Magistrate as a Christian and an Enemy to their Gods all which the good Prelate slighted and told him that by the help of his God he question'd not but to confine the Daemon to what place he pleased which the Priest catching at desired him to restore his Familiar to his Temple S. Gregory cutting out a piece of the Leaf of a Book writ on it these words ΓΡΗΓΟΡΙΟΣ ΤΟ ΣΑΤΑÎΑ ΕΙΣΕΛΘΕ Gregory to Satan Enter Which Paper when the Priest had laid on the Altar and used the accustomed Rites the Daemons enter as before On this and the sight of another Miracle done by this wonderful man he became a Christian S. Gregory's Deacon and afterward a Martyr b Nyss ubi supr p. 1004 1005. who also a little before his Death three several times by the same sign secured himself from the Assaults of the Devil and dispossest him of a Bath which he before had fatally haunted So when a Eudoxia Orat. 1. in Cypr. Mart. apud Phot. Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 215. the junior Cyprian the Magician who lived under Diocletian sent the most furious of his Familiars to disturb the holy Justina who would not yield to his love they returning confest that they were shamed and overcome by the sign of the Cross XIV Thus the Son of God appeared to his own vindication and that not only when his Servants have been his Instruments but sometimes when his greatest Enemies b Sozom. l. 5. c. 2. Naz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Julian p. 29. the Church Historian affirming that on a certain time the Apostate Julian went down into one of those dreadful Vaults where the Novices were to be initiated and met with some of those dismal Spectres which the Priests by their Magick Art made appear there and being afraid and unwittingly signing himself as he was wont when a Christian with the sign of the Cross of a sudden all the Phantasmata vanish'd the sign prevail'd it dispers'd the Devils and cancell'd the fears of that desertor c Aug. de C. D. l. 22. c. 8. I could also reckon the Cures wrought by this means on Innocentia and others at Carthage Tiburtius his walking safely over hot burning Coals the Woman in the Baths at Gadara that thus preserv'd her chastity with many other Examples but I forbear to surfeit my Reader Aut hoc testium satis est aut nescio quid satis sit vobis XV. By these Methods came the Cross of Christ to exalt it self into the Banners of Armies and to get a place on the Crowns of Monarchs and so venerable a respect did the succeeding Emperours pay to this solemn Representation of the sacred passion that d L. 1. Tit. 8. Leg. unic Theodosius and Valentinian made it a Law That this Symbol should not be put to trifling and unworthy uses nor engraven or painted on the ground or on Pavements where it might be trod upon And Heaven appeared to reward this piety in e Paul Diacon addit 18. ad Eutropium Tiberius junior who walking one day and taking notice of a Cross under his Feet commanded it to be removed to a more honourable place which being done a vast Treasure was found hid under it and though Constantine the Great hath been censur'd by some for his too frequent use of this sign as an Amulet against all harms and his causing so many Crosses to be made yet it is enough to me that the God who was crucified so commanded him if we may believe his f Vit. Constant l. 1. c. 22. Historian who had it from that August Emperors own mouth showing it to him first in the Air with this Motto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Conquer in this sign and afterwards in a Vision expresly enjoyning him to make such another for his Standard Royal and his reasons why he stampt this Figure on his Money an next it to his Pictures placed it in his Standards and on the Arms of his Souldiers were very just says a De Orig. Templ l. 2. c. 9 p. 47. Hospinian That to the Christians it might be a Badge of their Profession and to the Heathens an encouragement insensibly to draw them to desert their former Superstitions and to worship a crucified Saviour and this Example of his was quickly followed Ruffinus telling us that the Alexandrians who in the days of their Idolatrous Ignorance commonly had the picture of their God Serapis on their Walls and over their Porches and in their Windows as soon as they were converted blotted them all out and set up the Cross in their stead XVI And all this while no person dream'd that these Miracles were wrought only by this sign but by the power of him that dyed on the Cross as b Apud Greg. Nyss ubi supr the Devil himself was forc'd to confess much less durst any man worship it it is dis-owned by all the Apologists by c Apolog. c. 16. Tertullian d Octav. p. 97. Minutius Faelix e L. 6. cont Julian S. Cyril and others cruces nec colimus nec optamus we neither worship the Cross as our God says Minutius nor desire it as our Punishment and in Constantine's Banner this was the Motto says f L. 8. c. 2. Nicephorus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jesus is the Conquerour and for the Church of England she hath unanswerably vindicated her self to all rational men in her g An. 1603. thirtieth Article and by her redoubted Champion the profound h Eccl. polit lib. 5. Sect. 65. Hooker XVII These were the ancient Triumphs of the holy Cross such as not only commenc'd since but long before the Incarnation of Jesus i Just M. Tertul. Cypr. Ambr. Hier. Chrys Naz. Athanas c. apud Montag appel Caes c. 28. the Fathers expresly asserting that Joshua routed the Amalekites rather by this sign than by his Sword as Abraham also vanquish'd the four Kings and it shall go on conquering and to conquer to be the Glory of good men and the Confusion of its Enemies for as k Tom. 2. Orat 1. in Resurr Christ p. 830. Gregory Nyssen in his Mystical Way of commenting hath it This is that löta in the Gospel which is seen with a stroak athwart it the figure of a Cross which is firmer than Heaven and Earth and the whole Creation for Heaven and Earth shall pass away and the fashion of the whole World shall fade but one jet our tittle of this Law shall not pass away for our Saviour chose that kind of Death that the Cross might supply the want of a Divine and the Figure it self be an Instructor to the more perspicuous to describe the Power and Triumphs of him who being nailed to it overcame all things l Chrys Tom. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 880. this being the sign that in the days of our Fore-fathers opened Doors when they were shut quench'd the force of the most
and keep the publick Archives of a People they tell us that no man should dare to look toward the writing of a History that is not Master of a great Industry and unwearied Diligence in collecting all sorts of Materials for the raising such a Fabrick of a searching judgment and sublime acumen to preserve him from being impos'd on by falshood and led by an ignis fatuus instead of true and genuine light and above all of a severe and unbyast honesty that will undauntedly tell the truth and discourse not as a party but an impartial and unprejudic'd Relator and as the Author must be thus furnish'd So they tell us Lips not in lib. 1. Politic. cap. 9. his Productions must have these similar accomplishments 1. Truth in the veracity of all passages that nothing be altered conceal'd or diminish'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lucian ubi supr p. 351. for he is a betrayer of verity not only who tells a lye but who does not freely tell the truth and that man who hath not laid aside all affection and partiality forgot his Country and Relations and is in love only with Sincerity is unfit to be an Historian How unworthily hath Socrates of old made every passage of his Church History that relates to the Novatian controversie favourable to that Schism How does he claw the Phrygians the greatest Body of that Faction and praise them for their Abstinence and other Christian virtues and at the same time depreciate Saint John Chrysostome and blame him for his heat and ungovern'd passions for his craft and injustice In like manner how does Philostorgius use all his art to make the Arian dogma pass for the only Orthodoxy How does he celebrate Aëtius and the other prime Assertors of that impious Heresie but discountenance Athanasius hardly allowing him to be honest or learned And to omit others hath not the famous Baronius done so who would have merited more than the World could have paid him Ut. eujus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 atque industriam neque mirari neque praedicare satis possumus ejus fidem innumeris in locis vel inviti cogamur desiderare Casaub Epist dedicat ante exercit adv Baron had he always throughout his Annals sacrific'd on the Altar of Truth whereas now while we can never sufficiently admire or magnifie his infinite reading variety of learning and industry we are compell'd to complain of his want of fidelity 2. Plainness in an orderly and perspicuous disposal of narrations of the causes effects and circumstances why how and to what purpose affairs were managed without which says Polybius any Essay of this nature is rather a ridiculous Fable than a sober Story which plainness must also be observ'd in the Style that it be not abstruse or intricate Poetical or bombast ragged or dull but continued with great evenness and a taking smoothness 3. Judgment not publishing things on hear-say or stuffing a Book with Enthusiastick Legends and strange performances or oracular Dreams and Visions the great fault of Gregory Turonensis and them that succeeded him which made some question whether any man should be allowed to write a History who had not been on the place and an eye-witness of the transactions nor yet intermixing trifling and foolish circumstances wild impertinent and absurd narrations such as Saint Francis's calling the Swallows and Grashoppers the Hares and Lambs Brothers and Sisters in Antoninus or his undertaking to teach a Sheep to adore the Eucharist in Bonaventure and a thousand such equally to be rank'd with the prudence of that German who among other instances of the humility modesty and condescension of one of their Henries reckons this that he was well contented to mend his own Breeches whereas nothing insignificant or trifling should debase the grandeur of a History nothing should be intersperst but what is necessarily subservient to the illustration of Affairs And if such exact care fidelity and discretion ought to be exerted in the Records of our secular concerns how much more studiously should the matters of our biggest and best Interests be managed That the History of the Church suffer not at the hands of its profest Friends whose negligence or ignorance whose want of wit or honesty may signally disserve Religion for I suppose no man is now to be convinc'd how conducive the acquaintance with those primitive and purest Ages is to the fitting a man for the noblest and most sacred researches since that Maxime of the most learned Viscount Saint Albans hath hitherto commenc'd Oracle Advancement of Learning p. 105. Edit Angl. 1633. That it is not Saint Austins or Saint Ambrose 's Works that will make so wise a Divine as Ecclesiastical History well read and observed And that though Bellarmine was a man of vast Parts and his Controversies deservedly famous Montague against Selden of Tithes p. 19 yet that it is Baronius who is the Atlas of that Church and that the surest way to confound oppositions and Schismaticks in controverted cases of Discipline were to have the Face of the Primitive Church-Polity drawn to the Life out of the authentick Writings and especially the Epistles of the antient Fathers at least till the time of the Chalcedon Council inclusively for he must be a man of a Brazen-Face and a Leaden Heart that will opine or oppose against the well known and allowable practices of the Ancients But Ecclesiastical History like the Church whose Amanuensis it was had its infancy and youth its maturity and old Age and after all an unexpected renovation and return to its briskness and vigour The first Essay towards an account of the affairs of the Church after what the Evangelical Registers give us was undertook by those Notaries who probably circ an Chr. 92. Pontificat in vit Clement tom 1. Concil were deputed by Saint Clemens the Bishop of Rome in his own Church and likely by other Prelates after his example in theirs to transcribe the Acts of the Martyrs the particulars of their Discourses and the circumstances of their Sufferings that in those Ages of persecutions others might be encouraged to ambition the same Crown Vetustissima Ecclesiae martyria quorum lectione piorum animus ita afficitur ut nunquam satur inde recedat Certè ego nihil unquam â—n Historia Ecclesiasticâ vidi à cujus lectione commotior recedam ut non amplius meus esse videar De actis Martyrii Polycarpiani c. Jos Scaliger not in Euseb Chron. an MMCLXXXIII p. 202. Edit Lugdun Bat. 1606. But this course not being found sufficient to transmit all the illustrious transactions of the Church to Posterity * Euseb Hist lib. 4. cap. 8. Steph. Gobarus apud Phot. cod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 472. Hegesippus circ an 168. sets about the writing a Body of Ecclesiastical History in his five Books of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Commentaries and because his Memoires as to matter of Fact were very
Doctrine by standing to the Challenge of the famous Jewel and the Men of the New Discipline with the same Authority in point of Government and Polity and under her protection will I shelter my self Rectè verè haec in tumulo viri summi Adami à Bodenstein Basileae in coemeterio D. Pauli leguntur being satisfied that I can say that although I have disserv'd some particular Interests Nec omnia nec omnes mihi Placuere quinam ego omnibus Non omnibus Cous senex Non Eremita Spagirus Num tu Viator omnibus Deo placere cura abi Reusner Ep. ded â—nte lib. de probation urinar yet I am not conscious to my self of having baffled my own conscience dishonour'd the Truth or offended my Saviour and if I can please him other Frowns are contemptible THE CONTENTS The Life of Saint Ignatius THe deplorable loss of the antient Histories Apologies and the Acts of the Martyrs Whether Ignatius saw Christ in the Flesh and was that little Child that he took in his Arms and blest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what He was ordain'd Patriarch of Antioch by Saint Peter Two distinct Coetus of Jews and Gentiles under their distinct Bishops at Antioch Rome Corinth and elsewhere Their coalition at Antioch under Ignatius How long he sate in that See Ignatius not the most antient of Ecclesiastical Writers The genuineness of his Epistles evinc'd The Apostolicalness of Episcopal Government and novelty of any other Church-Polity The Excellent and Primitive Government of the Church of England Four different Copies of Ignatius's Epistles which of them are dubious which spurious and which genuine That to Polycarp was one of the seven genuine The Stages of his Journey to Rome the reason of his being carried so far out of his way What the Heresie of Apollinaris was An account of the first finding a genuine Copy of these Epistles first in England then at Florence Mistakes in Quotations not unusual in the antient Writings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what and who usually carried the Bishops Letters to foreign Churches The three Latine Epistles His Style and Actons very conformable to Saint Pauls Ignatius first instituted the Antiphonal Hymns at Antioch Liturgies in his time and of Apostolical Institution An account of the most remarkable Passages in his Epistles his Zeal for Martyrdome severity against Schism and Heresie and importunate pressing submission to Bishops His leisure of writing purchast from his Guards The reasons why he was Martyred not at Antioch but Rome The time of his Journey his Preparative Torments and Death Gods Vengeance on the City of Antioch His greater Bones collected and buried The Church instituted Festivals to their Martyrs Memories honoured their Reliques and God wrought Miracles by them but their adoration was still disallowed Other famous Men of the Name Saint Chrysostom's Panegyrick The Life of Saint Justin His Original He was a Samaritan by Birth not by Religion An Apostolical Person The manner of his conversion His Apology writ to Antoninus Pius An account of his Writings The Age of the Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite The Quaestiones ad Orthodoxos are Saint Justin's but interpolated The Doctrine of the immaculate conception of Reliques and Vows That Baptism is necessary to Salvation The ancient use of Chrism A dissertation concerning the use of the Cross in all holy and secular Offices Where by whom and how the Sermons of the Anâ—â—ents were managed The Chiliast-Opinion the salvability of the Heathens and the Doctrine of Free-Will considered Saint Justin's Errors in Chronology His Martyrdom The Life of Saint Irenaeus His Mission by the Churches of Lyon and Vien to Pope Eleutherius and the Asian Churches Marcus the Disciple of Valentinus a notorious Heretick Most of the antient Hereticks and persecuting Emperors accused of too much familiarity with the Prince of Darkness The Female Sex most easily imposed on by those Impostures The Devils Policy in assaulting the Church Irenaeus his adjuration of the Transcriber of his works The Greek Copy of his works not to be found The Villany of Fathering Books on a wrong Author Heresies have appeared in the World according to the methods of the Creed The necessity of Episcopal Succession Irenaeus held not two natures in Christ His other Errors apologiz'd for and vindicated That the departed Saints are not in the most perfect bliss till the day of Judgment His Character and Martyrdom Life of Saint Clemens of Alexandria The Antiquity of the Catechetick School at Alexandria Clemens his several Tutors his last Pantaenus whom he succeeded in that School The time of his being made a Presbyter of that Church A large Discourse of the extraordinary care and respects of the Ancients toward their Martyrs in visiting them in Prison in Embalming and paying other funeral Honours to their dead Bodies in honouring their Relicks holding their Religious meetings at their Caemeteria and there performing all their Sacred Offices in Celebrating their Birth-dayes and recording their last Actions in building Churches to their memories allowing them an honourable commemoration at the Altar and calling their Children by their Names What Books of his are lost and what others misfather'd on him The Excellent method of his Writings that remain His Apocryphal citations Chemnitius his severe censure of some passages in his Paedagogus The disingenuous dealing of Blondel and others with the Ancients on the account of Episcopacy The agreement of the Jesuites and Presbyterians in that case A description of S. Clemens his Gnostick in his Stromata The Judgment of Pope Gelasius invalidated in condemning the Writings of Clemens with Hermas's Pastor and S. Barnabas his Catholick Epistle His errors considered His worth and Death The life of Tertullian Tertullian's birth and Education The time of writing his Book De pallio That he turn'd Montanist sooner than is asserted after which the Books de Corona c. were writ That the Rites mentioned in that Book were Catholick usages not observances of the Montanists That Ambition sowered most of the Antient Hereticks but Tertullian's ungovern'd zeal sway'd him The Apostolical Church did not admit gross offenders to penance The necessity of single Marriage was the opinion of the Antients their reasons for it The continuance of the Spiriâ— of Prophecy in his time this inclin'd him tâ— believe the Visions of Montanus and let him into many odd Opinions The difference between the Spirit of true Prophecy and pseudo-afflatus of Maximilla c. Hiâ— justly lamented fall His Writings and Style He did not believe Montanus tâ— be the Holy Ghost That Martyrdom expiates Transgression Tertullian no Maâ—tyr The Life of Origen Origens Name and Excellencies Hâ—â— Castration The occasion of his remove 〈◊〉 Caesarea The Emperour Caracalla's spleâ—â—â— against the Alexandrians and the caâ—â—â— of it Origen took not two journeys 〈◊〉 Rome nor was ever a Scholar to Ploâ—â—nus He is too often nâ—gligently confounâ—ed with a junior Origen a Heathen His Allegorical way of interpreting Scripture whence and
haer 46. p. 171. Epiphanius affirm that Justin suffered his Martyrdom under Adrian whereas it is on all hands conceded that he dyed for the Testimony of Jesus under M. Aurelius Antoninus Philosophus and Lucius Aelius Verus III. From this we pass to Sect. 3. where the number of the Martyrs Books are reckoned what are genuine what spurious what extant what not and p. 29. we are told that his two Volumes against the Gentiles which are mentioned by Eusebius S. Hierome and others are lost whereas they are certainly the same with his Paraenesis ad Graecos and Oratio ad Graecos sive Elenchus which are p. 30. acknowledged to be extant His â—mment on Genesis in the Centurists is no 〈…〉 than the Comment on the Hexameron â—â—entioned by Anasasius Sinatia his Comment on the Apocalypse no other than an Explanation of the Chiliast Opinion according to the Scheme of that Apostle's Prophetick Vision or if a distinct Book I suppose it to have been the Tractate de Resurrectione Carnis mentioned by Damascene of which sort of make was the Comment on the Revelation which c Biblioth lib. 4. Sixtus Senensis says was writ by Irenaeus and in truth whatever Mr. H. p. 61. say to the contrary they are both joined by d Catal. v. Johannes S. Hierome for I think it will be hard to prove a Commentator on Scripture ancienter than Origen or on that part of it than Aretas the Book it self of the Revelation in S. Justin's time being hardly allowed a place in the Canon and the Question not decided who was its Author whether S. John the Apostle or another John an Asian Presbyter buried also at Ephesus in a distinct Tomb from the Evangelist In the same page he reckons a Comment of this Martyr on Dionysius the Areopagite his Eccles Hierarch out of Possevines Apparatus and that among the number of his genuine Tractates not extant but I cannot but wonder that he allows that counterfeit to be so ancient as here to make him older than Justin Martyr and p. 94. than Clemens of Alexandria asserting after another Jesuite Halloix that Clemens writing obscurely imitated Dionysius of Athens whereas all sober Writers that give the spurious S. Dennis the greatest Antiquity make him not elder than the fourth Century and generally agree that the 〈◊〉 Father was Apollinaris so Laurentius Vallaâ— Sirmondus Petavius Launoy c. among the Romanists and Gerh. Vossius Vsher and Casaubon among the Protestants especially a 〈◊〉 pist â—â— part 1. c. 10. Bishop Pearson Dr. b Answ to Cressy's Apolog chap. 2. Sect. 17. c. Stillingfleet and c Life of S. Dennis Sect. 13 14 c. p. 73 74 c. Dr. Cave to omit Dailleé that hath undertook the task of set purpose P. 34. he accounts the Book De Monarchia now extant not genuine because it differs in the Title from his Tract de Monarchia Dei mention'd by the Ancients but there are greater Differences than this in the Titles of Books among the Fathers and for his Argument that he promises in that Book to fetch Testimonies from the Scriptures and Heathen Autâ—ors it is to me manifest That the Book is imperfect and by that means not able to speak for its self His Treatise entituled Eversio quorundam Aristotelicorum dogmatum is allowed to be genuine by that excellent Judge of Antiquity d Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 162. Photius under this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he calls Disputations full of rational Arguings Vehemency and freedom and is not that other Book which he there mentions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same with his Questiones ad Orthodoxos and if so the Book hath fallen into foul hands that have foisted in many passages it being apparent that the Book as now it is written hath not a few places in it that relate to the Arian Heresie and matters of the third Saeculum and by that Interpolator is it that Irenaeus and Origen are there quoted which could not have been done by the Author who was Martyred above forty years before Irenaeus's Death and above twenty before Origen was born herein therefore I assent to Mr. H. but must profess my dissent from his Deduction p. 38. that therefore the Doctrine of the lawful use of the Cross of the Virgin Mary's being without Sin keeping Reliques that Baptism is necessary to Salvation c. are unsound and Popish which Doctrines we will severally and a-part consider IV. The Opinion of the Virgin Mary's being without sin we explode as a Novelty unknown to the purer Antiquity her being free from Actual Transgression was first talk'd of doubtingly by a De natur grat c. 36. S. Austin but that she was untainted with Original Sin hath been the late Dream of the Franciscans and since of the Jesuites and that the Fathers universally thought otherwise 〈◊〉 may see their Sentiments quoted by b Respons ad Albert. Pium. Erasmus and c Loc. Theol. l. 7. c. 1. p. 348. c. Melchior Canus and I find d In Rom. 5. disput 51. p. 468. Salmeron himself confessing that some men quote two hundred some three hundred Fathers against this Opinion of the immaculate Conception V. The lawfulness of keeping and honouring Reliques we have already made good the worshipping of them we with the Primitive Church disown As to Religious Vows whatever some great men since the Reformation in opposition to the Romish Church may have opin'd he that knows that the Orders of Hermites and Anchorites were an institution of the third Century and that the Fathers frequently distinguish'd between Precepts Evangelical to which all men aâ—â— bound and Counsels Evangelical Vide Monâ—â—â— Appel Casâ—â— cap. 15 15 17. or Perfections to which only those are obliged that will more strictly testifie their Devotion Self-denyal and Mortification cannot doubt of their allowance of making new engagements beside the General Vow in Baptism a Practice in truth customary among Men of all Religions Christian Jewish Mahometan or Heathen and I would willingly learn why it should not be as lawful to vow under the New as the Old Testament in things not commanded as well as in what is enjoyned since Vows are no part of the Divine Service but the manner only of performing it especially while the ancient and holy Christians understand the Widdows casting off her first Faith of the breaking her Vow 1 Tim. 5.12 that dedicated her Widdowhood to God and why it should be lawful to make Vows about Fasting Prayers and Alms which e Case of Cons l. 2. c. 14. Mr. Perkins allows and not in other matters I profess I cannot understand VI. That Baptism is necessary to Salvation we assert as a Catholick and Orthodox Position and what is impregnably founded on that Doctrine of our Saviour John 3.5 Except a man be born of Water and the Holy Chost he cannot enter into the Kingdom of Heaven notwithstanding the
but very useful Discourse His Church-History mentioned by Volaterran was doubtless a mistake of the meaning of the same Historian who uses only his Books adversus Hareses yet extant as that of his Comment on the Revelation also had its Original from a mistake of S. Hierom who only says that Irenaeus interpreted the Revelation i. maintained the Chiliast Opinion whose Foundation is laid in that Prophecie as he does largely in the end of his fifth Book and though here Mr. H. dislike the judgment of Sixtus Senensis yet on the same grounds does he entitles S. Justin the Martyr to a like Tractate X. And I could heartily wish that we had only lost those imaginary Volumes and that his other most excellent Writings had not perisht to the detriment of the Church of God and the Common-wealth of Learning by which unhappy fate we are depriv'd of all his Epistles the fragments of that Writ to Pope Victor excepted especially that Epistle to Blastus de Schismate which would have been so useful to this Age as would also his Discourses de Monarchia de Ogdoade against Florinus and his darling Opinion which I fear under a cleaner Masque hath appeared in this Age also that God is the Author of sin And here the observation of c Apud Chemnit Loc. Commun part 1. sect de causis peccati p. 145. Nicephorus is very remarkable that besides the Persecutions that harass'd the Church the Devil made use of three very subtle Methods to ruine Christianity 1. Because the prodigious performances of the Son of God were a great confirmation of the Truth and Divinity of his Doctrine he opposed the Impostures of Simon Magus and Apollonius of Tyana to the Miracles of Christ 2. Because the holiness of our Saviour's Life and Precepts was a great perswasive to incline the World to Conversion he introduc'd into the most sacred Offices of Religion all sort of Impurities and Lusts by his Instruments the Gnosticks and Cataphrygians who adopted their Vices into the number of their Mysteries and to whom the promiscuous Mixtures Incests and Eating the Blood of Men which were unjustly laid to the charge of the Primitive Christians must be attributed 3. And lest this also might not do that he might incline the World to be careless and vile he by Blastus Florinus and Marcion gave being to the Opinion that God was the Author of sin that so he might supersede all Laws and enervate the force and vigour of all the Divine Injunctions XI In the end of the Tract de Ogdoade Irenaeus adjures his Transcriber by the coming of Jesus to Judgment diligently to compare his Copy with the Original an Obtestation so sacred that not only Eusebius takes â—rotice of it in his History and S. Hierom in his Catalogue but the former prefixes it to â—â—e first Book of his Chronicon and the latter to his Translation of the same Book as Ruffinus hath also another such for sense though not for words in the Preface to his Translation of Origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 requiring his Transcriber neither to add to nor diminish nor change any thing in it but to correct it by the Original and accordingly to publish it and in after Ages a Usher Epist Hebernic sylloge p. â—â— Adamnanus hath such an admonition at the end of his Book of the life of S. Columb a charge like that of Quintilian ad Tryphonem bibliopolam and b Ad fin Apolog. Thesium Dâ— Reynolds's ad transmarinos typographos admon tioâ— and may we not take leave to suppose that Irenaeus who was a Scholar to Papias and Polycarp S. John's Disciples did herein imitate that Apostle who closes his c Apoc. 22.18 19. Apoculypse with the like solemn Obtestation XII And I could heartily wish that we had the Greek Copy of those Books that are left for I know no more of this Father extant in the Language that he writ in than what we have in Epiphanius Eusebius Theodoret c. for no man is now so vain to imagine that Irenaeus writ in Latine although Callasius in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Edition of this Father and d Orat. delect Patrum init Chemnitius affirm that the Greek Copy had been seen in the Vatican and another read at Venice by some learned and good men who when they came to look for the Book a second time found the place empty which Relation if true as Gallasisius more than once mentions it no punishment were too big for such curs'd Villains and Plagiaries For could the World be so happy we should see how disingenuously or rather ignorantly his Latine Translator hath dâ—a't with him dressing his Notions in a style so obscure and rugged so full of Solecisms and barbarous expressions that they not only sully the Beauty but cloud the meaning of this great man whose modesty though it inclined him to make an a Pref. l. 1. Apology for his style as if it were plain and unrhetorical yet to him that reads the passages which Epiphanius against the Valentinians repeats out of him in his own Native Language his style will appear though not affected yet very elegant without that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that sublimity which some men would require but not without that gravity clearness and perswasiveness that became a Philosopher on so abstruse a subject XIII I find it the peculiar happiness of S. Irenaeus among the Ecclesiastical Writers that anciently no other Writings were father'd on him than what were genuinely his unless we shall say that he has been abus'd by ome b Vid. Phot. cod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 16. not Haeâ—chel p. 923. imputing to him as others do to Justin Martyr and a third sort to Josephus that Tractate which is truly the Commâ—ntâ—ry of Gajus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there being scarce one besides him of all the Sages of the Church that hath not been imposed upon by the bastard issue of some other men A Crime too notorious to be excused and of which we may say what c Hist lib. 1. p. 413. Tacitus does of the profession of Astrology at Rome That it always will be forbidden but always practised A Design that seems to intimate a great deal of Bounty but betrays an intention of Robbery of debasing the value and impairing the reputation of a worthy man by thus exposing him to the censures of the World in a picture drawn by a wrong hand and martyring him again in Effigie destroying noble Writers as Witches do those whose persons they cannot reach by venting their malice against an Image which themselves have molded The undertaking hath been of long standing and may now plead gray hairs and custom but well it would be with the Interests of Learning and Piety if all such men fell under the chastisement of Theodiscus d Apud Genebr Chrer lib. 3. an 657. whom Vasaeus in his Spanish Chronicle mentions who being the Arch-Bishop of Sevil
Nicen can 30. in cod Arabic being prohibited to give them Heathen names as if they studied all ways to perpetuate and eternize their Memories and induce their posterity to an imitation of those virtues that gave those reverend Men their Immortality Thus it came to pass that there were many Pauls and St. Peter and St. John had not a few namesakes says i Lib. de promis adv Nepot apud Euseb l. 7. c. 25. Lat. 20. St. Dionysius of Alexandria men being desirous to give their Off-spring such names out of love to the holy Martyr and admiration of his stupendious piety out of zeal and earnestness to engage their Children to walk in such steps and because they thought thereby to get an equal share in the divine favour with those beloved Disciples Nor were a Theod. ubi supr they without hopes this way to procure some assistances from the Martyr to that Pupil to whom they design'd the Saint in a sort a Guardian that he might be engaged to his Protection Which custody of what nature they believed it to be I will not now determine XXVII These with other considerations were the great incentives of Martyrdom and engaged all sorts of persons among the Christians to a passionate courting of sufferings Tiberian Palaest 1. Praes Ep. Trajan p. 9. Ed. Usser 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plin. lib. 10. Ep. 97. pervicaciam infleuibilem obstinationem debere puniri Dio Chrys Orat. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lucian de morte poregr p 996. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arrian in Epictet lib. 4. cap. 7. p. 417. Ed. Wolfii Colon. 1595. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Antonin Imper. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 11. sect 3. p. 134. Edit Xylandr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arrius Antoninus apud Tâ—â—tull ad scapul c. 4. Arrius Antoninus in Asia cum persequeretur instanter omnes illius civitatis Christiani ante tribunalia ejuâ—â—e manu jactá obtulerunt cum ille paucis duci jussis reliquis ait 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Porphyr lib. contr Christian apud Euseb lib. 6. hist Eccles cap. 19. Gr. 13. Lat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat rude barbarum vitae genus reddit interpres Vide etiam Juliani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oper part 1. p. 528. in as much as their Heathen adversaries admired their courage when they condemn'd their rashness some attributing it to the barbarousness and rudeness of their manners others to custom a third sort to superstition and an ungrounded belief of a Resurrection a fourth to obstinacy and a mind bent to opposition and for these reasons Volentibus mori non permittebatur occidi says St. Cyprian they were debar'd the liberty of taking sanctuary in the grave or advis'd to betake themselves to precipices and halters and not tire out their Governors in denouncing sentences and sealing Writs of Execution for such inforcives of a sudden swelled the Martyrologies and every day made new Candidates for Heaven a Cypr. Exhort mart c. 11. p. 197. For who could think it a matter of difficulty and trouble to be sacrificed for the interests of his Saviour when he saw the holy Catalogue swell'd with names that could not be numbered Hither ran Women and Children as to a Feast and made hast lest they should come too late to partake of that Crown till the Church was forc'd to enjoyn her Sons a prudential care of their Lives by telling them That it was lawful to retire in time of Persecution and to bribe their Heathen Governors that they might live securely by condemning the Marcionites Cataphrygians and Martyriani as Hercticks for their irrational and rash pursuit of this honor and by denying such undertakers a place in the Records of the Church by decreeing not only b Conc. Illiberit can 60. Conc. Laodic can 34. Epiph. haer 80. that no Schismatick or profane person should be accounted a Martyr but also that no man that temerariously or causlesly offer'd himself to his Pagan enemies and fell rather by his imprudent rushing on death than staying till providence called him to be a Witness to the Truth should have a place in the Ecclesiastical Register c Naz. Orat 10. p. 168. For this is the Law of Martyrdom Not indiscreetly to pursue nor cowardly to fly dangers not to be ashamed of our Profession or prodigal of our Lives And now after this long digression we will again return to St. Clemens XXVIII The issue of so pregnant a brain could not but be numerous of which many are lost without hopes of recovery and among them Mr. H. p. 85. reckons his Discourse intitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but this little Tract is extant being Printed in the d Part 1. p. 185. n. 42. an 1672. Auctuarium Bibliothecae Patrum set out by F. Combefis For though the 8th Book of his Stromata hath that Title in some Copies as says e Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 154. Photius yet we have another 8th Book to make up the number without this His Books of Hypotyposes are now undoubtedly lost though not very many years since the learned f Ap. Montague against Selden of Tithes ch 3. p. 420. Fronto Ducceus writ to our Sir Henry Savil that they were extant with the Patriarch of Alexandria and g Annot. in Clem. Alexand p. 50. Heinsius thinks the 8th Book of his Stromata now extant to be a part of his Hypotyposes foisted in instead of the last Book of that excellent Work which was lost in which he interpreted the whole Old and New Testament says h Ubi supr Photius which probably is the same Tractate that Cassiodore means in praefat divinar lection wherein he affirms that St. Clemens expounded the whole Scripture from the beginning to the end though i Tom. 2. an 196. p. 280. Baronius would have it to be a distinct Work a part of which perhaps are those Commentaries on St. Peters First Epistle St. Johns Third and that of St. Jude which are fathered on this Alexandrian Catechist and are accounted spurious And whereas Mr. H. mentions it not I must acquaint the Reader that the Epitome of the Oriental Doctrine of Theodotus being excerpta out of his Hypotyposes is still extant in the Edition of this Father by a P. 565 c. Heinsius at Leyden an 1616. And b Ubi supr vide Ruffin de adulterat libror. Origen Photius says the whole eight Books are full of strange and prodigiously blasphemous assertions who reckons many of them but withall professes that he believes the Father hath been abused and so do I. And it is well worth our observation that whereas those Books that were so full of un-Orthodox sentiments are lost those other which were more prudentially and usefully pen'd and wherein the Author testified his greatest accuracy and skill are yet preserv'd XXIX The History of Clemens mention'd p. 88. without doubt is not his but I am inclined to believe
with c Tom. 2. an 196. p. 280. Baronius that the Clemens which Sozomen speaks of is Clemens the Bishop of Rome on whom is father'd the writing the Acts of St. Peter and that Suidas speaks of a Heathen Historian But the * Vide Euseb Hist l. 6. cap. 11. Comment on Genesis seems to have been his or rather a Comment only on the History of the Creation the Hexameron if we may believe d Lib. 1. explanat in Genes Anastasius Sinaâ—â—a who avers that Clemens and Pantaenus for so it must be read and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Priest of Alexandria and the most wise Ammonius were the most ancient and first Interpreters that unanimously understood the History of the Creation in a mystical way of Christ and his Church Besides all these e Tom. 2. an 120. p. 76. the Cardinal seems to intitle him to a Tract De Justitia wherein he confutes the Carpocratian Heresie whereas 't is as clear as what is writ with a Sun beam to him that inspects the Father that the Tract 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was writ by Epiphanes Carpocrates's Son a young Heretick of very pregnant parts who dying at 17 years of age was worshipt at Sama a City of Cephalenia as a God out of which Book we have a large fragment or two in f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3. p. 312 313 314. St. Clemens wherein he undertakes to prove the lawfulness of community of Wives from the dictates of Nature and the Divine Institution and that that Prohibition Thou shalt not covet thy Neighbors Wife signifies no more but this Thou shalt not destroy the law of Community which I have establisht by coveting thy Neighbors Wife so as to appropriate her to thy self XXX The Books that are extant were writ g Heins and Dr. Cave's life of S. Clem. p. 198. in an excellent order First his exhortation to encline the Gentiles to abandon their folly next his Paedagogus or instructor as a Catechism for the Neophytes then his Stromata which Mr. H. by a hard and uncouth term frequently calls Stromes being a full explication of the Mysteries of Christianity with the Confutation of the Heathen Dogmata fit for the reading of the most accomplisht Professor of Religion And that all the Arts that were necessary to be learnt as preparatives to the best knowledg i. the Christian might not be estranged from the capacities of his Scholars He in his Hypotyposes treats of Logick and the other Sciences introductory to the Mysteries of true Philosophy and herein we may observe him to have been a follower of Pythagoras and Plato first purifying the understandings of his Disciples from all their Faeces and evil Notions then initiating them into the Temple of Truth and at last acquainting them with the more sublime rules of Wisdome and Piety His Books are full of all sorts of learning and a pleasing intermixture of the variety of Humane and Sacred Story Of the first Book of his Stromata a Canon Isag l. 3. part 3. p. 340. Joseph Scaliger gives this Character That he hath of all men given the best and largest account of the Chronology of the age of the Heroes And for his Protrepticon which hath a much nearer and more peculiar relation to the Candidates of the Priest-hood it is numbred by the Reverend b Of Idolatry Sect. 18. Dr. Hammond among the choicest of that excellent set of Books which may serve any Student for the Isthmus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or passage between the study of Humane and Divine Learning who reckons this with Origen 's Books against Celsus and Justin Martyr 's and Athenagoras 's Apologies with Tatianus his Orat. contr Graec. Theophilus ad Autolyc Theodoret de curand Graec. affectib Eusebius de praeparat Evangel with Cyril of Alexandria against Julian Tertullian 's Apology Minutius Faelix his Octavius and Arnobius contra Gentes with Lactantius Julius Firmicus and St. Austin de Civitate Dei The converse with which Writings is a generous and becoming employment and such as is its own reward XXXI That S. Clemens was an admirer of Traditions and Apocryphal writings c Hist 1. 6. c. 11. Eusebius is an undoubted testimony for when he writ his Scholia on the whole Bible he under that Head comprehended not only the controverted Catholick Epistles of S. Peter S. John and that of S. Jude but the Epistle of S. Barnabas and the Book called the Revelation of S. Peter on all which he commented and in such Quotations he is not sparing he d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 304 305.330 331. Epit. doctr Orient p. 572. c. more than once cites that Dialogue between our Saviour and Salome out of the Gospel secundum Aegyptios who asking the holy Jesus how long Death should reign was answered as long as her Sex should bear Children but that he came to destroy the works of the Woman meaning carnal lusts To which when Salome replied that then she had done well that never had Children he subjoyns that every Herb may be freely eaten of except that which is bitter and venomous implying that neither Matrimony nor Celibacy are expresly commanded or forbidden by the Law of God a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 339. And when she askt him when the Consummation of all things should be was again satisfied that it should be when there should be no more shame and two should become one and that one neither Male nor Female i. when the irascible and concupiscible faculties should be subdued to the Laws of right Reason and Religion from the extravagancies of which passions all shame hath its original He frequently also cites the Book called the Preaching of S. Peter from whence he asserts b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 6. p. 457. that the just men among the Gentiles did worship God but not according to that perfect and absolute rule which the Son of God hath reveal'd to the World and that God gave to the Jews their Prophets to lead them to the knowledge of Christ and to the Gentiles their Prophets the Sibyls and others to the same end c Ibid. p. 460. vid. p. 488. 579. In this Tractate also he quotes that Christ descended into Hell to preach to the Spirits detain'd there From d Epit. Doctr. Orient p. 578. vid. p. 574. the Book of Enoch he informs us that the fallen Angels did teach men Astrology and Magick and other unlawful Arts Among all which traditional and Apocryphal citations I truly admire that one of the Apostle Matthias whom some men e Apud eund 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. p. 356. affirm to have been Zacheus the Prince of the Publicans and who was f Id. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7. p. 549. abused by the followers of Marcion Basilides and Valentinus as if he were the Patron of their Opinions who among other things affirm'd g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
〈◊〉 7. p. 537. that if the Neighbour of an Elect person sin the good man himself is the offender for if the holy man had demean'd himself as the word or right reason directed his evil Neighbour would have stood in so much awe of his pious and well-governed life that he durst not offend XXXII Sect. 5. p. 94. Mr. H. reckons that passage of the Paedagogus as an excellent sentence that this is to drink the blood of Christ to be made partaker of the incorruption of the Lord which h De fundam S. Caenae p. 109. Chemnitius but I remember that he was a Lutheran calls a Novel Opinion and never heard of and in good truth if it be allowable to make Allegorical interpretations of the plain words of the Sacraments what evils may not thence ensue so in i Lib. 2. c. 2. the same Book S. Clem. thus expounds our Saviours words This is my blood i. the blood of the Vine which is shed for the remission of sins for as Wine refresheth the heart and maketh merry so the remission of sins is the glad tidings of the Gospel which Position the same learned Lutheran terms but too severely a prophane as well as a Novel Assertion And having thus mentioned his Censure I leave the Reader to judge XXXIII And so must I beg him to determine between me and Mr. H. in another question of moment relating to the Government of the Primitive Church by Bishops of which I find him tacitly endeavouring to supplant the belief and insinuating as if in those early days there was no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter while here p. 99. he quotes Clemens that there were in his time only three Orders Bishops Elders and Deacons as if that mixt and amphibious Animal call'd a Lay-Elder had been in those Primitive days a Church-officer who was never heard of till yesterday and as if Bishops were no more than Parish-Ministers and Deacons their Church-wardens and so he explains himself commonly Bishop or Pastor p. 2.17.21 c. and p. 6. Pastor Overseer or Bishop and p. 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Pastor or Chief President which word a Resp ad Sacar cap. 25. annot in Phil. 1 1. in 1 Tim. 1.19 in Apocal. 2.1 Beza is willing to acknowledge that it did antiently signifie a Bishop in the sense of the Church of England and which b Tom. 5. p. 499. S. Chrysostom twice in one page uses to denote the Eminency of S. Ignatius's Archiepiscopal and Patriarchal Dignity and had Mr. H. Englisht the Fathers as they explain'd themselves in those early days he might better have rendred it in some places Bishop or Elder c Hier. ad Ocean To. 2. p. 325. the one being a name of their Age the other of their Authority Nor can I but admire the prejudices of some men who in this case appeal to Antiquity as Salmasius Blondel and others have done forcing it to speak the sense of the Vestry Tribunal by the most unreasonable deductions I will only instance in that of d Praefat. ad Apolog. p. 59. Blondel who has found out a new Heresie of Aerius unknown to all former Ages till this infallible Dictator in Divinity appear'd not that he affirm'd that Bishops and Presbyters were the same Order for that says he was the Opinion of S. Hierome and all the Antients but that from these premises he argued a necessity of separation and that no man could safely communicate with any of the other Opinion a device not worth the confutation which having to shadow of Antiquity to countenance it hath yet grown into practice at Geneva if we may believe Danaeus a Professor there who as Beza calls the Episcopal Government under the Papacy a devillish tyranny e Danae Isag part 2. lib. 2. c. 22. so affirms that it was their custome to re-ordain by their Presbytery any that came over to them and had been ordain'd by a Popish Prelate before as if every irregularity in the Ordainer blotted out the Character and their ill Government if nothing else were enough to countenance a Schism XXXIV I had therefore once thoughts to have deduc'd the Episcopal Pre-eminence through the three first Centuries from the works of those ten Fathers of whom Mr. H. writes the Lives but on maturer thoughts I conceived it to be unnecessary only I will mind my Reader that f De praescript adv haer p. 39. F. Edit Rhen. Tertullian reckons it as a mark of a Heretick that he is a man that pays no reverence to his Prelate and close the Paragraph with the counsel of a Tom. 1. p. 955. Ed. Paris 1627. S. Athanasius to Dracontius who refused this holy Office If the Institutions of the Church displease thee and thou imagine that there is no reward annext to the just discharge of this duty thou despisest that Saviour who gave being to this Jurisdiction Such thoughts are unworthy a sober and wise man for those things which our great Master hath ordain'd by his Apostles cannot but be good and practicable and notwithstanding any opposition shall continue firm I shall end this Section when I have mention'd that Mr. H. b P. 45. alibi in his Book of Confirmation hath rob'd the Bishops of their power in Confirmation that he might confer it on every Presbyter and ranking the Papist and Prelatical party together hath called their ways of proof blasphemous Arguments not considering that the concurrent suffrage of Antiquity makes the c Bishop Taylor of Confir sect 4. Bishop the only Minister of this Rite and that herein the Jesuite and Presbyterian are united more genuinely than the Romanist and Prelatical For when Smith Bishop of Chalcedon was sent into England by Vrban 8. as an Ordinary here the Jesuites would never submit to him and at last wrought him out of the Kingdom and presently publisht two Books in English against Episcopal Government and Confirmation disputing both into contempt d Mystery of Jesuitism let 3. p. 150 151. which Books having been sent by the English Clergy to the Sorbon there were thirty two Propositions in them censured and condemn'd by that Colledge Febr. 15. 1631. XXXV The design of S. Clemens in his Stromata is to instruct his Gnostick i. his accomplisht Disciple a man extraordinarily acquainted with the Principles of Christianity in which sense e Apud Socrat hist Eccles lib. 4. c. 18. Evagrius entitles one of his Books which he writ of the Monastick Institution Gnosticus wherein he calls the Society of more eminent and contemplative Monks the Sect of the Gnosticks for much after that rate that Plato does instruct his wise man does this Alexandrian Presbyter instruct his Gnostick whom he presumes to be a man elevated above the common pitch and fit to be intrusted with the Mysteries of Scripture such as he and his Scholar Origen were pleas'd in their Allegorizing way to make describing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
better Account of his last Actions whom we find buryed in silence by the Antients Only what Mr. H. p. 109 110. affirms That he out-lived his Master Pantaenus many years and yet dyed an 195. cannot be reconciled For Pantaenus flourished under Caracalla says St. Hierome the first year of whose Empire did not Commence till an 211. So that we cannot imagine St. Clemens to dye till circ an 220. at the least when probably he went into his Grave in Peace the Martyrologies of either Church allowing him no place though unjustly they having honored many persons that worse deserv'd that solemn Commemoration and more than a few that never swam to Heaven in their own Blood But it was their neglect and our unhappiness that we cannot Celebrate this brave person in an Encomium tantamount to his Worth THE LIFE OF Tertullian I. TErtullian was a man eminent for his Birth being of the Tribe Septimia of which there had been several Kings admirable for his great Endowments being well seen in all Learning and as the most antient so without controversie the best read of all the Latine Fathers and as famous for his fall his deserting the Catholick Church and suffering himself to be wheadled by the Disciples of Montanus but notwithstanding his Original was illustrious I cannot believe him to have been the Son of a Pro-Consul as Mr. H. p. 111. mistaking St. Hierome makes him for St. a Catal. v. Tertul. vid. Dr. Cave 's Life of Tert. p. 202. Hierome says his Father was Centurio Pro-Consularis i. a Centurion at Carthage under the Pro-Consul of Africk for I think we shall never find in the Roman History an ordinary Centurion intrusted with a Pro-Consular dignity II. Under his Father without doubt he had a liberal and ingenuous Education which furnisht him with those sublime parts that in his Writings exert themselves manifesting him a great Historian and excellent Orator in his African way and an acute Lawyer though that he pleaded at the Bar as Mr. H. p. 112. and others suggest is not so clear b Dr. Cave ibid. p. 203. the Argument from that passage in his Book De Pallio serving as well to prove him to have been a Soldier or a Courtier which Book was not Writ by Tertullian at his first Conversion as Mr. H. p. 113. out of Pamelius supposes c Baron Salmas apud eund p. 205. Prim. Christian part 2. cap. 3. but nine or ten years after when he entred into Holy Orders and so was obliged to change his Gown his ordinary habit for the Cloak Sacerdos Suggestus the Sacerdotal Habit as he calls it a Garb that denoted more Mortification and Contempt of the World and love of the best sort of Philosophy and continued till the time of d Socr. l. 7. c. 36. Sylvanus Bishop of Troas who refused to wear it and e Can. 12. the Council of Gangra condemn'd the wearing when it was presum'd there was much Holiness inherent in the Habit. And f Dr. Cave's Life of S. Justin p. 144. Ferri hoc non posse cùm ipsi capita supercilia sua radant si quando Isidis suscipiunt sacra si forte Christianus vir attentior sacrosanctae religioni vestes mutaverit indignum facinus appellant Ambr. l. 6. Ep. 36. ad Sabin in truth the sordid and mean black Coats of the Christian Monks were by Libanius Eunapius and others laid to their charge till it became Proverbial There goes a Greek Impostor because the Pallium was a Greek Habit as the Toga was a Roman III. In this I cannot but subscribe to that Learned Man whose name I reverence but must take leave to profess my dissent from him in another piece of Chronology when he fixes the Epocha of Tertullian's turning Montanist at the third or fourth year of the Emperor Caracalla and yet affirms that his Book De Corona was Writ the 7th year of Severus at the Creating his eldest Son Antoninus his Co-partner in the Empire and his youngest Geta Caesar for then we must grant Tertullian's fall to have been very early it being very plain to me that he was of that fond belief when he writ the Tractate De Corona Militis from these words a De Coron c. 1. with which he girds the Catholick Soldiers who wore their Garlands on their heads and thought it lawful to fly in time of Persecution which Montanus condemn'd They may be well allowed to fly from Martyrdome who have rejected the Prophecies of the Holy Spirit Where he can mean no other person but Montanus nor does he forbear on this account to rally the very Bishops of Rome in the succeeding words I have known their Prelates Lyons in peace but more timorous than Stags in times of difficulty And in the b Cap. 11. same Book he makes it unlawful for a Christian to be a Soldier contrary to his former judgment in his Apologetick where he tells the Emperor That his Army was full of the Disciples of Jesus and recites the famous undertaking of the Legio fulminatrix without blaming them But the former passage of the Paraclete is so clear that all that Pamelius can do in his Annotations will not wash the Aethiop IV. I therefore think that the Book was Written neither at the 7th nor the 16th year of Severus as Learned Men diversly opine not in the 7th year for Tertullian's Apologetick could not be Writ till that time there being no appearance of a persecution before that year of Severus nor I think at least till three or four years after for c Apologet. cap. 35. in it he not only mentions the overthrow of Cassius Niger and Albinus but of Plautianus as I suppose he means him in that Description Post vindemiam parricidarum racematio superstes calling him the Gleanings after the full Vintage of the Traytors whom he Characters as a Man entring into the Palace Arm'd to the ruine of the Emperor that he affected the assuming the Regalia in his Habit and Houses being most princely and was not negligent in the consultation of Magicians concerning the Fate of the Empire which are an exact Description of that Traiterous and proud African if we consult d Lib. 3. p. 76 77. Herodian and e Spartian in Sept. Severo Spartianus now the Treason of Plautianus did not break out till the 10th or 11th year of Severus Nor do I think it writ in the 16th year of that Prince because f Cap. 1. Tertullian introduces that scrupulous and over-nice man's Fellow-Soldiers complaining of him as if that fact of his would incense the Emperor and give occasion to the raising of a Persecution that would put an end to their serene days and enjoyments So that if it relate to the reign of Septimius it must necessarily be referred to the beginning of it when g Id. ad Scapul c. 4. p. 71. having been cured of a desperate Distemper by Proculus a Christian
he not only kept his Miraculous Physician at Court with him but shewed himself favourable to all persons of his Religion whereas about the 9th of his Empire begun that fierce and cruel Persecution that ended not but with his Life I would therefore presume to believe that the Donative on the occasion of which Tertullian writ the defence of that Soldier who refus'd his crown was given not in the times of Severus but in the first year of Caracalla and Geta on their return out of Britain after the death of their Father when Antoninus slew all his Fathers Physicians for not hastening his death and his own Governor Euodus for endeavouring to take up the differences between him and his Brother and all others that were favourites to Severus it being usual at the Inauguration of Princes to give such largesses and very necessary at that time to smooth the mind of the Soldiery after so many brutish acts of cruelty and continued threatnings of more mischief V. So that I cannot but see a necessity of believing that Tertullian became a follower of Montanus in the middle of the reign of Septimius Severus for in the fifteenth year of that Prince were his Books against Marcion writ as a L. 1. adv Marc. p. 56. C. Ed. Rhen. himself testifies but that he was then a Montanist is very plain for b Lib. 1. ad fin he defends the necessity of single Marriages by the testimony of the Paraclete which can be no other than Montanus and c L. 4. p. 91. D. calls the Orthodox in scorn Psychici and pleads eagerly for his new Prophetick Afflatus and Ecstasies and to this the very long Popedome of Zepherinus will give countenance and engage us to believe that the Disputation between Gaius and Proclus was manag'd some years sooner than most of the Chronologers place it Nor are several other Works of this Father commonly reckon'd among his Tracts Writ before his Desertion of the Church but infected with the leaven of Montanisme for in his De resurrect carnis he stiles Prisca a Propneâ—ess and in his Deâ—anima undertakes to prove the corporeity of the Soul by a vision of that Impostress and in the beginning of his Book De velandis virginibus he affirm That Holiness was in its rude elements under the law of nature in its infancy under the Mosâ—ick Oeconomy and the Prophets in its youth under the Gospel Dispensation but never came to its maturity and full growth till his time under the Paraclete His discourse also against Praxeas then commenc'd wherein d Cap. 1. adv Prax. he tells us that at first the Roman Prelate Baronius says it was Anicetus Dr. Cave Eleutherius but I think it was Zepherinus did believe the Prophecies of Montanus Prisca and Maximilla and granted Letters of Peace and Communion to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia that were infected with that Heresie allowing what his Predecessors had condemn'd but was diverted from continuing in that resolution by Praxeas the Author of the Sect of the Patro-passiani against whom Tertullian Writing says That he did two good Offices for the Devil while he was at Rome he expell'd the Spirit of Prophecy and brought in Heresie he banish'd the Holy Ghost i. Montanus and crucified God the Father Calling the Orthodox by the usual name of disgrace among those Herereticks Psychici which makes me wonder that that very Learned Man should number these Books among those that Tertullian Writ before he fell into Heresie Whereas in the Books which he Writ before he became a Montanist he a De praescript adv haeret c. 52. calls it a blasphemous assertion to aver That the Holy Ghost discovered more by the Ministry of Montanus than of the Apostles and his Tractate De Baptismo purposely opposes Quintilla a Woman of great repute in the Family of Montanus to prove the necessity of Water to the right Administration of Baptism and of Baptism to Salvation VI. To this Opinion for the main Mr. H. p. 13½ assents but I can no way allow of his deduction from it that therefore all the customs and usages of the Church idle Ceremonies he calls them which Tertullian reckons up in his de Corona came out of the School of Montanus as the Centurists says he profitably conjecture and which p. 169. he stiles the materials of the Antichristian Synagogue then preparing For had Tertullian argued against the Catholicks from the observances of his own Conventicle he had expos'd his reasonings to derision by begging the question whereas the Orthodox might easily retort on him that these were not the usages of the Christian Church but of their little Tribe whereas the method is perswasive when disputing against the Catholicks he urges them with their Traditional Rites and practices which were common to both them and the followers of Montanus nor is it but a most irrational inference to cast off all things that are good because of the intermixture of some unsound Positions in any person or writing as if we must think all the accounts of the Primitive usages in Eusebius were only the little arts of the Arians or in Socrates did belong only to the Novatian Schism because the one was supposed an Arian and the other a Puritan But to argue justly we must first prove the Institution of these Ceremonies to be an act of Montanus and the use of them the peculiar practices of his followers which I think Mr. H. will hardly undertake and if he hath any Veneration for that learned man B. Rhenanus whom he so often quotes he may from his Notes on this Book have a perswasive and sober account of the reason of these Institutions and if this will not satisfie b Ubi supr Tertullian shall give him my Answer Quamdiu per hanc lineam serram reciprocabimus I count it madness any longer to draw this Saw of contention but it behoves the opposers of ours and the Primitive Church to discountenance as much as may be such early instances of the use of the Cross the Responses in Baptism the prohibition of fasting on the Lords day and many other such practices The occasion of this so justly lamented defection of this great man S. c Catal. v. Tertul. Hierome says was the envy of the Church of Rome against him and the opprobrium there cast on him which might easily work on a man of his temper and Country to imbitter him Pope Victor and the Emperour Severus his Countrymen and Cotemporaries were not the most moderate men in the world such injuâ—ties being insufferable to ingenuous Natures a Lib. 6. cap. 25. Sozomen telling us that had Apollinaris been treated with more mildness and condescension by Theodotus and Georgius Bishops of Laodicea he believes the Church had never been pester'd with his new Heresie others as Pamelius and Mr. H. p. 115. that it arose from his missing the Bishoprick of Carthage and such ambition hath also much promoted
against the Marcionites lately set out by Wetsteinius at Basil 1674. which are only Collections out of the Works of Origen by Maximus or some other Antient and set out in his name we have by the same Editor the Tractate De Martyrio and the Epistle to Julius Africanus perfect which long before was publisht imperfectly by Heschelius at Auspurgh an 1602. and since by the Collectors of the Critici in the 8th Tome The discourse De Engastrimutho was publish'd by Leo Allatius and is doubtless a part of his Comments on 1 Reg. 17. to omit the Treatise De Oratione the MSS. Copies whereof are in the Libraries at Cambridge and elsewhere these of his Tractates are extant in Greek and Mons Huet hath lately at Paris given the World a new Edition of the Comments of this Father where in their native stile we have 17 Homilies on the Prophet Jeremy 7 Tomes on S. Matthew and 9 Tomes on S. Johns Gospel and all these his genuine and uncontroverted Works But I perceive that Mr. H. is a stranger to this last and best Edition and it would be pardonable to a man that lives retired and a great way from such conveniences did a Praef. to his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he not tell us that he hath given his reader as full a Catalogue as could be gotten of whatever bears the Fathers name with a hint of what kind they are whether genuine spurious or dubious Which promise how it hath been fulfilled while he never mentions Vossius's Edition of Ignatius or Huets Origen I leave to the reader to judge XI Many also of the Books which he p. 206 207 reckons as lost are extant as for example his discourse of Martyrdome his Epitome of the History of Susanna which is an Epistle of his in answer to Julius Africanus his Homily De Engastrimutho and one Epistle more to Gregory Thaumaturgus exâ—ant in the Philocalia Among his Comments affirm'd to be lost the Homily on the Song of Hannah is extant even in Merlin's Edition as is also that on the second Book of the Kings of Solomon's judgment between the two Harlots in Huets Edition the Comments on Job were written after the Arian Controversie began probably by Maximinus the Homilies on the Canticles are discarded by Erasmus Amerbachius Cook and others but vindicated by Merlin Genebrard and our Reverend b Vindic. Ep. Ign. part 1. c. 7. p. 106. c. Pearson and in truth the judgment of Erasmus whom most men blindly follow and his Acumen which for the most part happily assisted him in censuring the Works of the Latine Fathers wonderfully failed him when he played the Critick with the Greek Mr. H. also p. 217. mentions but 14. Homilies in Jerem. whereas there are 17 extant in the Paris Edition XII Many of his Works which are lost are omitted by Mr. H. as his Homilies on Deuteronomy the Chronicles Ezra and Nehemiah and Daniel his Comments in Veteres Philosophos his Dialogues De Resurrectione and Disputations with Beryllus which were Origen's genuine Writings These supposititious Tractates also are omitted the Commentaries on S. Mark the Scholia on the Lords Prayer c. Origen also is intituled to two Books De Visione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad Gratam which c Prooem in l. 1. Comment in Isai S. Hierome says are falsly father'd on Origen but I think them to be a part of his Comments on the Evangelical Prophet of which d Hist l. 6. c. 25. Eusebius says he saw 30 Tomes as far as the Vision of the Four-footed Beasts in the Desart Some also e Phot. Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 16. father'd on him the Book of Gaius the Roman Presbyter called the Labyrinth but wrongly and it were to be wish'd that the Epistle of S. Jerome ad Paulam wherein he designedly enumerates the Works of this Father and compares him with Varro were extant that the great enemies of this most learned man might see of what a treasure their spight and envy hath rob'd the World of wise men and Christians XIII In his discourse of the stupendious undertaking of the Octapla the loss whereof is more easily talk'd of than retriev'd this is omitted that in the Edition of the Psalms a Hist l. 6. c. 12. Eusebius reckons one Version more than the common Interpreters which different Translation I suppose to be that which the Fathers call the Vulgar Translation and which as appears by S. Hierom's Epistle ad Suniam Fretelam was the same with the inemendate Edition of the 70 Consul Woweri syntagm de 70 Interp. c. 11. but vastly different from the more correct Copy of Origen which he who reads that Epistle may see proved at large Nor did the two Anonymous Copies found at Jericho and Nicopolis contain a Version of the whole Old Testament as Mr. H. intimates but only of some certain Books those as I conjecture which we call the Hagiographa which b Ubi supr Eusebius calls the Psalms and c Comment in Tit. 3. S. Hierome Libri qui apud Hebraeos versu compositi sunt The Books among the Hebrews which were writ in Verse Of all which several Versions the Original Copy of Symmachus came to the Fathers hands by the gift of Juliana a Virgin at Caesarea with whom he took refuge during the Persecution and on whom it devolv'd either by right of inheritance or being d Euseb l. 6. c. 14. given her by the Author which very Copy e Hist Lausiac c. 51. Palladius says he saw in which all these particulars were attested under Origen's own hand XIV His style Mr. H. p. 22â…ž commends for its brevity and succinctness whereas it is too luxuriant and he abounds in words and this was a crime which Eustathius lays to his charge and with him Epiphanius whose objection favours of more envy than prudence especially the last who was a profess'd enemy of the name of Origen and will allow him to have done nothing well but his Octapla and yet while he is so severe a Critick to animadvert the stile of this eloquent Priest he that looks into his f Phot. Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p 162. shall find it rugged and dry and drest in a vulgar way of expressing himself that bids defiance to the ornaments of Language But his manner of speaking was not all which the Bishop of Salamis objected against Origen it being as regular to expect that all mens faces should be alike as their stiles but he with Theophilus of Alexandria Eustathins of Antioch Methodius and Apollinaris a Quarternion of slanderers g Hist Eccl. l. 6. c. 7 9 12. Socrates calls them in several Synods condemn'd his writings as Heretical and forbad the reading of them which occasion'd that hot quarrel between S. Chrysostome and Epiphanius wherein we may see an instance of the infirmities of the greatest men when their passions transport them to bitterness and evil speaking and