that wee did not meddle with them for their opinions otherwise then they had given us occasion by their owne Letters and free speeches amongstus for wee wrote to them about civill Controversies onely and gave them no occasion to vent their blasphemies and revilings against the Ordinances of Religion set up with us Thirdly for their title to the Indians lands wee had divers times desired them to make it appeare but they alwayes refused even to our Commissioners whom according to their owne motion wee sent last to them and since they were in prison wee offered them to send for any witnesses they would name to us for that end but this also they refused So that our title by the Indians surrender appeareth good and having regained possession we need not question them any further about that Their Letters being read and their Subscriptions acknowledged they were demanded severally if they would maintaine those things which were contained therein Their answer was that they would in that sense they wrote them and so were returned to prison The next day they were brought before the Court severally to be examined upon particulars many of the Elders being desired to bee present because they had said they could give a good interpretation of every part of their Letters But the interpretation they gave being contrary to the words they were demanded if they would then retract those words so plainely different from their pretended meanings But this they refused to doe saying that then they should deny the Truth for instance in one or two Their Letters were directed one of them To their Neighbours of the Massachusets and the other To the great honoured Idoll Generall of the Massachusets and by a messenger of their owne delivered to our Governour and many passages in both Letters particularly applyed to our Courts our Magistrates our Elders c. and yet upon their examinations about their meanings in their reproachfull passages they answered that they meant them of the corrupt estate of mankinde in generall and not of us So whereas in their Letter they charged it upon us as an errour that we teach That Christ dyed Actually onely when he suffered under Pontius Pilate and before onely in Types c. upon their examination they said that their meaning was that his death was actuall to the faith of the Fathers under the Law which is in effect the same which we hold Yet they would not retract their words they had written The Elders conferred many houres with them before the Court and by occasion there of they discovered divers blasphemous opinions which they maintained we will instance one which was mentioned before delivered by Gortâ—n viz. that the Image of God wherein Adam was created was Christ and Adams loosing that Image was the death of Christ and the restoring of that Image in the Regeneration was the resurrection of Christ and so the death of him that was borne of the Virgin Mary was but a manifestation of the former Master William Tompson one of the Elders had spent some time with them before in the prison about the opinions which they held forth and they had professed their agreement with him for substance in every point so as he came to the Court with a purpose to speak in their behalf but when he heard themselves discover thus upon their publique examinations he shewed how he had beene deluded by them For they excell the Iesuites in the art of equivocation and regard not how false they speake to all other mens apprehensions so they keepe to the rules of their owne secret intentions Being asked why they spake against the Ordinances of the Ministery Sacraments c. seeing the Scripture allowes them They answered that they were ordained onely for the time of Nonage but after the Revelation was written they were to cease because we finde no mention of them in that booke They were unlearned men the ablest of them could not write true english no not in common words yet they would take upon them to interpret the most difficult places of Scripture and wrest them any way to serve their owne turne As for instance Mr. Cotton pressing Gorton with that in Act. 10. Who can forbid water why these should not be baptised c. He interpreted thus who can deny but these hâ—ve beene baptised sâ—eing they have received the Holy Ghost c. so he allowed them to have beene baptised This shift he was put to that he might maintaine his opinion viz that such as have beene baptized with the Holy Ghost need not the baptisme of water Divers dayes were spent both by the Court and the Elders in labouring to bring them to repentance but all in vaine They continued obstinate Whereupon they agreed to sentence them but first they brought them in publique before a great Assembly and there out of their Letters and Speeches they laid upon them this charge viz. they were found to be blasphemous enemies of the true Religion of our Lord Jesus Christ and of all his holy Ordinances and likewise of all Civill Government among his people and particularly within this jurisdiction Then they were demanded if they did acknowledge this charge to be just and would submit to it or what exception they had against it They answered they did not acknowledge it to be just but they fell into some cavilling speeches so they were returned unto prison againe Being in prison they behaved themselves insolently towards their keeper and spake evill of the Magistrates so as the keeper was forced to threaten them with Irons to keepe them quiet After all meanes used to reclaime them and not prevailing they were brought before the Court to receive their sentence which was this Gorton and six more of them were to be sent to severall townes there to bee kept to worke for their livings and to weare an Iron chaine upon one leg and not to depart the limits of the Towne nor by word or writing to maintaine any of their blasphemous or wicked errours upon paine of death except in conference with any of the Elders or any other allowed by some Magistrate to conferre with them and this to continue during the pleasure of the Court. Three of the Company because they had not their hands to the Letters were set at libertie two of them upon a small ransome as prisoners taken in warre and the other freely for that he was amongst them in his Masters house where they were taken a fourth being found to be a plaine ignorant young man was discharged also onely enjoyned to abide a time in one of our Townes but hee went away and returned no more contrary to his promise There were two other who were brought in after but not by force the one of them disclaiming to have any hand in the Letters was discharged presently the other was kept a while in prison and after upon his submission c. was released Gorâ—on and the other fix remained in the severall Townes all
quiet possessions c. Such was his carriage at Plimouth and Providence at his first settling as neither of the Governments durst admit or receive him into cohabitation but refused him as a pest to all societies Againe in the same pag. he accuseth Massachusets and Plimouth to have denyed them to be in our Government but when wee perceived the place to bee a refuge for such as were oppressed then c. 'T is true that Plimouth gave way to Mr. Williams and his company to fit downe at Providence and have never molested them to this day but refused Gorton and Weekes c. upon Weekes his sollicitation when I was at Providence for the reasons before mentioned c. And for those particular relations he makes of Robert Cole William Arnold and Benedict his sonne I wave as not being so well acquainted with their cases but see hee writes with a venomous pen onely take notice he would make it a great crime in them to trade on the Sabbath as it is when himselfe at that time denyed the sanctification of it In pag. 5. hee complaines that powder was traded to the Indians and denyed to them Answ. If it were traded to the Indians for my part I approve it not it being against the expresse law of the Country and a large penalty annexed but there was good reason to refuse it to them which held such familiarity with Malignant Indians especially during the time of their confederacy against uâ— In pag. 6. he speakes as if hee had beene under some censure of the Massachusets at the time of the warrant there by him specified how truly copied I know not but am sure at this time he was personally under no censure of theirs In pag. 7. hee accuseth Magistrates and Ministers for bringing in all the accusations that came in against them Who but publique persons should take notice of publique insolencies And as for Mr. Collens his story I am a stranger to but beleeve it is misreported as well as others In pag. 8 hee manifests hee durst not live under a forraigne Prince meaning the Dutch having never been false to his King and Country c. with many ignorant swelling words as if it were treason to ones Prince to live under a forraigne State though an Ally And in the same pag. hee would lay the death of Mistris Hutchenson who was mother in law to Mr. Collens on us although they went from Road Island which is not under the Massachusets where shee had lived some years after her remove from the Bay and not from the Massachusets to the Dutch of her owne accord where they were cut off by the Indians In pag. 9. he shewes how they bought lands of Myantonimo Prince of those parts Answ. 1. Hee was not the Prince of that part as was proved publiquely at Massachusets himselfe being present 2. He had no proper right in it as is shewed at large elsewhere In the same pag. he beginneth a large letter full of railing blasphemies which continueth to pag. 31. and however it bee not exactly set downe as it was sent yet I admire at Gods providence for hee is falne into the snare he laid this being brought against him to accuse him of blasphemy before a Committee of Parliament who called in his book and referred him to the House c. but I forbeare to shew his folly here which is referred to another place and his wickednesse discovered therein In pag. 32. hee saith the Government of the Massachusets had no shew of any thing against them but Religion and yet the whole carried on in his owne way as well as what wee now print shewes it was in the right of two Indian Sachims namely Pâ—mham and Socononoco who placing themselves under the protection of the Massachusets complained of violence offered them by Mr. Gorton and his company it being our manner both in Capitals and Criminals to dot them the like justice wee doe one to another wherein walking by the same rules of righteousnesse towards them they have the lesse cause to take offence at us From pag. 33. forward are many Letters which I cannot beleeve al is in them and therfore remain jealous of his sincerity in Printing them In pag. 37. hee holds forth conversion to be the ground of the Massachusets sending to them now to that end saith hee they sent a Minister 'T is true there was a gracious young man one Mr. Ioh. Bulkley then a Student but in no ministery went to teach to the Company they sent to guard their owne Commissioners and to bring in Gorton if need required but I dare not beleeve what hee affirmes And for the Copy of a Letter hee fathers upon the Commissioners sent by the Government of the Massachuset I conclude 't is rather set downe upon memory then right because of some attestations I have by me to make use on elsewhere which seeme to hold forth the contrarry and so I doe not credit it In pag. 38 39. hee relates how their wives were frighted at mens presenting their muskets at them c. and suffering such hardships as occasioned death c. Which must also bee false for honest men have deposed there was no such presentment and that their wives came freely and familiarly to them both before and after they were taken So also hee affirmes our men would allow of no parley but private or else they would dispatch them in a quarter of an houre which I will never beleeve because I know the men to bee men fearing God and durst not proceed as hee relateth it In pag 40 41. he also taxeth the Commissioners and souldiers with breach of Covenants in time of treaty as breaking open their houses desks killing their cattle c. All which is false for oath is made to the contrary which I shall make use of before my Lord of Warwick Governour in chiefe and the rest of the honourable Committee for foraign Plantations in due time and place that whereas they were by agreement to have two houses for their company being about 40 men they made use of but one nor did any of these things laid to their charge In pag. 45. he would make Pumham and Socononoco the naturall subjects of Myantonimo their Prince but this was disproved And in the same page he saith the Magistrates suggested to the people as though there were feare of some combination between the Indians and them Answ. I dare not say you had a hand in the depth of their conspiracy but this I thinke you dare not deny that Weekes one of your stoutest Champions lent Myantonimo an Armour in which he was taken in battell against Vncus who was under the protection of the English united Colonies for which Vncus put him to death and in your own book you hold forth more familiarity then becomes you But here it will bee necessary for mee to shew you the ground of this warre There was a people called by the name of
the Pecoats being a stout warlike people who had been at warre with the Nanohiggansets many yeares and were too strong for them so also were they at some distance of affection with this Vncus who was Sachim of a people called the Mohegans neare the head of a River falleth into the sea at Pecoat The chiefe Sachim of this people of Pecoat was called Tatobam a stout man The Nanohiggansets and these strove who should be greatest This Tatobam envied the English and was the first stirrer and contriver of this generall Plot that they might all joyne together to destroy the English but the Nanohiggansets refused to joyne with them knowing if that were once done the next ruine must be their owne Afterward having subdued many small peoples and one as great as themselves and and some English planting more neare then the body of our Plantations though without wrong to him or any of them hee cut off Captaine Stone his Barke and Company and after this killed divers stragling English This stâ—rred up the English to take revenge The Nanoâ—ggansâ—ts and Vncus Sachim of the Moheges seeing this because it was against their comon Enemy offered their service to joyn with the English the Nanohiggansets did no considerable service in comparison of the Moheges who did as much as could bee expected but the Nanohiggansets rather gathered up the spoile to the great offence of the English and Moheges seldome ingaging in any fight The English killed and destroyed this people utterly so that those that were left remaining utterly deserted the Countrey and the English wonne it and are now possessed of it After this victory Myantonimâ— Sachim or Lord of the Nanobiggansets and Vncus Lord of the Moheges manifested no good blood towards each other the English at Hartford where the Government for Coneetacut is held hearing of it got them together and made a peace and threefold Covenant between the Government of Coneetacut Nanchigganset and Mohege which was signed by the Governour of Coneetacut Myantonimâ— Sachim of Nanohigganset and Vncus Sachim of Mâ—hegan The Covenants rant to this purpose To confirme their League between the English and them and either to other and to hold forth a league of perpetuall peace between them And in case any difference should arise between them And in case any difference should arise between these two Indian Sachims or their people the party offended should complaine to the Governour of Coneetacut who was to mediate and to determine the controversie between his two friends and their people And in case the injury were great and the party wronging would not stand to the foresaid award and determination then it should not onely bee lawfull for the wronged to right himselfe by force of Armes but for the English party also to assist the innocent in that kind And to this they all firmed as before The Nanohigganset Sachim never regarded this Covenant the Mohege Sachim ever faithfully observed it But Myantonimo of Nanohigganset had thoughts now to prosecute the Pâ—coats designe and to destroy the English the Pecoets Nation being rooted out by Gods just judgement as before and travels farre and neare to draw all the Indians in the Countrey into this horrid confederacy with him but this Vncus would not bee wonne though he would have taken his daughter in marriage but ever acquainted the English with his working At length an inferiour Sachim subordinate to Nanobigganset affronts him and his men hee complaines to the English they send to this inferiour Sachim hee sleights their admonition goes on his course whereupon the other demands leave to make warre upon him not requiring any aide Still the English forewarne the other party of the evill they were like to bring upon themselves till at length they professe they have had peace enough now it is time to war Whereupon the English give way to Vncus to revenge himselfe he doth it the other are beaten Now Myantonimo he prepares an Army of above 1000 men and comes upon a sudden upon Vncus without any respect to Covenants and took Vncus at advantage not with above 300 men by which meanes they beset him every way in his Fort which stands upon a point of Land between two Rivers Myantonimo so dispersed his men to prevent their flight as Vncus making a desperate salley with almost his full force routed the other slew neare upon an hundred and forced them to fly But Mr. Weckes one of Samuel Gortons company as I am credibly informed lending the Great Sachim a complete Armor and having it on in the fight was not able to fly so fast as his men and was taken by this meanes Yet such was Vncus respect still to the English as hee kept him till hee sent to the English viz. to the Right Woâ—shipfull George Fenwicke Esquire to know what he should doe with him who lived next to him Hee wished him to follow their owne Custome and to deale with him as if hee had not advised with him or there were no English in the land to advise withall Hereupon hee resolved to have killed him forthwith according to their Custome But no sooner were the Nanohiggansets got home who had lost divers Sachims Captaines and chiefe men in this fight but they send to Mr. Gorton c who sent a Note to Vncus with a command by the bearer that they put him not to death but use him kindly and returne him This the Messenger either said or they supposed came from the Massachusets Governour and did much daunt Vnâ—us and his men but to cleare up all they advised with the Gent. of Coâ—eetacut who wished him to keep him prisoner and to advise with the Commissioners of the United Colonies whereof they were part whose meeting would bee ere long by course at the Massachusets which counsell hee followed and entreated the Governour of Coneetacut Myantonimo also desiring it to keep him safe for him till then whereupon hee was brought to Hartford And many gifts were sent to the prisoner which hee bestowed like himselfe some on him that took him some on Vncus some on his wife some on Vncus brother being a great Captaine and some on others where he had received kindnesses and this was all the ransome was paid there being not so much as a ransome proposed by the Nanobiggansets nor set down by Vncus But hee advising with the Commissioners they considering how many ways besides open hostility he had sought the life of Vncus by poyson secret murther witchcraft c. advised him to put him to death there being no safety for him whilst hee lived being so restlesse in his practice against his life and therefore wished Vncus to proceed with him according to their owne Custome towards prisoners of Warre which is to put them to death according to which advice he proceeded knowing now that none of the Engl. would intercede for him And hereupon Vncus went to Hartsord and demanded his prisoner and led him