues the same Johannes Antiochenus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Therefore Antioch the Great in honour of the Emperour fixed its Aera in Caius Julius Caesar and made this year of Grace the first On which account this Aera of theirs which precedes that of our Lords Nativity fourty eight years was peculiarly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because at the fixing hereof the Emperour did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publickly name himself to all the title of dominion and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publickly entitle them to all priviledges aâ—d immunities * Or lâ—d â—o b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Musculus has rendred this place very ill But Christophorson in regard he could not understand the meaning of these words omitted them in his version Indeed this place tortured me a long while and very much Notwithstanding at length I found the meaning of it to be this After Evagrius has set forth the time wherein the Earthquake hapned at Antioch in the Reign of Leo Augustus by certain Notes to wit of the year month week day and Indiction in the last place he adds these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is that that Earthquake had hapned without any turning of the Cycles three hundred fourty seven years compleat after that Earthquake which had hapned in Trajan's times For this note of time hath no Cycle But the former notes of time assigned by Evagrius are notes of the Cycles or Periods For an Indiction is a Cycle of fifteen years and a week a month and a year are Circles and Periods always recurring This therefore is my Sentiment concerning the explication of this place Nevertheless if any one shall produce a more certain account of this passage I will not refuse to alter my opinion See Evagriuâ— book 3. chap. 33 and note b there This place may also be taken otherwise by changing only the accent in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That so the sense may be this This is said to be the sixth Earthquake which shaked Antioch Noâ— do I now doubt but this is the true interpretation of this plate In the Tellerian Manuscript I found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sixth with an asperate and the accent in the first syllable Vales. The reading in Robert Stephens is the same with that set at the beginning of this note In the Greek Text of Valesius's Edition this place is pointed and accented thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. which reading and punctation we have followed in our version ‖ Or indictiâ—â— c I have restored this place from the incomparable Florentine M. S. wherein 't is plainly written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is fourty and seaven The reading in Nicephorus at book 15. chap. 20. is altogether the same Vales. And so 't is in Robert Stephen's Edition also notwithstanding Valesius's saying that he restored this place d Baronius in his Eccelesiastick Annals at the year of Christ 111 says that Evagrius is mistaken in affirming that that Earthquake which came to pass at Antioch in Trajan's Reign hapned on the year according to the Antiochians account 159. For that Earthquake hapned in the Consulate of Messala and Pedo as 't is manifest from Dion who asserts that the Consul Pedo perished in that Earthquake Further the Consulate of Messala and Pâ—do fell on the year of Christ 115 as 't is agreed amongst all Chronologers It was then according to the Antiochians account the hundredth sixty third year not the hundredth fifty ninth year as Evagrius says For the years of the Antiochians precede Christ's Nativity fourty eight years Moreover concerning these years of the Antiochians amongst the Ancients the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle has spoken best of all in the affairs of Julius Caesarâ—â— but amongst the Moderns Dionysius Petavius gives us the best account hereof in his books de Doctrina Temporum and in the second part of his Rationarium chap. 14. To which Authour nevertheless I can't give my assent in this which he affirms viz. that the beginning of these years is deduced from the month October which was the popular or ordinary beginning of the year amongst the Antiochians In my Annotations on Eusebius See Euseb. book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine chap. 1. note e. I have in my judgment sufficiently demonstrated that the Antiochians began their year from the month Dius or November Nor is that true which Petavius writes at the same place viz. that the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle seems to deduce the beginning of these years from the month May. For the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle does not say that he affiâ—ms only that the Decree of the Senate whereby Antioch was pronounced a free City was received by the Antiochians on the month May and then also publickly proposed Vales. * Or the City e In the incomparable Florentine Manuscript this whole place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Besides the Towers of the Hippodrome or Cirque which were near the gates and some of the Porticus's which lead to those Towers fell Which doubtless is the better reading The Gates of the Cirque were fortified with two Towers on each side There were also some Porticus's which led to those Towers from the gates of the Cirque as I suppose In the Tellerian M. S. I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some of the Porticus's which led to those Gates Vales. In Robert Stephens this whole clause is worded thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Towers of the
manner from the Empire and made him Bishop in Salona of Dalmatia At this place therefore in the Greek Teâ—t the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Romans must be expunged or rather transposed after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. holds the Empire of the Romanes and ordains Glycerius Bishop c. Vales. f Marcellinus Comes's computation is truer who in his Chronicon writes thus concerning this Romulus Basilisco Armato Coss. c. In the Consulate of Basiliscus and Armatus the Western Empire of the Roman Nation which Octavianus Augustus the first of the Augusti began to hold on the seven hundreth and ninth year from the building of the City perished with this Augustulus on the year of the Reign of the Emperours his predecessours DXXII. Jordanes has the same words in his book de Successione Regnorum Now this sum makes one thousand two hundred thirty and one years Therefore Cedrenus must be corrected who from Romulus the Builder of the City to this Romulus Augustulus reckons but one thousand and eighty years Vales. g The reading in Robert Stephens is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attempts without doubt it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 takes in hand as Nicephorus words it book 15. chap. 11. In the Tellerian M. S. I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 administred which reading pleases me best Vales. * To wit the death of Leo the Elder †Or Invests himself with the Purple-Robe a Before the following to wit the eighteenth chapter in the incomparable Florentine Manuscript these words were written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The end of the Second Book Then after the seventeenth chapter these words occur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The matters agitated at the Synod convened at Chalcedon being reduced into an Epitome are these Vales. a In the fourth chapter of this book where we have this same passage these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the permission of him who governeth the Bishoprick of Rome occur noâ— neither in the Greek Text of Valesius's Edition nor in that of Robert Stephens's though Valesius takes notice of them in his version there At this place they are inserted into both the now mentioned Greek Editions and therefore we have rendred them here but with good reason have omitted them at the said fourth chapter This latter answer of the Roman Legates to the Senatours seems obscure and unintelligible * Or the things under the Sun †Spoken by way of Irony †Or found b In the incomparable Florentine M. S. this place is read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the end that it may hear both us c. The reading in the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill is the same Christophorson and S r Henry Savill at the margin of his copy have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. to the end that it may hear our cause and that of the forementioned Dioscorus But I had rather write it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Vales. In Robert Stephens the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. where also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting * Or had lead the way c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to him doubtless the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the divine Letter Which emendation is confirmed by the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill pag. 52 and 53. Edit Bin. where these words occur Gloriosissimi Judices Amplissimus Senatus dixerunt c. The most Glorious Judges and the most noble Senate said Let the most Blessed Bishop Juvenalis declare why when the most Reverend Bishop Dioscorus made an Interlocution for the reciting of the Letter of the most holy Romish Arch-Bishop that Letter was not read Juvenalis the most Reverend Bishop of Jerusalem said Johannes the Presbyter and Primicerius chief of the Notaries said that he had in his hands the sacred Letters of the most Religious and most pious Emperours and I answered that the Imperial Letters must be read Further the very words which Juvenalis had made use of in that second Ephesine Synod occur in the abovesaid 52. pag. where the Acts of the second Ephesine Synod are recorded Moreover Nicephorus confirms our Emendation in the last chapter of his 15 th book where he gives us a summary of the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill mostly transcribed from Evagrius I have been larger in my remarks upon these things because Christophorson in the Rendition of this place hath wandred far from the truth By the way you may observe the fraud committed in that second Ephesine Synod For when Hilarius the Deacon the Legate of the Apostolick See had openly declared to the Bishops who were present that he had Pope Leo's Letter and had required that it might be read in the Councill Johannes the Presbyter and Primicerius of the Notaries arose and said that he had in his hands other Letters written from the Emperour to Dioscorus Then Juvenalis commanded that those Letters of the Emperour should be read no mention being made of Leo's Letter You see therefore that the reading of Leo's Letter was designedly impeded by the fraud of Dioscorus who instead of Leo's Epistle caused the Emperour Theodosius's Letter to be read in the Synod Further the Tellerian M. S. does confirm our Emendation in which copy I found it written as I had conjectured Vales. * That is of the Letter of Leo Bishop of Rome †Liberty or freedome ‖ Or come to a reading * That is would not permit Stephanus's Notaries to take the Acts in writing †Or attested ‖ Or Instruments d This place which Evagrius points at here is extant in the First Action of the Chalcedon Synod pag. 58. Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he said from whence therefore the reading in the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill is better see pag. 58 in the Imperative-mood to wit thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declare therefore from whence Vales. * In Binius pag. 58 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the only begotten Son of God God the Word f In the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill only Basilius is said to have been questioned by the Judges and Senatours and what answer he returned to their question is added there also Notwithstanding Nicephorus confirms the vulgar reading which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when they were interrogated which if we will retain it must be said that Basilius and those who were with him were interrogated by the Judges Vales. g In the Rendition of this place both Translatours have erred For Musculus renders it thus Thalassius verò dixit non habere autoritatem ca quae à principibus in hujusmodi causis judicantur But Thalassius said that those things which are judged or determined by the Princes in such causes as these have not authority Christophorson has followed the same sense also Likewise Langus Nicephorus's Translatour hath fallen into the same
at that place of Theophanes the name Trocondus is likewise corrupted Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The words are transposed and are to be restored to their Pristine order in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Country of the Isaurians where he himself had been born which words of Evagrius Nicephorus has exprest thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And having gathered an Army fit for an Engagement he sent it to besiege Zeno at Seleucia in Isauria Which Country had given Zeno Birth and at that time â—id the Fugitive Vales. * Rejecting or abolishing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Without doubt it must be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by an Embassy therefore Which though it may seem a small and triviall emendation is yet altogether necessary In Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to wit or therefore Vales. ‖ Or To make use of his circular Syllables †Or Composure of which Letters say these words * Or God-loving * Or Conjunction or binding together †Or Salvation ‖ Or From hence * Or Ground and Firmament †Or Together with the Holy Spirit ‖ Or Hold obliege bind the Orthodox people in all God's most Holy Churches * Or Afterwards b There is indeed extant a Constitution of the Emperour Constantine's wherein the Dogmaticall Books of Arius are ordered to be burnt which Constitution occurs at pag. 221. of our Socrates Nevertheless the Emperour Basiliscus seems here to mean another Law which had been promulged by Constantine against all Hereticks in generall But that Law hath perished by the injury of time Yet part of it is still remaining in Eusebius in the Third Book of his Life of Constantine Chap. 64 and 66. But there are two Constitutions extant of Theodosius Junior's concerning the burning of Nestorius's books The former of which makes mention of the Law of Constantine of Blessed Memory against Arius's impious books Further these Constitutions of Theodosius occur in the third part of the Ephesine Councill Basiliscus had subjoyned these Laws of Theodosius to his own Circular Edict as 't is hereafter attested Vales. * Or Limits †Or Have made Sanctions concerning the c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At this place Nicephorus has rightly added two words in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But I affirm that a third word is to be added thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 terms is understood which occurs in the foregoing Clauses Vales. * Or Out of * Or Shown or declared d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c In Nicephorus 't is truer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that we ought only to follow c. which reading Christophorson and S r Henry Savil have embraced A little after this where the reading before was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Boundary and Limit of the Faith from the Florent and Tellerian M. SS I have made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in regard it is c. as 't is in Nicephorus Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Tellerian M. S. and in Nicephorus I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the universall c. Vales. * Or Malevolence †Or Shall fall under Banishment c. ‖ Or Tares * Or The Fuller †See chap. 6. note a. * Or Tome a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does record which I admire Translatours perceived not Zacharias is understood who in his Ecclesiasticall History had recorded this Libell entire which the Bishops of Asia convened at Ephesus had sent to the Emperour Basilisous Vales. b Concerning this Ephesine Councill which was held in the times of the Emperour Basiliscus Baronius in his Annalls at the year of Christ 476 writes very slightly and negligently remarking this only that it was celebrated by the Eutychians But he mentions neither upon what account it was assembled nor what was transacted therein it is our office therefore by our care and diligence to supply what he has omitted After the Circular Letters sent forth by the Emperour Basiliscus against the Chalcedon-Councill Acacius Bishop of Constantinople the only person of the Patriarchs subject to the Eastern Empire refused subscribing to these Letters nor would ever endure to expunge the Chalcedon Synod out of the Ecclesiasticall Tables Moreover the Monks of Constantinople resolutely opposed Basiliscus Lastly the Constantinopolitane populacy began to be most grievously tumultuous threatning to fire the City and the Pallace if the Emperour should persist to put a force upon Acacius and the Catholicks Basiliscus terrified hereat flies from the Imperial City took from the Constantinopolitane Church their Rights and Priviledges and forbad the Senators to speak to or salute Acacius But afterwards when he heard that Zeno was on his return out of Isauria being stricken with fear he came into the Church together with his wife and children and excusing himself to Acacius and the Clergy of the Imperiall City restored their Rights to the Constantinopolitan Church and set forth his Anti-Circular that is Letters contrary to his Circular Letters thus Theodorus Lector informs us Book 1. The Eutychians therefore when they saw Acacius contend with so much fierceness for the confirmation of the Chalcedon Synod and that not only the Monasteries but the people also of the Imperial City and other Priests every where were excited by Acacius against Basiliscus convened a Councill of Bishops of their own party in the City Ephesus in which Councill they condemned and deposed both Acacius and some other Bishops who embraced the same Sentiments with him and then they entreated the Emperour Basiliscus that he would persist in his former opinion and would not promulge a Constitution Contrary to his own Circular Letters In the same Synod Paulus is ordained Bishop of Ephesus by the Bishops of the same Province and the Patriarchicall priviledge is restored to the Ephesine See as our Evagrius relates in the sixth chapter of this book Further this Ephesine Councill was held on the year of Christ 477 after the Consulate of Basiliscus and Armatus Which I gather from hence because this Synod was assembled a little before Basiliscus promulged his Anti-Circular Letters Now Basiliscus published those Letters on that year I have mentioned when he understood that Zeno was returning out of Isauria with an Army as I have observed above out of Theodorus Lector Indeed the Asian Bishops seem to intimate this in their Letter to Basiliscus in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Be pleased therefore to publish nothing contrary to your Divine Circular Letters Moreover Timotheus Aelurus seems to have presided at this Councill For he came to Ephesus in the Reign of Basiliscus and seated Paulus in his Episcopal Chair as Evagrius relates from Zacharias Nor is it likely that Acacius Patriarch of Constantinople should have been deposed by any other person than the Alexandrian Bishop who held the dignity of
Christophorson thought because be saw mention was made of Acts by Evagrius that it followed immediately that these things were transacted in a Councill But the matter is not always so For whatever things were done in any affair may simply be called Acts although no Councill or judiciary proceedings intervened Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be expunged which is not acknowledged by Nicephorus Vales. e All other Authours relate that Mongus was ordained by one Bishop and he an Heretick So says Acacius in his Letter to Pope Simplicius and Felix in his Synodick Epistle to all the Monks and Archimandrites at Constantinople and in Bythinia The same is likewise attested by Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 107 and by Gelasius in the Gesta de nomine Acacii Yet Liberatus affirms Petrus was ordained by more Bishops than one although he expresses not their number Vales. a This Letter of Acacius's is extant set forth in Latine amongst the Epistles of Pope Simplicius The same Letter is mentioned in Pope Felix's Epistle which contains Acacius's Sentence of Deposition Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We have added the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But from the Florentine Manuscript which particle casts a great light upon this place In the same Florentine Manuscript at the side of these words this Scholion was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is This Authour does not say here expresly that Acacius was deposed by the Bishop of Rome but Theodorus and Basilius Cilix do manifestly affirm this Nicephorus book 16. chap. 17. attests the same concerning Basilius Cilix Further Our Evagrius is undeservedly reproved by that Scholiast because at this place he speaks nothing of Acacius's deposition Evagrius does here relate all things that were transacted in the Roman Synod which was convened in the year of Christ 484 against Vitalis and Misenus Legates of the Apostolick See In that Synod Vitalis and Misenus were indeed deprived of the honour of the Priesthood But Acacius was only reprehended and rebuked as 't is apparent from the Decree of the Synod here recorded by Evagrius After this Felix sent his Synodick Letters to Acacius wherein these words occurred Peccasti ne adjicias de prioribus supplica You have offended make no addition and supplicate for your former failings After receipt of which Letters when Acacius still stood out and committed Facts worse than the former Pope Felix the Bishops being a second time convened promulged a sentence of deposition against Acacius and directed it to Acacius by Tutus Defensor of the Roman Church which sentence begins thus Multarum transgressionum reperiris obnoxius You are found guilty of many transgressions That these things were transacted in this manner Pope Felix informs us in his Synodick Letter to the Presbyters and Archimandrites at Constantinople and throughout Bythinia For after he had written concerning Vitalis and Misenus and concerning Acacius who were condemned in the Roman Synod he adds these words Post illam sententiam quae in Acacium perturbatorem totius Orientis Ecclesiae dicta est c. After that sentence which hath been pronounced against Acacius the disturber of the whole Eastern Church being now also convened we have added to these Letters c. And a little after Unde nunc causâ Antiochenae Ecclesiae c. Wherefore being at this present convened in the presence of the blessed Apostle Peter on account of the Antiochian Church we do again hasten to declare to Your love the Custom which hath always obtained amongst us From which words it appears that this Letter was written by Felix in the name of the third Roman Synod which had been assembled on account of the Antiochian Church which after Calendion was ejected Petrus Fullo had invaded In this Synod therefore Felix had dictated the sentence against Acacius which begins thus Multarum transgressionum reperiris obnoxius You are found guilty of many Transgressions and had transmitted it to Acacius by Tutus the Defensor Nor can any one say that that sentence was pronounc't before in the Second Roman Synod at such time as Vitalis and Misenus were condemned but was sent a little afterwards by Felix by the Order of the Third Roman Synod For Evagrius refutes this who does not say that the sentence of deposition was pronounc't against Acacius in that Roman Synod wherein Vitalis and Misenus were condemned Besides Liberatus in his Breviarium chap. 18. does manifestly declare that that Sentence of Deposition against Acacius was pronounced long after the Condemnation of Vitalis and Misenus For hear what Liberatus says Redeunt aliquando Legati Sed praecesserant Monachi c. At length the Legates return But the Monks had gone before who in a grievous manner accused them of Treachery Having been forthwith heard and convicted from those Letters which they had brought they are removed from their own places And after some few words Ubi ergo ad plenum detectus est Acacius Haereticus c. When therefore the Heretick Acacius was fully detected Pope Felix put these words in his Synodick Letters you have offended make no addition and supplicate for your former failings Acacius having received these Letters persists in the same mind neither receding from Petrus's Communion nor yet perswading him openly to embrace the Chalcedon Synod and the Tome of Pope Leo. Pope Felix understanding this sent a writing of Condemnation to Acacius by Tutus the Defensor the beginning whereof is this You are found guilty of many Transgressions Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Florentine and Tellerian M. SS and in Nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Loves not the Faith But it would be better written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus Christophorson seems to have read and so we have rendred it At the Clause immediately foregoing instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For he ought if he had loved Zeno to have done this I would rather read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Whereas if he had loved the Faith rather than Zeno he ought to have done this Vales. d After the Roman Synod which was convened on the account of Vitalis and Misenus and wherein Vitalis and Misenus had been condemned but Petrus and Acacius were only reproved and rebuked it was consequent that Evagrius should have spoken concerning the Sentence of Deposition pronounced against Acacius and sent to Constantinople by Tutus the Defensor And yet Evagrius has not done this here Whereof two reasons may be assigned For either this was done by Evagrius in reverence to the Constantinopolitan See or else because Evagrius had related that before from Zacharias Rhetor as may be seen in the eighteenth Chapter What therefore he had declared there he look't upon as superfluous to repeat at this place Vales. a I have made good this place from the Florentine M. S. in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after he had again Anathematized
Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hapned the Tellcrian Manuscript has it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have hapned Vales. * Chap. 29. †Or Puts on b Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon at Anastaâ—inâ—'s being Consul alone calls this person Athenodorus and so does Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 118. Vales. c He means The Donative which the Tyrant Hillus had allowed to the Isaurians and which the Emperour Zeno though against his will had bestowed upon them to procure a Reconciliation Which Donative the Emperour Anastasius having refused to pay to the Isaurians they made War against the Romans as Jordanes relates in his book de successione Regnorum Vales. * Or Barbarians termed Scenitae that is who dwelt in Tents * Or The affairs of Mesopotamia c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the reading is in Nicephorus book 17 chap. 35. Further we have remarked already that there were two Phoenice's the one termed Libanensis the other Maritima Nor must this be omitted that that Province is by the Latines sometimes termed Phoenicem from the Nominative Case Phoenix 'T is certain in the Itinerary Table of the Putingeri it is called Syria Phoenix as also in the Notitia Imperii Romani In the Manuscript Copies 't is written Dux Phoenicis Nor found I it written otherwise in Aegesippus book 3. chap. 20. Vales. Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon says this City was taken by the Persians on the tenth Indiction in the Consulate of Probus and Avienus that is on the year of Christ 502 and on the eleventh year of Anastasius's Empire See Procopius in Book 1. Persic Vales. * Or Empire a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged being useless and superfluous Further this Wall was from its Builders name called Anastasianus it was built in Anastasius Augustus's third Consulate on the year of Christ 507 as the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle Writes Concerning this Wall Suidas gives this Relation in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Emperour Anastasius builds the Long Wall Sixty miles from the City Constantinople It is extended from the Sea at the North to that at the South It s length contains fourty miles and its breadth is twenty foot See more in Petrus Gillius's first book de Topographia Urbis Constantinopol Cap. 21. Vales. * Almost an Island * Or Inhibition †That is A Tax of Gold and Silver * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whores that made no distinction in their admission of customers * Such as hired out themselves to be abused contrary to Nature †Or Gain a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By these words Evagrius seems to mean the Pretorian Praefecture For that to use Amm. Marcellinus's Expression Vertex erat omnium dignitatum was the Crown or Top of all dignities To this Prefecture therefore the Tribute Chrysargyrum was every fourth year brought in Indeed the Tributes were wont to be brought in to the Chest of the Praetorian Proefecture Hence 't is that in the thirteenth book of the Theodosian Code in the Title de Lustrali Collatione the greatest part of the Laws are directed to the Praefecti Praetorio For the Lustralis Collatio was nothing else but the Chrysargyrum to wit Gold and Silver imposed upon Merchants or the Lustralis auri Collatio and the Auraria Functio For so 't is called in the same Title Further whether it ought to be called a Tribute or rather a Toll or Tax 't is uncertain Evagrius terms it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is Vectigal a Toll or Tax 'T is termed also Vectigal in the last Law save one de Lustrali Collatione The old Authour of the Quaestions on the Old and New Testament tells us this was usually termed Aurum poenosum the punishing Gold see him in Quaest. 75. There is an Elegant passage concerning this Tribute in Libanius's Oration against Florentius pag. 427. which I will transcribe here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which words I render thus Let us also now relate that Mischief which has far surpassed all the rest This is that intollerable Tribute The Chrysargyrum which renders the approaching Lustra or every fifth year dreadfull and horrid The name imposed upon this Tribute is in indeed specious taken from Merchants But whilst they make use of the Sea in order to the vending their Wares those whose hands do scarce afford them bread are utterly ruined Not so much as a Cobler escapes paying this Tribute Whom I my self have frequently seen lifting their knife wherewith they cut their Leather up to heaven and swearing that in that knife their All was placed Nevertheless this frees them not from the vexation of those who are urgent and pressing upon them and who bark and do only not bite This time O Emperour increases the number of servants depriving of Liberty those who are sold by their Parents not that their own Coffer may receive the price for which their children are sold but that they the Parents may see it coming into the hand of the Exactor In the Greek Text of Libanius instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in place of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have substituted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b Amongst the Officials of the Praefectus Praetorio four Numerarii are reckoned in the Notitia Imperii Romani the first of whom was the Numerarius of the Gold that is of the Aurum Lustrate or Chrysargyrum There was also amongst the Officials of the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum a Primicerius of the Scrinium of the Golden Masse and a Primicerius of the Scrinium of Gold on this account perhaps because a certain part of this Tax was brought in to the Chest of the Sacred Largisses Indeed in the Title de Lustrali Collatione there is extant a Law of Valentinianus's directed to Florentius the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum that is of the Sacred Largisses Whence it appears that some part of this Golden Function belonged to the Largitional Titles Vales. * Offices Cabinets or Rooms c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He means the Numerarii that is Officers who managed the Accounts of the Aurum Lustrale who were in the Office of the Praefecti Praetorio as I have said in the foregoing note For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the Numerarii as I have long since remarked at Amm. Marcellinus who by another name were termed also Rationarii Vales. †See Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 10. chap. 8. note b. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At my perill write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with Referre proponere to referre to propose The Tellerian Manuscript confirms our Emendation wherein I found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I had conjectuted Vales. ‖ Or Which set forth this Exaction e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather
write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and accused himself of imprudence Some few words after this instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and had rashly inconsiderately suspended it must be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and had rashly and inconsiderately abolished Vales. * Or Summary or Rationary containing an accounâ— how this Tax was to be Assessed and Collected f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Every body sees it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which is the same as if he should have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 really Further this adverb is referred to the verb Rejoyce Which being most certain 't is nevertheless strange that both Translatours should have referred this adverb to the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus And he did rejoyce because he had really and truly obtained what he desired Vales. * Or Inhibition †Or Gentiles or Graecians * Or Gentiles ‖ Or Blasphemed * Or His Paternall Religion †Or As he says * Or Devill †Or Beauties of Buildings ‖ Or Bread or Bread-corn a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be made Constansius as the reading is in the Tellerian M. S. and in Nicephorus book 16 chap 41. And a little after this instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Enemies it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wars as the reading is in the same Nicephorus Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in two words and accordingly we have rendred it to whose times And so Nicephorus read who has exprest these words of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which place of Nicephorus Langus understood not as 't is apparent from his Version of it It must be rendred thus Quibus historiam tuam terminasti wherein thou hast closed thine History For Zosimus brought down his Work to the taking of Rome effected by Alaricus as 't is manifest from Photius's Bibliotheca Further from this passage in Nicephorus and Evagrius Vossius in his book de Historicis Graecis affirms that Zosimus lived in the times of Theodosius Junior Yet neither of those two Authors hath said that of Zosimus They only say that he lived under Honorius and Arcadius with which Emperours he terminated his History or rather long after them Indeed I am of opinion that this Zosimus lived about the times of Anastasius For he cites Olympiodorus Thebaeus who wrote his History under Theodosius Junior as Photius attests and he names Syrianus Philosophus who was the master of Proclus Diadochus Now Proclus lived in the Times of Anastasius Lastly Saidas writes that Zosimus the Sophist lived in the Reign of Anastasius whom I think to be the same with Zosimus the Historiographer For many Rhetoricians and Sophists betook themselves to writing History as 't is manifest both from Dionysius Halicarnasseus and also from many others And the dignity of Advocate of the Fiscus or Treasury wherewith Zosimus was adorned disagrees not much from the Sophistick dignity Vales. c This passage of Eusebius occurs at book 8 chap. 13 Eccles. Histor. from which place our Evagrius is to be corrected Vales. * To wit pag. 198 of our Version †See Theodoret's Eccles Hist. book 1. chap. 32. ‖ Or Affairs of the Romans d Long before Christ's Advent Macedonia had been subdued by the Romans Moreover the Albani Iberi and Colchi had been conquered by the same Romans long before Christ's birth Therefore what Evagrius says here is nothing to the purpose But concerning this whole Invective of Evagrius's against Zosimus see Johannes Leunclavius's Apology which he has prefixt before his Edition of Zosimus Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the Hundred twenty third Olympiad The same is the reading in the Greek copies of Nicephorus but it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c on the Hundredth eighty second Olympiad from Eusebius and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle pag. 437. Vales. * Or The worship of many Gods †Or A turbulent Dominion mannaged by the people * See Euseb Eccles. Hist. book 1. chap. 5. note a b c. ‖ See Mic. 5. 2. * Or Feed f Evagrius mistakes For about twenty years before out Saviour's Nativity Egypt was reduced into the form of a Province Vales. * Or Commander g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. It would be better written thus Trajan also Severus and Carus For this is required by the order of time Instead of Severus it might be written Verus For he got a great Victory over the Persians as we are informed from the Writers of the Historia Augusta Vales. h Concerning this Apollonius I have read nothing in any place Vales. * Or Prâ—em or Beginning * Germanicus C. Caesoris pater Drusi Minoris Antoniae filius à Tiberio patruo adoptatus c. So Suetonius in the Life of Caius Caligula * Or The same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Tellerian M. S. I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but I would rather express it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 save only c. Vales. †Or Coherent * Or Golden Tax a What The Chrysotelia should be is hard to guess in regard our Evagrius contenting himself in setting down the bare name has omitted to explain the thing it self nor has any other of the Ancient Writers that I know of made mention of this thing But as much as I am able to attain by conjecture I do think the Chrysotelia to have been nothing else but a paying of Gold which Anastasius first ordered to be exacted from the Provincialls in stead of the Tributary Function For the old Romans were wont to bring in the Tributes in the very Species themselves to wit in Wheat Barley Wine and Oyl out of which being carried together into the publick Granaries the Military and Civil Annona was distributed Moreover by the Sanctions of the Emperours it had been forbidden that the Collectors should exact Gold of the Provincials instead of The Species to wit Wheat Barley c. as may be seen in the fourth and fifth Law of the Theodosian Code Tit. Tributa in ipsis speciebus inferri But Anastasius was the first who gave order that instead of The Species money should be exacted of the Provincialls Now I gather this partly from the word Chrysotelia it self whereby is signified a paying of Gold instead of Tribute and partly from that which Evagrius speaks in this whole chapter concerning The Tributary Function as we shall see afterwards Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Johannes Langus has rendred this place very well in this manner Et populos suos Vectigales bellicis impensis per nundinationem divenditis supra modum gravavit And he over-much burthened his people that payed Tribute the Military Expences being by a Market made Sale of Musculus translates it thus Et Militares sumptus one rosissime contra consuetas contributiones divendidit and in a most burdensome manner made sale of the Military Expences contrary to
necessary to be added in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a thing which is never related to have hapned before Which Emendation Nicephorus confirms book 17. chap. 17 who hath worded this place of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which thing never was heard of that it a Plague should invade the earth for the space of two and fifty years Indeed no Plague is recorded to have raged so long This Pestilence is said to have begun on the year after Basilius's Consulate which was the year of Christ 543 as 't is attested by Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon and by the Continuer of Marcellinus Comes's Chronicon Victor Thunonensis writes thus concerning this Plague Horum exordia malorum generalâ—â— orbis Terrarum mortalitas sequitur c. A generall Mortality of the world follows the beginnings of these mischiefs and the greater part of the people is killed by a Persecution of their Groynes The words of Marcellinus's Continuer run thus Indictione 6. Anno Secundo post Consulatum Basilii in the sixth Indiction on the Second year after Basilius's Consulate a great Mortality destroys Italy the East and Illyricum having in the same manner been already consumed Victor does indeed seem to agree with Marcellinus relating that that Plague began on the second year after Basilius's Consulate as Marcellinus records But in reality he dissents in the space of one year For the second year after Basilius's Consulate in Victor Tunonensis is the same with the first year after Basilius's Consulate to wit the year of Christ 542. For Victor Thunonensis does always term that year immediately following the Consulate of any Consul the second year not the first as may be proved by many instances Further our Evagrius seems to follow Victor Thunonensis's opinion For Evagrius says that that Pestilence began two years after Antioch had been taken by the Persians Now Antioch was won by the Persians when Justinus Junior was Consul on the year of our Lords Nativity 540 as Marcellinus and Marius relate in their Chronicles But Baronius will have this Plague to have begun on the year of Christ 544. Vales. * See Thucydides's Hist. book 2. pag. 129 c. Edit Francosurt 1594. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think it should be worded thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others in Summer as the reading is in Niceph. book 17. chap. 18. Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I am of the same opinion with Learned men who have mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in or on the second year as the reading is in Nicephorus So 't is certain S r Henry Savill hath mended it in the margin of his Copy and hath added this note Anno Christi 539 on the year of Christ 539. S r Henry Savill thought indeed that by these words Evagrius meant that that Plague had raged chiefly on the Second Indiction But Evagrius says not that nor had that Plague begun to rage on the year of Christ 539. Evagrius therefore says this only viz. that on the second year of each Indiction that Plague raged more sorely than 't was wont to do at other times Vales. * Or Oâ— the Cycle of fifteen years d In the excellent Florent and Tellerian M. S. I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as yet frequented the School of a Grammar-Master which is more elegant And thus Evagrius speaks above at chap. 26 where he writes that he frequented the School of the Grammarians at such time aâ— Antioch was taken by Chosroes that is on the year of Christ 540. Vales. In Robert Stephens the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as yet frequenting the Grammer-Masters †Or swellings in the Groyn e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is Servos Colonos my Servants and Husband-men For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Rusticks or Tillers of Ground who are likewise termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I have remarked at book 6 of Euseb. Eccles. Hist. chap. 40 note â— So Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 139 speaking of Dioscorus Junior's Election 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Where Anastasius Bibliothecarius renders it well thus Multitudinem Rusticorum the mulitude of the Rusticks Vales. f From this place Evagrius's Birth may easily be found out For whereas he has said in the beginning of this chapter that at such time as he wrote these things it was the fifty second year of that Plague and does now assert that whilst he wrote the same things he was in the fifty eight year of his age it necessarily follows that he had been born six years before the beginning of this Plague Further that Plague began on the year after Baâ—ilius's Consulate or two years after the destruction of Antioch as Evagrius has said above Evagrius therefore was born on the year of Christ 536 or 537. Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is duobus his postremis annis nondum elapsis these two last years being not yet overpast Which I should not have remarked had not I perceived that both Translatours have been out in the Version of this place For Musculus renders it thus Cùm autem ista scriberem annum aetatis quinquagesimum octavum agerem duo ista temporis spatia nondum elapsa essent But whenas I wrote these things and was in the fifty eighth year of my age and those two spaces of time were not yet overpast c. But Christophorson translates it thus Cùm autem ista scriberem quinquagesimo octavo anno scilicet aetatis non biennio antè But when as I wrote these things to 〈…〉 in the fifty eighth year of my age not two years before c. He had 〈…〉 have said intra hoc postremum Biennium within these two last 〈…〉 Vales. h These words are not to be understood so as if four entire Indictions had passed from the beginning of this Plague to that year whereon Evagrius wrote these things For four entire Indictions make sixty years But Evagrius has said above that at such time as he wrote these things it was the fifty second year of that Pestilence These words therefore are not meant concerning entire Indictions For the Pestilence began to rage in the East in the fifth Indiction on the year after Basilius's Consulate which was the year of Christ 542. From which if you count two and fifty years in order it will be made the year of Christ 594. Vales. * Or Was made up of many Diseases †Flix or Lask * Or Surpassing all account 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Florentine and Tellerian Manuscripts 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Philostratus admires which reading nevertheless I approve not of But who this Philostratus should be concerning whom Evagrius speaks and where he should have written this 't is uncertain Philostratus an Athenian Historian is mentioned by Georgius Syncellus in his Chronicon on the first year of the Emperour Aurelian Vales. * 〈…〉 〈…〉 to
instead of Eustochius Bishop of Jerusalem the same Nicephorus has Sallustius Sallustius was indeed Bishop of Jerusalem in the Reign of Anastasius Augustus But Eustochius governed the same Bishoprick about the beginning of Justinus Junior's Empire as Theophanes attests in his Chronicon Vales. †Or Rendred the Deity Propitious a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the reading is in Nicephorus book 17. chap. 22. Vales. b The Laicks were wont to bow their heads not only before the Bishops and Presbyters but before the Monks also to receive their Blessing An illustrious instance of which is extant in Sozomen book 8. chap. 13. Vales. * Or Was not in the least forwarded c Concerning this Earthquake the Authour of Antoninus Martyr's Itinerarium speaks in these words Inde Venimus in partes Syriae ubi requiescit sanctus Leontius Thence we came into the parts of Syria where Saint Leontius rests which City together with other Cities was ruined by an Earthquake in the time of the Emperour Justinian From thence we came to Byblus which City also with all things that were therein was destroyed From thence we came into the City Triari which was likewise ruined Thence we came into the most splendid City Beryto wherein there was lately a study of Learning which was also ruined as we were told by the Bishop of the City to whom the persons were known except the strangers who perished there Further that City wherein Saint Leontius rests is Tripoly as I have remarked before book 3. chap. 33. note c. This Earthquake hapned on the twenty fourth year of Justinian's Reign as Cedrenus writes in his Chronicon and Theophanes pag. 192. What those Authors relate concerning Botry a City of Phoenice is memorable viz that in that City there was an Haven made by that Earthquake there having been no Port there before the Promontory which was called Litho-prosopon being removed But in Theophanes 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By which fault in the writing the Translatour was induced to render it Bostra which is a very gross mistake in regard Bostra is a Mid-Land-City of Arabia The name of this City is in my judgment to be restored in Antoninus Martyr's Itinerary at that place which I have quoted above For instead of the City Triari it must be written Botry Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Who would not admire that three Learned men should have been mistaken in the Rendition of this place Johannes Langus translates it thus illins enim Eccleslae censebatur for he was reckoned of that Church And Musculus renders it almost in the same manner But Christophorson has translated it worst of all thus ab eâ siquidem Ecclesiâ Presbyter fuerat ordinatus for he had been ordained Presbyter by that Church These persons thought that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this Thomas were here to be understood whereas we are to understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this annuall stipend or Alms which was wont yearly to be distributed out of the Revenues of the Church of Antioch to the Monastery of the Abbot Thomas Vales. * Steward †Or Give b Johannes Moschus in his Limonarium Chap. 88 says this Thomas dyed in the Church of Saint Euphemia which was in the Daphnensian Suburb Therefore the Church of the Blessed Euphemia was near the Hospitall wherein strangers were entertained in such manner as we now adays see Churches joyned to Hospitalls and Spiâ—â—les Further Johannes Moschus says that this Thomas was the Apocrysarius that is the Procurator of his own Monastery For those were termed Apocrysarii who managed the affairs of Monasteries and Churches as Justinian informs us in his sixth Novell Vales. c Moschus in the forecited chapter calls the Bishop of Antioch not Ephraemius but Domninus who succeeded Ephraemius Nicephorus Patriarch of Constantinople terms this person Domnus Vales. * Or Most holy †Or Turn our course * Present or opposite * Book 4. Chap. 11. a We have taken notice of this mistake of Evagrius's above at chap. 11 note c which Nicephorus has also corrected But Nicephorus himself whilst he amends Evagrius's errour has committed another For he relates that Menas was ordained by Pope Agatho whereas he was ordained by Agapetus in the place of Anthimus as 't is agreed amongst all persons Vales. b Nicephorus Callistus Book 17. Chap. 25. attests that this Custome viz. that the Particles of the Sacred Eucharist which remained were at Constantinople distributed amongst the Boyes to be eaten continued even in his age and he writes that he himself whilst he was a Boy and was frequently conversant in the Churches partook of those parts Vales. * Or Glassworker †Or Taken * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 †Or Tearing herself with weepings ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enlightned c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Johannes Langus renders this place thus Puerum cum matre divino Regenerationis Lavacro adhibuit deoque dicavit He admitted the Boy with his mother to the divine Laver of Regeneration and Dedicated them to God But Musculus and Christophorson have translated it far worse For Musculus terms it servavit he kept or preserved But Christophorson has rendred it thus puerum cum matre Lavacro Regenerationis tingendos decernit He Decreed the boy with his mother to be Baptized in the Laver of Regeneration I doubt not but the place is thus to be rendred Puerum simul ac matrem Regenerationis Lavacro initiatos Clero adscripsit He enrolled the boy and his mother having been initiated in the Laver of Regeneration amongst the Clergy Which must be understood in this manner that the Emperour ordered that Boy to be reckoned amongst the Readers of the Church but commanded his mother to be ordained a Deaconness Vales. d In this Suburb of the City Constantinople punishments were heretofore usually inflicted on Criminalls as I have already intimated in my Notes on Book 28. Amm. Marcell pag. 362. Whereto add a passage of Saint Jerome out of his Commentaries on Matt. 26 th which runs thus Extra urbem enim foras portam loca sunt in quibus truncantur capita damnatorum Calvariae id est Decollatorum sumpsere nomen Vales. * Or Not as yet a Indeed many Monks severed themselves from his communion because he was thought to assert Origen's opinions One of their number was the Abbot Elias who was also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Johannes Moschus relates in the ninteenth Chapter of his Limonarium And yet Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 205 says Macarius was ejected out of his See 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is by subornation fraud and calumny But Theophanes relates that in a place wholly unfit and incongruous to wit in the Empire of Justinus Junior Now Macarius was ordained Bishop of Jerusalem on the year of Christ 546 and having after two years been expelled out of his See
second plate against the Tria Capitula Vales. * Or Simplicity †Or Opinions i These words are taken out of the Emperour Justinian's Letter to the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod part of which Letter is recorded by Cedrenus in his Chronicon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is In regard therefore it has been told us that there are certain Monks at Jerusalem who were followers of Pythagoras Plato and Origen We were of opinion that care ought to be taken and enquiry made about these persons least by their Paganish or Graecian and Manichaean errour they should perfectly ruine many persons The same occurs in the Emperour Justinian's Letter to Menas concerning the Errours of Grigen Vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I cannot approve of Christophorson's translation who turns these words thus Qui animum nobilitatis antiquae participem tenes who possess a mind partaker of Ancient Nobility Johannes Langus and Musculus have rendred it better Langus in this manner Qui animum obtines caelestis participem generositatis who have a mind partaker of a celestial generosity And Musculus thus Animum supernae nobilitatis sortite Christianissime Imperator You who have gotten a mind of Supernall Nobility Most Christian Emperour Vales. * Or Chapters l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus 't is written truer thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor am I of opinion that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a Greek word To my best remembrance I have noted the same fault some where before this But the place comes not at present into my mind Vales. m As far as may be gathered from these words of Evagrius this Theodorus the Cappadocian was one of the Monks of the New Laura which was near the City Jerusalem This therefore is the Theodorus follower of Nonnus the Origenist who being afterward made Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia openly undertook the patronage of the Origenists as Cyrillus Scythopolitanus relates in the Life of Saint Saba Further whereas this Theodorus Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia acted the chief parts as I may say in the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod as may be seen from its Acts how is he now accused in the same Synod as an Origenist We may therefore not without Cause conjecture that these things which Evagrius Theophanes and Cedrenus say were done in the Fifth Synod against Origen were long after that Synod added to it on account of the likeness of their Subject but were not done in that Synod So also the Acts of the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod under Menas against Anthimus and Zoaras were wont to be joyned to this Fifth Oecumenicall Synod as Photius attests in his Bibliotheca The same thing may also be proved by what Evagrius subjoyns For he says that many impious expressions gathered out of the Books of Evagrius Didymus and Theodorus Mopsuestenus were related to that Synod Now if these things had been done in the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod as Evagrius says it would have been altogether superfluous and unusefull to repeat those expressions of Theodorus which had so often been rekoned up and condemned in the abovesaid Synod My Sentiment therefore is that these things were acted against Origen in another Constantinopolitane Synod on the year of Christ 538 then when certain Monks of Jerusalem who were favoured by Pelagius a Deacon of the Roman Church and by Menas Bishop of Constantinople presented a Libell to Justinian containing certain Heads collected out of Origen's Books and requesting of the Emperour that those Heads might be condemned as Liberatus tells us chap. 23. of his Breviary See Baronius at the year of Christ 538. Moreover our conjecture is fully confirmed by what Evagrius writes a little before this viz. that into those things done against Origen was inserted the Emperour Justinian's Letter to Pope Vigilius concerning the errours of Origen These matters therefore were not transacted in the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod on the year of Christ 553. For on that year Vigilius was at Constantinople nor was there any need that Justinian should treat with him by Letters Wherefore these things were done against Origen long before to wit then when Justinian having received the Libell of those Palestine Monks wrote a Letter to Menas Bishop of Constantinople concerning the errours of Origen giving him order that when he had assembled the Bishops that were present in the Imperial City and the Abbots of Monasteries he should condemn those errours This Letter of Justinian's is extant in Greek and Latine published at the end of the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod In a place altogether forreign and unfit For it belongs not to the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod which was celebrated on the year of Christ 553 but to another Constantinopolitane Synod which by the Emperour Justinian's order had been convened on the year of Christ 538. Therefore Baronius has rightly placed that Letter of Justinian at that year I have mentioned Now at the close of his Letter Justinian affirms in express words that he had also written a Letter to Vigilius Bishop of Rome upon the same Subject For thus he says Haec porro eadem Scripsimus non modo ad Sanctitatem tuam Moreover we have written the very same things not only to your Sanctity but to the most Holy and most Blessed Vigilius also Pope and Patriarch of the Seniour Rome and to all the other most Holy Bishops and Patriarchs of Alexandria Theopolis and Jerusalem that they might both take care of this matter and also that these things may come to an end Lastly those Anathematisms which Nicephorus says were thrown against Origen's opinions in the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod occur in the self same words in Justinian's Letter to Menas which was written long before the Fifth Synod on the year of Christ 538 as Baronius informs us from Liberatus The same also may be proved from the Letter which Gregory the Great wrote to the Four Patriarchs in the beginning of his Episcopate For although he does expresly profess in that Letter that with Veneration he gives Reception to the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod in which Letter some writings of Ibas Theodorus and Theodoret are condemned yet he says not one word concerning Origen's condemnation Which certainly he would not have omitted if Origen had been condemned in that Synod Vales. n These things are written carelessly enough by Evagrius who has disguised the Cause of Eutychius's deposition least he should in any wise offend the Memory of the Emperour Justinian If any one be desirous of reading a compleat Narrative of this matter 't is extant in Surius in the Life of the Blessed Patriarch Eutychius elegantly written by his disciple Eustathius and in Nicephorus Book 17 Chap. 29. Baronius says that was done on the year of Christ 564 which was the Emperour Justinian's last year Vales. o This is Johannes Scholasticus who has a Collection of Canons Extant Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon gives us this account of his ordination Anno 39. Imperii sui Justinianus Eutychium Constantinopolitanum
the Milice throughout Colchis and Armenia in place of Martinus as Agathias writes in his Fourth Book but afterwards he made the same person Master of the Milice throughout the Thracia's as Menander Protector declares in the First Book of his History pag. 99. Vales. * Or Fields e In what manner these Abari or Abares having been vanquished by the Turks betook themselves into Europe Theophilactus Simocatta relates Book 7. Chap. 7. Vales. * Or Camps f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus Book 17. Chap. 34 and in the Tellerian Manuscript 't is written in one word thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Stations or Landing places which I rather approve of But I think this whole place must be thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c where many Barbarous Nations c according as we have rendred it Vales. †Or Disabled g In Justinianus Augustus's times the Abares having passed into Europe became first known to the Romans as Theophilactus Simocatta relates in Book 7. Chap. 8 for when they had come to the places of Scythia and Maesia they sent Embassadours to Justinian on the thirty first year of Justinian's Empire as Theophanes relates in his Chronicon and Anastasius Bibliothecarius But Victor Thunonensis mentions this Embassy a little later Post Consulatum c. After the Consulate of the most famous personage Basilius on the twenty third year the Emperour Justinian makes the Embassadours of the Nation of the Abari whence they had come c. This was the thirty sixth year of Justinian's Empire Concerning the same Embassy of the Abares to Justinian Menander Protector is to be consulted in the First Book of his History pag. 99 of the King's Edition where he excellently well describes that Embassy and confirms Victor Thunonensis's opinion For he says that Justinian died not long after Vales. * Or Enclined to both of them * Guards or Partisans a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus took away the Praeposition here For he has exprest this place of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and hindred him from going abroad But I had rather write with Evagrius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which reading I have followed in my Version Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus and Christophorson understood these words of Evagrius concerning Justinus kinsman to the Emperour Justinus But I had rather take them as meant of the Emperour Justinus himself For he being sickly for the most part sate at home and forbad his kinsman Justinus access to himself Indeed Cedrenus and Zonaras do attest what I have said concerning Justinus For Cedrenus's words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Justinus was continually sick and dim-sighted and unable to come abroad Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is brought home I had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is removed So in the foregoing chapter where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and understands that place of Evagrius concerning the Barbarians who had been carried thither by the Romans Further this Justinus was made Augustalis and Dux of Alexandria by the Emperour Justinus in the sixth year of his Empire as Theophanes and Cedrenus do relate Cedrenus's words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But Justinus having heard that his kinsman who was Augustalis and Dux of Alexandria meditated treachery against the Emperour he sent and beheaded him Write thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according as the reading is in Theophanes For those two dignities Augustalis and Dux although they were distinct yet were now and then given to one and the same person by the Emperours as may be proved by many instances Further this dignity was bestowed on Justinus by the Emperour not in honour to him but rather that he might send him far off from the Imperial City Therefore the City Alexandria was to Justinus instead of a prison Hence 't is that Theophanes in his Chronicon relates that Justinus Augustus detained his Cosin-German Justinus prisoner as 't were at Alexandria Moreover Johannes Biclariensis in his Chronicon places the murder of this Justinus on the second year of Justinus Junior's Empire to wit on the same year whereon Aetherius and Addaeus had a capitall punishment inflicted on them And this is more agreeable to the account given here by Evagrius Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The former negative particle must be expunged as being altogether superfluous Vales. b The words of Johannes Biclariensis in his Chronicon are these Anno Secundo memorati principis c. On the second year of the mentioned Emperour in the Imperial City Aetherius and Addaeus Patritii being detected whilst by Physitians they attempted to kill Justinus by Poyson rather than sword are ordered to be punished with a capitall sentence the former was devoured by wild Beasts the second was burnt to death I know not whether Johannes Biclariensis termed these men Patritii instead of Senators but there is a great difference between the Patritian and Senatorian dignity Concerning the same Aetherius and Addaeus Eustathius in the Life of Eutychius Patriarch of Constantinople writes thus Quâ quidem die id est tertiâ Octobris On which day that is the third of October those persons also who had framed Plots against the holy man and had cast him into Exile I mean Aetherius and Addaeus the latter of whom was Praefect of the City and the former was Curator of the house of Antiochus died c. Vales. * Or Buggerer c He means the house of Antiochus of which Aetherius was Curator as Eustathius attests in the place just now cited ille autem Antiochiae Curator Eustathius's words in Greek if I mistake not are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is But Aetherius Curator of the House of Antiochus The same Eustathius makes mention of this house where he describes in what manner Eutychius was ejected out of the Imperial City Dicebant enim quidam graves viri c. For some grave men said if he should go out of the Sacred Temple he would be killed For some Armed men who were placed in the Mannour-House of Antiochus stayed for him without for that purpose Theophilactus mentions the same Imperial House in his third Book Chapter 3. There were many such houses at Constantinople as the House of Placidia the House of Flaccilla the House of Hormisda and severall others belonging to the Emperour each of which Houses had its Curator who look't after that House or Pallace and all its Revenues These Officers are termed Curae Palatiorum in the Notitia of the Roman Empire under the dispose of the Castrensis of the Sacred Pallace But then the dignity of these Curators was the chiefest and their Title was Most Glorious and Most Magnificent as Tiberius Augustus's Constitution de Domibus Imperialibus informs us Vales. * John 14. 27. †Or Run together into ‖ Or Opinion * Or First Salvation †Or Substance ‖ Or Glorisying * Or Joyning together
†Or Substance * Or Subsistencies a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who is to the Father and to the Holy Ghost In Nicephorus Book 17. Chap. 35 where this Edict of the Emperour Justinus concerning the Faith is recorded this place is read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who is equall to the Father and to the Holy Spirit Which reading Christophorson hath followed For he renders it thus Qui est equalis Patri Spiritui Sancto who is equall to the Father and to the Holy Spirit But in this place the equality of the Father and Son is not treated of but whether Christ be one of the Trinity I have therefore supplyed this place righter from the excellent Florentine Manuscript in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who is our Lord Jesus Christ c. The Tellerian M. S. has it written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who is in the Father and in the Holy Spirit Vales. In Robert Stephens the reading is the same with that set at the beginning of this note †Or Are of * Or a certain or some one man ‖ Or Received * Or Made up b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson has rendred this place ill in this manner Non Confusionem in Unitatem introducimus We introduce not a confusion into the Unity Nor has Musculus done righter who translates it thus Unitatem non conâ—â—ndimus We confound not the Unity I do not wonder at Musculus who in this Edict of Justinus always renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Unitatem Unity very erroneously That Learned man hath committed the same mistake who has done into Latine the Fragments of Ephraemius Bishop of Antioch which are extant in Photius's Bibliotheca But why Christophorson who every where renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Copulationem Copulation should at this place translate it otherwise I know not Johannes Langus Nicephorus's Translatour renders it thus In Unione confusionem non inducimus We induce not a confusion in the Union Exactly right if you add a Syllable in this manner in Unitione in the Unition For the term Unio though it be now a days frequently used in the Schools of Philosophers and Divines is a barbarous word when 't is taken for Unition For Unio in Latine signifies Unitatem Unity as may be proved from Tertullian Jerome Prudentius Pope Simplicius and others Let therefore those Zoili Carpers or Censurers cease reproving of us because in the Letter of Alexander Bishop of Alexandria which is recorded by Socrates book 1. chap. 6 we have translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Union For we did that from the use and propriety of the Latine Tongue which they being wholly ignorant of thought that Unio Union was nothing else but Unitionem Unition But betwixt Unio and Unitio there is as much difference as between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Union or Unity there is nothing but what is simple or single But in Unition something compounded of two is necessarily understood 'T is certain the Old Translatour of the Chalcedon Synod always renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Unition or adunation Vales. * Or Shall not †Or So as we are ‖ Sublimity or Eminency * Or Being both at the same time †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus 't is truer written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But I had rather read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being understood or rather existing c. Nor do I doubt but the Emperour Justinus wrote so as I have said For he reproves himself because he had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being understood as if the difference of the two Natures in Christ were in the understanding only and did not really exist Vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Form fashion state d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the very Flesh. Which reading is not tollerable For Christ had not a proper subsistency in the Flesh but before he assumed Flesh he had a proper subsistency in regard he was the second person of the Sacred Trinity Nevertheless if any one be minded to defend Nicephorus's reading I shall not much gainsay it For it more fitly coheres with the words preceding The sense therefore is this that the Son of God who had a proper subsistency from all Eternity having assumed Flesh subsisted therein personally Vales. * Points or Opinions e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. I am of the same mind with the Learned who have long since mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the c. Although Nicephorus has retained the vulgar reading Vales. †Sent forth f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The first word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 persons is used on account of Nestorius's Heresie who asserted two persons in Christ the one of man the other of the Word But the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Syllables was annext on account of the Futychians and Acephali who affirmed that Christ consisted of two Natures before the Unition but after the Unition they asserted but one Nature in him On the other hand the Catholicks adored Christ in two Natures Those Syllables therefore are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which though they are different yet if they be rightly understood do both aim at one and the same Faith and Opinion as Justinus adds See Evagrius above at book 1. chap. 1 note c. Further this Edict was promulged by Justinus Junior on the first year of his Empire to wit the year of Christ 566 as Baronius remarks than which Edict Justinus conferred nothing more upon the Catholick Church but satisfying himself in having only expounded the Orthodox Faith he in future prohibited disputes about the Nestorian and Eutychian Opinion and permitted every one to think of these matters according to his own arbitrement From this Edict therefore followed no advantage as Evagrius observes truly Wherefore Johannes Biclariensis said amiss in his Chronicon whose words concerning Justinus Junior are these Qui Justinus anno primo Regni fui Which Justinus in the first year of his Reign destroyed those things which had been devised against the Chalcedon Synod And suffered the Creed of the Holy Fathers of the Church convened at Constantinople which Creed had been laudably received in the Chalcedon Synod to have entrance and to be sung by the people in every Catholick Church before the Lords Prayer was to be repeated Biclariensis attributes those things to Justinus Junior which rather befitted Justinus Senior Vales. ‖ Scheme or State * Or Antioch †Or Blasphemy against himself a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus in regard he understood not these words omitted them as may be seen in book 17. chap. 36. For he his exprest this place of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But 't was said that Justinus was angry with him because he refused to give him money when
I think is the Trajanus Patritius who had written a short Chronicle an admirable work as Suidas attests Theophanes mentions him in his Chronicon pag. 56. Suidas writes indeed that he had lived in the times of Justinianus Rhinotmetus But I am of opinion that Suidas is out in regard no person of this name is mentioned in the Empire of Justinianus Rhinotmetus But in the Reign of Justinus junior Trajanus Patritius is commended by Menander Protector in his Sixth Book and by our Evagrius here Vales. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Empire ‖ Or Dejected * Chosroes ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus the reading is truer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the Territories or affairs of the Romans Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In my own judgment I have restored this place very happily so that instead of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For in the Truce which was made between the Romans and Persians it had been expressly cautioned that there should be a Cessation of Armes throughout the East only but in Armenia and Iberia it should be lawfull to wage War See Menander Protector in the Sixth Book of his Histories pag. 157 which authour does fully confirm this our Emendation And so does Theophylactus Book 3. Chap. 12. Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Barbarians The reading in Nicephorus is the same Nevertheless I doubt not but it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Abares For the Abares took the City Sirmium as Menander Protector attests in his Excerpta Legationum pag. 117. Which City having before been in the hands of the Gepida the Abares who had destroyed the Kingdom of the Gepidae asserted that that City with the rest of the riches of the Gepidae had passed into their power and dominion as the same Menander relates pag. 114 and 130. See Theophylactus Book 1. Chap. 3. Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the open Court of the Pallace Nicephorus adds a word here in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the open Court of the Imperial Pallace Theophylactus makes mention of this place Book 1 Chap. 1 and relates that the Emperours were usually proclaimed there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which place the Latine Translatour has exprest in a long circuit of words in this manner Tiberius namque in atriam palatii juxta domum in quâ multi ex herbis seu frondibus ad coenandum dormiendumve tori sive Lectisternia vestibulum illustre visendumque proscenium Huc inquam gestatus c. Whence it appears that he understood not what was meant by these words Likewise Nicephorus Callistus when he wrote out this place of Theophilactus omitted the latter words But my Sentiment is that by these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theophilactus means that House which in Greek was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Because in it there were nineteen Accubita or Stibadia whereon the Emperour with his Nobles lay down and banquetted at Christmas and on the more solemn Festival days as Theophanes and Anastasius Bibliothecarius do relate in the one and thirtieth year of Justinian and likewise Luitprandus in Book 6 Rerum per Europam Gestarum Chap. 3 where his words are these Est domus quae Decaennea accubita dicitur c. There is an House which is termed the Decaennea accubita It is so called for this reason because nineteen Tables are spread there in the Nativity of our Lord. Whereon the Emperour and likewise his Guests do banquet not in a sitting posture as on other days but by lying down Near this House was the Tribunal or Throne in which the Emperours and Empresses were crowned Nicephorus Constantinopolitanus pag 176 speaking of Isaurus Leo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Throne termed the Decaennea Accubita he Crowned his Son Constantine Emperour Anastasius relates the same as does likewise the Author Historiae Miscellae Book 21. The same Writer book 22 speaking of Constantinus Copronymus Anno 28 Imperii sui coronavit On the 28 th year of his own Empire the Emperour Crowned his Wife Eudoxia after he had been thrice married in the Tribunal of the nineteen Accubita Hence 't is that Codinus in his Origines Constantinopolitanae places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Stepfimon near the House of the nineteen Accubita by which term The Stepsimon he means the throne whereon the Emperours were Crowned Now this House was in the Third Region of the City near the Hippodrome as Luitprandus attests Indeed the Old Description informs us that in that Region was the Great Cirque and the Semicircular or half-round Porticus which was called The Sigma and lastly the Tribunal of the Forum of Constantine And 't is very likely that of that Porticus was made the House of the nineteen Accubita for a Sigma is the same with a Stibadium or an Accubitum Moreover the Church of Saint Stephen is by Codinus placed near the Tribunal of the nineteen Accubita which Petrus Gyllius book 2 chap. 15 relates from an Old Authour to have been near the Sigma Further this House of the nineteen Accubita was also termed The Delphica or The Delphicum as Procopius attests book 1. of his Vandalicks pag. 116 and Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon Vales. b I can't tell why Evagrius should say this was an old custome that the Emperours of Constantinople should be proclaimed in the Atrium of the Imperial Pallace For the old custome was that the Augusti should be proclaimed in the Seventh Milliarium or mile from the City in the presence of the Army in the Campus or field without the City And Valens was the first that had been stiled Emperour in that Suburb by his Brother Valentinian After whom the following Emperours of the East were proclaimed in the same place as I have long since observed in my Notes on Amm. Marcellinus's 26 th book pag. 115 116. The Emperour Zeno. also was Crowned in the Seventh Milliarium by his own Son Leo as Victor Thunonensis relates in his Chronicon Likewise Basiliscus was a little after stiled Emperour in the Campus as Theophanes informs us Now the Campus was in the Seventh Milliarium as Theophylactus attests book 8 chap. 12. But who was first saluted Augustus in the Atrium of the Imperial Pallace at Constantinople I have not yet plainly found Indeed Justinus Junior seems to have been proclaimed Emperour there as may be gathered from the first chapter of this book Vales. c Theophanes in his Chronicon attests that not Johannes Scholasticus but Eutychius was then Patriarch of Constantinople For Johannes Scholasticus died on the Tenth Indiction in the month August the day before the Calends of September And Eutychius was restored to his own See on the same year in the month October on the Eleventh Indiction as Theophanes attests On the year
following which was the year of Christ 578 in the Twelfth Indiction on the 26 th of September this Eutychius Crowned Tiberius Augustus as Theophanes and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle inform us But on a more attentive examination of the thing I have perceived nothing is to be found fault with here for Evagrius speaks not here concerning Tiberius's being proclaimed Augustus but of the Appellation of Caesar granted to him Further Tiberias was made Caesar on the Eighth Indiction as the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle informs us at which time Johannes was Patriarch of Constantinople Vales. * Or Cloake * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 delight of mind †Or Governours d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as far as any one c. Nor do I doubt but Evagrius left it thus written Our conjecture is confirmed by the Tellerian Manuscript wherein I found it plainly written in this manner Away therefore with the rendition of Musculus who translates it thus Insignis magis quà ◠ut quisquam illi conferri possit more eminent than that any one might be compared to him But Christophorson turns it in this manner Pulchritudinis excellentiâ omnium opinione major for the excellency of beauty greater than the opinion of all men Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading in thâ— Florentine Manuscript is truer thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c in so much that in the first place c. Evagrius alludes to that known verse of the Tragoedian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For he considered not what Petitioners ought to receive as the reading is in Nicephorus book â—8 chap. 1. In the Florentine and Tellerian Manuscripts instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. ‖ Or Which came from Tears g There is extant a Constitution of Justinus Junior wherein he has remitted to the Provincialls the Remains of the Tributes of the past year untill the Eighth Indiction of the Cycle current Which Justinus seems to have done by the perswasion of Tiberius whom a little before he had Created Caesar at the beginning of the Eighth Indiction as the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle informs us Into this first Constitution therefore of the Emperour Justinus junior the name of Tiberius the Caesar ought also to have been inserted Vales. h At this present there is extant a Constitution of the Emperour Justinus junior concerning the promoting Rectours of Provinces without reward Which amongst the Novelt Constitutions of Justinus junior is the Fifth in number In that Constitution Justinus gives permission to the Provincialls that they may make known to the Emperour those persons whom they should judge fit to Govern their own Province and the Emperour promises that he will give forth the Codicills and the Insignia Marks Tokens of Magistracy freely without any present or gift Which Law in regard it bears date on the eighth year of Justinus Junior's Empire was we doubt not set forth also by the perswasion and suggestion of Tiberius the Caesar. Vales. * Or Land of the Romans * Or Of men that were Heroes ‖ Or Beyond the Alpes †Or On this side the Alpes * Or Paeonia a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Without doubt it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Troops 'T is a wonder to me that this was not taken notice of either by Nicephorus or the Translatours Vales. * Or Consider of their Embassy b Menander Protector has mentioned this Justinian Magister Militum throughout the East in the Sixth Book of his Histories pag. 159. As also Theophylactus Book 3. Chap. 12. And likewise Johannes Biclariensis in his Chronicon Anno 9. Justini Cosdroes Persarum Imperator On Justinus's ninth year Cosdroes Emperour of the Persians with too numerous an Army advances to ruine the Roman Confines against whom Justinianus Commander of the Roman Milice and Magister Militum of the East being sent by Tiberius makes ready for a War and in the Fields which lie between Daras and Nisibis engages in a brave Fight having with him those most valiant Nations which in the Language of the Barbarians are termed Hermani where he vanquishes the forementioned Emperour Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From the Florentine and Tellerian Manuscripts I have made good this place thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Brother to that Justinus who had been barbarously murdered by the Emperour Justinus This Justinian therefore was Son to Germanus which Theophylactus does also attest in his Third Book Brother of that Justinus who had been slain by the Emperour as Evagrius relates in the beginning of this book Vales. d Theophylactus mentions this person in book 3. chap. 16 and in book 1. chap. 9. In which places the Latine Translatour terms him Cursius But he had better have translated it Cursus For so Menander Protector calls him in the sixth book of his Histories pag. 159 of the King's Edition In Theophanes's Chronicon pag. 214 he is corruptly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crous Vales. †Or Vehemency ‖ Or Order e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I rather approve of Nicephorus's reading book 18. chap. 2. which runs thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only I would adde an Article in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is as Johannes Langus renders it Quòd facilius is impressionem suam quà m ipsius Cours sustineri posse existimaret because be thought his own impression might with more ease be endared than the Attack of Cours Further Theophanes in his Chronicon relates this Flight of the Persians and Victory of the Romans after the death of the Emperour Justinus junior when Tiberius had obtained the Empire alone But Theophylactus from whom Theophanes seems to have taken his Relation attests that that hapned whilst Justinus was yet alive when Tiberius bore the Title and Dignity of Caesar only and governed the State as may be seen in Theophylactus's third book chap. 14. To whom agrees our Evagrius for he relates the Death of Justinus Junior thereafter in the nineteenth chapter of this book where he says in express words that after Justinus's death Tiberius deprived Justinian of the Dignity of Magister Militum Vales. * Or His own forces †Or Had now broke their own Ranks †Petulancy or Contumelie a The death of Chosdroes King of the Persians is related too soon here For he died after Tiberius had gotten the Empire as Theophylactus attests book 3. chap. 16. which is also confirmed by Menander Protector in his Excerpt Legat. Wherefore Theophanes is mistaken in his Chronicon who relates Chosdroes's death and the Inauguration of his Son Hormisda in the Empire of Justinus Junior Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Tellerian Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of whom I must at present omit to speak which reading I
favour him though the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has not that signification Therefore I had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have an inclination towards him Vales. * Or Theopolis †Or That City ‖ Or Part. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson has explained this place thus Ambo igitur Optimates Populares Both parties therefore as well the Eminenter Citizens as the Ordinary sort agreed in the same Opinion with the Commonalty But Musculus expunged these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as appears from his Version For thus he renders it Utrique igitur in eandem sententiam conspirarunt Both parties therefore agreed in the same Opinion that is as well the eminenter Citizens as the Plebâ—ians or rather as well the Citizens as the Artificers For so Evagrius has distinguished both Parties a little before Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus renders it the abundance and plenty of the Annona Langus and Christophorson translate it the peace and felicity The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies both as Suidas attests Vales. c What is now a days usually done amongst us in Criminal Suits and Prosecutions that Councill should by the Judges be assigned to the Party accused the same was heretofore in use in Ecclesiastick Courts of Judicature also as this place of Evagrius informs us For Gregorius Bishop of Antioch when he went to the Imperial City to make his defence concerning his Accusation of Incest before a Synod of Bishops and before the Senatours carried Evagrius Scholasticus along with him who might be his Councellour and Assessour and might give him advice where there was need For that is the import of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at this place Further in this Relation of Evagrius's many things are observable First his saying that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch when accused of Incest by a Laick before a Secular Judge appealed to the Emperour and a Synod Concerning an appeal to the Emperour the Letter of the Roman Councill to Gratianus Augustus is to be consulted which was first published by Jacobus Syrmondus Secondly it is to be observed that Evagrius says that Gregorius's Cause was tried before the Patriarchs and Metropolitanes and before the Senatours So in the Chalcedon Synod after the Bishops and Secular Judges were met together the Cause of Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria was discussed and determined In which Synod the most glorious Judges and Senatours are always named before the Bishops who were present at that Synod in like manner as in this place of Evagrius the Senatours are named before the Metropolitanes but they are mentioned after the Patriarchs Vales. * Or Conflicts * Gregorius's a This was the year of Christ 589. For the years of the Antiochians precede the Nativity of Christ eight and fourty years as I have observed above Now that which Evagrius adds viz. that this Earthquake hapned at Antioch Sixty one years after the former Earthquakes which had afflicted Antioch agrees exactly with our accounts For that former Earthquake in Justinus's Reign had hapned on the year of Christ 528 as I have remarked at the Fourth Book of Evagrius Chap. 6 note b. Further from hence may be gathered the year of the Constantinopolitane Synod which was convened in the Cause of Gregorius Bishop of Antioch This Synod Baronius places on the year of Christ 587. But from Evagrius's authority I doubt not of its having been assembled two years after For whereas this Synod was celebrated four months after that Earthquake whereby Antioch was shaken and whereas that Earthquake hapned on the Sixth hundredth thirty seventh year of the Antiochians as Evagrius attests what I have affirmed is necessarily made out viz. that the Constantinopolitane Synod was convened on the year of Christ 589. Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Or Made their very foundations boyl b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 received or had Our Emendation is confirmed by the Tellerian Manuscript and by Nicephorus who has worded this place of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is as Langus renders it eâque de causâ— tigna quae id sustinebant habuerat and on that account it had Props which bore it up The Greeks call these Props 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one word as Hesychius attests Which term I lately found Philo Mechanicus to have made use of when I turned his books de Machinis into Latine In French we call them Des étais In Latine they are termed Fulturas Props or Shoars Which term Fultura is made use of by Livy in his description of the Siege of Ambracia Vales. ‖ Book 1. Chap. 18. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Tellerian manuscript and in Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Brysia which I rather approve of Certain pleasant and flourishing places seem to have been so termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies storere to flourish as Suidas attests and the Authour of the Etymologicon in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Translatours Langus Musculus and Christophorson understood not this place as 't is apparent from their Versions For they have rendred it thus Omnes quoque turres in plano Constitutae disjectae sunt Also all the Towers placed in the Plain were thrown down I think 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be the Campus which was without the Gates of the City Antioch wherein the Souldiers were wont to be exercised Athanasius makes mention of this place in a Supplicatory address which the Arians had presented against him to the Emperour Jovian then residing at Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first Congress they had with the Emperour was in the Gate Romanensis when the Emperour went forth into the Campus Vales. See Athanas. Works Tom. 2. pag. 27. Edit Paris 1627. * Or Turned to the contrary side e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus adds some few words here in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The whole place is thus rendred by Langus Et utrumque publicum Lavacrum ex pulcherrimo statu ad eam quae ex diametro est deformitatem collapsum And each publick Bath fà ln from a most beautifull condition to that deformity which is Diametrically opposite Which rendition is by no means to be born with Nor is Musculus's translation much better who renders it thus Et ex publick Balneis alterum iisdem boris dirutum est And the one of the publick Baths is ruined in the very same hours Christophorson has expounded this place thus Et utrumque publicum Balneum quod duobus distinctis temporibus inservit eadem oppressit Calamitas And the same Calamity ruined each of the publick Baths which served for two distinct times But my Sentiment is that the meaning of these words is this There were at Antioch two publick Baths divided according to the Seasons of the year The one a
Christophorson translates it in this manner Quo regnante eas Relationes Composuimus idque eo ipso tempore quo Theodosium in Lucem edidit during whose Reign we composed those Relations and that at that very time wherein he brought to light Theodosius Christophorson was of opinion that the reading here ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But this emendation is not to be endured For Evagrius had not composed that Work of Relations during the Reign of Mauricius but whilst Tiberius Constantinus was Emperour as he himself affirms a little above Therefore I had rather retain the common reading here by understanding the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Relation or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Discourse For when the Emperour Mauricius's Son Theodosius was born Evagrius wrote an Oration to the Emperour Mauricius wherein he congratulated with him on account of the Birth of his Son and foretold the highest felicity both to Mauricius and the Roman State because Mauricius had abolished the old Reproach of the Roman Empire and had at length begotten a Male-child For none of the Roman Emperours who had Reigned in the Eastern parts even from the times of Theodosius Junior had begotten Male-children Evagrius therefore says that on account of this Oration he had been rewarded by Mauricius with the Codicills of a most ample Praefecture Vales. h The most noble Theodosius was born in purple on the third year of Mauricius's Empire on the twenty sixth of the month September and therefore on the fourth Indiction which had begun from the Calends of the September of this year The same Theodosius was afterwards Crowned Augustus by his Father Mauricius in the eighth Indiction on the twenty sixth of the month March when he was four years and an half old as Theophanes relates in his Chronicon pag. 225. Vales. * That is Without setting forth what Chapter it is viz. the 20 th 30 th c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Graecians are wont to inscribe their Books written concerning any one's Life Philostratus gave his Books concerning the Life of Apollonius Tyaneus this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philostratus's eight Books concerning the Life of Apollonias Tyaneus So also Marcus Antoninus entitled the Books concerning his own Life 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 twelve Books of Remarks upon himself 'T is further to be noted that although these Books have this Title concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine yet all things are not contained therein which were performed by that Emperour but those matters only are described which relate to true piety and the Glory of the Christian Religion Whereof Eusebius gives an express advertisement in the beginning of this book chap. 11. Vales. b At this place Robert Stephens has added these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 five Books what Copies he followed I know not For these words occur not either in the King's Copy or in the Old Sheets Neither are these words to be found in the Fuketian Manuscript 'T is certain this Work concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine consists only of four Books which is also attested by Photius But because Eusebius had added three small Pieces to wit the Emperour Constantine ' s Oration to the Convention of the Saints the description of the Church at Jerusalem together with the Sacred Presents there Dedicated by Constantine and a Panegyrick spoken at Constantine ' s Tricennalia hence it came to pass that this Appendix was by some taken for a Fifth Book Indeed the Index of the Chapters which is prefixt before Constantine's Oration to the Saints in the Fuketian Manuscript has this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Chapters of the Fifth Book But in the Kings Copy the Indices of the Chapters are omitted and this Title is written at the side though in a more modern hand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the beginning of the Fifth Book Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Second and Third Decade of years 'T was usuall with Emperours to celebrate solemn Feasts and Pastimes for joy they were arrived at the 10 th 20 th or 30 th year of their Reign the Feasts for their tenth year were termed Decennalia those for their 20 th Vicennalia and them for their 30 th Tricennalia a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with Vicennalian Hymns This Oration spoken by Eusebius in Constantine's Vicennalia is not now extant We can only affirm this of it that it was spoken in the Nicene Synod in the presence of the Emperour Constantine as Eusebius attests in the following words but he tells us this very thing much more plainly in book 3 chap. 11. Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have platted him Tricennalian Crowns of Orations He means The Tricennalian Oration concerning the praises of Constantine which Eusebius had annexed at the close of his books concerning the Life of Constantine as he himself attests book 4. chap. 46. Nevertheless in the Fuketian Manuscript this Oration is prefixt before Eusebius's Books of the Life of the Emperour Constantine Which is very right indeed if we respect the time wherein this Oration was spoken but 't is Contrary to the opinion of the Writer himself who ordered that Oration to be placed at the close of these books Vales. * Or Our Oration is c. See chap. 2. note c. †Aspect or Sight ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S r Henry Savil hath noted at the margin of his Copy that perhaps the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with our Oration is self The same thing came also into my mind before I had procured S r Henry Savils Copy 'T is the same with what Eusebius says in the following chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and converst with us our selves in a most admirable manner But after a more diligent inspection into the thing I am now of another opinion Nor do I doubt but Eusebius wrote thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accompanied or conversing with Imperial Majesty her Self which is a most elegant expression For he makes Imperial Majesty a kind of Goddess as 't were whose inseparable Companion he says Constantine was after his death in regard he conversed above with God the supreamest of Kings but reigned on the earth in his Sons Questionless whosoever shall read the following words with attention will never doubt of this Emendation Vales. * Or Pertook of the honour of Gaesars †Or Virtue of Religion a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading in the Old Sheets is truer thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and we have rendred it accordingly In the Fuketian Manuscript the four former words are wanting and there is a blankspace left capable of one or two words only Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Manuscripts this place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But I had rather retain the ordinary reading only I would alter the punctation For I am of opinion
〈◊〉 In the Kings Sheets these words are added in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which words some Learned man hath added by conjecture as 't is sufficiently apparent I think there is only one word wanting here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to give I word it thus therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then he commanded c. Which sort of expression is usuall with Eusebius Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At the margin of Morâ—us's Copy 't is mended thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But this emendation is needless For amongst the Ancients money was deposited in Temples on account of securing it and there kept by Guards or Watches of Souldiers as Juvenal's Old Scholiast remarks and Lipsius in his book de Magnitudine Romanâ To these Souldiers therefore Eusebius alludes By the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Palatini may also be meant here who guarded the sacred Treasurie In the Kings Sheets 't is over written in the same hand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Faithfull which displeases not In the Fuketian Manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 piety as I found it mended in the margin of Turnebus's Copy Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Adverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not without reason troubled both the Translatours as may be gathered from their Renditions But they ought to have considered that Palatium a Pallace is taken in a twofold sense For sometimes it imports the Court of a Prince In which sense there were at that time only Four Pallaces to wit answerable to the number of the Emperours But sometimes every House wherein an Emperour does usually dwell is termed a Pallace And in this sense there were very many Pallaces in the Roman Empire For there was scarce a City which had not a Pallace Such Pallaces or Imperial Houses as these were under the dispose of certain Officers who were termed Curae Palatiorum concerning whom there is mention in the Notitia Imperii Romani Eusebius therefore means these Pallaces I am of opinion that the Publick or Royall Villae are likewise meant which the Caesariani look't after Vales. * Or Only into Constantius entred â— wisedome of thought a After this word in the King's Sheets the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pious is elegantly added in the margin thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is in the Fuketian and in Moraeus's Copy That is to all the Palatines who bore Office under him and also to the Judges themselves who were placed in power Power is a term properly attributed to the Greater Judges of which sort were the Praefecti Praetorio So Eusebius expresses himself hereafter and Socrates book 2. chap. 16 where he speakâ— concerning Philippus Praefectus Praetorio Moreover in the Gesta purgationis Caeciliani Agesilaus Official to the Proconsul Aelian says thus Potestas tua c. Your power c. See what I have remarked above at book 5. chap. 1. of Euseb. Eccles. Histor. note e. Vales. c In the King's Copy at the side of these words is set such a mark as this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have taken notice of such a mark as this some where before but that Letter which is set before the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not open on the top here but closed on all sides Whence I am rather induced to believe that this mark is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that it signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is attend consider For this mark is added at places which have something of difficulty For instance the newness of this expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may put the Reader to a stand here unless he knows that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to be understood Vales. * Or Worthy of d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the King's Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. amongst the chiefest and nearest c. Those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought to be made use of are a redundancy of expression frequent with Eusebius For so he has exprest himself in his books of History as I well remember Vales. a We have made a division of a new chapter here from the Authority of the Kings Manuscript whereto agrees the Fuketian Copy and the old Sheets Vales. †Or The Nature of affairs b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acknowledging or some such like word is wanting In the Kings Sheets after these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confessing or avowing is added in the margin Turnebus and S r Henry Savill add 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 knowing after the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But that reading which I have produced out of the Kings Sheets is better For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is elegantly opposed to that which follows immediately to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 condemning In the Fuketian Manuscript 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or The Polytheisme of the Atheists c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S r H. Savil has noted at the margin of his Copy that perhaps the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is said is to be added But that emendation is far better which I found written in the Kings Sheets at the margin it is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading we have exprest in our Version The reading in the Fuketian Manuscript is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. d He alludes to that saying of Epicurus concerning God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Nemesius relates it chap. 44 Cicero in his first book de Natura Deorum and Laertius pag. 795. Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Kings Sheets the last word is undermarked with points and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is written over which I like better Further in the same Sheets before these words these are added in the margin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and these Acts of worship were performed with him only They that will may follow this conjecture of the Learned Antiquary To me these words seem not necessary Vales. * Or Imperial power †Viz. Diocletian and Maximian a This place is highly remarkable For from it this conclusion may be made that the Persecution began on Diocletian's eighth and Maximian's seventh Consulate and not on the foregoing year as Baronius will have it Concerning which matter I have spent many words in my notes on Euseb. Eccles. History see book 8. chap. 2. note c. For whereas Eusebius affirms that the Emperours Diocletian and Maximian divested themselves of their purple on the year after the Persecution was begun and whereas 't is manifest that they did that on the year of Christ 304 what I have said does necessarily follow to wit that Diocletian's Persecution was begun on the year of Christ 303. Vales. * Or Siege †Or Adorable * See Eusebius's Eccesiastical
Therefore I am easily induced to believe that this place is corrupted and that it ought to be mended thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second of those persons that were chosen into the Empire by those who had resigned the Government that so Maximinus may be meant here who together with Severus was made Caesar by Diocletian and Maximian at such time as they resigned their purple as Idatius writes in his Fasti. And thus the order of the times will proceed right in Eusebius For Maximinus ended his life after the overthrow of Maxentius and by a most ignominious sort of death too as Eusebius relates Eccles. Hist. book 9. chap. 10. Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this was the first person from book 8. chap. 13. of his Eccles. History where this whole place occurs almost in the same words Further what Eusebius says hapned first of all to Maximianus Herculius that his Pictures and Statues should in all places be thrown down ought not to seem strange to any one For we must understand this in the same manner as where he tells us that Constantius Chlorus was the first Emperour that was deified He means he was the first of those Emperours which he had seen But if any one had rather understand these words concerning Maximinus he has Eusebius to defend his Opinion who in the last chapter of his ninth book attests in express words that all Maximin's Statues and Pictures were broken after his death Vales. a At these words a chapter is begun in the Fuketian Manuscript and in the old Sheets Vales. * Or Other part b This place must be made up from chapter 8. book 10 of his Eccles. History whence also the following chapter is to be mended Vales. * Or Traiterous * Or Menaces * Or Hold communication †Matters of consideration or debates a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Turnebus at the margin of his Copy hath mended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And this reading I found in Moraeus's Copy also But I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in honour to those consecrated persons For Eusebius gives reasons why the Emperour Constantine would ever and anon convene Synods of Bishops The first reason says he was that he might give honour to Gods Priests when assembled together Secondly that he might establish Peace and Concord amongst them 'T is certain Eusebius does usually term The Priests 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it frequently occurs in these books But if with Turnebus we would rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the discourse may agree with what follows and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be taken for Religion it self which is more uncouth For I had rather express it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in honour to the sacred Law Vales ‖ Dissipate or tear in sunder a Eusebius in his Chronicon at the fourteenth year of Constantine says thus Licinius drives the Christians from his own Pallace Orosius says the same in book 7. but in a disturbed order of affairs and times in regard he relates that before the Cibalensian War which War hapned on the eighth year of Constantine's Empire For there were two Civil Wars between Constantine and Licinius The first War wherein Licinius was vanquished at Cibalis in Pannonia hapned on the year of Christ 314. The reasons of which War are Recorded by no other Writer that I know of but the Authour of the Excerpta de Gestis Constantini which I have long since published at the end of Amm. Marcellinus see pag. 473. But the latter War was that wherein Licinius was routed near Hadrianople and at length compelled to a surrendry of himself on the year of Christ 324. Eusebius has made no mention of the former War for this reason perhaps because Licinius as yet had not raised Persecution against the Christians For Licinius undertook to persecute the Christians long after that first War to wit on the fourteenth year of Constantine's Empire as 't is Recorded in Scaliger's and Miraeus's Edition of Eusebius's Chronicon that is on the year of Christ 320. The same year occurs in Cedrenus's Chronicon But Baronius relates that Licinius raised Persecution against the Christians on the year of Christ 316. But in Baronius's Annalls the History of both the Wars against Licinius is very much confused and must be amended partly from Idatius's Fasti and partly from the Gesta Constantini heretofore published by me 'T is certain Sozomen book 1. chap. 7. attests in express words that Licinius undertook to persecute the Christians after the Cibalensian War Vales. b From these words a new Chapter ought to have been begun For these words belong to Licinius's second Law Further the expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which occurs in the Contents of Chap. 53 seems to be faulty and put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Church And yet 't is strange that both in the King's Manuscript and in the old Sheets the reading is constantly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Although in the old Sheets 't is mended in the same hand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But in the Fuketian Manuscript 't is excellently written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should not meet in the Churches together with the men Vales. c Or He despaired of finding the Ornament of Chastity amongst men Valesius thinks it should be written and pointed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He despaired of the nature of men making use of an ill argument * Or He Himself making use of himself as the Brand and Reproach of Nature a See what I have noted at chap. 8. book 10. of Eusebius's Eccles History whence these passages are transcribed almost word for word Vales. * See note b. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So the words are to be construed which Christophorson perceived not Indeed in the Fuketian Manuscript after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is placed a Comma 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Offices of Magistrates For each Magistrate had his Office or Attendants This Office was a certain Body of Officials or Souldiers who attended on the Judges as may be seen in the Notitia of the Roman Empire These Offices the Greeks termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I have long since remarked at the 26 th book of Amm. Marcellinus pag. 318 of my notes The Old Glosses therefore are right in explaining 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 officium apparitio So John Chrysostome in his first Homily on the Epistle to the Corinthians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Don't you see children how when at play they make a company of Apparitours or Attendants and Officials c. Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Johannes Morinus a Learned person who has rendred these Books into French thought that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here the Gentiles or Heathens were meant as if Eusebius had said What need we make mention
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A term improperly used by Eusebius instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Manuscript 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little after the reading there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. He comes forth now against us but much rather takes up Arms against those very Gods c. Which reading is truer if I mistake not Vales. * Or Time d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson omitted the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at present in which term lies the whole force of the Sentence For Licinius shews that his Gods exceed in number at present but in a short time will be superiour in force and power Johannes Portesius otherwise a silly Translatour has not omitted the rendition of this word For he translates it thus Numero quidem adhuc potiores as yet do exceed in number A little before I reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this one God as Turnebus has mended it at the margin of his Copy Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'T is the same as if he should have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who is of yesterday or the day before The impious Licinius derides Constantine's God because he was a strange and new God For amongst the Gods some were accounted patrii Gods of the Country others peregrini strange Gods The dii patrii were commended for the ancientness of their worship But the perigrini were new Gods in regard they were lately procured or chosen Cicero's words in his 2 d book De Legibus are these Novos verò deos in his colendis nocturnas pervigilationes fic Aristophanes facetissimus poeta veteris comoediae vexat ut apud eum Sabazius alii quidam dii peregrini judicati è civitate ejiciantur But the new Gods and the watchings all night long in the worship of them have in such a manner been disquieted by Aristophanes the pleasantest Poet of Old Comedie that Sabazius and some other Gods having by him been judged strange are ejected out of the City The passage of Aristophanes which Cicero means was extant in his Comedie Lemniis as Suidas informs us in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There was indeed at Athens a vast multitude of new and strange Gods whom they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apollophanes the Poet had put together their names and Series in his Cretensibus as Hesychius attests in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Menander Rhetor or rather Alexander in methodo generis demonstrativi pag. 1612 observes that some Gods were termed ancienter others more modern 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But Portesius and Christopherson who has followed him have rendred this place ill their mistake arose from hence because they perceived not that the Adverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does sometimes signifie the same with nuper lately as I have noted at book 4. of the Ecclesiastical History chap. 8. note d. These remarks I had made here formerly having followed the Geneva Edition but afterwards I understood that in Robert Stephens's Edition and in the Manuscript Copies the reading was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who is now a Ridicule to us Which reading the Translatours have followed and therefore are in no wise to be blamed Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to us who have been called to this History In Moraeus's Copy at the margin 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who compose in which manner Eusebius expresses himself at chap. 8. A little before in the same Copy of Moraeus 't is well mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to bid a long farwell to those In Robert Stephens 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. In the Fuketian Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to us who have been called to this History which reading is right Vales. a The first Battel between Constantine and Licinius was in Pannonia at Cibalae which Zosimus describes excellently well in his Second Book as also The Authour of the Excerpta de Gestis Constantini pag. 473. This Fight hapned when Volusianus the second time and Annianus were Consuls on the eight of the Ides of October as 't is recorded in Idatius's Fasti. To whom agrees Sigonius in his third Book de Occidentali Imperio In Eusebius's Chronicon the Cibalensian Battel is ill placed on the seventh year of Constantine in regard that Action hapned on the eighth year of his Empire Yea if you compute the matter exactly it was now the ninth year of Constantine's Empire For his ninth year began on the eighth of the Calendâ— of August Volusianus the second time and Annianus being Consuls Aurelius Victor writes thus concerning the Wars between Licinius and Constantine Ita potestas orbis Romani duobus quaesita Qui quamvis per Flavii Sororem nuptam Licinio connexi inter se erant ob diversos mores tamen anxie triennium congruere quivâ—re c. Thus the power of the Roman world was gotten by two Who though by Flavius's Sister married to Licinius they had been joyned together yet because of their different dispositions for three years space they could ill agree c Which passage does manifestly confirm Idatius's Fasti Otherwise from the opinion of the Eusebian Chronicon it ought to be said Biennium for two years space A passage in Eutropius's Tenth Book must also be corrected which is commonly Printed thus As primo eum in Pannonia Secundò ingenti apparatu bellum apud Cibalas instruentem repentinus oppressit c. Doubtless the word Secundò must be expunged which was added by some unskilfull Transcriber For first Constantine's first Battel against Licinius was at Cibalae as we have shown above Then it would be ridiculous to say that the first Battel was in Pannonia the second at Cibalae in regard Cibalae is a City of Pannonia Moreover Peanius who rendred Eutropius into Greek acknowledges not that word Secundò as appears from his Rendition Yet Orosius as also the Authour of the Historia Miscella hath followed the vulgar reading in Eutropius For his words are these Constantinus Licinium Sororis suae virum in Pannoniâ primùm vicit deinde apud Cibalas oppressit Vales. b This second Fight of Constantine against Licinius hapned in Thracia as Zosimus informs us But Zosimus mentions not the very place but the Authour of the Excerpta de Gestis Constantini pag. 474. says 't was fought in the Campus Mardiensis which place is equally unknown to us Further this Battel hapned on the same year with that at Cibalae as 't is concluded from the Relation of Zosimus and of that unknown Authour Which may also be demonstrated by this argument After this Battel a Peace being made up between Constantine and Licinius on the year following Constantine and Licinius were made Consuls and In the West that year is inscribed Constantine the Fourth and Licinius the fourth time Consuls but in the Eastern parts Licinius's name is set
the memory by statley c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some thing seems to be wanting here or at least the words are transposed Therefore I would have the place restored thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 erecting a sacred c. But Christophorson understood these words so as if Eusebius should say that Helena built two Churches in the Mount of Olives one on the top the other in the Cave which nevertheless I do not think to be true For the Authour of the Jerusalem Itinerarie tells us that one Church was built there by Constantine And Eusebius in his Panegyrick chap. 9. towards the end speaking of that Martyrium which Constantine built at Jerusalem expresses himself in the same manner as he does here viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Where you see that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are joyned and used concerning one and the same Church And he terms the Basilica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because people came thither to pray but the whole Sacred House which being inclosed within one circuit contains within it self the Atrium Porticus's Secrelaric Baptistcrie and the Church it self he terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which Eusebius does most plainly declare below at chap. 50 of this book where he speaks concerning the Dominicum Aureum which Constantine built at Antioch And thus the passage of Eusebius in the close of his Panegyrick concerning Constantine's Tricennaliae is to be explained as likewise a passage in his tenth book and another in chap. 45. of this book where he joyns together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'T is something otherwise in the fifth Law Cod. Theod. de his qui ad Ecclesias consugiunt For there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is called the Basilica or Oratory where the Altar is But the Church is termed that whole Building within the circumference whereof are contained the Atrium Porticus's Cells Baths and lastly the Oratory it self Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Author of the Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum has these words Inde ascendis in montem Oliveti ubi dominus discipulos docuit ante passionem Thence you go up to Mount Olivet where our Lord taught his Disciples before his Passion Bede in his book de Locis Sanctis chap. 7. has this passage Tertia quoque ejusdem montis ad australem Bethaniae partem Ecclesia est There is a third Church aâ—so of the same Mount at the South part of Bethanie where the Lord before his Passion spoke to his Disciples concerning the day of Judgment He means the place in Saint Mathew chap. 24. This Sermon therefore Eusebius here terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secret Mysteries because the Lord then spake concerning secret things viz. about the end of the world concerning Christ's coming and the last judgment For even the Apostles came then to the Lord secretly as Saint Matthew says in regard they were desirous to know Mysteries and the Revelation of things future as Jerome on Mathew writes But that which Eusebius says viz. that our Loâ—d delivered these Mysteries to the Apostles in the Cave is not expresly recorded in the Gospel Yea the contrary seems possible to be made out from the Gospel For 't is related therein that the City Jerusalem was in sight to the Disciples when our Lord Preach't these things They were not therefore in the Cave but in an open place Yet it may be answered that that Cave had several holes of which sort there were many Caves in Palestine as the Itineraries inform us Indeed whereas Saint Matthew affirms that the Disciples came to our Lord secretly 't is probable that that discourse in the Cave was made by Our Lord whilst he stayed there Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The first word is to be expunged as being superfluous Eusebius seems to allude to the usage of the Gentiles who performed their Mithriaca Sacra Sacrisices in honour of the Sun in a Cave as Porphyry in his book de Abstinentia Jerome and others inform us The Fuketian Manuscript confirms our conjecture in which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wanting Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 companions †Or The fruit * Or Magnificence of Imperial power †Or Right hand * Or She gave her self to be seen coming c. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Valesius renders it Sacella Chappell 's ‖ Or Grave and mean or frugal * Or Emperour Monarch and Lord c. †Or So Great ‖ Or Cherishing her with all c. * Or Undergoe a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Her soul therefore was reformed or new-framed These words seem to favour of Origen's doctrine to which our Eusebius was too much addicted For the souls of the Blessed are not reformed into an Angelick substance Indeed Origen believed that in the Resurrection Bodies would be turned into souls and Souls would be changed into Angels as Saint Jerome says some where Vales. a He means Rome For thither the dead Body of Helena Augusta was carried and after two years was conveyed to Constantinople as Nicephorus tells us book 8. chap. 30. But Socrates book 1. chap. 17. transcribing Eusebius's words interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 New-Rome Which errour of Socrates Baronius does deservedly reprove in regard by the name of the Imperial City Eusebius is always wont to mean Rome Besides Constantinople was not yet dedicated and therefore could not be called the Imperial City whenas then it was only old Byzantium Nevertheless Cedrenus has followed Socrates who also adds this that Helena died twelve years before Constantine By this computation Helena must have died on the year of Christ 325 or 326. On which year nevertheless she is said by Eusebius and Rufinus to have gone to Jerusalem Besides after the death of Crispus Caesar and Fausta Augusta Helena was for some time alive as Zosimus attests book 2. Further Crispus was slain in the seventh Consulate of Constantinus Augustus which he bore with Constantius Caesar on the year of Christ 326 as 't is recorded in Idatius's Fasti. The death of Helena therefore may rightly be assigned to the year of our Lord 327 as Sigonius thinks book 3. de Imperio Occidentali Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For 't is referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we have rendred it And so I found it mended in Moraeus's Book at the margin Nor is it otherwise written in the Fuk. and Savil. Copies and in the Kings Sheets Vales. * Or These things †Or Worthy of Emulation * Churches a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is far more elegant So indeed it occurs written in the Fuketian Copy and in the Kings Sheets Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the gore of bloud * Image †Or Fountains †Or Symbols a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Copy 't is written
may not without reason wonder why Eusebius should say it was a thing unheard-of by all ages that a City addicted to the superstitious worship of Daemons should receive a Church and a Bishop For that had hapned to other Cities also at that time But perhaps Eusebius means that this was a thing new and unheard-of that a Church of God had been built in that City wherein as yet there was no Christians but all persons equally adored Idols This Church therefore was built by Constantine at Heliopolis in hope rather than for necessity to wit that he might invite all the Citizens to the profession of the Christian Religion A little after the reading in the Fuketian Manuscripts is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 truer than in the ordinary Editions where 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Philip. 1. 18. †Or Wearied out with ‖ Or Encompassed a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Socrates book 1. chap. 24. But this whole place is thus to be restored from the Fuketian Savil. and Turnebian Copies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the people c as we have rendred it Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson renders it ill Milites praesidiarios the Souldiers in Garrison For the Milites Praesidiarii were in Castles not in Cities I suppose therefore that those Souldiers are meant who had performed their service in the wars as likewise the Officials of the Comes of the East and of the Consularis of Syria Vales. c He means Eustathius Bishop of Antioch as 't is apparent from the Contents of this chapter Whom when the Eusebians that is the party of Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia had by fraud and calumny ejected out of his own See a great tumult was raised at Antioch This hapned on the year of Christ 329 as may apparently be gathered from Philostorgius's second Book or on the year 330 as Theodoret seems to assert book 2. chap. 31. For he writes that Meletius was translated to the See of Antioch thirty years after Eustathius's Deposition Now 't is manifest that Meletius was translated to Antioch on the year of Christ 360. Wherefore I can't assent to the most illustrious Cardinal Baronius who being always angry with our Eusebius whilst he refuses to follow his account hath confounded all things For he says that this Tumult hapned at Antioch on the year of Christ 324 that is on the very year before the Nicene Synod then when Eustathius was created Bishop of Antioch whereas Socrates Sozomen and Theodoret do attest that this Tumult had hapned at the deposition of this Eustathius But Baronius proves by most evident arguments as he himself supposes that Eustathius was ejected out of the See of Antioch not under the Reign of the Emperour Constantine but in that of Constantius Let us see therefore with what arguments he endeavours to make this out In the first place he cites a passage out of Athanasius's Epistle ad solitarios about the beginning Fuit says he quidam Eustathius Episcopus Antiochiae c. There was one Eustathius Bishop of Antioch a person famous for consession c. whom the men of the Arian Opinion had accused to Constantius by a forged calumny in such a manner as if he had been contumelious towards the Emperours Mother But I affirm that in this passage of Athanasius instead of Constantius Constantine is to be written Which emendation is confirmed by those words immediately added concerning the Emperour's Mother For he means Helena who about this time had come into the East For these words can't in any wise be meant of Fausia who had been put to death above twenty years before if we follow Baronius's computation But the passage of Saint Jerom out of his book de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis makes little for Baronius in regard in the Old Editions as also in that of Lyons which I have 't is plainly written sub Constantino Principe missus est in exilium was sent into Exile under the Emperour Constantine Wherefore I had rather follow Eusebius here than Baronius Nor do I see how so great stirs could have been made at the Creation of Eustathius of which stirs there is mention in the Emperour Constantine's Letter that to appease them a Comes was to be sent and so many Letters written by the Emperour Besides Constantine says in his Letter that he had publickly heard him who had been the Authour of that whole Sedition to wit Eustathius whom he had ordered to come to Court and had banisht him into Thracia And this Athanasius in his before-mentioned Letter accounts as the first Exploit of the Arians which thing is to be remarked For this was done before the Synod of Tyre which was convened against Athanasius that is before the year of Christ 334. Athanasius therefore does right in beginning the History of the War which the Arians brought upon the Catholick Church from Eustathius's deposition as from the first Exploit of the Arians which having succeeded according to their wish they thought that all other matters would in future be ready and easie Further Baronius's Opinion is refuted as well from what we have said above as from this because Flaccillus who after Paulinus and Eulalius succeeded Eustatbius is mentioned amongst those Bishops present at the Synod at Tyre by Athanasius in his Apology to the Emperour Constantius as Jacobus Gothofredus has well observed in his Dissertation◠on the second book of Philostorgius Vales. †Or Accused d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Christophorson seems to have read and we have rendred it accordingly Vales. * Or To the prudence and wisedom of the world †Or By the Law ‖ Or Have made use of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This place is corrupted the meaning of it I have pick't out as well as I could And in the first place I think it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wonder not therefore Then a little after write thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to whom one as the reading is in the excellent Fuketian Copy whereto S r Henry Savil's and Turnebus's book do in part agree Vales. * Or An occasion of salvation b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 After these words Scaliger and others have inserted these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I found written also in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 's book But I can't approve of this their conjecture For what should the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be I had much rather read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than with a joy c. For Constantine says that it does not become Christians to grieve at the Blessings of others and to draw away the Bishops of neighbouring Cities from their own Churches because they may be eminent for knowledge and virtue For the Antiochians would have done that who after they had deposed Eustatbius requested that Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea might be made their Prelate In the Fuketian
Contents of this Chapter and in Sozomen He bore the same dignity under Constantius as Athanasius attests in his Book de Synodis Arimini Seleuciae Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There is the same errour in the foregoing Chapter where the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which manner 't is written at both places in the Fuketian Copy Vales. a This whole passage as far as those words Others interpreted c was wanting in the Kings Copy and in Robert Stephens Edition which words Learned men have inserted from some Manuscript Copy as I judge For they seem to me to be genuine and to proceed from Eusebius's own stile They do indeed occur in the excellent Fuketian Copy but in S r Henry Savil's they are wanting For at this place S r Henry hath made this Remark Christophorsonus hoc loco c. At this place Christophorson has from his own Copies inserted these following words which to me seem scarce agreeable to this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius does not without reason term that kindness and benignity which the Emperour Constantine made use of towards the Priests of God a benignity towards Christ himself For kindness towards his Ministers redounds to the honour of the Lord himself Therefore says Christ in the Gospel He that receiveth you receiveth me and that which you have done to one of them you have done to me Vales. * Or Delivered to their hearers Theologick c. †Or Made interpretations of the divine readings ‖ Or Goods c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Here the words seem to be transposed a thing which as we have told you is frequently done in these Books Above therefore is must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 making descriptions and here the reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 explaining the meanings c. But some body will perhaps aske what those Prophetick Visions are which Eusebius means here He means if I mistake not that place which occurs in the third chapter of Zephaniah verse 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Cyril of Jerusalem also in his fourth Homily explains this passage of Zephaniah concerning the Martyrium or Church which Constantine erected in the place of our Lord's Resurrection Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He terms the Jerusalem Church and all its Members and Edifices Symbols See Eusebius's Oration in the dedication of the Church at Tyre which is recorded in the tenth book of his Eccles. History where he asserts that every member of the Church imported some thing that was mystical In the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. e ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Translatour has rendred it right tricesimo imperii anno in the thirtieth year of his Empire For the Dedication-Feast of the Jerusalem Church was celebrated in the year of Christ 335 on the Ides of September Constantius and Albinus being Consuls in Constantine's Tricennalia At which time Constantine was in the thirtieth year of his Empire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does properly signifie Tricennalia that is a festivity of sports which were performed on account of the thirtieth year of an Emperours Reign The Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle in the Consulate of Constantius and Albinus has these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in Idatius's Fasti occur rendâ—ed into Latine in this manner His Coss. Tricennalia Edidit Constantinus Augustus die 8. Cal. August in the Consulate of these persons Constantinus Augustus published his Tricennalia on the eight of the Calends of August Yet sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Tricennalia are taken for the thirtieth year So Jerome relates that Dalmatius was created Caesar in Constantine's Tricennalia that is on the thirtieth year of his Empire But whereas I have said that the Dedication Feast of the Jerusalem Church was celebrated on the Ides of September of this matter I have Nicephorus my Authour in his eight book chap. 30. Indeed in Saint Saba's Typicon and in the Greek Menology on the thirteenth day of September are placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So also Sophronius in his Oration de Exaltatione Sanctae Crucis and this Festivity was observed every year for the space of eight days From these Authours the Alexandrian Chronicle must be corrected wherein there is a mistake as well in the day as the Consulate in which these things were done Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and how great the Emperours attempts of Elegancy a Amongst the other Donaria Sacred Gifts which Constantine gave to the Jerusalem Church there was a Sacerdotal pall woven with threads of gold which the Bishop made use of in his performing the solemn prayers as Theodoret relates Eccles. Hist. book 2. chap. 27. Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after this present Subject That is at the close of this work The Translatour rendred it ill Quod etiam cum videbitur absoluto opere edemus But our Rendition is confirmed by Eusebius himself in chap. 32. of this book Vales. c For Eusebius had before made a speech in the Palace as he himself attests above at chap. 33 where see what we have noted Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading I have followed in my Version nor do I doubt but Eusebius wrote so Further in this place there is an ambiguity For the words may be construed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c This Second Synod which we know to be the greatest after that First Synod which he had assembled at the most eminent City of Bithynia the Emperour convenâ—d at Jerusalem Which sense Christophorson has followed Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I embrace the emendation of Learned men which I found written in Moraeus's Copy also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Neveâ—â—heless I would willingly add another word also in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and have rendred it accordingly Further the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be rendred vota vowes For Eusebius alludes to the usage of the Romans who in such Solemnities made Vowes for the safety and felicity of the Prince as 't is apparent from Plinius's Epistle to Trajan Moreover in old Coyns we reade such Vows as these thus exprest VOTIS XX. MULTIS XXX But in other Coyns 't is thus SIC X. SIC XX. That is So His Decennalia So His Vicennalia In the Fuketian Copy 't is plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Letter of the Bishops of the Jerusalem Synod who by Constantine's Order met in order to the Dedication of this Church which Letter Athanasius records in his Apologetick pag. 801 't is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Salutary Martyrium Jerome also in his Chronicon terms it the Martyrium
as does likewise Sozomen book 2 chap. 26 Marcus in the Life of Porphyrius Bishop of Gaza and Eucherius in his Book de Situ urbis Hierosolymitan◠See Our Letter de Anastasi c wherein we have at large proved against Jacobus Gretserus and Jacobus Sirmondus that there was only one Church erected by Constantine which was termed the Martyrium and Anastasis Which Letter we thought good to make a second publication of at the close of our Notes pag. 304 c. Vales. a This whole clause as far as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek or His very face in the English was wanting in the Kings Copy and in Robert Stephens's Edition Learned men had inserted it whether from some Manuscript Copies or from conjecture I know not But at length the Fuketian Copy has informed us that these words were on a good account inserted from the Manuscripts Vales. * Constantine a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Questionless it must be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having long before performed c. Vales. * Or Rich distributions of gifts a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the very ocean it self It must I think be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their that is the Indian Ocean it self Further Metrodorus the Philosopher seems to have been the chiefest person of this Indian Embassie who from the King of the Indians brought to Constantine very many Gems and Pearls and pretended that he had brought many more had not the Persian King taken them from him in his passage thorow Persia. By which lie Constantine being prevailed upon whilst with too much eagerness he pursues what had been taken from Metrodorus raises the Persian War as 't is recorded by Cedrenus and Amm. Marcellinus But Cedrenus relates that in a place wholly foreign and disagreeable namely in Constantine's twenty first year whereas he ought to have placed it on the thirty first year of Constantine For in this year the peace between the Romans and Persians was broken Vales. * Leaders or Princes b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian Copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But in the Old Sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I like better Vales. * Or With Piety a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instructing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 furnishing them with Eusebius makes use of this word in the same sense again in the next chapter Vales. * Or Furniture †Or Souldiers armed with Shields Spear-men Guards of their Bodies ‖ Or Captaines a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Any body may of himself perceive that it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But when c which I should not have taken notice of had I not fear'd least any one should think that it had escap't me A little after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be superfluous Vales. * That is Christian◠b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So in the foregoing chapter Eusebius makes use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie Military Companies and in many other places So Sozomen book 1. chap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from that time the Roman Legions which they now term Companies provided each of them a Tabernacle proper to themselves Further this place seems to me to be imperfect and must be made good in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and we have rendred it accordingly For Eusebius says that both the Commanders of the first Companies and those also to whom the Care of the Republick was committed by Constantine were Favourers of the Christian Religion By those former persons he means the Tribunes and Comites of the Scholae but the latter are the praefecti Praetorio the Quaestors of the sacred Palace the Masters of the Offices and the others who transacted Civil affairs Vales. * Viz. Christians †Or Fortified himself with c. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I like not the conjecture of the Learned who after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus well constituted which addition I found written in Moraeus's Copy also But if any thing was to have been added I would rather have put in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can have no place here in regard in the following clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurs Otherwise it would be an idle repetition nor would there be more said in the second member of the period than in the first Nevertheless in the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a This passage of Eusebius hath led many persons into a mistake Amongst whom was Dionysius Petavius who both in his Annotations on Epiphanius's Book de Ponderibus and also in his eleventh Book de Doctrinâ Temporum confiding in the authority of Eusebius was of opinion that Constantine died in the thirty second year of his Reign Most of the Ancients have likewise written the same thing viz. Philostorgius Book 2. Theodorus Lector in his Collectanea Epiphanius and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle and amongst the Latines Aurellus Victor But this opinion seems to me wholly absurd For they who think thus must of necessity affirm also that the same Constantine began his Empire on the year of Christ 305 Constantius the fifth time and Maximianus being Consuls And that on the same year Constantius Augustus the Father of Constantine departed this Life But on the year following which is the year of Christ 306 Constantius Augustus was Consul the sixth time with his Colleague Maximianus as all the Fasti do constantly affirm Wherefore Constantine's Reign can be brought but from the year of Christ 306. Now therefore whereas he died in the Consulate of Felicianus and Titianus that is on the year of Christ 337 on the twenty second of the month May as 't is agreed on amongst all Writers it is plainly made out that Constantine Reigned thirty years and ten months three days only excepted For he had been created Caesar on the eighth of the Calends of August as Idatius writes in his Fasti. Eutropius therefore and Rufinus are right in their affirming that Constantine ended his Life in the thirty first year of his Empire Our Eusebius also says true in his Chronicon that Constantine Reigned thirty years and ten months Further whence it has hapned that our Eusebius here and most of the Ancients have attributed two and thirty years Reign to Constantine this as I think was the reason Two years before his death Constantine had celebrated his Tricennalia in the Consulate of Constantius and Albinus as Eusebius has related above They thought therefore that the thirtieth year of Constantine's Reign had been compleated when those men were Consuls which nevertheless is false as I have noted above Besides from the beginning of Constantine's Reign unto his death two and thirty Pair of Consuls are reckoned Whence it might have hapned that they should believe
of God and now enjoyes Life eternal Whence Clemens concludes thus that all persons who have believed in Christ and who have been dipt in the sacred Laver are now perfect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Amongst the Latines also they were termed perfecti Christiani perfect Christians who had received Baptism although they had not received imposition of the Hand from the Bishop The Old Authour de Haereticis non rebaptizandis has this passage Quod hodiernâ quoque die non potest dubitari esse usitatum evenire solitum ut plerique post Baptisma â—ine impositione manûs Episcopi de saeculo exâ—ant tamen pro perfectis â—idelibus habentur And again afterwards at pag. 135 Edit Rigalâ— he uses a perfect Christian for a Believer and an imperfect one for a Catechumen See the place Vales h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That which I have already remark'â— to have hapned in many places of this work has I conjecture been committed here also namely that the words are transposed I am of opinion therefore that it must be read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rejoyced and was renewed in Spirit For he alludes to that verse of the known Psalm Create a clean heart in me O God and renew a right spirit within me Further from this place of Eusebius we may gather that Constantine was not sprinkled in his Bed as the sick were wont to be but received Baptism in the Church For Eusebius says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c was by a Regeneration perfected in the Martyria of Christ. Soon after this from the Fuketian Copy and the Old Sheets write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was filled with light Vales. 'T is a known thing that it was heretofore the custom that Neophytes i. e. persons newly baptized should be clothed in white garments which they afterwards laid by on the eighth day Zeno Veronensis in his fifth Sermon ad Neophytos Primus vos qui in se credentem reprobat nullum non aries sed agnus excepit qui vestram nuditatem velleris sui niveo candorâ— vestivit S t austin in serm 157. de Tempore Paschalis Solemnitas hodiernâ festivitate concluditur Et ideò bodie Neophytorum habitus commutatur ita tamen ut candor qui de habitu deponitur semper in corde teneatur Bede attests the same in his Book de Officiis Septuageâ—imâ— says he tendit ad sabbatum ante Octavas Paschae quando hi qui in Vigilia paschae baptizantur alba vestimenta deponent Which words occur also in the Roman Order In an old Pontifical Book of the Church of Senona written ouâ— about six hundred years since there is a solemn prayer extant which the Bishop made over the Neophytes at such time as they laid aside their Albes which I thought worth while to annex here Benedictio in Sabbato quando albas deponunt Deus qui calcatâ—s inâ—erni Legibus captivitatem nostram resolutâ catenarum compage dignatus est ad Libertatis praemia revocare ipse vobis praestet ita hanc vitam tranâ—igere ut in illam perpetuam ipso duce possitis intrare Amen Tantum praebeat vobis â—eâ—vorem Catholicae fiâ—ei ut sancti adventus illius sitâ—â— expectatione securi Amen Vt quicunque hic meruerâ—nâ— purgare undâ— Baptismi ibi praesentari valeant pâ—o Judici candidati Amen Farther the Neophytes celebrated those eight days after Baptism with all imaginable Religion in so much that during those days which were also termed Octavae they lookt upon it as impious to touch the earth with their naked feet as S t Austin writes in Epist. 119. ad Januarium Also during those days they were wont to go bare-headed which was a sign of Liberty S t Austin Serm. 4. in Dominica Octavarum paschae Hodiâ— Octavae dicuntur inâ—antium revelanda sunt capita eorum quod est indicium Libertatis Habet enim Libertatem ista spiritalis nativitas c. On the contrary the Catechumens went in publick with their heads covered in regard they were a Type of Adam expelled out of Paradice as Junilius says Book 2. Chap. 16. Which I am of opinion is to be understood concerning the Competentes only who covered not only their heads but their faces also as Cyrill of Jerusalem informs us in his first Catechisme But this covering was taken off of them in Baptism or at least on the eighth day after Baptism For this is rather intimated by those words of S t Austin quoted by us a little above And the same is likewise confirmed by Theodorus Bishop of Canterbury in his Liber Poenitentialis in these words In monachorum ordinatione Abbas debet missam cantare tres Orationes complere super Capus ejus septem dies velet caput ejus septimo die abstollat velamen Sicut in Baptismo Presbyter septimo die velamen inâ—antum tollit ita Abbas debet Monacho quia secundus Baptismus est juxta judicium patrum omnia peccata dimittuntur sicut in Baptismo Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Geneva-Printers added the last word from the Books of Scaliger and Bongarsius which I likewise found added in Moraeus's Copy But 't is wanting in the Kings Copy nor does it seem to me to be very necessary In the Fuketian Turnebian and Savilâ—an Copies the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added after the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore there is a mistake both in Moraeus's Book and in the Geneva-Edition Vales. * Or Goods a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it occurs in the Kings Sheets Farther from this place 't is apparent that Pentecost is taken not only for that day which is the fiftieth after Easter-day but also for the seven weeks which follow Easter Thus 't is every where used as well by Greek as Latine Writers S t Jerome in his Letter to Marcella Non quo per totum annum exceptâ Pentecoste jejunare non liceat Hence amongst the Greeks there is a Festival termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the twenty-fifth-day from the Feast of Easter Besides other writers John Chrysostom makes mention of this Feast in his Fifth Homily de Annâ— Vales. * Or An uniâ— Valesius renders it unitate †Or The Meridian hours of the Sun a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The last word must be expunged although it occurs in all our Copies Presently it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Fuketian Copy In the Kings Sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or Genuine b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must doubtless be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning the publick mourning of all persons at the Funeral of Constantine the Great Aurelius Victor attests the same in these words Funus relatum in urbem sui nominis Quod sanâ— populus Rom. aegerrimè tulit quippe cujus armis Legibus clementi imperio quasi novatam urbem Rom. arbitraretur His dead Body was
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Which reading comes nearer to our Emendation Further those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are spoken in a Parenthesis and this is intimated by that punctation in the Fuketian Copy which I have shown above Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. I write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which reading the following words do confirm And so I found it plainly written in the Fuketian Copy Vales. e Such was the Inscription usually perfixt before the Laws and Letters of Constantine as Eusebius does every where attest Victor Constantinus Maximus Augustus He took the Pronomen forename of Victor after his Victory obtained over the Tyrants His Sons also by an hereditary right as 't were retained that name as their Letters inform us Farther from this place it appears that after the death of Constantinus Maximus for about three months space that is during the whole time of the Interregnum all Laws and Edicts were inscribed with the Name of Constantine as if he had been living in regard there was no other Augustus in the Roman world as I have observed above This place may also be meant concerning the Sons of Constantine the Great who made use of the same Title and Name and in whom their Father seemed to be revived Which sense is confirmed by what follows Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it may answer the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which occurs several lines above Further in the Kings Copy at the margin of this chapter the Greek Scholiast had written these words in honour of Constantine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The same Writer does in this work often besprinkle him with praises and good wishes In the Fuketian Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sr. Henry Savil at the margin of his Copy remarkes that the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to whom I agree yet I had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Is in use or is embraced * Representations were stamps on Coyns or Money a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The last word is in my judgment to be blotted out which in all probability crept out of the margin into the Text. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had been written in the margin which might explain the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But that which occurs in the margin of the Geneva-Edition namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in my judgment most egregiously foolish For the propriety of the Greek Tongue admits not of that expression Besides in most Coyns Constantine appears with an Helmet on his Head Vales. †Or Other part ‖ Right hand a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Questionless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is also to be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the only Prince or at least those words are to be understood Further Eusebius excepts none of the Roman Emperours whilst he says that Constantine was the first of them all who was plainly and openly a Christian. Which doubtless is most true For although the Emperour Philippus is by some reported to have been a Christian yet he did not openly profess the Christian Religion as Constantine did Orosius Book 7. writes in a different sense concerning Constantine in this manner Primus Imperatorum Christianus the First Christian of the Emperours except Philippus who in my judgment was made a Christian during a very few years for this reason only that the thousandth year of Rome might be dedicated to Christ rather than to Idols Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is How great a difference there was witâ— him or how great a difference he made Vales. * Or Adversary * Preach't †Or Had overthrown all the errour of c. a After his four Books concerning the Life and Piety of the Emperour Constantine Eusebius had added Two Orations the one whereof was the Emperour Constantine's Entitled To the Assemblie of the Saints or To the Church of God the other was written by himself concerning the Fabrick and Sacred Presents of the Jerusalem-Martyrium as Eusebius himself does attest in Chap. 32 and 46 of his Fourth Book But the Latter Oration of Eusebius is not now extant And that former one namely Constantine's abounds with so many faults that it would almost be better if it were not extant But whereas this is a singular monument of that Religious Prince and an illustrious proof of his Studies and Disposition I shall I think do what will be worth while if I shall â—mploy my care and diligence in mending and explaining it Vales b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In book 4. chap. 32 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he entitled which is in my judgment to be preferred This therefore was the Title of this Oration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Victor Maximus Augustus Constantinus To the Convention of the Saints Vales. * Or The Word of God †Or Brighter Splendour both c. ‖ Or Joyning together a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Moraeus's Book as likewise in the margin of the Geneva-Edition 't is mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which word I doe not remember to have met with any where But in Scaliger's Copy 't is corrected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which comes nearer to the Reading of the Manuscript Copies Indeed in the Kings Copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence I conjectured that it should be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Foundation He does elegantly term the Resurrection of our Lord the foundation of the promise Nor has Christophorson done ill in rendring it pignus promissionis the pledge of the promise which is in a manner the same For a pledge is given for an assurance whence 't is by Graecians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fuketian and Savilian Copies I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I assent not to Learned men who joyn these with the foregoing words and reade thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For if we read thus it will be a foolish repetition in regard Constantine had said before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In which words Constantine salutes all the Catholick people in such a manner as Preachers are wont to do Wherefore those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the beginning of another period wherein Constantine sets forth the happiness of the Catholick people Further I would more willingly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ye multitudes c that Constantine may be made to speak to the people Nevertheless in the Fuketian and Savilian Copies this place runs thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or What manner of workmanship is thine c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of thy Sanctitie At the margin of the Geneva-Edition there is a note set that 't is otherwise written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 substance But having look't
Christophorson has rendred this place ill thus Vitam in aulâ Imperatoriâ degebat Lead his life in the Imperial Pallace Nicephorus also committed the same mistake who has expounded these words of Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but as yet resided in the Imperial Pallace But in Evagrius it must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is aâ— the Imperial City For so Evagrius is wont to call Constantinople as I have noted above Besides in the foregoing chapter he terms it so Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and we have rendred it accordingly So also Nicephorus read for he has exprest Evagrius's words thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at that time when he was driven from his own Monastery Yet I wonder that this was not perceived by the Translatours to wit Musculus and Christophorson Vales. * See Chap. 33. †Chap. 32. * Or Strength †Or Out of necessity forced to a compassion d Nay Anastasius lived seven years compleat after this Sedition Vales. * Or Justinus the First a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is Magister Officiorum Master of the Offices For so the Greeks do usually explain that dignity Nevertheless Jordanes in his Book de Successione Regnorum relates that Justinus was by the Senate elected Emperour not from his being Master of the Offices but Comes of the Guards To whom agrees the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle and the Old Chronographer whom I long since published at the end of Amm. Marcellinus's History Procopius in his Anecdota pag. 28 speaking of the Emperour Justinus as yet a private person writes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the Emperour Anastasius had made him Comes of the Guards in the Pallace The same Procopius makes Justinus not a Thracian as Evagrius Cedrenus and Zonaras do but an Illyrian born at the Town Bâ—derianâ— Theophanes also says Justinus was an Illyrian But I cannot enough admire at the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle who although he makes him a Bederianite yet terms him a Thracian Vales. * Or With so great a dignity * Or Destroyes from amongst men a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus book 17. chap. 1. instead of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 making substituted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 living But I am of opinion that Evagrius wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 making his Residence and that the two former words were omitted by Transcribers The reading may also be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pitching his Tent or dwelling Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There were two Armies in the Court of the Roman Emperour who were called Praesentes in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These were commanded by two Magistri Militum who were termed in Praesenti or Praesentales And in the Eastern Empire one of these Commanders was a Magister of Foot the other of Horse But in the Western Empire each of them was a Magister of Horse and Foot Concerning these two Magistri of the present Milice or Milice in waiting Malchus speaks in his Excerpta Legationum pag. 93. Moreover Jordanes in his Book de Successione Regnorum agrees with our Evagrius where he speaks these words concerning the Emperour Justinus Foedusque cum Vitaliano percussit c. And he made a League with Vitalianus and after he had sent for him made him present Master of the Milice and ordinary Consul See Meursius's Glossary in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Fifth Action of the Constantinopolitane Synod under Menas pag. 751 these words occur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or Place c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Tellerian M. S. this place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus renders this place thus in obscuriore quâdam Palatii januâ— in a certain more obscure gate of the Pallace Christophorson translates it in this manner in portâ quâdam post Aulam positâ in a certain gate placed after or behind the Pallace Johannes Langus who rendred Nicephorus into Latine has translated it thus ad quandam in mediâ Aulâ Januam at a certain Gate in the middle of the Pallace He was minded belike to express that word which Nicephorus made use of to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Greeks had two Gates in their Edisices which had no Cellars or Vaults The first of these which lookt towards the Street was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Porch-Gate as Harpocration informs us in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second Gate was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because it was in the midst between the Porch and the Atrium or Court or else because it was in the middle between The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 men's Apartment and The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 womens Apartment as the Authour of the Etymologicon affirms Lysias mentions both these Gates in his Oration pro Eratosthene de Caede in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but having remembred that in that night the Gate between the Porch and Atrium and the Porch-Gate creak't I think it must be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heliodorus in the close of his third book alludes to this place of Lysias when he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which passage the Translatour renders thus Perstrepebat Ostium Atrii the Gate of the Atrium creak't Aelius Dionysius in his Lexicon in Eustathius on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 862 says these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Greeks term the middle Gate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 especially the middle of the two Gates as Aelius Dionysius affirms Which Gate also the same person stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The same is affirmed by The Scholiast of Apollonius at his third book Let thus much be noted concerning the propriety of this word in the Exposition whereof Harpocration is mistaken see him in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who from Lysias thought the import of it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that termed the sordid Court or Yard were the fowls were But we must now come nearer to the matter The words of Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon are these Maximo V. C. Coss. Vitalianus c. In the Consulate of the most famous Maximus Vitalianus is said to have been killed at Constantinople within the Pallace in a place which by a Greek word they term The Delphicum by the faction of Justinianus the Patricius Further The Delphicum was an House in the Pallace at Constantinople wherein were the Stibadia see book 5. chap. 13. note a. of the Emperour it was so termed from The Delphick Table whereon drinking Cups were wont to be placed as Procopius informs us in the first book of his Vandalicks pag. 116. The Delphicum therefore was The House of the nineteen places to lye down on and banquet near to which was a spacious Atrium or Area as we will declare hereafter at our Annotations on book 5. chap.
13. In this Area therefore or spatious Court Vitalianus was slain in his own Consulate on the year of Christ 520 as Marcellinus informs us in his Chronicon For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports Curâ—is a large and spacious Court which was betwixt the mens Apartment and the womens Apartment as we have seen from the Authour of The Etymologicon c. But if we would rather take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie a Gate we must mean the Gate of The Delphicum Thus the Constantinopolitan Synod under Menas is said to have been held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in the Western Atrium of the Venerable Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary Cedrenus in Justinian's thirty seventh year says that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the greater Church was burnt which is termed The Garsonastasium The old Glosses de Habitatione interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 compluvium a pâ—nt-house Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 158 relates that Justinian built a great Cistern of The Mesaulium or Atrium of Illus's Basilica The Old Glosses expound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atrium a Court But when we read that the Councill was held in the Mesaulium it is not to be understood of an open Court but of the Porticus's of the Court. For the Councills of Bishops were not held abroad in the open Air. Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had other make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 paying For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no Greek phâ—â—se if I mistake not But 't is righter thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Latines term poenas solvere to undergo punishment Thus Evagrius expresses himself in chap. 32. of this book Vales. * Book 3. Chap. 33. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 daily as the reading is in the Tellerian Manuscript and in Nicephorus Evagrius took this passage out of the Libell of the Monks which is recorded in the Fifth Action of the Constantinopolitane Synod under Menas pag. 712 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for daring daily as we may say to Anathematize the Holy Synod at Chalcedon he hath held Communion thus far or in this manner he has in the sacred Diptycks many of the Bishops under himself who had sate in that Holy Synod at Chalcedon For so it must be read agreeable to the Old Translatour and this Liberatus confirms in his Breviarium chap. 19 where his words concerning Severus are these Sed vexabatur in Episcopatu tanquam Anathematizaret quidem Synodum nominaret autem Episcopos Synodi But he was vexed in his Bishoprick as if he should Anathematize the Synod but would name the Bishops of the Synod Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson understood not this term as 't is apparent from his Version For he has rendred it thus Et maximè in Litteris quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est quae de Episcopis in sede Episcopali collocandis scriptae sunt and especially in the Letters which are termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is which are written concerning the Bishops to be placed in the Episcopall Chair Johannes Langus in chap. 2 book 17 of Nicephorus translates it truer thus Potissimùm verò in eis quae Enthronisticae sive Synodales dicuntur Epistolis but most especially in those Letters which are termed Enthronistick or Synodicall Letters c. So the Letters were termed which the Patriarchs sent one to another at their Installment that is in the beginning of their Episcopate There were also Enthronistick Homilies or Sermons which the Bishops Preacht to the people at their entrance upon their Episcopate Concerning these Liberatus chap. 19. writes thus treating of our Severus concerning whom Evagrius speaks here Fertur autem Expositio ejus quae ab eo dicta est in Enthronismo But his Exposition is extant which was spoken by him at his Installment wherein he does both embrace Zeno's Uniting Edict and also Anathematizes the Chalcedon Synod and likewise confesses himself to hold Communion with the Alexandrian and Constantinopolitane Prelates Vales. c He means Timotheus Bishop of Alexandria who had succeeded Dioscorus Junior in that Bishoprick as Liberatus relates chap. 19. For Timotheus Bishop of Constantinople cannot be meant here in regard Evagrius has said just before that Severus's Synodick Letters were embraced and admitted of only at Alexandria Vales. d Nay Severus was ejected in the second year of the Emperour Justinus on the year of Christ 517 as Baronius has remarked truly Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By these words I am of opinion the Comes of the East is meant which was a Civill dignity as I have long since remarqued at Amm. Marcellinus pag. 5. of my notes Nevertheless Nicephorus thought that this Irenaeus was the Dux of the Militia For he has interpolated this passage of Evagrius in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who commanded the Military Companies at Antioch But there is a fault in these words of Evagrius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in my judgment are to be expunged or else to be corrected in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Severus f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Without doubt it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he had placed the watchfullest Guard imaginable about him c. I have noted already that in these Books of Evagrius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is most frequently put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. g The Emperouâ— Justinus at the beginning of his Empire made an establishment by a Law that all the Bishops should embrace the Chalcedon Synod but if any would not embrace it they should be driven from their Sees Liberatus has mentioned this Law in his nineteenth chapter in these words Mortuo Anastasio Justino facto Imperatore Anastasius being dead and Justinus being made Emperour Severus is accused by Vitalianus the Magister Militum a Religious and Orthodox person because he despised the Emperours Command and would not embrace the Synod See Baronius at the year of Christ 519 Number 145. Further this place of Evagrius seems to have given occasion of a mistake to Nicephorus For because our Evagrius had said that Paulus Severus's successour had been ordered to assert the Chalcedon Synod at his Installment Nicephorus thought that this Paulus was in secret an Eutychian Nevertheless that this was false Liberatus informs us in his Breviarium chap. 19 as also the Legates of the Apostolick See in their Relation to Pope Hormisda which Baronius records at the year of Christ 519. Vales. h Paulus Bishop of Antioch was accused by his own Clergy and by some others of the people of Antioch before the Legates of the Apostolick See who as yet resided at Constantinople and after their departure before the Emperour Justinus who not able to clear himself of the Crimes objected against him being vanquished by the testimony of his own Conscience presented Recusatory Libells requesting that he might have