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A02299 Archontorologion, or The diall of princes containing the golden and famous booke of Marcus Aurelius, sometime Emperour of Rome. Declaring what excellcncy [sic] consisteth in a prince that is a good Christian: and what euils attend on him that is a cruell tirant. Written by the Reuerend Father in God, Don Antonio of Gueuara, Lord Bishop of Guadix; preacher and chronicler to the late mighty Emperour Charles the fift. First translated out of French by Thomas North, sonne to Sir Edward North, Lord North of Kirthling: and lately reperused, and corrected from many grosse imperfections. With addition of a fourth booke, stiled by the name of The fauoured courtier.; Relox de príncipes. English Guevara, Antonio de, Bp., d. 1545?; Munday, Anthony, 1553-1633.; North, Thomas, Sir, 1535-1601?; Guevara, Antonio de, Bp., d. 1545? Aviso de privados. English. 1619 (1619) STC 12430; ESTC S120712 985,362 801

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a perpetuall memorie What contempt of world what forgetfulnesse of himselfe what stroke of fortune what whippe for the flesh what little regard of life O what bridle for the vertuous O what confusion for those that loue life O how great example haue they left vs not to feare death Sithens those here haue willingly despised their owne liues it is not to be thought that they dyed to take the goods of others neither yet to thinke that our life should neuer haue end nor our couetousnesse in like manner O glorious people and ten thousand fold happy that the proper sensuality being forsaken haue ouercom the naturall appetite to desire to liue not beleeuing in that they saw and that hauing faith in that they neuer saw they striued with the fatall Destenies By the way they assaulted fortune they changed life for death they offered the body to death and aboue all haue wonne honour with the Gods not for that they shoulde hasten death but because they should take away that which is superfluous of life Archagent a Surgeon of Rome and Anthonius Musus a Physition of the Emperour Augustus and Esculapius father of the Phisicke should get little money in that Countrie Hee that then should haue sent to the barbarous to haue done as the Romanes at that time did that is to say to take sirrops in the mornings pils at night to drinke milke in the morning to annoint themselues with grome●seed to bee let bloud to day and purged to morrow to eate of one thing and to abstaine from many a man ought to thinke that hee which willingly seeketh death will not giue money to lengthen life CHAP. XXII The Emperour concludeth his letter and shewed what perils those olde men liue in which dissolutely like young children passe their dayes and giueth vnto them wholesome counsell for the remedy thereof BVt returning to thee Claude and to thee Claudine me thinketh that these barbarous men beeing fifty yeares of age and you others hauing aboue threescore and tenne it should be iust that sithence you were elder in yeares you were equall in vertue and though as they you wil not accept death patiently yet at the least you ought to amend your euill liues willingly I doe remember that it is many yeares sithens that Fabritius the young sonne of Fabritius the olde had ordayned to haue deceiued mee of the which if you had not told me great inconueniences had happned and sithens that you did me so great a benefite I would now requite you the same with another the like For amongst friends there is no equal benefite then to deceiue the deceyuer I let you know if you do not know it that you are poore aged folks your eyes are sunke into your heads the nostrels are shut the haires are white the hearing is lost the tongue faultereth the teeth fall the face is wrinkled the feete swolne and the stomacke cold Finally I say that if the graue could speake as vnto his Subiects by iustice he might commaund you to inhabite his house It is great pitty of the yong men and of their youthfull ignorance for then vnto such their eies are not opened to know the mishaps of this miserable life when cruell death doth end their dayes and adiorneth them to the graue Plato in his booke of the Common wealth sayde that in vaine wee giue good counsels to fond and light young men for youth is without experience of that it knoweth suspitious of that it heareth incredible of that is tolde him despising the counsell of an other and very poore of his own For so much as this is true that I tell you Claude and Claudine that without comparison the ignorance which the young haue of the good is not so much but the obstination which the olde hath in the euill is more For the mortall Gods many times doe dissemble with a thousand offences commited by ignorance but they neuer forgiue the offence perpetrated by malice O Claude and Claudine I doe not maruell that you doe forget the gods as you doe which created you and your Fathers which begot you and your parents which haue loued you and your friends which haue honoured you but that which I most maruell at is that you forget your selues For you neuer consider what you ought to bee vntill such time as you bee there where you would not bee and that without power to returne backe againe Awake awake since you are drowned in your dreames open your eyes since you sleepe so much accustome your selues to trauels sithence you are vagabonds learne that which behoueth you since now you are olde I meane that in time conuenient you agree with death before he make execution of life Fifty two yeeres haue I knowne the things of the world and yet I neuer saw a Woman so aged thorough yeares nor old man with members so feeble that for want of strength could not if they list doe good nor yet for the same occasion should leaue to bee euill if they list to be euill It is a maruellous thing to see and worthy to note that all the corporall members of Man waxeth old but the inward hart and the outward tongue For the heart is alwayes giuen to inuent euills and the tongue is alwayes able to tell Lyes Mine opinion is that the pleasaunt Summer beeing past you should prepare your selues for the vntemperate winter which is at hand And if you haue but fewe dayes to continue you should make hast to take vp your lodging I meane that sith you haue passed the dayes of your life with trauell you should prepare your selues against the night of death to be in the hauen of rest Let mockeryes passe as mockeries and accept trueth as truth that is to say that it were a very iust thing and also for your honour necessarie that all shose which in times past haue seen you young and foolish should now in your age see you graue and sage For there is nothing that so much forgetteth the lightnesse and follyes of youth as doth grauity and constancie in Age. When the Knight runneth his carriere they blame him not for that the Horses mane is not finely combed but at the end of his race he shold see his horse amended and looked vnto What greater confusion can be to any person or greater slaunder to our mother Rome then to see that which now a dayes therein we see That is to say that the old which can scarcely creepe through the streetes to beholde the playes and games as young men which search for nought else but onely pompe and vanitie It grieueth mee to speake it but I am much more ashamed to see that the olde Romaines do daylie cause the white haires to be plucked out of their heads because they would not seeme old to make their beard small to seem yong wearing their hosen very close their shyrts open before the gowne of the Senatour embrodered the Romane signe richly enamelled the
it is he that shall hereafter destroy the Romaine people as Suetonius Tranquillus affirmeth in the booke of Caesar Albeit that Iulius Caesar was vncomlie in his behauior yet in naming onely his name he was so feared through the world as if by chance any king or Princes did talke of him at their table as after supper for feare they could not sleepe that night vntill the next day As in Gallia Gotica where Iulius Caesar gaue battell by chance a French knight tooke a Caesarian knight prisoner who beeing led prisoner by the Frenchmen said Chaos Caesar which is to say Let Caesar alone Which the Gaulloys hearing the name of Caesar let the prisoner escape and without any other occasion hee fell besides his horse Now then let Princes and great Lords see how little it auaileth the valiant man to bee faire or foule sith that Iulius Caesar being deformed only with naming his name caused all men to feare to change their countenance Hanniball the aduenterous captaine of Carthage is called monstruous not onely for his deedes he did in the world but also for the euill proportion of his bodie For of his two eyes he lacked the right and of his two feete he had the left foote crooked and aboue all he was little of body and verie fierce and cruell of countenance The deeds and conquests which Hanniball did among the people of Rome Titus Liuius declareth at large yet I will recite one thing which an Historiographer declareth and it is this Frontine in the book of stoutenesse of the Penians declareth that in seuenteene yeeres that Hannibal warred with the Romaines he slue so great a number that if the men had bin conuerted into Kine and that the blood which was shed had beene turned into Wine it had beene sufficient to haue filled and satisfied his whole armie being foure score thousand footmen and seuenteene thousand horsemen in his campe I demand now how many were at that time fairer and more beautifull of their bodyes and countenance then he was whose beautie at this day is forgotten whereas his valiantnesse shall endure for euer For there was neuer any Prince that left of him eternall memorie only for being beautiful of countenance but for enterprising great things with the sword in the hand The great Alexander was no fairer nor better shapen then another man For the Chronicles declare of him that he had a litle throte a great head a blacke face his eyes somewhat troubled the body little and the members not well proportioned and with all his deformitie hee destroyed Darius king of the Perses and Medes and he subdued all the tyrants he made him selfe Lord of all the Castles and took many kings and disherited and slue mightie Lords of great estate hee searched all their riches and pilled all their treasors and aboue all things all the earth trembled before him not hauing the audacitie to speake one word against him Of a letter the Emperour Marcus Aurelius wrote to his Nephew worthie to be noted of all yong Gentlemen CHAP. XLII SExtus Cheronensis in his second booke of the life of Marcus Aurelius declared that this good Marcus Aurelius had a sister called Annia Melena the which had a sonne named Epesipus who was not onely nephew but also Disciple to Marcus Aurelius And after he was created Emperour he sent his nephew into Greece to study the Greeke tongue and to banish him from the vices of Rome This yong Epesipus was of a good and cleare iudgement well made of his body and faire of countenance and sith in his youth he esteemed his beauty more then his learning the Emperour his vncle wrote him a letter in Greeke which sayd thus Marcus Aurelius the Romaine Emperour first Tribune of the people and Bishop wisheth to thee Epesipus his Nephew and Scholler health and doctrine In the third Calends of December came thy cousin Annius Verus at whose comming all our parentage reioyced and so much the more because that hee brought vs newes out of Grecia For truely when the heart hath the absence of that he loueth it is no minute of an houre without suspition After that thy cousen Annius Verus had spoken in generally to all bringing newes from their friends and children we talked together and he gaue me a letter of thine which is contrary to that which was written mee out of Greece because thou writest to mee that I should send thee mony to continue thee in studie and they did also write vnto me from thence that thou art more youthfull and giuen more to the pleasures of the world then becommeth thee Thou art my blood thou art my Nephew thou wert my Scholler and thou shalt bee my sonne if thou art good But God wil neuer that thou be my Nephew nor that I shall call thee my sonne during the time that thou shalt be yong fond light and frayle For no good man should haue parentage with the vitious I cannot deny but that I loue thee from the bottome of my stomacke and so likewikewise thy vnthriftinesse greeueth me with all my heart For when I read the letters of thy follies I will content my selfe For the sage wise men though against their willes they heare of such things past yet it pleaseth them to redresse other things that may come heareafter I know well that thou canst not call it to minde though perhaps thou hast it that when thy vnlucky mother and my sister Annia Melena died she was then yong enough for she was no more but eighteene yeares of age and thou haddest not then foure houres For thou wert borne in the morning and shee dyed iust at noone-tide so when the wicked childe possessed his life then the good mother tasted death I can tell thee that thou hast lost such a mother and that I haue lost such a sister that I beleeue there was no better in Rome For she was sage honest and faire the which things are seldome seene now a dayes For so much as thy mother was my sister and that I had brought her vp and marryed her I read then Rethorike at Rhodes because my pouertie was extreame that I had no other thing but that which by reading Rethorike I did get When newes came vnto me of the death of thy mother and my sister Annia Milena al comfort laid on side sorrow oppressed my heart in such wise that all members trembled the bones shiuered my eyes without rest did lament the heauy sighes ouercame me at euery minute my heart vanished away from the bottome of my heart I inwardly lamented and bewayled thy vertuous mother and my deare sister Finally sorrow executing his priuiledge on mee the ioyfull company greeued me and onely with the louely care I quieted my selfe I know not nor cannot expresse vnto thee how and in what sort I tooke the death of my sister Annia Milena thy mother for in sleeping I dreamed of her and dreaming I saw her when I was awake
and suspition By this comparison I mean that since I haue much perswaded that the Fathers do learne and teach their children to speake well it is but reason that they doe seeke them some good Masters For the counsell hath no authority if hee which giueth it seeketh not speedily to execute the same It is much for a man to bee of a good nature or else to bee of an euill inclination to bee rude in vnderstanding or else to bee liuely in spirit and this not onely for that a man ought to doe but also for that hee ought to say For it is no small thing but a great good benefite when the man is of a good nature of a good vnderstanding and of a cleare iudgement This notwithstanding I say that all the good and cleare iudgements are not alwayes eloquent nor all the eloquentest of liuely spirites and vnderstanding Wee see many men which of a small matter can make much and for the contrarie wee see many men which haue great knowledge and yet no mean s to vtter it So that nature hath giuen them high vnderstanding and through negligence of bringing vp it is hid Oftentimes I doe maruell that the soule of the Babe when it is borne for the one part is of no lesse excellencie then the soule of the olde man when hee dyeth And on the other side I muse at the babe which hath the members so tender wherewith the soule doth worke his operations that they little seeme to participate with reasonable creatures For where the soule doth not shewe her selfe mistresse it wanteth little but that the man remaineth a beast It is a wonder to see the Children that as yet being two yeares of Age they lifte heir feete for to goe they holde themselues by the walls for falling they wil open their eyes to know and they fourme a defuzed voyce to speake So that in that age a creature is none otherwise then as a tree at the first spring For the Tree two moneths beeing past beareth leaues immediatly and the childe after ij years beginneth to frame his words This thing is spoken for that the Fathers which are wise should begin to teache their children at that Age For about that time the Vynes beare grapes and other trees their fruite For the perils of this life are such that if it were possible the Father before he see his Sonne borne ought to admonish him how he should liue In mine opinion as they conueigh the water about to turne the Mill So from the tender youth of the Infant they ought to shewe and teach him to bee eloquent and affable For truely the Childe learneth distinctly to pronounce his words when he doth sucke the milke of his Nurse We cannot denie but that the children beeing but two or three yeares olde it is too soone to giue them maisters or correcters For at that Age a Nurse to keepe them cleane is more necessarie then a maister to correct their speech On the one part the children are very tender for to learne to speake well and on the other part it is necessarie that when they are very young and little they should be well taught and instructed I am of that opinion that Princesses and great Ladyes should take such Nurses to giue theyr Children sucke that they should bee sound to giue them their milke and sage for to teach them to speake For in so young and tender Age they doe not suffer but that shee which giueth them sucke doth teach them to speake their first words As Sextus Cheroner sis in the booke of the diuersitie of the Languages saith That the Toscanes were the first which called the natural tongue of the countrey the Mother tongue which is to say the tongue of our Mother to the ende we should take it of the Mother which bringeth vs forth and of the Nurse which giueth vs sucke And in this case we haue lesse neede of the Mother then of the Nurse For the children before they know their Mothers which brought them into the world doe call the Nurse mother that gaue them sucke Plutarche in the second booke of the Regiment of Princes saith that one of the greatest thinges the Romaines had in their Commonweale was that of all the Languages and manners which they spake thoroughout the whole earth they had Colledges and Scholes in Rome so that were he neuer so barbarous that entered into Rome immediately hee found that vnderstood him The Romaines vsed that craft and subtiltie to the ende that when Rome sent Embassadors into strange Countreys or that some strange Countreys came to Rome they would that the Ent●rpretours and brokers should be of theyr owne Nation and not of a strange tongue or Countrey And truely the Romaines had reason for the affaires of great importance are oftentimes craftely compassed by a straungetongue A man will maruell greatly to read or heare this that I speake which is that the Women which nourish the children of Princes be eloquent And truly he that at this doth maruell hath seen little and read lesse For I cannot tell which was greater the glory that the Ancients had to enjoy so excellent women or the infamy of them that are present to suffer dishonest Harlots I will not denie when I drew neere this matter that my spirits were not in great perplexitie First to see in this my writing of what women my Pen should write that is to say the dissolute vices of Women which I haue s●●n or else the prowesses and vertues of women whereof I haue read Finally I am determined to intreate of our Graine and Corne and to leaue the rotten strawe on the Earth as without profite For the tongue which is noble ought to publish the goodnes of the good and honest women to the ende that all know it for the contrarie the frailenesse of the wicked ought to bee dissembled and kept secret to the ende that no man follow it Men which are sage and noble treating of Women are bound to visite them to preserue them and to defend them but in no wise they haue licence to slaunder them For the man which speaketh of the frailenes of women is like vnto him that taketh a sworde to kill a flie Therefore touching the matter Princesses and great Ladies ought not to cease to teach their young children all that they can sonnes or daughters And they ought not to deceyue themselues saying that foras much as their daughters are Women they are vnable to learne sciences for it is not a generall rule that all men children are of cleane vnderstanding nor that all the daughters are of rude spirite and wit for if they and the others did learne together I thinke there would bee as many wise women as there are foolish men Though the world in times past did enioy excellent women there was neuer any Nation had such as the Greekes had For though the Romanes were glorious in weapons the Greekes
farre and how great is the difference betweene the estate of Phylosophers and the state of Captaines betweene the skyll to reade in Schooles and the knowledge to rule an Armey betweene the science that wise men haue in bookes and the experience that the others haue in warre betweene their skill to write with the penne and ours to fight with the Sword betweene one that for his pastime is set round with deskes of bookes and an other in perill of life encompassed with troups of Enemyes For many there are which with great eloquence in blazing deeds don in warres can vse their tongues but fewe are those that at the brunte haue hearts to aduenture their liues This Phylosopher neuer saw man of war in the field neeer saw one Armey of men discomfited by an other neuer heard the terrible Trumpet sound to the horrible cruel slaughter of men neuer saw the Treasons of some nor vnderstood the cowardnes of others neuer saw how few they be that fight nor how many ther are that run away Finally I say as it is seemly for a Phylosopher and a learned man to praise the profite of peace Euen so it is in his mouth a thing vncomely to prate of the perills ' of warre If this Phylosopher hath seene no one thing with his Eyes that hee hath spoken but onely read them in sundry bookes let him recount them to such as haue neyther seene nor read them For warlike feates are better learned in the bloudy fields of Affricke then in the beautifull schooles of Greece Thou knowest right well king Antiochus that for the space of thirty and sixe yeares I had continuall and daungerous warres as well in Italie as in Spayne In which Fortune did not fauour mee as is alwayes her manner to vse those which by great stoutnesse and manhood enterprise things high and of much difficultie a witnesse whereof thou seest mee here who before my beard beganne to growe was serued and now it is hoare I my selfe beginne to serue I sweare vnto thee by the God Mars king Antiochus that if any man did aske mee how hee should vse and behaue himselfe in warre I would not aunswer him one word For they are things which are learned by Experience of deedes and not by prating in words Although Princes beginne warres by justice and followe them with wisedome yet the ende standeth vppon fickle Fortune and not of force nor pollicie Diuerse and sundrie other things Hannibal sayde vnto king Antiochus who so bee desirous to see let him reade in the Apothegmes of Plutarche This example Noble Prince tendeth rather to this end to condemne my boldnesse and not to commend my enterprise saying that the affayres of the common wealth bee as vnknowne to mee as the dangers of the warres were to Phormio Your Maiestie may iustly say vnto me that I being a poor simple man brought vp a great while in a rude Countrey doe greatly presume to describe how so puissant a Prince as your Highnes ought to gouerne himselfe and his Realme For of truth the more ignorant a man is of the troubles and alterations of the world the better he shall be counted in the sight of God The estate of Princes is to haue great traines about them and the estate of religious men is to bee solitary for the seruant of God ought to be alwaies void from vaine thoughts to be euer accompanied with holy meditations The estate of Princes is alwayes vnquiet but the state of the religious is to bee enclosed For otherwise he aboue all others may be called an Apostata That hath his body in the Cell and his heart in the market place To Princes it is necessary to commune and speake with all men but for the religious it is not decent to be cōuersant with the world For solitary men if they do as they ought should occupy their hands in trauel their bodies in fasting their tongue in prayer and their heart in contemplation The estate of Princes for the most part is employed to war but the estate of religious is to desire procure peace For if the Prince would study to passe his bounds and by battell to shed the bloud of his enemies the religious ought to shed teares and pray to God for his sinnes O that it pleased Almighty God as I know what my bounden duty is in my heart so that hee would giue me grace to accomplish the same in my deedes Alas when I ponder with my selfe the weightines of my matter my Pen through slouth and negligence is readie to fall out of my hand and I halfe minded to leaue off mine enterprize My intent is to speake against my selfe in this case For albeit men may know the affaires of Princes by experience yet they shall not know how to speake nor write them but by science Those which ought to counsell princes those which ought to reforme the life of princes and that ought to instruct them ought to haue a cleare iudgement an vpright minde their words aduisedly considered their doctrine wholesome and their life without suspition For who so wil speake of high things hauing no experience of them is like vnto a blinde man that would leade and teach him the way which seeth better then hee himselfe This is the sentence of Xenophon the great which saieth There is nothing harder in this life then to know a wise man And the reason which hee gaue was this That a wise man cannot bee knowne but by another wise man wee may gather by this which Xenophon sayeth That as one wise man cannot be knowne but by another wise man so likewise it is requisite that he should be or haue bin a Prince which should write of the life of a Prince For hee that hath bin a marriner and hath sailed but one yeare on the Sea shall bee able to giue better counsell and aduise then he that hath dwelled ten yeares in the hauen Xenophon wrote a booke touching the institution of princes bringeth in Cambyses the king how hee taught and spake vnto king Cyrus his sonne And he wrote an other book likewise of the Arte of Chiualry and brought in king Philip how he ought to teach his sonne Alexander to fight For the philosophers thought that writing of no authoritie that was not entituled and set foorth vnder the Names of those Princes who had experience of that they wrote Oh if an aged Prince would with his penne if not with word of mouth declare what misfortunes haue happened since the first time hee beganne to raigne how disobedient his subjects haue bin vnto him what griefes his seruants haue wroght against him what vnkindnesse his Friendes haue shewed him what wiles his enemies haue vsed towards him what daunger his person hath escaped what jarres hath bin in his Pallace what faultes they haue layde against him how manie times they haue deceyued straungers Finally what griefes hee hath had by day and what sorrowfull sighs
he hath fetched in the night Truely I thinke and in my thought I am nothing deceiued that if a prince would declare vnto vs his whole life and that hee would particularly shewe vs euery thing wee would both wonder at that bodie which had so much suffered and also we would be offended with that heart which had so greatly dissembled It is a troublesome thing a dangerous thing and an insolent and proud enterprise for a man to take vpon him with a penne to gouerne the Common-wealth and with a Prince to reason of his life For in deed men are not perswaded to liue well by faire words but by vertuous deedes And therefore not without cause I say that hee is not wise but very arrogant that dare presume vnasked to giue a Prince counsell For princes in many things haue their mindes occupyed and haughtely bent and som of them also are affectionate and whereas wee peraduenture thinke to haue them mercifull wee finde them more angrie and heauie against vs. For counsell doeth more harme then profite if the giuer thereof be not very wise and hee also which receyueth it very pacient I haue not bin a Prince for to know the trauels of Princes nor am as president to counsell Princes and yet I was so bolde to compile this Booke it was not vpon presumption to counsell a Prince so much as by an humble sort to giue mine aduise For to giue counsell I confesse I haue no credite but to giue them aduise it sufficeth mee to bee a subiect What the order is in that I haue taken in this Booke how profitable it is to all men and how vnpleasaunt to no man how wholsom and profound doctrine in it is contayned and how the Historyes bee heerein applyed I will not that my pen doe write but they themselues shall judge which shall read this worke We see it oft come to passe that diuers Bookes doe loose their estimation not for that they are not very good and excellent but because the Authour hath been too presumptuous and vaine-glorious For in mine opinion for a man to praise his owne wrytings much is nothing else but to giue men occasion to speake euill both of him and of his workes Now let no man thinke that I haue written this which is written without great aduisement and examination I doe confesse before the Redeemer of the whole world that I haue consumed so many yeares to seeke what I should write that these two yeares one day hath scarcely escaped me wherein my Pen hath not done his dutie to write or correct in this worke I confesse that I tooke great paines in writing it for of truth it hath been written twice with mine owne hand and thrice with another mans hand I confesse I haue read and searched in diuers and sundrie partes manie good and straunge books to the end I might finde good and pleasaunt doctrine and besides that I trauelled much to set and apply the Hystories to the purpose For it is an vnseemely thing to applie an hystorie without a purpose I had great respect in that I was not so briefe in my wrytings that a man might note mee to bee obscure nor yet in anie thing so long that any man should slaunder mee with too much talke For all the excellencie of Wryting consisteth where many and goodly Sentences are declared in fewest and aptest words For oft times the long stile is loathsome and tedious both to the Hearers and Readers Nero the Emperour was in loue with a Ladie in Rome named Pompeia the which in beautie to his fantasie exceeded all others In the ende partly with intreatie partly with Money and presents he obtained of her that hee desired For in this case of loue where prayers and importunities bee paciently heard resistance doth lacke The inordinate loue that Nero bare to Pompeia proceeded of the yealow haires she had which were of the colour of Amber and in praise of her he compiled diuers and sundry songs in Heroicall-Meeter and with an instrument sang them himselfe in her presence Nero was a sage Prince wise and excellently well learned in the Latine tongue and also a good Musitian yet Plutarch in his book of the jests of noble women to declare the vanitie and lightnes of Nero reciteth this history and describing Pompeia that her bodie was small her fingers long her mouth proper her eyelids thin her nose somwhat sharpe her teeth small her lips red her necke white her fore-head broad and finally her eyes great and rowling her brest large well proportioned What think you would Nero haue done if hee had so affectionately set his fantasie vpon al other her beautiful properties since that for the loue only of her yellow locks he was depriued both of his wisdom also senses For vaine light men loue commonly not that which reason commandeth but that which their appetite desireth The loue of the Emperour increased with folly so much that not onely he counted seuerally al the haires that his louer Pompeia had on her head but also gaue to euery hayre a proper name and in prayse of euery one of them made a song insomuch that this effeminate Prince spent more time in banqueting and playing with his louer Pompeia then he did to reform and amend the faults of the common wealth yea his folly so much surmoūted all reason that he commaunded a combe of golde to bee made and therewith hee himselfe combed her yellow locks And if it chaunced that any one hayre in combing fell off hee by and by caused it to be set in golde offered it vp in the Temple to the Goddesse Iuno For it was an ancient custome among the Romanes that the thinges which they entirely loued whether it were good or euill should bee offered vp to their gods And when it was once knowne that Nero was so in loue with those haires of Pompeia which were of the color of amber all the Ladies endeauoured themselues not onely to make artificially theyr hayre of that colour but also to weare their garments and other attires of the same colour in somuch that both men and women did vse collers of amber brooches and ringes set with amber and all their other iewels were of amber For alwayes it hath beene seene and euer shall be that those things whereunto the Prince is most addicted the people follow and aboue all other couet the same Before this Emperour Nero plaied this light part in Rome the amber stones was had in little estimation after that hee set so much by it there was no precious stone in Rome so much esteemed Yea and furthermore the Marchant gained nothing so much whether it were in golde or silke as he did in the amber stones nor brought any kind of marchandize to Rome more precious or more vendible then that was I do maruell at this vanitie foras-much as the children of the world do loue desire and labour more to
whereby the good were fauoured and also institutions of grieuous paines wherewith the wicked were punished Although truely I had rather and it were better that the good should loue reason then feare the law I speake of those which leaue to doe euill workes for feare onely of falling into the punishments appoynted for euill doers For although men approue that which they do for the present yet God condemaeth that which they desire Seneca in an epistle hee wrote vnto his friende Lucille saide these wordes Thou writest vnto mee Lucille that those of Scicile haue carryed a great quantitie of Corne into Spaine and into Affrike the which was forbidden by a Romaine law and therefore they haue deserued most grieuous punishment Now because thou art vertuous Thou mayest teache mee to doe well and I that am olde will teach thee to say well and this is because that amongst wise and vertuous men it is enough to say that the Law commaundeth appoynteth and suffereth this thing but in as much as it is agreeing with reason For the crowne of the good is reason and the scourge of the wicked is the law The fourth thing that commonly through the worlde amongst all men was accepted was the Barbers And let no man take this thing in mockery For if they doe reade Plinie in the 59. chapter and the seuenth booke there they shall finde for a Trueth that in those former times the Romaines were in Rome 454. yeares without eyther powling or shauing the h●ires off the bearde of anie man Marcus Varro said that Publius 〈◊〉 was the first that brought the barbers from Scicilie to Rome But admit it were so or otherwise yet notwithstanding there was a great contention among the Romaines For they sayd they thought it a rash thing for a man to commit his life vnto the curtesie of another Dyonisius the Syracusian neuer trusted his Beard with any barbor but when his Daughters were very little they clipped his beard with sisers but after they became great hee would not put his trust in them to trimme his beard but hee himselfe did burne it with the shales of nuttes This Dyonisius Syracusan was demaunded why hee would not trust any Barbours with his beard He aunswered Because I know that there bee some which will giue more to the Barbor to take away my life then I will giue to trimme my beard Plinie in the seuenth booke sayeth that the great Scipio called Affrican and the Emperour Augustus were the first that caused them in Rome to shaue their beards And I thinke the end why Plinie spake these things was to exalt these two Princes which had as great courage to suffer the rasours to touch their throats as the one for to fight against Hanniball in Affricke and the other against Sextus Pompeius in Scicilie The fifte thing which commonly throgh the world was accepted were the Dyalls and clockes which the Romains wanted a long time For as Plinie and Marcus Varro say the Romaines were without clockes in Rome for the space of 595. yeares The curious Hystoriographers declare three manner of dyalls that were in old time that is to say Dyalls of the houres Dyalls of the Sunne and Dyalls of the Water The dyall of the Sunne Aneximenides Millesius inuented who was great Animandraes scholler The dyall of the water Scipio Nasica inuented the dyall of houres one of the Schollers of Thales the phylosopher inuented Now of all these Antiquities which were brought into Rome none of them were so acceptable to the Romaines as the Dyalls were whereby they measured the day by the houre For before they could not say we will rise at seuen of the clocke wee will dine at ten we will see one the other at twelue at one wee will doe that wee ought to doe But before they sayde after the Sunne is vp wee wil doe such a thing and before it goe downe wee will do that wee ought to doe The occasion of declaring vnto you these fiue antiquities in this preamble was to no other entent but to call my Booke the Diall of Princes The name of the Booke beeing new as it is may make the learning that is therin greatly to be esteemed God forbid that I should bee so bolde to say they haue been so long time in Spaine without dayes of learning as they were in Rome without the Diall of the Sunne the water and of the houres For that in Spaine haue beene alwaies men well learned in Sciences and very expert in the warres By great reason and of greater occasion the Princes ought to bee commended the knights the people their wits and the fertility of their Countrey but yet to all these goodnesse I haue seen many vnlearned bookes in Spaine which as broken Dials deserue to bee cast into the fire to bee forged anew I doe not speake it without a cause that many bookes deserue to bee broken and burnt For there are so many that without shame and honesty doe set forth bookes of loue of the world at this day as boldlie as if they taught them to despise and speake euill of the world It is pitty to see how many dayes and nights be consumed in reading vaine bookes that is to say Orson and Valentine the Court of Venus and the foure sonnes of Amon and diuers other vaine bookes by whose doctrine I dare boldly say they passe not the time but in perdition for they learne not how they ought to flye vice but rather what way they may with more pleasure embrace it This Diall of Princes is not of sand nor of the Sunne nor of the houres nor of the water but it is the Diall of Life For the other Dials serue to know what houre it is in the night and what houre it is of the day but this sheweth and teacheth vs how wee ought to occupie our minds and how to order our life The property of other Dials is to order things publike but the Nature of this dyal of Princes is to teach vs how to occupie our selues euerie houre and how to amend our life euery moment It little auaileth to keepe the dyalls well and to see thy Subiects dissolutely without any order to range in routes and dayly rayse debate and contention among themselues The End of the generall Prologue THE AVTHOVRS PROLOGVE SPEAKETH PARTICVLARLIE of the Booke called MARCVS AVRELIVS which he translated and dedicated to the Emperour CHARLES the fift THe greatest vanity that I finde in the world is that vaine men are not onely content to be vaine in their life but also procure to leaue a memory of their vanity after their death For it is so thought good vnto vaine and light men which serue the world in vain works that at the houre of death when they perceyue they can do no more and that they can no longer preuaile they offer themselues vnto death which now they see approch vpon them Many of the World are so fleshed in the World that
yea and surmount and surpasse many but yet I doe aduise thē not to employ their force but to follow one For often times it chanceth that many which suppose themselues in their life to excell all when they are dead are scarcelie found equall vnto any Though man hath done much and blazed what he can yet in the end he is but one one mind one power one birth one life and one death Then sithence hee is but one let no man presume to know more then one Of all these good Princes which I haue named in the rowle of iustice the last was Marcus Aurelius to the intent that he should weaue his webbe For suppose we reade of many Princes that haue compiled notable things the which are to bee reade and knowne but all that Marcus Aurelius sayde or did is worthy for to be knowne and necessary to bee followed I doe not meane this Prince in his Heathen law but in his vertuous deedes Let vs not stay at his beleefe but let vs embrace the good that hee did For compare many Christians with some of the Heathen and looke how farre we leaue them behind in faith so farre they excell vs in good and vertuous works All the olde Princes in times past had some Philosophers to their familiars as Alexander Aristotle King Darius Herodorus Augustus Pisto Pompeius Plauto Titus Plinie Adrian Secundus Traion Plutarchus Anthonius Apolonius Theodotius Claudinus Seuerus Fabatus Finally I say that Phylosophers then had such aucthoritie in Princes pallaces that children acknowledged them for Fathers and Fathers reuerenced them as masters These Wise and Sage men were aliue in the company of Princes but the good and vertuous Marcus Aurelius whose doctrine is before your Maiesty is not aliue but dead Yet therefore that is no cause why his Doctrine should not bee admitted For it may bee peraduenture that this shall profite vs more which hee wrote with his handes then that which others spake with their tōgus Plutarch sayeth in the time of Alexander the great Aristotle was aliue and Homer was dead But let vs see how hee loued the one and reuerenced the other for of truth he slept alwayes with Homers booke in his hands and waking he read the same with his eyes and alwayes kept the doctrine thereof in his memory and layde when he rested the booke vnder his head The which priuiledge Aristotle had not who at all times could not be heard and much lesse at all seasons be beleeued so that Alexander had Homer for his friend and Aristotle for a master Other of these Philosophers were but simple men but our Marcus Aurelius was both a wise Philosopher and a very valiant Prince and therfore reason would hee should be credited before others For as a prince hee will declare the troubles and as a Philosopher hee will redresse them Take you therefore Puisaunt Prince this wise Philosopher and Noble Emperour for a Teacher in your youth for a Father in your gouernment for a Captaine generall in your Warres for a guide in your iourneyes for a friend in your affayres for an example in your vertues for a Master in your sciences for a pure white in your desires and for equall match in your deedes I will declare vnto you the Life of an other beeing a Heathen and not the life of an other beeing a Christian For looke how much glory this Heathen Prince had in this world beeing good and vertuous so much paines your Maiesty shall haue in the other if you shall bee wicked and vicious Beholde behold most Noble and illustrious Prince the Life of this Emperour and you shal plainly see and perceyue how cleare hee was in his iudgement how vpright hee was in his iustice how circumspect in the course of his life how louing to his friends how patient in his troubles and aduersities how hee dissembled with his enemies how seuere against Tirants how quiet among the quiet how great a friēd vnto the Sage and louer of the simple how aduenturous in his warres and amiable in peace and chiefly and aboue all things how high in wordes and prosound in sentences Many and sundry times I haue beene in doubt with my selfe whether the heauenly and eternall Maiesty which giueth vnto you Princes the Temporall Maiesty for to rule aboue all other in power and authoritie did exempt you that are earthly Princes more from humane fraylety then hee did vs that be but Subiects and at the last I know hee did not For I see euen as you are children of the World so you doe liue according to the World I see euen as you trauell in the Worlde so you can know nothing but things of the world I see because you liue in the Flesh that you are subiect to the miseries of the flesh I see though for a time you doe prolong your life yet at the last you are brought vnto your graue I see your trauel is great and that within your Gates there dwelleth no rest I see you are colde in the winter and hote in the Summer I see that hunger feeleth you and thirst troubleth you I see your friendes forsake you and your enemies assault you I say that you are sadde and do lacke ioy I see that you are sicke and bee not well serued I see you haue much and yet that which you lacke is more What will you see more seeing that Princes dye O noble Princes and great Lords since you must dye and become wormes meate why doe you not in your life time search for good counsell If the Princes and noble men commit an errour no man dare chastice them wherefore they stand in greater need of aduise and counsell For the traueller who is out of his way the more he goeth forward the more hee erreth If the people doe amisse they ought to be punished but if the Prince erre he should be admonished And as the Prince will the people should at his hands haue punishment so it is reason that he at their hands should receyue counsell For as the wealth of the one dependeth on the wealth of the other so truly if the Prince bee vitious the people cannot be vertuous If your Maiesty will punish your people with words commaund them to print this present worke in their hearts And if your people would serue your Highnesse with their aduise let them likewise beseech you to reade ouer this booke For therin the Subiects shall finde how they may amend and you Lords shall see all that you ought to doe whether this present Worke be profitable or no I will not that my pen shall declare but they which do reade it shall iudge For wee Authours take pains to make and translate and others for vs to giue iudgement and sentence From my tender yeares vntill this present time I haue liued in the World occupying my selfe in reading and studying humane and diuine Bookes and although I confesse my debility to bee such that I haue not read so
vs By these things we haue spoken of before the Readers may perceyue what is due vnto the Hystoriographers who in my opinion haue left as great memorie of them for that they wrote with their pennes as the Princes haue done for that they did with their swords I confesse I deserue nor to be named amongst the Sages neyther for that I haue written and Translated nor yet for that I haue composed Therefore the Sacred and diuine letters set aside there is nothing in the world so curiously written but needeth correction and as I say of the one so will I say of the other and that is as I with my will doe renounce the glory which the good for my learning would giue mee so in like manner euill men shall not want that against my will seeke to defame it Wee other writers smally esteeme that labour and paines wee haue to write although indeede wee are not ignorant of a thousaund enuious tongues that will backbite it Many now adayes are so euil taught or to say better so enuious that when the Author laboreth in his study they play in the streetes when he awaketh they sleepe when he fasteth they eate when hee sitteth turning the leaues of the booke they goe hunting after vices abroade yet for all that they will presume to iudge depraue and condemne an other mans doctrine as if they had the authoritie that Plato had in Greece or the eloquence that Cicero had in Rome When I finde a man in the Latine tongue well seene his vulgar tongue well p●lished in hystories well grounded in Greeke-letters very expert and desirous to spend his time with good bookes this so Heroicall and noble a personage I would desire him to put my doctrine vnder his feete For it is no shame for a vertuous and wise man to be corrected of an other wise man Yet I would gladly know what patiēce can suffer or heart can dissemble when two or three bee assembled together at meate and after at the table or otherwise one of them taketh a booke at aduenture in his handes against that which another will say it is too long and another will say it speaketh not to the purpose another it is very obscure another the words are not well couched another will say all that is spoken is fayned One will say hee speaketh nothing of profite another hee is too curious and the other hee is too malicious So that in speaking thus the doctrine remaineth suspitious and the Authour scapeth not scot-free Suppose them to be therefore such that speake it as I haue spoken of that at the Table do finde such faults sure they deserue pardon for they speake not according to the Bookes which they haue read but according to the cups of wine which they haue drunke For that Hee that taketh not in iest which is spoken at the Table knoweth not what iesting meaneth It is an olde custom to murmure at vertuous deedes and into this rule entreth not onely those that make them but also those which writethem afterwards Which thing seemeth to be true for that Socrates was reproued of Plato Plato of Aristotle Aristotle of Auerois Sicilius of Vulpitius Lelius of Varro Marinus of Ptolomeus Ennius of Horace Seneca of Aulus Gelius Crastonestes of Strabo Thessale of Gellian Hermagoras of Cicero Cicero of Salust Origines of Saint Hierome Hierome of Rufinus Rufinus of Donatus Donatus of Prosper and Prosper of Lupus Then sith that in these men and in their workes hath beene such need of correction which were men of great knowledge and Lanternes of the World It is no maruell at all that I haue such fortune since I know so little as I doe Hee may worthily bee counted vaine and light which at the first sight as for onely once reading will rashly iudge that which a wise man with much diligence study hath written The Authors and Writers are oft times reproued not of them which can translate and compile workes but of those which cannot reade and yet lesse vnderstand them to the entent simple folkes should count them wise and take their parts in condemning this worke and esteeme him for a great wise man I take God to witnesse who can iudge whether my intention were good or ill to compile this worke and also I lay this my doctrine at the feet of wise and vertuous men to the end they may be protectors and defendours of the same For I trust in God though som would come to blame as diuers do the simple words which I spake yet others would not fayle to relate the good intention that I meant And to declare further I say that diuers have written of the time of the sayde Marcus Aurelius as Herodian wrote little Eutropius lesse Lampridius not so much and Iulius Capitolinus somewhat more Likewise yee ought to know that the Masters which taught Marcus Aurelius sciences were Iunius Rusticus Cinna Catullus Sextus Cheronensis which was nephew to the great Plutarke These three were those that principally as witnesses of sight wrote the most part of his life and doctrine Many may maruel to heare tell of the doctrine of Marcus Aurelius saying it hath beene kept hidde and secret a great while and that of mine owne head I haue inuented it And that there neuer was any Marcus Aurelius in the world I know not what to say now vnto them for it is euident to all those which haue read any thing that Marcus Aurelius was husband to Faustine father to Comodus brother to Anntus Verus and sonne in Law to Antoninus Pius the seuenth of Rome Emperour Those which say I only haue made this doctrine truly I thanke them for so saying but not for their so meaning For truly the Romanes would haue set my Image in Rome for perpetuall renowne if so graue sentences should haue proceeded frō my head Wee see that in our time which was neuer seene before and heare that we neuer heard before VVe practise not in a new world and yet wee maruell that there is at this present a newe booke Not for that I was curious to discouer Marcus Aurelius or studious to translate him For truely it is worthy he bee noted of wise persons and not accused of enuious tongues For it chaunceth oftentimes in Hunting that the most simplest man killeth the Deare The last thing which the Romaines conquered in Spayne was Cantabria which was a citie in Nauarre ouer against La-grogne and scituated in a high Countrey where there is now a vaine of Vines And the Emperour Augustus which destroyed it made tenne bookes De Bello Cantabrico wherein are many thinges worthie of noting and no lesse pleasaunt in reading which happened vnto him in the same conquest As Marcus Aurelius was brought mee from Florence so was this other booke Of the warres of Cantabria brought mee from Colleyne If perhaps I tooke paines to Translate this booke as few haue done which haue seene it they would
speake the like of it that they did of Marcus Aurclius Because men are so long in speaking and so briefe in studying that without any let or shame they will auowe no Booke to be in the world this day but that they haue eyther reade or seene it I haue as much profited in this writing which is humane as other Doctours haue done in matters which are diuine It is not translated word for word but sentence for sentence For wee other Enterpreters are not bound to giue wordes by measure but it sufficeth vs to giue Sentences by weight I beganne to studie this worke in the yeare a thousand fiue hundred and eyghteene and vntill the yeare a thousand fiue hundred twentie and soure I could neyther vnderstand nor know wherein I was occupyed and albeit I kept it as secrete as I could for the space of sixe yeares yet it was knowne abroad whervpon the Emperour his Majestie being with the Feauer diseased sent to mee for it to passe the time away And I according to his commaundement shewed him Marcus Aurelius that then was vncorrected and humbly beseeching him sayde That for recompence of all my trau●l● I desired no other rewarde but that no man in his Chamber might copie the Booke And in the meane time proceeded to accomplish the worke because I did not meane in such manner to publish it for otherwise I saide his Majestie should be euill serued and I also of my purpose preuented but my sinnes caused that the Booke was coppyed and conueyed from one to another and by the hands of Pages sunday times written so that there increased daily in it errours and faultes And since there was but one originall copie they brought it vnto me to correct which if it could haue spoken would haue complained it selfe more of them that did write it then of those that did steale it And thus when I had finished the worke thought to haue published it I perceyued that Marcus Aurelius was now imprinted at Seuill And in this case I take the Readers to be judges between mee and the imprinters because they may see whether it may stand with Law and justice that a Booke which was to his Imperiall Maiestie dedicated the author thereof being but an jnfant and the booke so vnperfite and vncorrected without my consent or knowledge should bee published Notwithstanding they ceased not but printed it againe in Portugall and also in the Kingdome of Nauarre And if the first impression was faulty truely the second and the third were no lesse So that which was written for the wealth and good of all men generally each man did applye to the profite of himselfe particularly There chaunced another thing of this booke called The golden booke of Marcus Aurelius which I am ashamed to speake but greater shame they should haue that so dishonestly haue done That is some made themselus to be authors of the whole worke Others say that parte of it was made and compyled of their owne heads the which appeareth in a booke in priut wherein the authour did like a man voyd of all honesty in another booke one vsed likewise the wordes which Marcus Aurelius spake to Faustine when shee asked him the key of his Studie After these Theeues came to my knowledge iudge you whether it were ynough to prooue my patience For I had rather they had robbed me of my goods then taken away my renowme By this all men may see that Marcus Aurelius was not then corrected nor in any place perfect whereby they might perceyue that it was not my minde to Translate Marcus Aurelius but to make a Dyall for Princes whereby all Christian people may be gouerned and ruled And as the doctrine is shewed for the vse of manie so I would profite my selfe with that which the wise men had spoken and written And in this sort proceedeth the worke wherein I put one or two chapters of mine and after I put some Epistles of Marcus Aurelius and other doctrine of some Auncient men Let not the Reader bee deceyued to thinke hat the one and the other is of the Authour For although the phrase of the Language be mine yet I confesse the greatest part that I knew was of another mans althogh the Historiographers and Doctours with whom I was holpen were manie yet the doctrine which I wrote was but one I will not denye but I haue left out some things which were superfluous in whose steade I haue placed things more sweete and profitable So that it needeth good wittes to make which seemeth in one language to be grosse in another to giue it the apparance of gold I haue deuided into three books this present Dyall of Princes The first treateth that the Prince ought to bee a good Christian The second how hee ought for to gouerne his wife and children The third teacheth how he should gouerne his person and his Common wealth I had begunne another booke wherein was contained how a Prince should behaue himselfe in his Court and Pallace but the importunity of my friendes caused me to withdraw my penne to the end I might bring this worke to light The end of the Argument A COMPENDIOVS TABLE OF ALL THE SEVERALL ARGVMENTS contayned in these distinct Bookes of MARCVS AVRELIVS * ⁎ * The first Booke OF the Birth and Linage of the vise Philosopher and Emperor Marcus Aurelius Also of three seuerall Chapters in the beginning of this book concerning a discourse of his life for by his Epistles and doctrine the whole course of the present worke is approued Chap. 1. Fol. 1. Of a Letter sent by Marcus Aurelius to his friend Pulio wherein hee declareth the order of his whole life And among other things hee maketh mention of a thing which happened to a Romane Censor with his Host of Compagnia chap. 2. fol. 5. The Letter concluded by Marcus Aurelius declaring at large what Science hee had learned and all the Masters he had Beside he reciteth fiue notable things in obseruance whereof the Romanes were curious chap. 3. fol. 8. Of the excellency of Christian Religion which manyfesteth the true God and disproueth the vanitie of the Ancients in hauing so many gods And that in the old times when enemies were reconciled in their houses they caused also that their gods should imbrace each other in their Temples chap 4. fol. 13. How the Philosopher Bruxelius was greatly esteemed among the Ancients for his life And of the words which hee spake to the Romanes at the houre of his death chap. 5. fol. 15. chap. 6. fol. 16. How the Gentiles thought that one God could not defend them from their enemies And how the Romanes sent throughout all the Empire to borrow gods when they fought against the Gothes chap. 7. fol. 17 Of a Letter sent from the Senate of Rome to all the Subiects of the Empire chap. 8. fol. 18. Of the true and liuing God And of the maruailes wrought in the old Law to manifest
Emperour at the houre of his death ch 50 531 A continuation of the Secretaries speeches admonishing all men to embrace death willingly vtterly to forsake the world and his alluring vanities c. 51. 534 The answer of the Emperour Marcus to his Secretary Panutiu declaring that he tooke no thought to forsake the world But all his sorrow was to leaue behinde him an vnhappy sonne to enherite the Empire chap. 52 588 The Emperours conclusion of the matter in question shewing that sundry yong Princes by being vicious haue vndone themselues and impouerished their Realmes chap. 53 541 Of the wordes which the Emperour Marcus Aurelius spake to his sonne Commodus at the houre of his death very necessary for all young Gentlemen to vnderstand chap. 54 545 Other wholesome counsels giuen by the Emperour to his sonne and aboue all to keepe wise and learned men about him to assist him with aduise in all his affaires chap. 55 550 The Emperours prosecution still in the same Argument with particular exhortations to his sonne well deseruing to bee engrauen in the hart of men ch 56 554 The good Emperour Marcus Aurelius concludeth both his purpose life And of the last words he spake to his son Commodus and the Table of Counsell he gaue him chap. 57 557 The fourth Booke The Prologue of the worke declaring what one true friend ought to do for another 563 A few precepts and counsels meet to be remembred by all such as are Princes familiars and affected Courtiers 572 The Argument of the Booke entituled The Fauoured Courtier declaring the entent of the whole worke 575 How it is more necessary for the Courtier abiding in Court to be of liuely spirit and audacitie then it is for the Souldier that goeth to serue in the warres c. 1. 592 Of Courtiers brawles quarrels with Harbingers for their ill lodgings c. 2. 592 How the Courtier should entreat his Host or master of the house where hee lodgeth chap. 3 589 What Courtier● must do to win their Princes fauour chap. 4. 601 What manners and gestures do best become a Courtier when hee speaketh to his Prince ch 5. 607 How a Courtier should behaue himselfe both to know and to visite Noblemen and Gentlemen that are great with the Prince and continuing still in Court Chap. 6 612 What countenance and modesty becommeth a Courtier for his behauiour at the Princes or Noble mans table during the time of his meale ch 7 617 What company the Courtier should keepe and how he ought to apparrel him selfe chap. 8 624 In what manner the Courtier should serue and honour Ladies and Gentlewomen also how to satisfie and please the Vshers and Porters of the Kings house chap. 9 631 Of the great paines and trauels which the Courtier hath being toiled in suites of law And how he is to suffer and carrie himselfe with Iudges chap. 10 637 Of them that are affected in Court admonishing them to bee pacient in their troubles and that they bee not partiall in the affayres of the common wealth chap. 11 644 That Officers and such as are affected in Court should be very diligent carefull in dispatching the Princes affayres Common-wealth Also that in correcting and reforming of Seruants they ought to bee as circumspect and aduised Chap. 12 fol 649 That affected and esteemed Courtyers ought to be warie of beeing prowde and high-minded for lightly they neuer fall but onely by meanes of that detestable vice Chap 13 fol. 659 That it is not fit for Courtyers to be ouer-couetous if they mean to keepe themselues out of many troubles and dangers chap 14 fol. 670 That fauoured Courtyers should not trust ouer-much to their fauour and credit in Court nor to the prosperitie of their liues chap 15 fo 677 An admonition to such as are highly in fauour with Princes to take heede of the worlds deceyts learning both to liue and dye honourably and to leaue the Court before Age ouer take them chapter 16. fol. 684 What continencie ought to be in fauoured courtyers alwayes shunning the company of vnhonest women also to be carefull in the speedie dispatch of suters suing vnto them chap 17 fol. 691 That Nobles and affected of Princes should not exceede in superfluous fare nor bee ouer-sumptuous in their Dyet chapt 18. fol. 698 That courtiers fauored of Princes ought not to be dishonest of their Tongues nor enuious in their wordes chap. 19 fo 709 A comendation of Truth which professed courtyers ought to embrace And in no respect to be found defectiue in the contrarie reporting one thing for an other chap. 20. fo 718 Certaine other Letters written by M. Aurelius Of the huge Monster seene in Scicile in the time of M. Aurelius of the letters he wrote with bloud vpō a gate ch 1. 727 Of that which chaunced vnto Antigonus a cittizen of Rome in the time of Marcus Aurelius chap 2 fol 729 How M. Aurelius sought the wealth of his people how they loued him c. 3. 730 How at the intercession of manie sent by the Empresse the Emperour graunted his daughter Lucilla licence to sport herselfe at the Feasts chap 4 fo 732 Of the sharpe words which M. Aurelius spake to his wife his daughter c 5. 734 A letter sent by the Emperor M. Aurelius to Catullus Censorius concerning the newes then in Rome cha 6 740 M. Aurelius his letter written to the amourous Ladyes of Rome ch 7 747 A letter sent by M. Aurelius to his loue Boemia because shee desired to goe with him to the warres chap. 8 752 The answer of Boemia to the Emperor M. Aurelius expressing the great malice little patience in an euil womā c. 9 755 A letter of M. Aurelius to the Romaine Lady Macrine of whom beholding her at a window he became enamoured declaring what force the beautie of a faire Woman hath in a weake man ch 10 760 An other letter sent by him to the same Macrina expressing the firie flames which soonest consume gentle harts ch 11. 761 A letter sent by him to the lady Lauinia reprouing Loue to be naturall And affirming that the most part of Philosophers and wise-men haue beene ouercome by Loue chap 12 fol 763. The ende of the Table THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE DIALL OF PRINCES WITH the famous Booke of Marcus Aurelius wherein hee entreateth what excellency is in a Prince that is a good Christian and contrariwise what euils doe follow him that is a cruell Tyrant CHAP. I. Here the Author speaketh of the birth and lynage of the wise Philosopher and Emperour Marcus Aurelius And he putteth also at the beginning of this Booke three Chapterss wherein hee entreateth of the discourse of his life for by his Epistles and Doctrine the whole course of this present worke is approued AFter the death of the Emperour Antoninus Pius in the 695. years frō the foundatiō of Rome and in the 173. Olimpiade Fuluius Cato and Cneus Patroclus then being Consuls the fourth
but without comparison the gods whom they worshipped and inuented were greater in multitude then the Realmes and Prouinces which they conquered and possessed For by that folly the auncient Poets durst affirme in their writings that the Gods of one Nation and Country were mortall enemies vnto the Gods of another Prouince So that the Gods of Troy enuied the Gods of Greece more then the Prince of Greece enuied the Prince of Troy What a strange thing was it to see the Assyrians in what reuerence they worshipped the God Belus The Egyptians the God Apis. The Caldeans the God Assas The Babilonians the deuouring Dragon The Pharaones the statue of gold The Palestines Belzebub The Romans honoured the God Iupiter The Affricans the God Mars The Corinthians the God Apollo The Arabians God Astaroth The Arginians the Sun Those of Acaia the Moone The Cidonians Belphegorn The Amonites Balim The Indians Baccus The Lacedemonians Osiges The Macedonians did sacrifice to Mercurie The Ephesians to their goddesse Diana The Greekes to Iuno The Armenians to Liber The Troians to Vesta The Latines to Februa The Tarentines to Ceres The Rhodians as sayth Apolonius Thianeus worshipped the God Ianus and aboue all things wee ought to maruell at this That they striued oftentimes amongst themselues not so much vpon the possessions and seignories of Realmes as vpon a certaine obstinacie they had to maintaine the Gods of the one to bee of greater power then the others for they thought if their gods were not esteemed that the people should be empouerished vnfortunate and persecuted Pulio in his second booke De dissolatione regionum Orientarum declareth that the first Prouince that rebelled against the Emperour Helius Adrianus which was the fifteenth Emperour of Rome was the land of Palestine against which was sent a Captaine named Iulius Seuerus a man of great courage and very fortunate and aduenturous in Armes This Captaine did not onely finish the warres but hee wrought such an outragious destruction in that land that he besieged 52. Cities and razed them to the ground and burned 680. Villages and slew so many in battell skirmish and by Iustice that amounted to the number of 5000. persons For vnto the proud and cruell Captaines victory can neuer bee glorious vnlesse they water the ground with the bloud of their enemies And furthermore in the Cities and Townes besieged the children olde men and women which dyed through hunger and pestilence were more in number then those which were slaine in the wars For in wars the sword of the enemies lighteth not vpon all but pestilence and famine hath no respect to any After this warre of the Palestines was ended immediately after arose a more crueller betwixt the Alleynes and Armenians For there are many that see the beginning of the troubles and miseries which arise in Realmes but there are few that consider the end and seeke to remedie the same The occasion of this warre was as they came to the feast of the Mount Olimpus they fell in disputations whether of their Gods were better and which of them ought to bee preferred before other Whereof there sprang such contradictions and such mortall hatred that on euery part they were furiously moued to warres and so vnder a colour to maintaine the gods which they honoured both the common wealthes were brought into great pouerty and the people also into great misery The Emperour Helius Adrianus seeing such cruell warres to arise vpon so light occasion sent thither the Captaine aboue named Iulius Seuerus to pacifie the Allaines and Armenians and commaunded him that he should persecute those with warres which would not be ruled by his arbitremēt sentence For those iustly deserue the sword which with no reasonable conditions will condiscend vnto peace But Iulius Seuerus vsed such policy that he made thē good friends and neuer touched them nor came neare them Which thing was no lesse acceptable to the Emperour then profitable to the Realmes For the Captaine which subdueth the Country by entreatie deserueth more honor then he which ouercommeth it by battell The agreement of the peace was made vpon such condition that the Allaines should take for their Gods the Armenian Gods and the Armenians on the contrary the Gods of the Allaines And further when the people should embrace and reconcile themselues to the Senate that then the Gods should kisse the one the other and to be reconciled to the temple The vanity of the Ancients was such and the blindnesse of mortall men so great so subiect were they to diuelish deuises that as easily as the eternall wisedome createth a true man now a dayes so easily then a vain man might haue inuented a false God For the Lacedemonians had this opinion that men had no lesse power to inuent gods then the gods had to create men CHAP. V. How the Philosopher Bruxellus was greatly esteemed amongst the Ancients for his life and the words which hee spake vnto the Romanes at the houre of his death PHarasmaco in his 20 booke De libertate Deorum whereof Cicero maketh mētion in his booke De natura Deorum sayth that when the Gothes tooke Rome and besieged the high Capitoll there came amongst them a Philosopher called Bruxellus the which after the Gothes were repulsed out of Italy remained with Camillus at Rome And because at that time Rome wanted Philosophers this Bruxellus was had in great veneration amongst all the Romanes so that hee was the first stranger of whom being aliue a statue was euer made in the Senate the Romanes vsed to make a statue of the Romanes being aliue but not to strangers till after their death The age of this Bruxellus was 113. whereof 65. hee had been an inhabitant of Rome And among other things they recite 7. notable things of his life 1 The first that in 60. yeeres no mā euer saw him issue out of the wals of Rome For in the olde time the Sages were little esteemed if in their behauiours they were not iust and vpright 2 The second that in 60. yeares no man heard him speake an idle word For the words that are superfluous doe greatly deface the authoritie of the person 3 The third that in all his time they neuer saw him lose one houre of time For in a wise man there is no greater folly then to see him spend a moment of an houre idely 4 The fourth that in all his time hee was neuer detected of any vice And let no man thinke this to bee a small matter For few are they of so long life which are not noted of some infamy after their death The fifth that in all the 60. years he neuer made quarrell nor striued with any man and this thing ought to be no lesse esteemed then the other For truly hee that liueth a long time without offering wrong to another may be called a monster in nature 6 The sixt that in 3. or 4. yeares hee neuer issued out of the
resisted if it be not by wise men and graue counsells The sixt was What thing that is wherein men are praised to be negligent and that is in choosing of Friendes Hee answered In one thing onely men haue licence to be negligent Slowly ought thy Friends to bee chosen and they neuer after for any thing ought to be forsaken The seuenth was What is that which the afflicted man doth most desire Byas answered It is the chaunce of Fortune and the thing which the prosperous man doth most abhorre is to thinke that Fortune is somutable For the vnfortunate man hopeth for euery chaunge of Fortune to be made better and the wealthy man feareth through euery change to be depriued of his bouse These were the Questions which the Philosophers demaunded of Byas in the Playes of the Mount Olympus in the 60. Olympiade The Phylosopher Byas liued about 95. yeares and as he drewe neere his death the Prienenses shewing themselues to be maruellous sorrowfull for the losse of such a famous man desired him earnestly to ordayne some lawes whereby they might know how to choose Captaines or some Prince which after him might guide and gouerne the Realme The Phylosopher Byas vnderstanding their honest and iust requests he with his best counsell and aduisement gaue them certaine wholsome Lawes in fewe wordes which followe And of these Lawes the diuine Plato maketh mention in his Booke De Legibus and likewise Aristotle in the booke of Oecenomices The Lawes which BIAS gvue to the Prienenses WEe ordayne and command that no man bee chosen to bee Prince among the people vnlesse hee bee at least forty yeares of age For gouernours ought to be of such age that neyther youth nor small experience should cause them to erre in their affayres nor weakenesse thorow ouermuch age should hinder them from taking paines Wee ordayne and commaund that none bee chosen amongst the Prienenses Gouernour if hee bee not well learned in the Greeke Letters For there is no greater plague in the publike weale then for him to lacke wisedome which gouerneth the same Wee ordayne and commaund that there bee none amongst the Prienenses chosen Gouernour vnlesse hee hath beene brought vp in the warres ten yeares at the least for hee alone doth know how precious a thing peace is which by experience hath felt the extreame miseries of warre Wee ordayne and commaund that if any haue beene noted to bee cruell that hee bee not chosen for Gouernour of the people for that man which is cruell is likely to be a Tyrant Wee ordaine and commaund that if the Gouernor of the Prienenses bee so hardy or dare presume to breake the auncient lawes of the people that in such case hee be depriued from the office of the Gouernour and likewise exiled from the people For there is nothing that destroyeth sooner a publike-Weale then to ordaine new and fond lawes to breake the good auncient Customes Wee ordaine and commaund that the Gouernour of the Prienenses doe worship and honour the Gods and that hee bee a louer of the sacred Temples For otherwise hee that honoureth not God will neuer minister equall iustice vnto men Wee ordaine and command that the Prince of Prienenses bee contented with the warres which his Auncesters left him and that he doe not forget newe matters to inuade any other strange Countries and if perchance he would that no man in this case bee bound neyther with money nor in person to follow or serue him For the God Apollo told mee that that man which wil take another mans goods from him by force shall loose his owne Iustice Wee ordaine and command that the Gouernour of the Prienenses go to pray and worship the Gods twice in the weeke and likewise to visite them in the Temples and if hee doe the contrary he shall not onely bee depriued of the gouernement but also after his death he shall not bee buried For the Prince that honoreth not God in time of his life deserueth not his bones should bee honoured with sepnlture after his death CHAP XXII How God from the beginning punished men by his iustice and especially those Princes that despise his Church and how all wicked Christians are Parishioners of Hell WHen the Eternall Creatour who measureth all the things by his Omnipotency and weigheth them by his effectuall wisedome created all things aswell celestiall as terrestriall visible as inuisible corporate as incorporate not onely promised to the good which serued him but also threatned the euil with plagues which offended him For the iustice and mercy of GOD goe alwayes together to the intent the one should encourage the good and the other threaten the euill This thing seemeth to bee true for that wee haue but one GOD which hath created but one World wherein hee made but one Garden in the which Garden there was but one Fountaine and neere to that Fountaine he appointed onely one man one woman and one Serpent neere vnto which was also one tree only forbidden which is a thing maruellous to speake and no lesse fearefull to see how God did put into the terrestriall Paradise the same day that the creation of the World was finished both a sword and a gybet The gybet was the tree forbidden whereof they did eate Wherefore our Fathers were condemned And the sword was the penishment wherwith wee all as miserable children at this day are beheaded for truely they did eate the bitternesse of theyr fault and we doe feele the griefe of their paine I meane to shew how our God by his power doth rayse vp that which is beaten downe how with his wisedome he guideth those which are blind how by his will hee dissembleth with the euill doers neyther wil I tell how hee through his clemency pardoneth the offences and through his light lightneth the darkenesse nor how through his righteousnesse hee amendeth that which is broken and through his liberality payeth more then wee deserue But I will here declare at large how our omnipotent God through his iustice chastiseth those which walke not in his pathes O Lord God how sure may thy faithfull seruants be for their small seruices to receyue great rewards and contrary the euill ought alwayes to liue in as great feare lest for their hainous offences thou shouldest giue them cruell punishments for though God of his bounty will not leaue any seruice vnrewarded nor of his iustice will omit any euill vnpunished yet for all that wee ought to know that aboue all and more then all hee will rigorously chastice those which maliciously despise the Catholike faith For Christ thinketh himselfe as much iniured of those which persecute his Church as of those that layd handes on his person to put him to death We reade that in times past God shewed sundry grieuous and cruell punishments to diuers high Lords and Princes besides other famous renowned men But rigour had neuer such power in his hand as it had against those which honored
Azotes carryed away the Arke full of Relickes vnto their temple in the Cittie of Nazote and set it by Dagon theyr cursed Idoll The most High true God which will not suffer any to be coequall with him in comparison or in anie thing that hee representeth caused this Idol to be shaken thrown downe and broken in pieces no man touching it For our God is of such power that to execute his Iustice he needeth not worldly helpe God not contented thus though the Idoll was broken in pieces but caused those to bee punished likewise which worshipped it in such sort that al the people of Azotes Ascalon Geth Acharon and of Gaza which were fiue auncient and renowmed Citties were plagued both man and woman inwardly with the disease of the Emerodes So that they could not eate sitting nor ride by the wayes on horse-backe And to the end that all men might see that their offences were grieuous for the punishment they receyued by the diuine Iustice he replenished their Houses Places Gardens Seedes and Fields full of Rats And as they had erred in honouring the false Idol and forsaken the true God So hee would chastice them with two Plagues sending them the Emerodes to torment their bodyes and the Rats to destroy their goods For to him that willingly giueth his soule to the diuel it is but a small matter that God against his will depriue him of his goods This then being thus I would now gladly knowe whether of them committed most offence Eyther the Azotes which set the Arke in the Temple which as they thought was the most holiest or the false Christians which with a Sacrilegious boldnesse dare attempt without anie feare of GOD to robbe and pill the Church goods to theyr owne priuate commoditie in this world Truely the Law of the Azotes differed as much frō the Christians as the offence of the one differeth from the other For the Azotes erred not beleeuing that this Arke was the Figure of the True God but we beleeue it and confesse it and without shame cōmit against it infinite vices By this so rare and seuere a sudden punishment mee thinks the Princes great Lords should not only therefore acknowledge the True God but also Reuerence and honour those things which vnto him are dedicated For mans lawes speaking of the reuerence of a Prince doe no lesse condemne him to die that robbeth his house then him which violently layeth hands on his person ¶ The cause why Prince Oza was punished IN the booke which the sonne of Helcana wrote that is the second booke of the Kings and the vi Chapter hee saith That the Arke of Israel with his Relikes which was Manna the rodde and two stones stood in the house of Aminadab which was the next neighbour to the citie of Gibeah the sonne of Esay who at that time was King of the Israelites determined to transpose the Relikes into his Cittie and house For that it seemed to him a great infamy that to a mortal Prince a house should abound for his pleasures to the immortall God there should want a Temple for his reliques The day therefore appointed when they should carrie the Relique of Gibeah to Bethlehem there met thirty thousand Israelites with a great number of Noble men which came with the King besides a greater number of strangers For in such a case those are more which come of their owne pleasure then those which are commaunded Besides all the people they say that all the Nobility of the Realme was there to the end the relique should bee more honoured and his person better accompanied It chanced that as the Lords and people went singing and the King in person dancing the wheele of the Chariot began to fall and go out of the way the which prince Oza seeing by chance set to his hand and his shoulder against it because the Arke where the Relique was should not fall nor breake yet notwithstanding that suddenly and before them all hee fell downe dead Therefore let this punishment be noted for truly it was fearefull and ye ought to thinke that since God for putting his hand to the Chariot to holde it vp stroke him with death that a Prince should not hope seeking the destruction and decay of the Church that God will prolong his life O Princes great Lords and Prelates sith Oza with such diligence lost his life what doe yee hope or looke for sith with such negligence yee destroy and suffer the Church to fall Yet once againe I doe returne to exclaime vpon you O Princes and great Lords sith Prince Oza deserued such punishment because without reuerence hee aduanced himselfe to stay the Arke which fell what punishment ought yee to haue which through malice helpe the Church to fall Why King Balthasar was punished DArius King of the Perses and Medes besieged the auncient City of Babylon in Chaldea whereof Balthasar sonne of Nabuchodonozar the great was King and Lord who was so wicked a child that his father being dead hee caused him to be cut in 300. peeces gaue him to 300. hawkes to be eaten because hee should not reuiue againe to take the goods riches from him which he had left him I know not what father is so foolish that letteth his Son liue in pleasures and afterwards the entralles of the Hauke wherewith the sonne hawked should be the wofull graue of the Father which so many men lamented This Balthasar then beeing so besieged determined one night to make a great feast and banquet to the Lords of his Realme that came to ayde him and in this he did like a valiant and stout Prince to the end the Perses and Medes might see that hee little esteemed their power The noble and high hearts do vse when they are enuironed with many trauels to seeke occasions to inuent pleasures because to their men they may giue greater courage and to their enemies greater feare He declareth of Pirrus King of the Epirotes when hee was besieged very straightly in the City of Tharenta of the Romane Captaine Quintus Dentatus that then hee spake vnto his Captaines in this sort Lordes and friendes bee yee nothing at all abashed since I neuer here before saw ye afraid though the Romans haue compassed our bodies yet we haue besiged their harts For I let you to know that I am of such a complection that the straighter they keepe my body the more my heart is at large And further I say though the Romanes beate downe the walles yet our hearts shall remaine inuincible And though there bee no wall betweene vs yet wee will make them know that the hearts of Greekes are harder to ouercome then the stones of Tarentine are to be beaten downe But returning to King Balthasar The banquet then being ended and the greatest part of the night beeing spent Belthasar the King being very well pleased that the banquet was made to his contentation though he
whom he neyther lifted speare nor sword because all yeelded to his cōmandment With these and such other like things they would haue feared them for that words oft times maketh men more afraide especially when they are spoken of braue stoute men then doe the swords of cowards Lucius Bosco saith in his third booke of the antiquityes of the Grecians of whom the originall of this hystorie is drawne that after the Embassadours of Alexander had spoken to the Garamantes they were nothing at all troubled for the message neither did they fly away from Alexander nor they prepared any warre neyther tooke they in hand any weapon nor yet they did resist him Yea and the chiefest of all was that no man of the Countrey euer departed out of his house Finally they neyther answered the Ambassadors of Alexander to theyr right message nor yet spake one word vnto them concerning their coming And truly the Garamantes had reason therein and did in that right wisely For it is but meere follie for a man to perswade those men with words who enterprise any thing of will It is a maruellous matter to heare reported the hystories of these Garamantes that is to say that all theyr houses were of equall height all men were apparelled alike the one had no more authority then another in feeding they were no glouttons in drinking wine they were temperate concerning pleas and debates they were ignorant they would suffer no idle man to liue among them they had no weapons because they had no enemyes and generally they spake few words but that which they spake was alwayes true King Alexander being somwhat informed of those Garamantes and their life determined to send for them and called them before his presence and instantly desired them if they had any wise men among them to bring them vnto him and by writing or by word of mouth to speake somewhat vnto him For Alexander was such a friend to sage men that all the realms which he ouercame immediately he gaue to his men excepting the Sages which he kept for his owne person Quintus Curtius by king Alexander sayth that a Prince doth wel spende his treasors to conquer many Realms only to haue the conuersation of one wise man And truely he had reason for to princes it is more profit in their life to bee accompanied with Sages then after their deaths to leaue great treasours to their heires Certaine of those Garamantes thē being come before the presence of Alex the great one among them as they thoght the most ancientst himselfe alone the residue keeping silence in the name of them all spake these words CHAP. XXXIII Of an Oration which one of the Sages of Garamantia made vnto King Alexander a goodly lesson for all ambitious men IT is a custome king Alexander amongst vs Garamantes to speake seldome one to another scarsely neuer speake to strangers especially if they be busie and vnquiet men For the tongue of an euil man is no other but a plaine demonstration of his enuious heart When they tolde vs of thy comming into this countrey immediately wee determined not to goe out to receyue thee nor to prepare our selues to resist thee neyther to lifte vp our eyes to beholde thee nor to open our mouthes to salute thee neyther to moue our hands to trouble thee nor yee to make warre to offend thee For greater is the hate that we beare to riches and honours which thou louest then the loue is that thou hast to destroy men and subdue Countreyes which we abhorre It hath pleased thee we shuld see thee not desiring to see thee and wee haue obeied thee not willing to obey thee and that we should salute thee not desirous to salute thee wherewith wee are contented vppon condition that thou be patient to heare vs. For that which we will say vnto thee shall tend more vnto amendmēt of thy life then to disswade thee frō conquering our countrey For it is reason that Princes which shal come hereafter doe know why wee liuing so little esteeme that which is our owne and why thou dying takest such paines to possesse that which is another mans O Alexander I aske thee one thing and I doubt whether thou canst aunswer me thereunto or no For those hearts which are proud are also most commonly blinded Tell me whether thou goest from whence thou commest what thou meanest what thou thinkest what thou desirest what thou seekest what thou demandest what thou searchest and what thou procurest and further to what Realms Prouinces thy disordinate appetite extendeth Without a cause do I not demand thee this question what is that thou demandest and what it is that thou seekest For I think thou thy selfe knowest not what thou wouldest For proud and ambicious hearts know not what will satisfie them Sith thou art ambitious honor deceiueth thee sith thou art prodigall couetousnes beguyleth thee sith thou art yong ignorance abuseth thee and sith thou art proude all the world laugheth thee to scorne in such sort that thou followest men and not reason thou followest thine owne opinion and not the counsell of an other thou embracest flatterers and repulsest vertuous men For Princes and Noble men had rather bee commended with lyes thē to be reproued with truth I cannot tell to what ende you Princes liue so deceyued and abused to haue keepe in your pallaces more flattrers iuglers and fooles then wise and sage men For in a princes pallace if there bee any which extolleth theyr doings there are ten thousand which abhorre their tyrannies I perceiue by these deeds Alexander that the gods will sooner end thy life then then wilt end thy wars The man that is brought vp in debates discentions and strife all his felicitie consisteth in burning destroying and bloud shedding I see thee defended with weapōs I see thee accōpanied with tirants I see thee rob the tēples I se thee without profit wast the treasors I see thee murder the Innocent and trouble the patient I see thee euill willed of all and beloued of none which is the greatest euill of all euils Therefore how were it possible for thee to endure such and so great trauels vnlesse thou art a foole or else because God hath appointed it to chastice thee The Gods suffer oftentimes that men being quiet should haue some weighty affayres and that is not for that they should be honoured at this present but to the end they should be punished for that which is past Tell mee I pray thee peraduenture it is no great folly to empouerish many to make thy selfe alone rich It is not peraduenture folly that one should commaund by tyranny and that all the rest lose the possession of their Seigniory It is not folly perchance to loue to the damnation of our soules many memories in the world of our body It is not folly perchance that the Gods approue thy disordinate appetite alone and condemne the will and opinion of all the
one is deliuered from the torments of his Auarice and besides that hee recouereth friends for his person For riches tormenteth the Auaricious because hee spendeth them not The twelfth they asked him What the Prince should doe to gouerne others hee answered hee ought first to gouerne himselfe and then afterwards to gouerne others For it is vnpossible the Rod should bee right where the shadow is crooked By the occasion of this last answer I did bring in here all these questions to the ende Princes and Rulers might see how that euery one of them is as the rod of Iustice and that the Common-wealth is none other but a shadow of them which in all and for all ought to be right For immediatly it is perceiued in the shadow of the Comon-wealth if the Iustice or life of him which gouerneth bee out of his order Therfore concluding that all I haue spoken before if a Prince would aske mee why he is a Prince I would tell him in one word onely that hee which is the High Prince hath made you a Prince in this world to the ende you shuld be a destroyer of heretikes a father of orphanes a friend of Sages a hater of malicious a scourge of Tyrants a rewarder of good a defender and protector of Churches a plague of the wicked a onely louer and friend of the Commonwealth and aboue all you ought to bee an vpright minister of Iustice beginning first with your owne person and Pallace For in all things amendment is suffered except in Iustice which ought to bee equall betweene the Prince and Common-wealth CHAP. XXXVI What Plutarch the Philosopher was Of the wise words hee spake to Traian the Emperour And how the good Prince is the head of the Publike-weale IN the time of Traiana the Emperour there flourished in his Court a Philosopher named Plutarch a man very pure and of good life wise in science and well esteemed in Rome For Traian the Emperor desired greatly to haue Wise men in his companie and to make notable and sumptuous Buyldings in euery place where he came It was hee which wrote the liues of many noble Greekes and Romanes and aboue all hee made a Booke entituled The doctrine of Princes which hee offered to the Emperour Traian in the which hee sheweth his vertues the zeale which he had to the Common-wealth the highnes of his eloquēce the profoundnes of his knowledge For he was elegant in writing and pleasant in speaking and among all other things which hee wrote in his booke were these words following most worthie to be noted and written in Golden letters And they are such I let thee to know Lord Traian that thou and the Empire are but one mysticall bodie in manner and forme of a liuely bodie For they should and ought to be so correspondent and agreeable that the Emperor should reioyce to haue such subiects and the Empire ought to be gladde to haue such a Lord. And to the ende wee may describe the mysticall bodie which is the Empyre in the forme and shape of a natural man you shall vnderstand that the head which is aboue all is the Prince which commaundeth all the eyes whereby we see are the good men in the Commonwealth whom we followe the eares that heare what wee say are the Subiects which doe what wee commaund them the tongue wherewith we speake are the Sages of whom we heare the lawes and doctrines the hayres which growe on our heads are those which are vexed and gricued and that demaund iustice of the King The handes and armes are the Knights which resist the enemyes the feet which sustaineth the mēbers are the tyllers of the ground which giueth meate to all Estates the hard Bones that sustaineth the feeble and soft Flesh are the Sage men which endure the burden and trauell of the Common-wealth the Hearts which we see not outwardly are the Priuie Councellours Finally the necke that knitteth the bodie with the Head is the loue of the King combined with the whole Realme which make a Common-wealth All the words abouenamed spake Plutarch the great vnto Traian the Emperour And truly the inuention and grace of him proceeded of an high and deepe vnderstanding For the head hath three properties which are very necessary for the gouernor of the Common-wealth The first is that euen as the head is of all other members of the body the highest so the authority of the Prince exceedeth the estates of all others For the Prince onely hath authoritie to commaund and all others are bound to obey Admit there be many that are stout rich and noble men in the Common-wealth yet all ought to knowe and acknowledge seruice to the Lorde of the same For the noble and worthie Princes doe daily ease many of diuers seruices but they will neuer exempt any man from their loyaltie and allegeance Those which are valiant and mighty in a Realme should content themselues with that wherewith the battlements doe vpon a Castle that is to know that they are hier then the rampers wherein men walke on the Wals and lower then the pinnacles which are on the toppe for the wise man of high estate ought not to regard the Prince which is the high pinnacle but ought to looke on the alleis which are the poore comfortlesse I would speake a word and it greeueth me that is whereas great Lords desire in the commonwealth to commaund is like vnto him that holdeth his armes and hands ouer his heade For all that I haue heard and for all that I haue reade and also for all that hath chanced in my time I counsell admonish and warne all those which shall come after this time that if they will enioy their goods if they will liue in safeguard and if they will bee deliuered from tyranny and liue quiet in the Common-wealth that they doe not agree to haue in one Realme aboue one King and one Lord For it is a generall rule where there are many Rulers in a Common-wealth in the end both it and all must perish Wee see by experience that Nature formed vs with many sinewes many bones with much flesh with many fingers and with many teeth and to all this one only body had but one head wherefore though with many estates the Common-wealth is ordayned yet with one Prince alone it ought to bee ruled If it consisted in mens hands to make a Prince they would then also haue the authority to put him down but being true as it is most true indeede that the Prince is constituted by God none but God alone ought to depriue depose him of his estate but thinges that are measured by the diuine iudgment man hath no power with razour to cut them I know not what ambition the mean can haue neither what enuie the lowest can haue nor what pride the highest can haue to command and not to obey since wee are sure that in this mysticall body of the
Common-wealth hee which is most worth shal be no more esteemed then the fingers or paring the nailes or the falling of an haire from the head Let euery man the fore liue in peace in his common-wealth and acknowledge obedience vnto his prince and he that will not do so away with him for euen as the onely offence proceedeth of him so let the onely paine rest vpon him For it is an old saying That hee that taketh vp the sword against his Maister will shortly after lay his head at his feete The second condition is To compare the King to the head because the head is the beginning of Mans life The most part of things that euer God created according to their natures worke their operations as in growing high and towards the heauens We see the vapors ascend high the Trees budde out on high the sourges of the Sea mount high and the nature of Fire is alwayes to ascend mount on high onely the miserable Man groweth downwards and is brought low by reason of the feeble and fraile flesh which is but Earth commeth of earth and liueth on earth and in the ende returneth to earth againe from whence he came Aristotle saith well That Man is as a Tree planted with the rootes vpwardes whose roote is the head and the stocke is the bodie the braunches are the armes the barcke is the Flesh the knoties are the bones the sappe is the heart which with the braine is the seate of the soule first liuing and last dying the rottennes is malice the gumme is loue the flowers are wordes and the Fruites are the good workes To make the man to goe vprightly his head should be where his feet are and the feete where the head is sith the head is the root and the feet are the bowes but in this case I sweare that we are correspondent to our beginning for it our flesh bee planted contrariwise so much more contrary we haue our life ordered Therefore concerning our matter I say that the Realme hath no lesse his beginning of the King then the King of the Realme which thing is plainely seene for that the King giueth lawes and institutions vnto a Realme and not the Realme to the King The gifts and benefits which the King giueth cōmeth to the realm and not from the Realme to the King To inuent wars to take truce to make peace to reward the good and to punish the euill proceedeth from the King to the Realme and not to the contrary For it appertaineth only to the Maiesty of a Prince to commaund and ordaine and to the common wealth to authorize and obeye him As in a great sumptuous building it is more dāgerous where one stone of the foundation doth fall thē when ten thousand tiles fall from the toppe so he ought more to bee blamed for one onely disobedience committed and done to the King and his iustice then for fiue thousand offences against the common wealth For wee haue seene of a little disobedience a great slander arise in a cōmon wealth O it is a goodly matter for a Prince to be beloued of his subiects and a goodly thing also for the Realme to be fearefull of their King for the king that is not loued of his Subiects cannot liue in peace or quiet therealm that is not fearefull of their King cannot be well gouerned The Realme Sicilia had alwayes mighty Princes and Gouernors for in ancient time it was gouerned by vertuous Princes or els by cruell and malicious tyrants In the time of Seuerus the Emperour there raigne● in Cecil a King called Lelius Pius who had so many good things in him that throughout all the Empire hee was very well esteemed and chiefly for foure Lawes amongst others he ordayned in that Realme which were these following Wee ordaine that if amongst equall persons there bee any iniuries offered that they be punished or else that they be assembled for where enuy is rooted betweene two it profiteth more to recōncile their good willes then to punish their persons Wee ordaine that if the greatest bee offended by the least that such offence bee little reproued and well punished for the audacite and little shame and also the disobedience of the seruant to the master ought not to be reformed but by grieuous punishment We ordaine that if any resist or speake against the commandement of a Prince that presently without delay he suffer death before them all for they may boldly by the way of supplication reuerently declare their griefes and not by slaunder rebelliously disobey their Lords Wee ordaine that if any rayse the common wealth against the Prince hee that can first strike off his head may lawfully without fearing any daunger of punishment for his head is iustly taken from him that would there should be many heades in the common weale Of all this before spoken Herianus is the Authour in his fourth Booke of the Kinges of Sieile where hee putteth many and singular Lawes and Customes whith the Auncients had to the great confusion of those that be present For truely the Auncients did not onely exceede those that bee present in their works doings but also in speaking profound wordes Therefore returning to our matter mans life greatly trauelleth alwayes to defend the head in such sort that a man would rather suffer his hand to bee cut off then to suffer a wound to bee made in his head By this comparison I meane that a fault in a Common-wealth is a cut which cankereth and festereth but the disobedience to a Prince is a wound which forthwith killeth If a man did aske mee what vnion Princes should haue with their Common wealth I would answere them in this sort that the wealth of the King and Realme consisteth herein That the King should accompany with the good and banish the euill For it is vnpossible that the King should bee beloued of the Common-wealth if the company hee hath about him be reputed vicious Hee should also loue his Realme without dissimulation and the Realme should serue him vnfaynedly for the Common-wealth which knoweth it to bee beloued of their Prince shall not finde any thing too hard for his scruice Further that the King vse his Subiects as his children and that the Subiects serue him as a Father for generally the good Father cannot suffer his children to bee in danger neyther the good children will disobey their Father Also the King ought to bee iust in his commaundements and the subiects faithfull For if it bee a good thing in their seruices to liue vnder a iust Law it is much better to liue vnder a iust King Also the King ought to defend his Subiects from enemies and they ought well to pay him his tribute For the Prince who defendeth his people from enemies and tyranny worthily deserueth to be Lord of all their goods Also the King ought to keepe his Common-wealth in quiet and ought not to be presumptuous of his
are not angry for any thing wee see nor wee take any care for any thing we heare Finally when wee sleepe wee feele not the anguishes of the body neyther suffer the passion of the mind to come To this end yee must vnderstand that when they were troubled hee gaue them drinks which caused them immediatly to sleepe so that so soone as the man did drinke it so soone hee was a sleepe Finally all the study wherein the Epicurians exercised themselues was in eating and seeking meates and the chiefe study of this Aeschilus was in sleeping and hauing soft beds Of the Philosopher Pindarus IN the yeare of the foundation of the City of Rome 262. Darius the second of that name King of Persia who was the sonne of Histapsie and in the lynage of Kinges the fourth King of Persia Iunius Brutus and Lucius Collatinus being Consuls in Rome which were the first Consuls that were in Rome There was in the great City of Thebes in Egypt a Philosopher named Pindarus who was Prince of that Realme They write of this Philosopher that in Philosophy he excelled all those of his time and also in teaching singing and playing of Musicke hee was more excellent then any of all his Predecessors for the Thebanes affirmed that there was neuer any seen of such aptnes in speaking and so excellent deliuering of his fingers in playing as Pindarus was and moreouer hee was a great Morall Philosopher but not so excellent in naturall Philosophy For hee was a quiet and vertuous man could better worke then reach which thing is contrary now a dayes in our Sages of Rome For they know little and speake much and worst of all in their wordes they are circumspect and in their deedes very negligent The diuine Plato in his booke that he made of Lawes mentioneth this Philosopher and Iunius Rusticus in his Thebaide sheweth one thing of him and that is that an Ambassadour of Lides being in Thebes seeing Pindarus to bee of a vertuous life and very disagreeable in his words hee spake vnto him in such words O Pindarus If thy wordes were so limed before men as thy workes are pure before the Gods I sweare vnto thee by those Gods that are immortall that thou shouldest bee as much esteemed in Life as Promotheus was and shouldest leaue as much memory of thee after thy death in Egypt as the great Homere left of his life in Greece They demaunded of this Pindarus wherein felicity consisted hee aunswered In such sort yee ought to know that the inward scule followeth in many things for the most part the outward body the which thing presupposed I say that hee that feeleth no griefe in his body may well bee called happy For truly if the flesh bee not well the heart can haue no rest Therefore according to the counsell of Pindarus the Thebanes were aboue all other Nations and people most diligent to cure the diseases of their bodies Annius Seuerus sayth that they were let bloud euery month for the great aboundance of bloud in their bodies They vsed euery weeke vnmitations for the full stomackes They continued the bathes for to auoide opilations They carried sweet fauours about them against the euill and infected ayres And finally they studyed nought else in Thebes but to preserue and keepe their bodies as deliciously as they could inuent Of the Philosopher Zeno. IN the Olimpiade 133. Cneus Seruillus and Caius Brisius then Consuls in Rome which were appointed against the Artikes in the moneth of Ianuary immediately after they were chosen and in the 29. yeare of the raigne of Ptolomeus Philadelphus this great Prince Ptolomeus built in the coast of Alexandry a great Tower which hee named Pharo for the loue of a louer of his named Pharo Dolouina This Tower was built vpon foure engines of glasse it was large and high made foure square the stones of the Tower were as bright and shining as glasse so that the Tower being twenty foot of breadth if a candle burned within those without might see the light thereof I let thee know my friend Pulio that the auncient Historiograpers did so much esteeme his building that they compared it to one of the seuen buildings of the World At that time when these thinges flourished there was in Egypt a Philosopher called Zeno by whose counsell and industrie Ptolomeus built that so famous a Tower and gouerned his land For in the olde time the Princes that in their life were not gouerned by Sages were recorded after their death in the Register of fooles As this Tower was strong so hee had great ioy of the same because he kept his dearely beloued Pharo Dolouina therein enclosed to the end shee should bee well kept and also well contented He had his wiues in Alexandria but for the most part hee continued with Pharo Dolouina For in the old time the Perses Siconians and the Chaldeans did not marry but to haue children to enherite theyr goods and the residue of their life for the most part to leade with their Concubines in pleasure and delight The Egyptians had it in great estimation that were great Wrestlers especially if they were wise men and aboue all things they made great defiance against strangers and all the multitude of wrastlers was continually greate so there were notable Masters among them For truly he that dayly vseth one thing shall at the last be excellent therein The matter was thus That one day amongst them there were many Egyptians there was one that would not bee ouerthrowne nor cast by any man vnto the earth This Philosopher Zeno perceyuing the strength and courage of this great Wrastler thought it much for his estimation if he might throw him in wrastling and in prouing he threw him dead to the earth who of none other could euer be cast This victory of Zeno was so greatly to the contentation of his person that hee spake with his tongue and wrote with his penne that there was none other ioy or felicity then to know how to haue the strength of the Armes to cast downe others at his feet The reason of this Philosopher was that hee sayde it was a greater kinde of victory to ouerthrow one to the erth then to ouerthrow many in the wars For in the warres one onely wrongfully taketh the victory since there bee many that doe winne it but in wresiling as the victory is to one alone so let the onely victory and glory remaine to him and therefore in this thing felicity consisteth for what can bee more then the contention of the heart Truly wee call him in this world happy that hath his heart content and his body in health Of the Philosopher Anacharsis WHen the King Heritaches raigned among the Medes and that Tarquin Priscus raigned in Rome there was in the coasts of Scithia a Philosopher called Anacharsis who was borne in the City of Epimenides Cicero greatly commended the doctrine of this Philosopher and that he
to bee drunkards or gluttons for whereas the familiars ought principally to serue their Princes with good counsel in mine opinion a man being full surcharged with excesse is more like to bleach and breake wind after his surfet then able to giue any profitable counsell in the Common wealth In the Pallace of Princes ought not to be resiant nor familiar blasphemers for the man which is a servant and openly dare blaspheme his Creator will not spare in secret to speake euill of the Lord. In the palace of Princes ought not to be of counsell nor familiar the negligent and delicate persons for there is nothing next vnto the diuine prouidence that helpeth Princes more to be puissant and mighty then when their seruants are faithfull and diligent In the pallace of Princes defamed men ought not to haue familiarity for the Prince cannot excuse himselfe to bee thought culpable when they doe rebuke him if in his house he maintaine seruants which openly are defamed In the pallace of princes they ought not to suffer Ideots and fooles for the realmes are not lost for that the Princes are young vncircumspect and vitious but for that their Counsellours are simple and malitious Woe woe be to the land where the Lord is vitious the subiect seditious the seruant couetous and the Counsellour simple and malitious for then the common wealth perisheth when ignorance and malice raigneth in the prince and gouernour of the same Those words passed betweene the noble Knight Estilconus and the wise Philosopher Epimundus vpon the bringing vp of those two princes Archadius and Honorius And because that princes and prelates might see which now haue the charge to gouerne people how much the Auncients did desire to haue sage men about them notwithstanding that I haue spoken I will shew you heere some notable and ancient examples CHAP. XLV How Cresus King of Lydea was a great friend and louer of Sages Of a letter the same Cresus wrote to the Philosopher Anacharsis And of an other letter of the Philosophers answere to the King IN the yeare of the Creation of the World 4355. and in the third age Sardanapulus being king of the Assyrians Ozias King of the Hebrewes and Elchias being high Bishop of the holy temple at that time when Rea the mother of Romulus liued in the second yeare of the first Olimpiade the great and renowmed Realme of Lydes had beginning as Plinie in the fift booke of the Naturall History sayth Lidia is in Asia minor and first was called Meonia afterwards was called Lidia and now is called Morea This Realme of Lydes had many worthy Cities that is to say Ephese Colose Aclasomena and Phorea The first King of Lydes was Ardisius a man of great courage and a Grecian borne and raigned 36. yeares The second was Aliaces who raigned 14 yeares The third was Meleus and he raigned 12. yeares The fourth was Candale and raigned 4. yeares The fift was Ginginus and raigned 5. yeares The sixt was Cerdus and raigned 6. yeares The 7. was Sadiates and raigned 15. yeares The eight was Allates and he raigned 49. yeares and the ninth was Cresus and raigned 15. yeares and of this King Cresus Zenophon declareth that hee was more valiant in feates of warre then comely of personage for though he was lame of one foote blemished of one eye lacking one eare and of body not much bigger then a dwarfe yet for all this hee was a iust man very constant stoute mercifull couragious and aboue all hee was a great enemie to the ignorant and a speciall friend to the Sage Of this king Cresus Seneca speaketh in his booke of Clemency and sayeth that the Sages were so entirely beloued of him that the Greekes which had the fountaine of eloquence did not call him a louer but entituled him the loue of Sages for neuer no man did so much to attaine to the loue of his Lady as hee did to draw to him and to his Country sage men This king Cresus therefore beeing Lord of many barbarous nations the which loued better to drinke the bloud of the innocent then to learne the science of the wise like an excellent prince determined for the comfort of his person and remedy of his Common wealth to search out the greatest Sages that were in Greece At that time flourished the famous and renowmed Philosopher Anacharsis who thogh he was born and brought vp amongst the Seythians yet hee was alwayes resident notwithstanding in Athens For the Vniuersity of Athens did not despise those that were Barbarians but those that were vitious The King Cresus sent an Ambassadour in great authority with riches to the Philosopher Anacharsis to perswade and desire him and with those gifts and presents to present him to the end it might please him to come and see his person and to set an order in his Common wealth Cresus not contented to send him gifts which the Ambassadour carried but for to let him vnderstand why he did so wrote him a letter with his owne hand as hereafter followeth The letter of King Cresus to Anacharfis the Phylosopher CResus King of Lydes wisheth Anacharsis great Phylosopher which remainest in Athens health to thy person and increase of vertue Thou shalt know how well I loue thee in that I neuer saw thee nor knew thee to write vnto thee a letter For the things which with the eyes haue neuer bin seen seldomtimes with the heart are truely beloued Thou doest esteeme little as truth is these my small gifts and presents which I send thee yet I pray thee greatly esteeme the will and heart wherewith I do visite thee For noble hearts receiue more thankefully that which a man desireth to giue them then that which they do giue them in deede I desire to correct this my Realme and to see amendement in the common-wealth I desire good order for my person and to take order touching the gouernement of my palace I desire to communicate with Sages somethings of my life and none of these things can bee done without thy presence for there was neuer any good thing made but by the meane of wisedome I am lame I am crooked I am bald I am a counterfeit I am blacke and also I am broken finally amongst all other men I am a monster But all these imperfections are nothing to those that remaine that is to say I am so vnfortunate that I haue not a Phylosopher with me For in the world there is no greater shame then not to haue a wise man about him to be conuersant with all I count my self to be dead though to the simple fooles I seeme to bee a liue And the cause of death is because I haue not with me some wise person For truely he is onely aliue amongst the liuing who is accompanyed with the Sages I desire thee greatly to come and by the immortall gods I coniure thee that thou make no excuse and if thou wilt not
shee displeased him For they sayde that it was vnpossible for Men and Women to liue long together without much trouble contentions and brawles Dyodorus Siculus sayde one thing where hee speaketh of this matter which as yet I neuer read in any book nor heard of the ancients past which was that amongst the Egiptians there was no difference in Children For they accounted them as legitimate though they were children of slaues For they said that the principall doer of the generation was the Father and not the mother and that therfore the Children which were borne among them tooke only the flesh of the mother but they did inherite their honour and dignitie of the part of the Father Iulius Caesar in his Commentaries saith that in Great Brittaine now called England the Brittons had an vse that one Woman was marryed vnto fiue men the which beastlinesse is not read to haue beene in any Nation of times past For if it bee slaunder for one man to haue diuers Wiues why should it not also bee a slaunderous and shamefull thing for one woman to haue many Husbands The noble and vertuous Women ought to bee marryed for two causes The first is to the end God should giue them children and benediction to whom they may leaue their goods and their memorie The second to the end they should liue euery one in their owne house accompanyed and honoured with their husbands For otherwise I say for a truth that the woman that is not contented and satisfied with her own proper husband will not bee contented nor satisfied with all men in the world Plutarch in his Apothegmes saith that the Cymbres did vse to marrie with their proper and natural daughters the which custome was taken from them by the Consull Marius after that hee did ouercome them in Germanie and that of them he had triumphed at Rome For the Childe which was borne of such Marriage was Sonne of the Daughter of one sole Father and was Sonne and Brother of one onely Mother and they were also Cousins Nephews Brothers of one only Father and mother Truely such custome proceedeth rather of wilde beasts then of reasonable creatures For manie or the more part of brute Beasts after the females haue brought forth males within one yeare after they doo accompany with their dammes which brought them forth Strabo in the situation of the world and Seneca in an Epistle say That the Lydes and the Armenians hadde a custome to send their Daughters to the Riuers and Hauens of the Sea to get their Marriages selling their bodyes to straungers so that those which would Marrie were first forced to sell heyr virginitie The Romaines which in all their affaires and businesses were more Sage and modest then other Nations vsed much circumspection in all their mariages For they kept it as an ancient lawe and vse accustomed that euery Romaine should marrie with one woman and no moe For euen as to keepe two wiues among the Christians is a great charge of conscience so was it deemed amongst the Romaines much infamie Amongst the auncient and renowmed Orators of Rome one was called Metellus Numidicus the which one day making his Oration to the Senate sayd these words Worthie Senatours I let you vnderstand that I haue greatly fludyed what the counsels shuld be that I ought to giue yee touching marriage For the counsel rashand sudden oftentimes is not profitable I doe not perswade you at all to marrie neyther yet doe say that yee shall not marrie but it is true that if ye can liue without a woman yee shall bee free from manie troubles But what shall wee doe O yea Romains since that Nature hath made vs such that to keepe women it is a great trouble and to liue without them it is more danger I dare say if in this case my opinion might bee accepted that it should not bee euill done to resist the lust since it commeth by fits and not to take Wiues which are continuall troubles These were the wordes which Metellus Numidicus spake the which were not very acceptable nor pleasant to the Fathers beeing in the Senate for they would not that hee should haue spoken such wordes against Mariage For there is no estate in this life wherein Fortune sheweth her force more then in this state of Matrimonie A man may proue them in this sort that if the fashions and vsages of the ancients were diuers as concerning ordinance truely there was no lesse contrarietie in theyr contracts and ceremonies Boccace the Florentine in a Booke that he made of the Marriages of the auncients reciteth manie and sundrie customs that they vsed in making the Marriages whereof hee telleth some not for to follow or maintaine them but to reproue and condemne them For the writers did neuer write the vices of some but onely to make the vertues of others more cleerely to be knowne The Cymbres had a custome that when they would Marrie after the marriage was agreed vpon hee that was made sure should pare his nayles and send them to his wife that should bee and she in like sort sent hers vnto him And then when she of him and hee of her had receyued the nayles the one of the other they betooke themselues Marryed for euer and did afterwardes liue together as man and wife The Theutonians had a ceremony that the man that was sure rounded the hayre of her to whome hee was made sure and shee did the like vnto him and when the one suffered the other to doe so immediately they celebrated Marriage The Armenians had a law that the Bridegroom shuld pinch the right eare of the Bride and the Bride should likewise pinche the left eare of the Bride-groome and then they tooke themselues marryed for euer The Elamites had a custome that both parties which were made sure pricked one the others little finger vntill they bledde the which bloud they did sucke naturally this done they were marryed The Numidians vsed that the Bryde-groome and the Bryde should gather together a piece of Earth and with theyr spittle they tempered it and therewith the one annointed the forehead of the other so that the Marriage betweene them was to annoynt the one and the other with a little clay When those of Dace would be marryed the Bride-groome and the Bryde each one of themselues were brought in Charryots the one meeting the other and when they came together the Bryde-groome gaue a newe name to the Bride and shee likewise to him and from that time forwardes they liued as in lawfull Matrimonie When they of Hungarie would marrie the one sent vnto the other a familiar god made of siluer whom they called Lares and when they had receyued the God of each other the marriage was finished and they liued as man and wife The Siconians had a custome and lawe that when they should marrie the one sent to the other a shooe and that receyued of both they agreed
There is no greater proofe to know a wise man then if he be patient to suffer the ignorant for in suffering an iniurie the heart is more holpen by wisedome then by knowledge Tell mee Pisto What is that thing that the vertuous man may lawfully desire He answered All that is good so that it be not to the preiudice of any other may honestly be desired but in my opinion that onely ought to bee desired which openly without shame may bee demanded Tell me Pisto What shall men do with their wiues when they are great with childe to cause that the child in safetie may be deliuered He answered In the world there is nothing more perillous iben to haue the charge of a woman with childe for if the husband serue her hee hath paine and trauaile and if perchance hee doe not content her she is in danger In this case the wiues of Rome and their husbands also ought to be very diligent and to the things following more carefull the which I shew them more for counsell then for commandement for good counsell ought to haue as much authoritie in the vertuous as the commandement hath in the vicious Thou Octauian as thou art a mercifull and a pittifull Emperour and that thou keepest thy Neece Collucia great with childe I know thou desirest that shee had presently good and lucky deliuery and that shee were deliuered of her paine all the which thou shalt see if thou dost marke these things that I will shew thee heere following First the woman ought to beware of dancing leaping and running for leaping oftentimes maketh man to lose his speach and women with childe to lose their life wherefore it is not reason that the folly of the mother should bee permitted to put in hazzard the life of the child The second the woman being with childe ought to beware that shee be not so hardy to enter into Gardens where there is much fruit and that for eating too many shee bee not ill deliuered for it is no reason that the lycorousnes of the mother be punished with the death of the childe The third the woman with childe ought to beware of ouer hard lacing her selfe about the middle for many Romane Dames for to seeme proper doe weare their Gownes so straite that it is an occasion to kill their creatures which is a heynous matter that the young babe should lose his life because his mother should seeme pretty The fourth the women with childe ought to beware of eating in a great Banquet for oft times there commeth a suddaine deliuerance onely through eating without measure and it is not meete that for tasting a thing of little value the mother and the childe should both lose their liues The fift the woman being with child ought to beware that she giueth no eare to any sudden newes for shee is in more danger for hearing a thing that grieueth her then for suffering long sicknesse that payneth her and it were vniust that for knowing of a trifling matter the mother that is to be deliuered and the child that is to be borne should both in one moment perish The sixt the woman with childe ought to beware that she goe not by any meanes to any Feasts where there shall bee any great assembly of people for oft times the woman with childe seeing her to bee much thrust and prest being not able to say I am here may immediately dye in the place and it is not reason but an vniust thing that the woman for the desire to see the children of others should make of her owne Orphanes The seuenth the husband ought to beware that she being with childe bee not deneyd any honest thing that shee doth minde for ingranting her it cannot cost him much but in denying her hee may lose much and it would not bee iust that since in her bringing foorth she honoreth and increaseth the Common-wealth of Rome that Rome should condiscend that any woman with child should receiue any hurt or dishonour These bee the answeres that Pisto made the Emperour Octauian the which hee gaue as Rules to women with childe which being so kept I do assure you that the great Ladyes should deliuer themselues from many perils the husbands also should escape from many sorrowes Concluding therefore that which aboue all is spoken I say that Princesses and great Ladies when they are with childe ought to bee more warie and circumspect then other meane women for where man hopeth to haue most profit there ought he most to be carefull The Authour of this is Pulio in his third Booke De moribus antiquorū Sextus Cheronsnsis in his fift booke De legibus domesticis CHAP. XIII Of three Counsels which Lucius Seneca gaue vnto a Secretarie his friend who serued the Emperour Nero and how the Emperour Marcus Aurelius disposed all the houres of the day THe Emperour Nero had a Secretary called Emilius Varro the which being in Rome builded a sumptuous house ioyning vnto the Gate of Salaria whereunto hee inuited one day Lucius Seneca to a banquet to the end the house might bee more fortunate for the Romanes had a prophecie That according to the good or ill lucke of him that first entred into a new house so should it continually be luckie or vnluckie Lucius Seneca graunted to the request of his friend Emilius Varro and when they had well eaten they went both to see this new building shewing vnto Lucius Seneca all things at the last the Secretary sayd thus vnto Seneca Those betweene both are for Guests those Halles are for Merchants Suitors these Secrets are for Women those Chambers are for Knights those Galleries which are couered are to auoide the Sunne this lowest part here is for Horses the Sellers are for the Buttry in the end he shewed him the whole house for the furnishing whereof they lacked not one jot After the Secretarie Emilius Varro had shewed him all his house hee looked when his Guest Seneca would greatly praise and commend it but he as though hee knew nothing sayd vnto Emilius Varro as he went out of the dores Whose house is this Wherevnto Emilius answered How now Seneca canst thou not tell I haue employed all my goods in building this house and haue led thee all about to see it and I haue told thee that it is mine and yet dost thou aske me againe whose it is Lucius Seneca answered Thou hast shewed vs the house for strangers the house for sleues the house for women the house for horses and in all this house thou hast not shewed me one little part for thy selfe but that another man doth enter into it for if thou hast any interest therein they haue the best thereof which is the possession I account thee a wise man I doe account thee a man of vnderstanding and allso I know that with all thy heart thou art my friend and since I haue beene bidden to day by the it is but reason that
thee so much to keepe thy children from witches For otherwise the cursed Women will doe them more harme then the good milke shal profite them I haue beene moued and prouoked to write thus much vnto thee for the great loue which I do beare thee and also calling to minde that which thou when we were in the sacred Senate oft times toldest me which was that thou diddest desire a sonne And since now thou hast thy petition I would not thou shouldst prouoke the Gods wrath by sorceries For in the faith of a good man I doe sweare vnto thee that when the Fathers are in fauour with the Gods there needeth no sorceries vnto the Children I had manie other things to write vnto thee Some of the which I will cōmunicate with thy seruant Fronton rather then to send them by letters And maruel not at this for letters are so perillous that if a man be wise hee wil write no more in a close letter thē he would declare openly in Rome Pardon me my friend Dedalus though indeede I write not vnto thee as thy appetite would nor yet as my will desireth For thou hast need to know many things and I haue not leaue by letter to put thee in trust therewith I cannot tell what I should write vnto thee of me but that alwayes the Goute doth take me and the worst of all is that the more I growe in yeares the more my health diminisheth For it is an old course of mans frailtie that where wee thinke to goe most surest there haue we most lets The Popinjay which thou didst send me as soone as I receyued it my wife did seaze it and truely it is a maruellous pleasure to heare what thinges it doth speak but in the end the women are of such power that when they wil they impose silence to the liuing and cause that in the graues the dead men speake According to that I doe loue thee and according to that I owe thee and as I haue vsed that which I doe sende thee is very little I say it because that presently I do send thee but two horses of Barbarie twelue swords of Alexandrie and to Fronton thy seruant for a new yeares gift for his good newes I haue giuen him an Office which is worth to him 20. thousand Sexterces of Rent in Cecyl Faustine did bid mee I should send thy wife Perusa a cofer full of odoriferous odours of Palestine and another cofer full of her owne Apparrel the which as I thinke thou wilt not a little esteeme For naturally Women are of theyr owne Goods niggardes but in wasting spending of others very prodigall The Almighty gods bee with thee and preserue thee from euill fortune The which I humbly beseech to graunt that vnto thee and mee and vnto my wife Faustine and to thy wife Pertusa that we all meete merily together in Rome for the heart neuer receyueth such ioy as when hee seeth himselfe with his desired friend Marcus of Mount Celio writeth to thee with his own hand CHAP. XXV How excellent a thing it is for a Gentleman to haue an eloquent tongue ONe of the chiefest things that the Creatour gaue to man was to know and be able to speake for otherwise the soule reserued the brute beasts are of more value then dumbe men Aristotle in his Aesconomices without comparison prayseth more the Pythagoricall sort then the Stoicall saying that the one is more conforme to reason then the other is Pythagoras commaunded that al men which were dumbe and without speech should immediately and without contradiction be banished and expulsed from the people The cause why this Phylosopher had commanded such things was for so much as he saide that the tongue is moued by the motions of the soule and that he which had no tong had no soule And hee which hath no soule is but a brute beast and he that is a beast deserueth to serue in the fieldes among brute beasts It is a good thing not to bee dumbe as bruite beasts are and it is a greater thing to speake as the reasonable men doe but it is much more worthy to speake wel as the eloquent Philosophers doe For otherwise if hee which speaketh doth not weigh the sentences more then the wordes oft times the Popingayes shall content thē more which are in the cage then the men which doe reade in Schooles Iosephus in the booke De Bello Iudaico sayeth That King Herod not onely with his person and goods but also with all his friends and parents followed and gaue ayde to Marcus Anthonius and to his louer Cleopatra howbeit in the end Octauian had the victory For the man which for the loue of a woman doth enterprise conquests it is impossible that eyther he lose not his life or else that hee liue not in infamy Herod seeing that Marcus Antonius was dead determined to go towards the Emperour Octauian at whose feet he layd his crowne and made a notable Oration wherein hee spake so pleasant words and so high sentences that the Emperour Octauian did not onely pardon him for that hee was so cruell an enemie but also hee confirmed him again vnto his realm and tooke him for his deare and speciall friend For among the good men and noble hearts many euill workes are amended by a few good works If Blundus in the booke intituled Roma triumphante do not deceiue me Pirrus that great King of the Epirotes was stoute and hardy valiant in armes liberall in benefices patient in aduersities and aboue al renowned to be very sweet in words and sage in his answeres They sayde that this Pirrus was so eloquent that the man with whome once hee had spoken remained so much his that from that time forward in his absence hee tooke his part and declared his life and state in presence The aboue named Blundus sayed and Titus Liuius declareth the same That as the Romaines were of all things prouided seeing that King Pyrrus was so eloquent they prouided in the Senate that no Romane Ambassadour should speake vnto him but by a third person for otherwise he would haue perswaded them through his sweet words that they should haue returned againe to Rome as his procurers and soliciters Albeit Marcus Tullius Cicero was Senatour in the Senate Consull in the Empire rich amongst the rich and hardy amongst men of warre yet truely none of these qualities caused him eternall memorie but onely his excellent eloquence This Tullius was so esteemed in Rome for the eloquence of his tongue onely that oft times they heard him talke in the Senate three houres together without any man speaking one word And let not this bee little esteemed nor lightly passed ouer for worldly malice is of such condition that some man may easily speake foure houres then another man shal haue patience to heare him one minute Antonius Sobellicus declareth that in the time of Amilcares the Affrican a Philosopher named Afronio flourished in
great Carthage who being of the yeares of 81 dyed in the first yeere of the wars of Punica they demaunded this Philosopher what it was that he knew he answered He knew nothing but to speake well They demaunded him againe what hee learned He answered Hee did learne nothing but to speake well Another time they demaunded him what hee taught Hee answered He taught nothing but to speake well Me thinketh that this good Philosopher in fourescore yeares and one said that he learned nothing but to speake well hee knew nothing but to speake well and that he taught nothing but to speake well And truely hee had reason for the thing which most adorneth mans life is the sweet pleasant tongue to speake well what is it to see two men in one counsell the one talking to the other the one of them hath an euill grace in propounding and the other excellent in speaking Of such there are some that in hearing them talke three houres wee would neyther be troubled nor wearied and of the contrary part there are others so tedious and rude in their speech that as soone as men perceiue they beginne to speake they auoyde the place And therefore in mine opinion there is no greater trouble then to hearken one quarter of an houre a rude man to speake and to be contrary there is no greater pleasure then to heare a discreete man though it were a whole weeke The diuine Plato in the Booke of Lawes sayde that there is nothing whereby a man is known more then by the words he speaketh for of the wordes which we heare him speake we iudge his intention eyther to bee good or euil Laertius in the life of the Phylosopher saieth that a young childe borne at Athens was brought vnto Socrates the great phylosopher being in Athens to the ende he should receyue him into his companie and teach him in his Schoole The yong childe was strange and shamefast and durste not speake before his Maister wherefore the Phylosopher Socrates sayd vnto him Speake friend if thou wilt that I know thee This sentence of Socrates was very profound I pray him that shall reade this writing to pause a while thereat For Socrates will not that a man be known by the gesture he hath but by the good or euill wordes which he speaketh Though eloquence and speaking well to euery man is a cause of augmenting their honour and no diminisher of their goods yet without comparison it shineth much more is most necessary in the Pallaces of Princesses and great Lords for men which haue common offices ought of necessity hearken to his naturall Countrimen and also to speake with strangers Speaking therefore most plainely I say that the Prince ought not to trauell onely to haue eloquence for the honour of his person but also it behoueth him for the Common-wealth For as the Prince is but one and is serued of all so it is vnpossible that hee haue so much as will satisfie and content them all And therefore it is necessary that hee requite some with money and that hee content others with good words For the Noble heart loueth better a gentle worde then a reward or gift with the tong of a rude man Plato Liuius Herodotus Vulpicius Eutropius Diorus Plinie and many other innumerable ancient Historiographers doe not cease to prayse the eloquence of Greeke princes and Latines in their workes Oh how blessed were those times when there were sage Princes and discreete Lordes truely they haue reason to exalt them For many haue obtayned and wonne the royall crownes and scepters of the Empire not so much for the great battels they haue conquered nor for the high bloud and generation from whence they are discended as for the wisedome and eloquence which they had Marcus Aurelius was naturall of Rome borne in Mount Celio hee was poore in patrimony and of base lynage little in fauour left and forsakē of his parents and besides all this onely for being vertuous in this life profound in doctrine and of so high eloquence the Emperour Antonius called Pius gaue him his daughter Faustine for wife who being reproued of many because he gaue his daughter to so poore a Philosopher answered I had rather haue a poore Philosopher then a rich foole Pulio in his seuenth booke of the Romaine lawes sayth that in Rome there was a law very well kept and obserued of the Consels by a custom brought in that the Dictators Censor and Emperors of Rome entred into the Senate once in the weeke at the least and in this place they should giue and render account in what state the common wealth remayned O would to God that at this present this Law were so kept and obserued for there is none who doth minister so good iustice as he which thinketh to giue account of his doings They say that Caligula the fourth Emperour of Rome was not onelie deformed infamous and cruell in his life but also was an Idiot in eloquēce and of an euill vtterance in his communication so that hee among all the Romane Princes was constrained to haue others to speake for him in the Senate This wicked man was so vnfortunate that after his cruell and infamous death they drew him throughout Rome and set vpon his graue this Epitaph Caligula lyeth here in endlesse sleepe That stretcht his raigne vpon the Empires head Vnfitte for rule that could such folly heape And fitte for death where vertue so was dead I Cannot tell why Princes do praise themselues to be strong and hardie to bee well disposed to bee runners to iust well and doe not esteeme to be eloquent since it is true that those gifts doe profite them onely for their life but the eloquence profiteth them not onely for to honour their life but also to augment their renowne For wee doe reade that by that many Princes did pacifie great seditions in the common wealth and besides that they deserued immortall memory Suetonius Tranquillus in the first book of Caesars sayth that the aduenturous Iulius Caesar being as yet but 16. yeares of age when there dyed in Rome an aunt of his called Cornelia at her buriall hee made an Oration in the which hee beeing so young shewed maruellous great eloquence which was so accepted that day in al people that in the end euery man iudged him to bee a valiant Romane Captaine And as Appianus declareth they say that Silla spake these words That which I perceyue of this young man Caius Caesar is that in the boldnesse of his tongue he declareth how valiant he ought to bee in his person Let therefore Princes and great Lordes see how much it may profite them to know to speake well and eloquently For wee see no other thing dayly but that a man of base lynage by his eloquence commeth to be exalted and the other which of linage is nobly borne for want of speaking well and being eloquent is the first that discendeth most vilest of all other
The intention whereupon I wrote these things was for no other but to admonish perswade and pray all princes and great Lords that whiles their children are young they should put them to wise and learned men to the end they should teach them not onely how they ought to liue but also how they ought to speake For to persons of estate it is a great infamy to doe or to inuent to doe a thing afterward not to know how to giue a reason thereof Polidorus in the third booke of his Commentaries sayth that when the Lacedemonians were put to flight by the Athenians In rota milina it is called Milina because the battell was in the riuer of Miline the Lacedemonians sent a Philosopher called Heuainus to treate of peace with the Athenians who made such an eloquent Oration to the Senate of Athens that he did nor onely obtaine the Peace which hee desired for his Countrey but for himselfe also hee wan perpetuall renowne At the Philosophers returne the Athenians gaue him a letter which sayd in this sort CHAP. XXVI Of a Letter which the Athenians sent to the Lacedemonians THe Senate people Sages of Athens wisheth health to the persons and peace to the Common wealth of you of the Senate and people of the Lacedemonians Wee take the immortall Gods to recorde that in the last battell we had no lesse displeasure to see you ouercome then on the contrary wee had pleasure to see vs remaine victorious for in the end the daungers and inconueniences of the cruell warres are so great that the euill and danger is certain to them that are vanquished and the profite is doubtfull to them that haue ouercommed We would gladly that that which now yee will yee would haue willed sooner and that which now yee require and demaund that before yee had required and demanded But what shall we doe since it was ordayned to your and our wofull destinies that hee should lose the battell and that wee of your losse can take no profite For it is a rule vnfallible that all that which the Gods haue ordayned no worldly wight can auoyde nor humane power resist Yee demaund that warre may leaue and cease off and that wee take truce for three monethes and that duriyg this time peace and concord may be concluded To this wee make answere That the Senate of Athens hath not accustomed to grant peace afterward for to returne to warre for amongst vs Athenians wee haue an ancient Law that freely wee doe accept the cruell warre and liberally we doe graunt perpetuall peace In our Schooles and Vniuersities we trauell to haue Sages in time of peace for to help vs with their counsels in the time of warre And they doe counsell vs that wee neuer take vpon vs truce vpon suspect condition And indeed they counsell vs well for the fayned and dissembled peace is much more perillous then is the manifest warre The Philosopher Heuxinus your Ambassadour hath spoken to vs so highly and eloquently in this Senate that it seemed to vs very vniust if wee should deny him and gaine-say that hee requireth vs. For it is much more honesty to grant him peace which by sweet and pleasant words doth demaund it then him which by force and sharpe sword doth require it Let the case therefore be that the Senate people and Sages of Athens haue ordained that warre doe cease with the Lacedemonians and that all discordes contentions dissentions and debates doe end and that perpetual peace bee granted vnto them And this thing is done to the end all the world should know that Athens is of such courage with the hardie and so very a friend to the Sages that she knoweth how to punish the foolish Captaines and suffereth to bee commanded and gouerned by sage Phylosophers Yee know right well that all our warre hath not been but onely for the possession of Cities and limits of the riuer Milina Wherefore by this letter wee declare vnto you and by the immortall Gods wee sweare that wee doe renounce vnto you al our right on such condition that you do leaue vs Heuxinus your Ambassadour and Philosopher The great Athens desireth rather a Philosopher for her Schooles then a whole Prouince of your Realmes And do not you other Lacedemonians thinke that that which wee of Athens doe is light or foolish that is to say that wee desire rather one man to rule then to haue a whole Prouince whereby wee may commaund many For this Philosopher shall teach vs to liue well and that land gaue vs occasion to dye euill and sith wee now of your old enemies do become your true friendes we will not onely giue you perpetuall peace but also counsell for to keepe it For the medicine which preserueth health is of greater excellency then is the purgation which healeth the disease Let the counsell therefore bee such that as yee will the young men doe exercise themselues in weapons that so yee doe watch and see that your children in time doe learne good letters For euen as the warre by the cruell sword is followed so likewise by pleasant words peace is obtained Thinke not yee Lacedemonians that without a cause we do perswade you that you put your children to learne when as yet they are but young and tender and that yee doe not suffer them to runne to vices for on the one part wise men shall want to counsell and on the other fooles shall abound to make debate We Atbenians in like manner will not that yee Lacedemonians doe thinke that wee bee friends to bablers For our Father Socrates ordained that the first lesson which should be giuen to the Scholler of the Vniuersity should be that by no meanes hee should speake any word for the space of two yeares for it is vnpossible that any man should be wise in speaking vnlesse he haue patience to be silent Wee thinke if you thinke it good that the Philosopher Heuxinus shall remaine in our Senate and thinke you if wee profite by his presence that yee may bee assuted that others shall not receyue any damage by the counsels hee shall giue vs For in Athens it is an ancient Law that the Senate cannot take vpon them wars but by the Philosophers first it must bee examined whether it be iust or not We write none other thing but that wee beseech the immortall gods that they bee with you and that it please them to continue vs in this perpetuall peace for that onely is perpetuall which by the Gods is confirmed CHAP. XXVII That Nurses which giue sucke to the children of Princes ought to be discreete and sage women THe Pilgrims which trauell through vnknowne Countries and strange mountaines wth great desire to goe forward and not to erre doe not onely aske the way which they haue to goe but also do importune those whom they meete to point them the way with their finger For it is a grieuous thing to trauell doubtfully in feare
were of immortall memorie of letters I will not deny that in the common wealth of Rome there hath not beene nourished and taught many women of great science but that the difference of the one and the other was that the Grecian women were learned in Philosophy and the Romane women in Rethoricke and Poetrie And hereof came that in Athens they esteemed to know how to teach well and in Rome they vaunted how to speake well Euphronius in the third booke of the Romane gestes sayeth that in the third yeare of the Consulship of Lelius Sylla by chance a Greeke Ambassador and an Ambassadour of Rome were at wordes in the Senate of the Rhodians the Greeke Ambassadour sayd to the Romane Ambassador It is true that amongst you other Romanes you are aduenturous in armes but for all that you are vnable in sciences For truely the women of Greece know more in letters then the men of Rome in weapons As soone as the Senate of Rome vnderstoode those words immediatly hereupon grew the cruell wars betweene Rome and Carthage about the possession of Sicill And no man ought hereat to maruell for in the end we see more wars arise by iniurious words then for to recouer the good that is lost The Romanes and the Grecians therefore being ready the one to defie the other the Rhodians came in the middest and kept them from such debate and in the end appointed them in this sort That is to say that as this iniurie should by weapons haue been determined they ordayned that by the disputations of women it should bee argued And truely the Romanes were counselled well for it was greater shame to the Greekes to bee ouercome with the tongues of women then with the swords of men The cause thereof was such that by appointment assembled at Rhodes ten Roman women and ten Greeke women All women very well learned the which in their chairs read certain lessons euery one after other and afterwardes the one disputed against the other of sundry and diuers matters And finally there was betweene them great difference for the Greeks spake very high things not so profound but with an excellent stile We ought not to maruell that such giftes were in those women for wee dayly see it by experience that profound science and high eloquence seldome meeteth in one personage The Greekes were very well pleased to heare the Romane women and the Romaines remained astonied to heare the Greekes And vpon this occasion the Rhodians iudged in this sort that euery one of them should be crowned with a crowne of Lawrel as vanquishers And they iudged that in graue sentences the Grecians had the best and in eloquent speech the Romanes had the victory As the aboue named Euphronius sayeth the disputations beeing ended the Romane women returned to Rome the Greeke women to Greece where they were receiued with such triumph and glory as if they had won a battel The Senate of the Rhodians for the memory of those women in the place of the disputations caused to bee set vp 20. pillers in euery one of the which were the names of the women Which was so sumptuous a building that in Rhodes there were none like to it saue only the Collyseo Those pillers stood vntill the time of Heliogabalus the Emperour who was so euill that he inuented new vices and destroied the ancient memories The writers which write in that time declare yet another thing wherin the women of Greece were differēt from the women of Rome That is to say that the Greeke women were foūd more fairer then the Romane women but the Romanes had a better grace more rich in apparel then the Greeks They sayd also that the Greekes were more hardy and stout then the Romanes but the Romanes were more honest pleasant and gracious then the Greekes And if this be true I do counsell Princesses and great Ladies that they haue no more enuy at the honesty of the Matrones of Rome then at the boldnes of the Ladies of Gretia For women were not born to slay men in the warre but to spin sowe and liue well like good housewiues in the house CHAP. XXVIII That women may bee no lesse wise then men and though they bee not it is not through default of nature but for want of good bringing vp CEasing to speake in generally it is but reason wee speake particularly and that wee reduce to memory some ancient histories of wise and discreete women as well Greekes as Romans for that these Ladies seeing what others were in times past may know what their duty is at this present In mine opinion the duty that the men of this present haue to follow the courage that the Ancients had in fighting the selfe same desire ought women of this present to haue to follow the ancient women in deuout liuing for there is no good thing in the world at this present day but the like hath been seene of our ancients heretofore When any sudden new and vnaccustomed thing doth happen men that neuer saw the like vse to say that there was neuer the like in the world yet indeed they say not true for though the thing bee vnto them new it is through their ignorance and simplenesse which neither haue read it by themselues nor heard it of others or this excellency hath the man that is learned that for what soeuer hee heareth or sayth hee is nothing abashed at Since women now a dayes are so ignorant that scarcely any of them can reade well hee that shall reade this will maruell why I doe perswade them to learne but the truth known what the Ancients were and what they did know from this time forward I beleeue they would greatlie reproue the women of this present for the time which the ancient women spent in vertues and studies These of this present consume in pleasures and vices Bocchas in the prayse of Women sayth that Lucius Sylla was a great companion of Marius the Consull in the time of the warre of Iugurtha and was no lesse a friend of Caius Caesar in the time of the first ciuill warres My penne needeth not to be occupied to write any thing of the life of Sylla For all the Historiographers doe not onely reproue the cruelties which he vsed to his enemies but also condemne him for the little faith he obserued his friends This Consull Sylla had three daughters the one of them was named Lelia Sabina the which of all the sisters was least fayre but amongst all the Romanes shee was the most sagest for shee read openly in Rome in a chayre both Greeke and Latine After the warres of Mithridates Lucius Sylla came to Rome where he beheaded three thousand Romanes which came to salute him although before by his word he had assured them all And in deed and also iustly Lucius Sylla had been vtterly vndone for his fact if his daughter had not made to the Senate a wise Oration for
and so modest in life that of their family there was neuer found any cowardly man in the field nor any defamed woman in the twone They say of this linage of the Cornenelii among many other there were 4. singular and notable women among the which the chiefe was the mother of Graccht whose name was Cornelia and liued with more honor for the sciences shee read in Rome then for the conquests that her children had in Affrike Before her children were brought into the Empire they talked of none other thing but of their strength and hardinesse throughout the world and therefore a Romain one day asked this woman Cornelia wherof she tooke most vain glory to see her selfe mistresse of so many Disciples or mother of so valiant children The Lady Cornelia answered I doe esteeme the science more which I haue learned then the children which I haue brought forth For in the end the children keepe in honour the life but the Disciples continue the renowme after death And she sayd further I am assured that the Disciples daily wil waxe better and better and it may be that my children will waxe worse and worse The desires of young men are so variable that they dayly haue new inuentions With one accord all the writers doe greatly commend this woman Cornelia in especiall for being wise and honest and furthermore because she read Phylosophy in Rome openly And therefore after her death they set vp in Rome a statue ouer the gate Salaria whereupon there was grauen this Epigram This heape of earth Cornelle doth enclose Of wretched Gracches that loe the mother was Twise happy in the schollers that shee chose Vnhappy thrise in the of spring that shee has AMong the Latines Cicero was the Prince of al the Romane Rethorike and the chiefest with his pen enditing Epistles yet they say that he did not onely see the writings of this Cornelia but read them and did not onely reade them but also with the sentences thereof profited himselfe And hereof a man ought not to maruell for there is no man in the world so wise of himselfe but may further his doings with the aduise of an other Cicero so highly exalted these writings that he sayde in his Rethorike these or such other like words If the name of a woman had not not blemished Cornelia truly she deserued to be head of al Philosophers For I neuer saw so graue sentences proceede from so fraile flesh Since Cicero spake these words of Cornelia it cannot be but that the writings of such a woman in her time were verie liuelesse and of great reputation yet notwithstanding there is no memory of her but that an author for his purpose declareth an Epistle of this maner Sextus Cheronensis in his booke of the prayse of women reciteth the letter which shee sent to her children Shee remaining in Rome and they being at the wars in Affricke The Letter of Cornelia to her two sons Tiberius and Caius otherwise called Gracchi Cornelia the Romane that by the fathers side am of the Cornelii on the mother side of the Fabii to you my two sonnes Gracchii which are in the warres of Affricke such health to you I doe wish as a mother to her children ought to desire You haue vnderstoode right well my children how my father dyed I being but three yeares of age and that this 22. yeares I haue remained widdow and that this 20. yeares I haue read Rethorike in Rome It is 7. yeeres since I saw you and 12. yeares since your brethren my children dyed in the great plague You know 8. yeeres are past since I left my study and came to see you in Cicilia because you should not forsake the wars to come to see me in Rome for to mee could come no greater pain then to see you absent from the seruice of the Common wealth I desire my children to shew you how I haue passed my life in labour and trauell to the entent you should not desire to spende yours in rest and idlenes For to me that am in Rome there can want no troubles be yee assured that vnto you which are in the wars shall want no perils For in warres renowne is neuer solde but by weight or changed with losse of life The young Fabius sonne of my aunt the aged Fabia at the third Calends of March brought mee a letter the which you sent and truly it was more briefe then I would haue wished it for betweene so deere children and so louing a mother it is not suffered that the absence of your persons should be so farre and the letters which you write so briefe By those that goe from hence thither I alwaies doe send you commendations and of those that come from thence hither I doe enquire of newes Some say they haue seene you others tell mee they haue spoken with you so that with this my heart is somwhat quieted for between them that loue greatly it may bee endured that the fight be seldom so that the health be certaine I am sole I am a widdow I am aged and now all my kindred are dead I haue endured many trauels in Rome and the greatest of all is my children of your absence for the paine is greater to be voyd of assured friends then assault is dangerous of cruell enemies Since you are young and not very rich since you are hardie and brought vp in the trauels of Affricke I do not doubt but that you do desire to come to Rome to see know that now you are men which you haue seen when you were children for men doe not loue their Country so much for that it is good as they doeloue it for that it is naturall Beleeue me children there is no man liuing that hath seene or heard speake of Rome in times past but hath great griefe sorrow and pitty to see it at this present for as their hearts are pittifull and their eyes tender so they cannot behold that without great sorrow which in times past they haue seene in great glory O my children you shall know that Rome is greatly changed from that it was wont to be To reade that wee doe reade of it in times past and to see that which wee see of it now present wee must needs esteeme that which the Ancients haue written as a iest or else beleeue it but as a dreame There is no other thing now at Rome but to see iustice corrupted the common-weale oppressed lies blown abroad the truth kept vnder the Satyres silent the flatterers open mouthed the inflamed persons to bee Lords and the patient to be seruants and aboue all and worse then all to see the euill liue in rest and contented and the good troubled and displeased Forsake forsake my Children that City where the good haue occasion to weepe and the euill haue liberty to laugh I cannot tell what to say in this matter as I would say truly the Common weale is at this day such and
perillous skirmish And that which a man ought most to maruell at is that I neuer perceyued any feare or cowardlinesse to bee in those barbarous people whereby they were constrained to demaund peace of the people of Rome These Lygures pursued with such fiercenesse the wars that often times they tooke away from vs all hope to winne the victory for betweene Armies the great might of the one doth put alwayes the others in feare And I wil tell you Fathers conscript their bringing vp to the ende the Romaine youth should take heereby example When they are young they are put to bee Sheapheardes because they should accustome their flesh in those mountaines to endure trauell by the which custome they are so much masters of themselues the countrey being alwayes full of snow and Ise in the winter and also noysom through the extreame heate in the Summer that I sweare by the God Apollo in all this time of fiue yeares of those wee haue not seene one prease to the Fire in the winter nor couet the shadow in the Summer Doe not yee thinke worthie Senators that I was willing to declare vnto you these things in the Senate for any desire I haue that you should esteeme any thing the more my Triumph but I doe tell it you to this ende that you may haue an eye and take heede to your men of warre to the ende they may alwayes be occupied and that you suffer them not to be idle For it is more perillous for the Romaine Armyes to bee ouercome with vices thē to be discomfited with their enemies And to talke of these matters more at large me thinketh they should prouide and commaund that Rich men should not be so hardie to bring vppe their children too delicately for in the ende it is vnpossible that the delicate person should win with his hands the honour of many victories That which moued me to say somuch as I haue sayd worthie Senatours is to the ende you may knowe that the Lygures were not ouercome by the power of Rome but because Fortune was against them And since in nothing Fortune sheweth her selfe so variable as in the things of the warre mee thinketh that though the Ligures are nowe vanquished and ouercome yet notwithstanding you ought to entertain them in loue and to take them for your confoederates For it is not good counsell to hazzard that into the handes of Fortune which a man may compasse by friendship The Authour of this which is spoken is called Iunius Pratus in the Booke of the concord of Realmes and hee saieth in that place that this captaine Gneus Fabritius was counted no lesse sage for that he spake then esteemed valiant for that hee did In the olde time those of the Isles Balleares which now are called Maiorque and Minorque though they were not counted wise yet at the least in bringing vp their Children they shewed rhemselues not negligent Because they were broght vp in hardnes in their youth and could endure all painefull exercises of the warres Those of Carthage gaue fiue prisoners of Rome for one slaue of Maiorque Dyodorus Siculus saith in those Iles the mother did not giue the children bread with their own hands but they did put it on a high poale so that they might see the Bread with theyr eyes but they could not reach it with their hāds Wherfore when they would eat they should first with hurling of stones or slinges win it or else fast Though the worke were of children yet the inuention came of a high wit And hereof it came that the Baleares were esteemed for valiant mē as well in wrastling as in slinges for to hurle for they did hurle with a sling to hit a white as the Lygures shoot now in a Crosse-bow to hit the pricke Those of Great Brittaine which now we cal England amongst all the barbarous were men most barbarous but you ought to know that within the space of few yeares the Romanes were vanquished of them many times for time in all things bringeth such change and alteration that those which once wee knew great Lords within a while after wee haue seene themslaues Herodian in his history of Seuerus Emperour of Rome sayeth That an Ambassadour of Brittaine being one day in Rome as by chance they gaue him a froward answer in the Senate spake stoutely before them all and saide these words I am sorry you will not accept peace nor graunt Truce the which thing shall bee for the greater iustification of your warre For afterwardes none can take but that which fortune shall giue For in the end the delicate flesh of Rome shall feele if the bloudy swords of Brittaine will cut The English history sayeth and it is true that though the country be very cold that the water freezeth oft yet the women had a custome to carry theyr children where the water was frozen and breaking the Ice with a stone with the same Ise they vsed to rubbe the body of the Infant to the end to harden their flesh and to make them more apter to endure trauels And without doubt they had reason for I wish no greater pennance to delicate men then in the Winter to see them without fire and in the Summer to want fresh shadow Sith this was the custome of the Brittaines it is but reason we credite Iulius Caesar in that hee sayeth in his Comentaries that is to say that he passed many daungers before hee could ouercome them for they with as little feare did hide themselues diued vnder the colde water as verily a man would haue rested himselfe in a pleasant shadow As Lucanus and Appianus Alexandrinus say amongst other Nations which came to succour the greate Pompey in Pharsalia were the Messagetes the which as they say in their youth did suck no other but the milke of Camels and eate bread of akorns These barbarous people did these things to the end to harden their bodies to bee able to endure trauell to haue their legges lighter for to runne In this case wee cannot cal them barbarous but wee ought to call them men of good vnderstanding for it is vnpossible for the man that eateth much to runne fast Viriatus a Spaniard was King of the Lusitaines and a great enemy of the Romaines who was so aduenturous in the war and so valiant in his person that the Romaines by the experience of his deedes found him inuincible for in the space of 13. yeares they coulde neuer haue any victory of him the which when they saw they determined to poyson him did so indeed At whose death they more reioyced then if they had wonne the Sgniorie of all Lusitania For if Viriatus had not dyed they had neuer brought the Lusitanians vnder their subiection Iunius Rusticus in his Epitomie sayeth that this Viriatus in his youth was a Heard-man kept cattell by the riuer of Guadiana and after that he waxed older vsed to robbe and assault men by
knew that there was in Spaine great mynes of gold and siluer immediately arose betweene them exceeding cruell warres so that those two puissant Realmes for to take from each other their goods destroied their owne proper Dominions The Authors of the aboue saide were Plutarchus Paulus Diaconus Berosus and Titus Liutus O secrete iudgements of God which sufferest such things O mercifull goodnes of thee my Lord that permitteth such things that through the dreame of one prince in his chamber another for to robbe the treasures of Spaine another to flye the colde of Hungarie another to drinke the Wines of Italy another to eate figs of Greece should put all the Countrey to fire and bloud Let not my penne bee cruell against all Princes which haue vniust warres For as Traianus sayd Iust warre is more worth then fained peace I commend approue and exalt princes which are carefull and stout to defend and keepe that which their predecessors left them For admitte that for dispossessing them hereof commeth all the breach with other princes Looke how much his enemy offendeth his conscience for taking it so much offendeth he his Common-wealth for not defending it The wordes which the diuine Plato spake in the first booke of his Lawes did satisfie me greatly which were these It is not meete we should be too extream in commending those which haue peace nor let vs bee too vehement in reproouing those which haue warre For it may bee now that if one haue warre it is to the end to attaine peace And for the contrary if one haue peace it shall be to the end to make warre Indeed Plato sayd very true For it is more worth to desire short warre for long peace then short peace for long warre The Philosopher Chilo being demanded whereby a good or euill Gouernour might be knowne he answered There is nothing whereby a good and euill man may bee better known then in that for which bey striue For the tyrannous Prince offereth himselfe to aye to take from another but the vertuous Prince trauelleth to defend his owne When the Redeemer of this world departed from this world hee sayde not I giue yee my warre or leaue yee my warre but I leaue you my peace and giue you my peace Thereof ensueth that the good Christian is bound to keepe the peace which Christ so much commaunded then to inuent warre to reuenge his proper iniurie which God so much hated If Princes did that they ought for to doe and in this case would beleeue mee for no temporall thing they should condiscend to shedde mans bloud if nothing else yet at the least the loue of him which on the Crosse shedd his precious bloud for vs should from that cleane disswade vs. For the good Christians are commaunded to bewayle their owne sinnes but they haue no licence to shed the bloud of their enemies Finally I desire exhort and further admonish all princes and great Lords that for his sake that is prince of peace they loue peace procure peace keepe peace and liue in peace For in peace they shall bee rich and their people happie CHAP. XIIII The Emperour Marcus Aurelius writeth to his friend Cornelius wherein hee describeth the discommodities of warre and the vanitie of Triumph MArcus Aurelius wisheth to thee Cornelius his faithfull friend health to thy person and good lucke against all euil fortune Within fifteene dayes after I came from the warre of Asia whereof I haue triumphed here in Rome remembring that in times past thou wert a companion of my trauell I sent immediately to certifie thee of my triumphes For the noble hearts doe more reioyce of their friends ioy then they do of their owne proper delights If thou wilt take paines to come when I send to call thee bee thou assured that on the one part thou shalt haue much pleasure to see the great abundance of riches that I haue brought out of Asia and to beholde my receiuing into Rome and on the other thou canst not keepe thy selfe from weeping to see such a sorte of Captiues the which entred in before the triumphant chariots bound and naked to augment the conquerours most glory and also to them vanquished to be a greater ignomie Seldome times we see the Sun shine bright all the day long but first in the Summer there hath beene a mist or if it be in the winter there hath beene a frost By this Parable I meane that one of the miseries of this world is that wee shall see few in this world which now bee prosperous but before haue had fortune in some cases very malitious For wee see by experience some come to bee very poore and other chaunce to attaine to great riches so that through the empouerishing of those the other become rich and prosperous The weapon of the one causeth the other to laugh so that if the bucket that is empty aboue doth not goe downe the other which is ful beneath cannot come vp Speaking therefore according to sensuality thou wouldest haue beene glad that day to haue seene our triumph with the abundance of riches the great number of Captiues the diuersity of beasts the valiantnes of the Captaines the sharpenesse of wittes which wee brought from Asia and entred into Rome wherby thou mightest well know the daungers that wee escaped in the ware Wherefore speaking the truth the matter betweene vs and our enemies was so debated that those of vs that escaped best had their bodies sore wounded and their veins also almost without bloud I let thee know my Cornelius that the Parthians are warlike men in dangerous enterprises very hardie and bold And when they are at home in their Country euery one with a stout hart defendeth his house and surely they doe it like good men and valiant Captaines For if we other Romanes without reason and through ambition doe goe to take an other mans it is meete and iust that they by force doe defend their owne Let no man through the aboundance of malice or want of wisedom enuie the Romane Captaine for any triumph that is giuen him by his mother Rome for surely to get this onely one dayes honour he aduentureth his life a thousand times in the field I will not speake all that I might say of them that wee ledde foorth to the warres nor of them which wee leaue here at home in Rome which bee all cruell Iudges of our fame for theyr iudgement is not vpright according to equity but rather proceedeth of malice and enuie Though they take mee for a patient men and not farre out of order yet I let thee know my Cornelius that there is no patience can suffer nor heart dissemble to see many Romanes to haue such great enuie which through their malitious tongues passe not to backebite other mens triumphes For it is an olde disease of euill men through malice to backebite that with theyr tongue which through their cowardnesse they neuer durst enterprise with their
doth not enrich or empouerish his Common-wealth yet wee cannot deny but that it doth much for the reputation of his person For the vanity and curiosity of garments dooth shew great lightnes of mind According to the variety of ages so ought the diuersity of apparrell to bee which seemeth to be very cleare in that the young maides are attired in one sort the married women of an other sort the widdowes of an other And likewise I would say that the apparrell of children ought to be of one sort those of young men of an other and those of olde men of an other which ought to be more honester then all For men of hoary heades ought not to be adorned with precious garments but with vertuous workes To goe cleanely to bee well apparrelled and to bee well accompanied wee doe not forbidde the olde especially those which are noble and valiant men but to goe fine to go with great traines and to go very curious wee doe not allow Let the old men pardon mee for it is not the office but of yong fooles for the one sheweth honesty and the other lightnesse It is a confusion to tell it but it is greater shame to do it that is to say that many olde men of our time take no smal felicity to put caules on their heads euery man to weare iewels on their necks to lay their caps with agglets of gold to seeke out diuers inuētions of mettall to loade their fingers with rich rings to go perfumed with odoriferous sauors to weare new fashioned apparrell and finally I say that thogh their face be ful of wrinckles they cannot suffer one wrinckle to be in their gowne All the ancient histories accuse Quint. Hortensius the Romane for that euery time when he made himselfe ready hee had a glasse before him and as much space and time had hee to streighten the pleytes of his gowne as a Woman hadde to trimme the haires of her head This Quintus Hortensius being Consull going by chance one day through Rome in a narrow streete met with the other Consull where thorough the streightnes of the passage the pleights of his Gowne were vndone vppon which occasion hee complained vnto the Senate of the other Consull that he had deserued to loose his life The Author of all this is Macrobius in the third book of the Saturnales I can not tell if I be deceyued but we may say that all the curiositie that olde men haue to goe fine well apparrelled and cleane is for no other thing but to shake off Age and to pretende right to youth What a griefe is it to see diuers auncient men the which as ripe Figges do fall and on the other side it is a wonder to see how in theyr age they make themselues young In this case I say would to God wee might see them hate vices and not to complaine of their yeares which they haue I pray and exhort all Princes and great Lordes whome our soueraigne Lord hath permitted to come to age that they doe not despise to bee aged For speaking the truth the man which hath enuie to seeme olde doth delight to liue in the lightnes of youth Also men of honor ought to be very circumspect for so much as after they are become aged they bee not suspected of their friends but that both vnto their friends and foes they be counted faithfull For a Lye in a young mans mouth is esteemed but a lye but in the mouth of an auncient or aged old man it is counted as a haynous blasphemie Noble Princes and great Lordes after they are become aged of one sort they ought to vse themselues to giue and of the other to speake For good Princes ought to sell theyr wordes by weight and giue rewardes without measure The Auncient do oftentimes complaine saying That the young will not bee conuersant with them and truely if there be any faulte therein it is of themselues And the reason is that if sometimes they doe assemble together to passe away the time if the old man set a talking he neuer maketh an ende So that a discrete man had rather goe a dozen miles on foot then to heare an olde man talke three houres If with such efficacie we perswade olde men that they be honest in theyr apparrell for a truth we will not giue them licence to bee dissolute in theyr words since there is a great difference to note some man in his Apparrell or to accuse him to bee malitious or a babler For to weare rich and costly Apparell iniurieth fewe but iniurious words hurt manie Macrobius in his first booke of the dreames of Scipio declareth of a Phylosopher named Crito who liued an hundred and fiue yeares and till fiftie yeares hee was farre out of course But after hee came to be aged he was so well measured in his eating and drinking and so warie in his speeche that they neuer saw him do any thing worthy reprehension nor heard him speake word but was worthie of noting On this condition wee would giue licence to manie that till fiftie yeares they should bee young So that from thenceforth they would be clothed as old men speake as old men and they should esteeme themselues to be olde But I am sorrie that all the Spring time doth passe in flower and afterwardes they fall into the graue as rotten before they finde any time to pull them out The olde doe complaine that the young doe not take their aduise and their excuse herein is that in their words they are too long For if a man doe demaund an olde man his opinion in a case immediately hee will beginne to say that in the life of such and such Kings and Lords of good memory this was done this was prouided so that when a young man asketh them counsel how hee shall be haue himselfe with the liuing the olde man beginneth to declare vnto him the life of those which be dead The reason why the olde men desire to speake so long is that since for their age they cannot see nor go nor eate nor sleepe they would that all the time their members were occupied to doe their duties all that time their tongue should bee occupied to declare of their times past All this being spoken what more is to say I know not but that wee should content our selues that the olde men should haue their flesh as much punished as they haue their tong with talke martyred Though it bee very vile for a young man to speake and slaunder to a young man not to say the truth yet this vice is much more to be abhorred in old Princes and other noble and worshipfull men which ought not onely to thinke it their duty to speake truth but also to punish the enemies thereof For otherwise the noble and valiant Knights should not lose a litle of their authority if a man saw on their heads but white haires and in their mouthes found
be so many couetous men in the common wealth for nothing can bee more vniust then one rich man heape vp that which wold suffice 10000. to liue with all we cannot deny but that cursed auarice to al sorts of men is as preiudicial as the moth which eateth all garments Therefore speaking the truth there is no house that it doth not defile for it is more perillous to haue a clod of earth fall into a mans eye then a beame vpon his foote Agesilaus the renowmed king of the Lacedemonians beeing asked of a man of Thebes what word was most odible to be spoken to a King and what word was that that could honor him most hee aunswered The Prince with nothing so much ought to bee annoyed as to say vnto him that hee is rich and of nothing hee ought so much to reioyce as to be called poore For the glory of the good Prince consisteth not in that hee hath great treasures but in that hee hath giuen great recompences This word without doubt of all the world was one of the most royallest and worthyest to be committed vnto me morie Alexander Pyrrhus Nicanor Ptholomeius Pompeius Iulius Caesar Scipto Hanniball Marcus Porlius Augustus Cato Traian Theodose Marcus Aurelius c. All these Princes haue bin very valiaunt and vertuous but adding hereunto also the Writers which had written the deeds that they did in their liues haue mentioned also the pouertie which they had at their death So that they are no lesse exalted for the riches they haue spent then for the prowesses they haue done Admit that men of meane estate be auaritious and Princes great Lords also couetous the fault of the one is not equall with the vice of the other though in the ende all are culpable For if the poore man keepe it is for that hee would not want but if the knight hoord it is because he hath too much And in this case I would say that cursed bee the Knight which trauelleth to the end that goods abound and doth not care that betweene two bowes his renowm fall to the ground Sithens Princes and great Lordes will that men doe count them Noble vertuous and valiaunt I would fayne know what occasion they haue to be niggards and hard If they say that that which they keepe is to eate herein there is no reason for in the end where the rich eateth least at his table there are many that had rather haue that which remaineth then that which they prouide to eate in their houses If they say that that which they keepe is to apparrell them herein also they haue as little reason for the greatnes of Lordes consisteth not in that they should bee sumptuously apparrelled but that they prouide that their seruants goe not rent not torne If they say it is to haue in their chambers precious iewels in their hals rich Tapestry as little would I admit this answere for all those which enter into Princes Pallaces doe behold more if those that haunt their chambers bee vertuous then that the Tapestries be rich If they say it is to compasse their Cities with walles or to make fortresses on their frontiers so likewise is this answere among the others very cold For good Princes ought not to trauell but to be well willed and if in their realms they be welbeloued in the world they can haue no walles so strong as in the hearts of their Subiects If they tell vs that that they keepe is to marry their children as little reason is that for sithence Princes and great Lords haue great inheritances they need not heape much For if their children bee good they shall encrease that shall be left them and if by mishappe they be euill they shall as well lose that which shall bee giuen them If they say vnto vs that which they heape is for the wartes in like manner that is no iust excuse For if such warre bee not iust the Prince ought not to take it in hand nor the people thereunto to condiscend but if it be iust the common-wealth then and not the Prince shall beare the charges thereof For in iust warres it is not sufficient that they giue vnto the Prince all their goods but also they must themselues in person hazzard theyr liues If they tell vs that they keepe it to giue and dispose for theyr soules at their dying day I say it is not onely for want of wisedome but extreame sollie For at the houre of death princes ought more to reioyce for that they haue giuen then for that at that time they giue Oh how Princes and great Lordes are euill counselled since they suffer themselues to be slaundered for being couetous onely to heape a little cursed treasure For experience teacheth vs no man can be couetous of goods but needs he must be prodigall of honour and abandon libertie Plutarche in the Booke which hee made of the fortunes of Alexander saith That Alexander the great had a priuate seruant called Perdicas the which seeing that Alexander liberally gaue all that which by great trauell hee attained on a day he said vnto him Tell mee most Noble Prince sithens thou giuest all that thou hast vnto others what wilt thou haue for thy selfe Alexander answered The glorie remaineth vnto mee of that I haue wonne and gotten and the hope of that which I will giue and winne And further he said vnto him I will tell thee Perdicas If I knew that men thought that all that which I take were for couetousnes I sweare vnto thee by the God Mars that I would not beate downe one corner in a Towne and to winne all the world I would not go one dayes iourney My intention is to take the glorie vnto my selfe and to diuide the goods amongst others These words so high were worthy of a valiant and vertuous Prince as of Alexander which spake them If that which I haue read in books doe not beguile mee and that which with these eyes I haue seen to become rich it is necessarie that a man giue For that Princes and great lords who naturally are giuen to bee liberall are alwayes fortunate to haue It chaunceth oft times that some man giuing a little is counted liberal and another giuing much is counted a niggard the which proceedeth of this that they know not that liberalitie and niggardnesse consisteth not in giuing much or little but to knowe well how to giue For the rewardes and recompences which out of time are distributed doe neyther profite them which receyue them neyther agree to him which giueth them A couetous man giueth more at one time then a noble and free heart doeth in twentie thus saith the prouerbe It is good comming to a niggardes feast The difference betweene the liberality of the one and the misery of the other is that the noble and vertuous doth giue that he giueth to many but the niggard giueth that hee giueth to one onely Of the which vnaduisement
A poore man esteemeth as much a cloake as the rich man doeth his delicious life Therefore it is a good consequent that if the Rich man take the gowne from the poore the poore man ought to take the life frō the rich Phocion amongst the Greekes was greatly renowmed and this not so much for that hee was sage as for that hee did despise all worldly riches vnto whome when Alexander the great king of Macedonte had sent him an hundred markes of siluer he said vnto those that brought it Why doth Alexander sende this Money vnto me rather then to other Phylosophers of Greece They aunswered him Hee doth send it vnto thee for that thou art the least couetous and most vertuous Then aunswered this Phylosopher Tell Alexander that though he knoweth not what belongeth vnto a Prince yet I knowe well what pertayneth to a Phylosopher For the estate and office of Phylosophers is to despise the treasurs of Princes and the office of Princes is to aske counsell of Phylosophers And further Phocion said You shall say also to Alexander That in that hee hath sent mee hee hath not shewed himselfe a pittyfull Friend but a cruell Enemie for esteeming mee an honest man such as hee thought I was he should haue holpen me to haue been such These wordes were worthie of a wise man It is great pittie to see valiaunt and Noble men to be defamed of couetousnes and onely for to get a fewe goods hee abaseth himselfe to vile offices which appertaine rather to meane persons then to noble men and valiaunt knights Whereof insueth that they liue infamed and all their friēds slandered Declaring further I say that it seemeth great lightnes that a knight should leaue the honorable estate of chiualrie to exercise the handycrafte of Husbandrie and that the Horses should bee chaunged into Oxen the speares to mattockes and the weapons into ploughes Finally they doe desire to toyle in the fields and refuse to fight in the Frontiers Oh how much some Knightes of our time haue degenerated from that their fathers haue bin in times past for their predecessors did aduance themselues of the Infidells which in the the fields they slew and their children brag of their Corne and Sheepe they haue in their grounds Our auncient knights were not wont to sigh but when they saw themselues in great distresse and their successors weepe nowe for that it rayned not in the moneth of May. Their Fathers did striue which of them could furnish most men haue moste weapons and keepe most horses but their children now a dayes contend who hath the finest witte who can heape vp greatest treasours and who can keepe most sheepe The Auncients striued who should keepe most men but these worldlings at this day striue who can haue greatest reuenues Wherefore I say since the one doeth desire as much to haue great Rents as the others did delight to haue many weapons It is as thogh Fathers should take the Sword by the pomell and the children by the scabberd All the good arts are peruerted and the arte of Chiualrie aboue all others is despised And not without cause I called it an art for the ancient philosophers cōsumed a great time to write the lawes that the knights ought to keepe And as now the order of the the Carthaginiās seemeth to bee most streight so in times past the order of Knighthood was the streightest To whom I sweare that if they obserued the order of chiualry as good gentle Knights there remained no time vacant for them in life to bee vitious nor wee should accuse them at theyr death as euil christians The true and not fayned Knight ought not to bee prowde malicious furious a glutton coward prodigall niggard a lyer a blasphemer nor negligent Finally I say that all those ought not to bee iudged as Knights which haue golden spurs vnlesse he hath therewith an honest life O if it pleased the King of Heauen that Princes would now a daies examine as straightly those which haue cure of soules as the Romanes did those which had but charge of armies In old time they neuer dubbed any man Knight vnlesse hee were of noble bloud proper of person moderate in speech exercised in the war couragious of heart happy in armes and honest in life Finally he ought of all to bee beloued for his vertue and of none hated for his vice The Knights in whom these vertues shined bright in Rome had diuers liberties that is to say that they onely might weare rings ride on horsebacke through the streetes they might haue a shield shut the gates at dinner they might drinke in cupps of siluer speake to the Senate and make defyances they might demand the ensigne weare weapons take the charge of Embassage and ward at the gates of Rome The Author hereof is Blondus in the booke De Italia illustrata If Plinie deceyue vs not in an Epistle Plutarch in his Politikes Seneca in a Tragedy and Cicero in his Paradoxes There was nothing wherein the Ancients were more circumspect then in electing of their knights now it is not so but that one hauing money to buy a Lordship immediately he is made Knight it is not to fight against the enemies in the field but more freely to commit vices and oppresse the poore in the towns To the end he may be a good Christian hee ought to thinke vpon Iesus crucified to be a good knight he ought alwayes to behold the armes of his shield the which his Grandfather or great Grandfather wanne For they they shall see that they wanne them not beeing in their houses but in shedding of the bloud of their enemies in the Frontiers CHAP. XXX Of a Letter which the Emperour wrote to Mercurius his neighbour a Marchant of Samia wherein men may learne the daungers of those which traffique by sea and also see the couetousnesse of them that trauell by land MArcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome born in mount Celio wisheth to thee Mercurius his speciall friend health and consolation in the Gods the onely Comforters It seemeth well that we are friends sithens wee doe the works of charity For I vnderstanding here thy mishap immediatly sent a messenger to comfort thee and in hearing my disease thou sendest a friend of thine to visite me Wherefore men may perceiue if thou haddest me in mind I did not forget thee I vnderstand that the messenger that went and the other that came met in Capua the one carried my desire for thee and the other brought thy letter for me And if as diligently thou haddest read mine as I attentiuly haue heard thine thou shouldest thereby plainely know that my heart was as full of sorrow as thy spirite was full of paine I was very glad great thanks I yeeld thee that thou sendest to comfort me in my feuer tertian thy visitation came at the same houre that it left mee But if the Goddes did leaue this fact in my hands
were against al reason being the greatest to be the least and most inferior of all For truly none ought to be praysed for good for that he is of power force possessions wealth much worth in fauour of dignitie neyther for any nobilitie that is in him if these naturall gifts bee not accompanied with vertue and good works The ancient Historiographers do highly commend the greatnesse of Alexander the knowledge of Ptholomie the iustice of Numa Pompilius the clemency of Iulius Caesar the patience of Augustus the truth of Traian the pitty of Anteninus the temperancie of Constantius the continency of Scipio and the humanity of Theodosius so that we may say these so great and noble Princes haue wonne more honour by their vertues then they haue atchieued by triumphant victories albeit a man bee neuer so dishonest vicious and lasciuious and that he bee rooted in all idlenes let vs say and auouch it for a truth that it is impossible if he may returne to looke backe on himselfe and that hee may call to mind what manner of man hee hath beene what he is at this present and to what end he may com but that the remembrance of his forepassed faults and deedes should be more grieuous and irkesome to him then the greate delight his body should take of the present pleasures for neyther the wormes in the vines nor the Locusts in the corne nor the moths in the garments nor the little wormes in the wood are so hurtfull and dammageable as sinnes are of power to make a man sorrowfull For to say truly the pleasure wee receiue when we commit them is not so great as is the displeasure wee feee after wee remember them The which I considering my Lord it causeth me to looke ouer my olde memorials to examine my memorie to strengthen my iudgement and to seeke a new kinde of study to no other end but to finde out sweete words diuers doctrines and strange histories by meanes whereof I might withdraw you from vaine and worldly delights to cause you to walke in the right path and to affect thinges vertuous and honest though I haue alwayes knowne them as acceptable to you as they haue beene familiar for Princes seruants the more they are busied with affayres the lesse they know themselues And therefore great paine suffereth hee and with ouer venemous poison is he infected that with others and for other occupieth all his time for his own soules health cannot spare a moment of time O what comforte and quiet were it vnto my heart if it were assured it had taken the right way in the doctrine which I write to you and that I had not erred in the counsels I giue you so that in reading my booke you might acquire profite thereby and I of my trauell therein reape my full contentation And to the end my Lord wee may better expresse the matter search the wound and stop the veines that wee may leaue no part vncured or dregges of infection If hitherto I haue vsed plainnesse I will now speake more plainely vnto you and yet as one friend vseth to another And therefore may it please you to accept these small written preposes in this booke among all the residue proceeding from the handes of one that rather desireth the health of your soule then the gaine and satisfaction of your affects and desires All you that bee Princes familiars and beloued Courtiers obserue and retain with you these few precepts and counsels MY Lord neuer tell to any al that you thinke Shew not all that you haue neyther take all that you desire Tell not al that you know Much lesse neuer doe all that you may For the right path way to bring the fauoured Courtier into his Princes disgrace is to be addicted to his sensuall appetites and vaine humors and not to bee guided with reason discretion 2 Beware also you trust not nor commit to the hazard of fortunes ticklenes such things as touch and concerne your person honour goods and consciences For the wise Courtier that liueth in his Princes grace will not rashly put himselfe in daunger in hope to saue himselfe harmelesse at all times when he listeth 3 Although euery man offer his seruice to you and seeme to bee at your commaundement when you shall neede him yet I tell you sir I would not wish you had eyther neede of them or of me For many of those fine and curious Courtiers which are the first that offer themselues to draw on your side and to stand by if neede bee are commonly at the very pinch the first and readiest to throw stones at our faces 4 In other mens matters busie not your selfe too much and in your owne striue not with time but take leysure For liuing after this rule you shall long keepe your selfe in the good and quiet estate you are in and otherwise some inconuenience might lightly fall vpon you that should make you remember what you were wont to be 5 The imminent perill and daunger those are in which are mounted to the toppe of some high thing or to the cliffe of some high and rockie mountaine where they haue no other way to descend but to fall is much like to that of the familiars of Princes And therefore my Lord I woulde wish you would procure you such faithfull friends about you that they hauing regard and care of your person should alwayes holde you by the gowne for falling And not such as after they had let you fall would then lend you their hands to helpe you vp againe 6 Albeit the things of the soule should bee preferted before all others of this worldly life yet neuerthelesse I will bee content so that you haue as great care consideration of your conscience as you haue of your honour All which I was willing to tell you sir to the end you may better vnderstand that those that are in estimation with the Prince though they may benefite by time in taking their time yet time doth neuer benefite by them at all You must euer doe good to your vttermost power and neuer doe displeasure to any though it lye in your power and that you haue iust cause For the teares of the poore that are iniuried and the lamentable cries and plaintes of the oppressed may possibly one daye ascend to the presence of the Tribunall Seate where God shall sit in his Maiesty demaunding iustice and vengeance against you and also come to the cares of the Noble Prince to cause you to bee hated of him for euer 8 Touching the fauor you will shew to anie eyther in Offices or other benefites you will bestowe on any man take heed you alwayes rather preferre honest and true Christians then your owne neere Kins-men or friendes For a man may lawfully make his Friende partaker of his goods but not of his Conscience 9 In your counsells you geue in any wise bee not too much affectioned in them neyther scorne with
bēt to bloudy wars went to see speake with Diogines the Phylosopher offring him great presents discoursing with him of diuers matters So that wee may iustly say This good Prince of himselfe tooke paines to seeke out wise men to accompanie him electing by others choyce and aduise all such as hee made his Captaines to serue him in the warres It is manifest to all that Dyonisius the Syracusan was the greatest Tyrant in the worlde and yet notwithstanding his Tiranny it is a wonder to see what sage and wise men he had continually in his Courte with him And that which makes vs yet more to wonder of him is that hee had them not about him to serue him or to profite one jote by their doctrines and counsell but onely for his honour and their profite which enforceth mee to say concurring with this example that sith Tyrants did glorie to haue about them Sages wise and worthie men Much more should those reioice that their works deeds are noble freeharted And this they ought to do not onely to bee honoured with them openly but also to be holpen with their doctrine and counsells secretly And if to some this should seeme a hard thing to follow we will say that worthy men not being of abilitie and power to maintayne such Wise-men ought yet at least to vse to reade at times good and vertuous books For by reading of vertuous Bookes they may reape infinite profite As for example By reading as I say these Good Authours the desire is satisfied their iudgement is quickned ydlenesse is put away the heart is disburdened the Time is well employed and they lead their liues vertuously not being bound to render account of so manie faults as in that time they might haue committed And to conclude it is so good an exercise as it giueth good example to the Neighbour profite to himselfe and health to the soule We see by experience after a man taketh vppon him once the Studie of holie Scriptures and that hee frameth himselfe to bee a Diuine hee will neuer willingly thenceforth deale in any other studyes and all because he will not forgoe the great comfort and pleasure he receyueth to reade those holy sayings And that causeth that we see so manie learned wise men for the more part subiect to diuers diseases and full of Melancholike humours For so sweete is the delight they take in theyr Bookes that they forget and leaue all other bodily pleasure And therefore Plutarche writeth that certaine phylosophers being one day met at the lodging of Plato to see him demanding what exercise he had at that time Plato answered thē thus Truely my brethren I let you know that euen now my onely exercise was to see what the great Poete Homer said And this he tolde them because that they took him euen then reading of some of Homers bookes and to say truely his aunswere was such as they should all looke for of him For to reade a good booke in effect is nothing else but to heare a wise man speake And if this our iudgement and aduise seeme good vnto you we would yet say more that you should profite more to reade one of these bookes then you should to heare speake or to haue conference with the Author him selfe that made it For it is without doubt that all Writers haue more care and respect in that their penne doth write then they haue in that their tongue doth vtter And to the end you should not thinke we cannot proue that true that we haue spoken I giue you to vnderstand that euerie Author that will write to publish his doing in print to lay it to the shew and iudgement of the world and that desireth thereby to acquire honour fame and to eternize the memory of him turneth many bookes conferreth with other wise and lerned men addicteth himselfe wholy to his book endeauoureth to vnderstand well oft refuseth sleepe meat and drinke quicneth his spirites doing that he putteth in writing exactly with long aduise and consideration which he doth not when hee doth but onely speake and vtter them though oft in deede by reason of his great knowledge in speech vnawares there falleth out of his mouth many godly and wise sentences And therefore God hath giuen him a goodly gift that can reade and him much more that hath a desire to study knowing how to chuse the good bookes from the euill For to say the truth there is not in this world any state or exercise more honourable and profitable then the study of good books And we are much bound to those that read more to those that study and much more to those that write any thing but most doubtlesse to those that make compile goodly books and those of great and high doctrine for there are many vaine and fond bookes that rather deserue to be throwne into the fire then once to be read or looked on for they do not only shew vs the way to mocke them but also the ready meane to offend vs to see them occupie their braines and best wittes they haue to write foolish and vaine things of no good subiect or erudition And that which is worst of all yet they are occasion that diuers others spend as much time in reading their iests and mockeries as they would otherwise haue imploied in doctrine of great profit and edifying the which to excuse and defend their error say they did not write them for men to take profite thereby but only to delight and please the Readers to passe the time away merily whom we may rightly answer thus That the reading of ill and vaine bookes cannot bee called a pastime but aptly a very losse of time And therefore Aulus Gelius in the fifteenth of his booke writeth that after the Romanes vnderstood the Orators and Poets of Rome did giue themselues to write vain voluptuous and dishonest bookes causing Enterludes and Poeticall Comedies to be played they did not only banish them from Rome but also out all the parts of Italy for it beseemed not the Romane grauity neyther was it decent for the Weale publike to suffer such naughty bookes among them and much lesse for to beare with vicious and lasciuious gouernours And if the Romane Panims left vs this for example how much more ought wee that are Christians to continue and follow it since that they had no other Bookes for to reade saue onely Histories and we now a dayes haue both Histories and holy Scriptures to read which were graūted vs by the church to the end that by the one we might take some honest pleasure and recreation and with the other procure the health of oursoules Oh how farre is the Common-wealth nowe-adayes digressed from that wee wryte and counsell since we see plainely that men occupie themselues at this present in reading a nūber of Books the which only to name I am ashamed And therfore said Aulus Gelius in his 14. book That there
was a certain philosopher wrote a book of hie and eloquent stile but the subiect very harde and diffuse to vnderstand which Socrates other philosophers hearing of cōmanded immediatly the Booke to be burned and the Author to be banished by which exāple we may well perceiue that in that so perfit and reformed Vniuersitie they would not onely suffer any Lasciuious or vicious booke but also they would not beare with those that were too hawtie and vainglorious in their stiles and whose matter was not profitable and beneficiall to the Publike-weale That man therfore that walloweth in idlenes lap that vouchsafes not to spēd one houre of the day to read a graue sentence of some good Booke wee may rather deseruedly cal him a brutish beast then a reasonable creature For euery wise man ought to glory more of the knowledge he hath then of the aboundance of goods he possesseth And it cannot be denyed but that those which reade vertuous Bookes are euer had in better fauor and estimation then others For they learne to speake they passe their time without trouble they know many pleasant things which they after tel to others they haue audacitie to reproue others euery man delighteth to heare them in what place or companie soeuer they come they are alwaies reuerenced honored aboue others euery man desireth their knowledge and acquaintance and are glad to aske them counsell And that that is yet of greater credit to them is that they are not few in number that trusteth them with their bodie goods And moreouer I say that the wise and learned man which professeth studie shall know very well how to counsel his friend and to comfort himselfe at all times when neede doeth serue which the foolish ignorant person can not doe For he cannot only tell how to comfort the afflicted in aduersitie but also hee cannot helpe himselfe in his own proper affaires nor take coūsell of himselfe what is best to doe But returning againe to our purpose we say because we would not be reproued of that we rebuke others of wee haue beene very circumspect and aduised and taking great care and paines in our study that all our books and workes wee haue published and compyled should be so exactly done that the Readers might not find any ill doctrine nor also any thing worthy reproofe For the vnhonest bookes made by lasciuious persōs do giue deseruedly euident token to the Readers to suspect the Authours and troubleth the iudgements of those that giue attentiue care vnto them And therefore I counsell and admonish him that will enterprise and take vppon him to bee a wryter and a setter forth of Bookes that hee bee wise in his matter hee sheweth and compendious in the wordes hee writeth and not to bee like to diuers Wryters whose workes are of such a phrase and style as we shall reade many times to the middest of the booke ere wee finde one good and notable sentence so that a man may say that al the fruit those reape for their paine watches and trauell is none other but onely a meere toye and mockery they being derided of euery man that seeth their workes That Authour that vndertaketh to write and afterwardes prostrateth to common iudgement the thing hee wryteth may bee assured that hee setteth his wittes to great trauell and studie and hazardeth his honour to present perill For the iudgement of men being variable and diuers as they are indeede manie times they doe meddle and enter into iudgement of those things whereof they are not only not capable to vnderstand but also lesse skilfull to reade them Now in that booke wee haue set out of The Dyall of Princes and in that other wee haue translated of the Life of the Romaine Emperours and in this wee haue now set forth Of the fauoured Courtiers the Readers may bee assured they shall find in them goodly and graue sentences whereby thy may greatly profit and they shall not read any wordes superfluous to comber or weary them at all For we did not once licence our pen to dare to write any word that was not first weyed in true ballāce measured by iust measure And GOD can testifie with vs that without doubt wee haue had more paine to be briefe in the wordes of our books we haue hitherto made then we haue had to gather out the inuention and graue sentences thereof For to speake good words and to haue good matter and wise purposes is the property of one that naturally is modest and graue in his actions but to write briefely he must haue a deepe vnderstanding When at the Fonte of the Printers Forme we first baptized the Booke of Marcus Aurelius wee intituled it The Dyall of Princes and this therefore that we haue now made and added to it we call it more for briefnes The fauoured Courtyer which portendeth the whet-stone and instruction of a Courtyer For if they will vouchsafe to reade and take the fruitfull counselles they finde written heerein they may assure themselues they shall awaken out of the vanityes they haue long slept in and shall also open their eies to see the better that thing wherin they liue so long deceyued And albeit indeed this present work sheweth to you but a fewe contriued lines yet GOD himselfe doeth knowe the paines we haue taken herein hath bin exceeding great and this for two causes the one for that the matter is very straunge and diuerse from others the other to thinke that assuredly it should be hated of those that want the taste of good discipline And therefore wee haue taken great care it should come out of our hands well reformed and corrected to the ende that Courtyers might finde out many Sentences in it profitable for them and not one word to trouble them Those Noble-men or Gentlemen that will from henceforth haue their children brought vp in the Courtes of Princes shall finde in this Booke all things they shall neede to prouide them of And those also which haue beene long Courtyers shall finde all that they ought to doe in Court And such also as are best fauoured of Noble Princes and carrie greatest reputation of honour with them shall find likewise excellent good counsels by meane whereof they may alwayes maintain and continue themselues in the chiefest greatnesse of their credite and fauour so that it may well be called a Mithridaticall Electuary recuring and healing all malignant opilations Of all the Bookes I haue hitherto compiled I haue Dedicated some of them vnto the Imperiall Maiestie and others to those of best fauor and credite with him where the Readers may see that I rather glorie to bee a Satyr then a Flatterer for that in all my sentences they cannot finde one cloked word to enlarge and embetter my credite and estate But to the contrary they may reade an infinite number of others where I doe exhort them to gouern their person discreetly and honorably and to amend their
rising at midnight to serue God yet haue they great hope after their death of the heauenly rest and comfort but poore Courtiers alas what should I say hard is their life and more perillous their death into greater danger truly putteth he himselfe that becommeth a Courtier then did Nasica when gee was with the Serpent then King Dauid with the Philistines then the Southsayers with Euah then Hercules with Antheon then Theseus with the Minocaure then King Menelaus with the wilde Bore then Corebus with the Monster of the marish and then Perseus with the monstrous whale of the sea For euery one of these valiant mē were not afraid but of one but the miserable Courtier standeth in feare of all For what is he in Court that seeing his neere Kinsman or deerest friend more in fauour or credit then himselfe or richer then he that wisheth not his friendes death or at the least procureth by all meanes he can he shall not equall nor goe euen with with him in credite or reputation One of the worst things I consider see in Courtiers is that they loose much time and profite little For the thing wherein they spend their dayes and hestow the nights for the most part is to speake ill of those that are their betters or excel them in vertues and to vndoe those that are their equals and companions to flatter the beloued and among the inferiour sort to murmur one against an other and alwayes to sigh and lament for the times past And there is nothing that prouoketh Courtiers more to complaine then the dayly desire they haue to see sundry and new alterations of time For they little weigh the ruine of the Common weale so they may enlarge and exalt their owne estates Also it is a thing of course in Court that the reiected and fauourlesse Courtiers meete together murmuring at their Princes and backbiting their councellers and officers saying they vndoe the Realme and bring all to nought And al this presupposed for that they are not in the like fauour and estimation that they be in which beareth office and rule in the Common-weale And therefore when it commeth in question for a Courtier to aduaunce himselfe and to come in credit in the Court one Gourtier can scarsly euer trust an other On the other side mee thinketh that the life of the Court is not the very life in deede but rather an open penance And therefore in my opinion wee should not reckon Courtiers aliue but rather dead buried in their life For then the Courtier euer findeth himselfe plunged with deaths extream passious when hee perceyueth an other to be preferred and called before him Alas what great pitty is it to see a haplesse and vnfortunate Courtier for hee seely soule awaketh a thousand times in the night tosseth from side to side of his bed sometime vpright hee lyeth lamenting his yron happe now he sigheth for his natiue soyle and sorroweth then for his lost honour so that in maner he spendeth the whole night in watch and cares imagining with himselfe all the wayes hee can to come in credite and fauour againe that he may attaine to wealth and preferment before others which maketh mee thinke that it is not a paine but a cruell torment no seruice but tribute and not once only but euer that the body of the poore miserable Courtier abideth that in despite of him his wretched heart doth beare By the Law of the Court euery Courtier is bound to serue the King to accompany the beloued of the Court to visite noble men to wayte vpon those that are at the Princes elbow to giue to the vshers to present the Auditors to entertaine the Wardens and captaines of the Ports to currey fauour with the Harbingers to flatter the Treasurer to trauell and speake for their friendes and to dissemble amongst their enemies What legges are able to doe all these things what force sufficient to abide these brunts what heart able to endure them and moreouer what purse great inough to supply all these deuises I am of opinion there was neuer any so foolish nor marchant so couetons that hath solde himselfe in any fayre or exchangde himselfe for any other Marchandize but only the vnhappy Courtier who goeth to the court to sell his liberty for a litle winde and vaine smoake of the court I graunt that a courtier may haue in the court plenty of golde and siluer sumptuous apparrell fauour cresite and authoritie yet withall this aboundance yee cannot deny me but he is as poore of liberty as rich of substance or credite And therefore I dare boldly say this word againe for one time the Courtier hath his desire in Court a thousand times they will enforce him to accomplish others desires which neyther please nor like him Surely it commeth of a base and vile minde and no lesse cowardly for any man lightly to esteeme his liberty and fondly to embrace bondage and subiection being at others commaundement And if the Courtier would aunswere mee to this that though hee serue yet at least hee is in his Princes fauour I would replye thus Though hee bee in fauour with the Prince yet is he notwithstanding slaue to all his other officers For if the Courtier will sell his horse his moyle his cloke his sworde or any other such like whatsoeuer hee shall haue ready money for all sauing for his liberty which hee liberally bestoweth on all for nothing So that hee seemeth to make more estimation of his sword or appaarrell hee selleth then he doth of his liberty which hee giueth For a man is not bound to trauell at all to make himselfe master of others more then pleaseth him but to recouer liberty or to maintaine it he is bound to dye a thousand deaths I speake not these things for that I haue read them in my bookes but because I haue seene them all with mine eyes and not by science but by experiennce and I neuer knew Courtier yet content in Court much lesse enioying any iot of his liberty which I so much esteeme that if al men were sufficient to know it and knew well how to vse it he would neuer for any Treasure on earth forgoe it neyther for any gage lendi● were it neuer so precious Yet is there in Court besides this an other kind of trouble I haue not yet touched and that is not small For oft times thither commeth of our friends which be straungers whom of necessitie and for honesties sake the Courtier must Lodge with him at home the Court beeing already full pestered And this happeneth oft in such a time when the poore Courtyer hath neither Lodging of his owne to lodge them in nor happily six pence in his purse to welcome themwithall I would you would tell mee also what griefe and sorrowe the poore Courtyer feeleth at his heart when hee lodgeth in a blinde narrowe-lane eateth at a borrowed table sleepeth in a hyred bedde and perhaps his
their peace and to be as dumbe men By mine aduise I would haue them banished by general counsell out of all Colledges counsels chapters townes and Common-wealthes For wee see dayly by experience that let an apple haue neuer so little a bruise that bruise is inough to rotte him quickly if hee be not eaten in time Demosthenes the Philosopher was of great authority for his person graue in manners and condition and very sententious profound in his words but with these he was so obstinate wilfull and such a talker in all his matters that all Greece quaked for feare of him Whereupon all the Athenians one day assembled in their hall or common house and there they appointed him a great stipend of the goods of the Common wealth telling him that they gaue him this not that he should reade but because hee should holde his peace Also this great and renowmed Cicero that was so valiant and politicke in martiall affayres so great a friend to the Common weale of Rome and moreouer a Prince of Eloquence for the Latine tongue though he was cruelly put to death by Marke Antony it was not for any fact committed against him neyther for any wrong or iniurie hee had done him saue onely for that hee enuyed against him and spake euill of him Also the Noble and famous Poet Salust and famous Orator of Rome was not hated of strangers and not beloued of his owne neighbours for no other cause but for that hee neuer tooke penne in hand to write but hee euer wrote against the one and neuer opened his mouth to speake but hee alwayes spake euill of the other Plutarch touching this matter reciteth in his bookes De Republica that amongst them of Lidia in their publike weale it was holden an inuiolable Law that they should not put a murderer to death for killing of any but that they should onely execute and put him to tortur that would defame his neighbour or in any one Worde seeme to touch him in honour and estimation So that those barbarous Nations thought it more execrable to defame a man then to kill and murther him And therefore I say hee that burneth my house beates my person and robbeth me of my goods must needes doe me great dammage but he that taketh vpon him to touch my honour and reputation with infamy I will say hee offendeth mee much and that so greatlie as he may well stand in feare of his life For there is not so little an offence done to a man of stoute courage but hee carrieth it euer after imprinted in his heart till hee haue reuenged the villany done him euen so in Princes Courts there rise more quarrels and debates through euill tongues and dishonest reports then there dooth for any play or shrewde turnes that are done I know not what reason they haue to strike off his hand that first draweth sword and fauoureth and leaueth him vnpunished that draweth bloud with his il tongue O what a happy good turne were it for the Common weale if as they haue in all Townes and well gouerned policies penall lawes prohibiting for to weare or carry weapon they had like lawes also to punnish detractiue and wicked tongues Surely there can not be so great a blotte or vice in a Noble man Knight or Gentleman of honest behauiour and countenance as to bee counted and reputed a tatler of his tongue and therewithall a detractor of others But let not such deceiue themselues thinking that for their countenance or estates sake they bee priuiledged aboue others at their wills and pleasure to enlarge their tongues on whom they list in such maner but that their inferiours farre will as liberally speake of them yea as much to their reproach as they before had done of them repenting as much of their honesty and credite for their calling beeing in equiualent in estate or degree to them as they doe of their dignity and reputation At that time when I was a Courtier and liued in Princes Court there dyed out of the Court a worthy knight who at his noble funerals was commended of vs al to be a good and deuout Christian and chiefly aboue all his noble and heroicall vertues hee was onely lauded and renowmed for that they neuer heard him speake ill of any man So one of the company that was present hearing this great prayse of him tooke vpon him to say this of him If hee neuer spake ill of any then did hee neuer know what pleasur those haue that speake ill of their enemies Which words when we heard though wee passed them ouer with silence yet was there none but was greatly offended at them and good cause why For to say truly the first degree of malignity is for a man to take a felicity in speaking ill of his neighbour King Darius being at dinner one day there were put foorth of the Waighters and Standers by certain Arguments of the Acts and doings of Alexander the Great in which lispute one Mignus a Captaine of the King and greatly in fauour with him was very earnest against Alexander and went too farre in speech of him But Darius perceiuing him thus passioned sayde to him O Mignus holde thy tongue for I doe not bring thee into the warres with mee that thou shouldest infame Alexander and touch his honour with thy tongue but that thou shouldst with thy sword ouercome him By these examples wee may gather how much wee ought to hate detraction and ill speaking since we see that the very enemies themselues cannot abide to heare their enemies euill spoken off in their presence and this is alwayes obserued of the honourable graue and wise men that are of noble mindes For sure each noble heart disdaineth to bee reuenged of his enemy with his tongue for his iniuries done him if hee cannot be reuenged on him with his sword It is fitting for all in generall to be modest and honest in their speech but much more it is due for him that embraceth the fauour and credite of his Prince For it is his profession to doe good to helpe euery man and to speake ill of no man They haue such Centinels of spies vpon them continually which are officers in Court and about the Prince to marke what they speake and do that treading once awry how little soeuer it bee it is straight blowne into the Princes eares and they perhaps accused of that which they neuer thoght delighting and taking great pleasure to tell openly what they heard them say Such therefore as are dayly Courtiers attending vppon the Prince and in fauour with him must if they meane to continue that fauour and credite be gentle and courteous in their Wordes and bountifull to those that stand in need of them Also the esteemed Courtyer must beware hee doe not speake yll of no man but also that he be not too great a talker For commonly these great talkers besides that they are not esteemed bee also
child-bearing Whether doest thou desire to goe put thy selfe then in a barrell and cast it into the Riuer so shalt thou become pure and white Wee haue eaten the fresh fish and now thou wouldest bring hither the stinking salt fish O Boemia Boemia in this case I see no trust in youth nor hope in age For vnder this thy hored age there is hid the pangues of frayle youth Thou complainest that thou hast nothing it is an old quarrel of the auncient amorous Ladyes in Rome that taking all thinges they say they haue left them nothing The cause thereofis where you do lacke credite there you would haue it accomplished with money Beleeue me louing friend the foolish estate of vnlawfull gaming both giueth an vnsure estate and also an euill fame to the person I know not how thou art so wastfull for if I pulled off my rings with the one hand thou pickedst my purse with the other greater wars haddest thou then with my Coffers then I haue now with my enemies I neuer had iewell but thou demaundedst it of mee and thou neuer askedst mee thing that I denyed thee I finde and bewaile now in my age the high parts of my youth Of trauell pouerty thou complainest I am hee that hath great neede of the medicine for this opilation and playsters for the sonne and colde water for such a burning feuer Doest thou not well remember how I did banish my necessity into the land of forgetfulnesse and placed thy good wil for the request of my seruice in the winter I went naked and in the sommer loaded with clothes In the mire I went on foot and rode in the fayre way When I was sad I laught when I was glad I wept Being afraid I drew out my strength and out of strength cowardnes The night with sighes and dayes in wayling I consumed When thou haddest neede of any thing I robbed my father for it Tell mee Boemia with whom diddest thou sulfill thine open follyes but with the misorders that I did in secret Thinke you what I thinke of the amorous Ladies in Rome that yee be mothes in olde garments a pastime for light persons a treasure of fooles and the sepulchres of vices This that seemeth to mee is that in thy youth euery man gaue to thee for that thou shouldest giue to euery one now thou giuest thy selfe to euery man because euery one should giue them to thee Thou tellest mee that thou hast two sonnes and lackest helpe for them Giue thanks to the gods for the mercy they shewed thee To xv Children of Fabritius my neighbour they gaue but one Father and to thine onely two sonnes they haue giuen fifteene Fathers Wherefore diuide them to their Fathers and euery one shall bee well prouided for Lucia thy daughter indeed and mine by suspect remember that I haue done more in marrying of her then thou diddest in bringing her forth For in the getting of her thou calledst many but to marry her I did it alone Verie little I write thee in respect of that I would write Butrio Cornely hath spoken much to mee on thy behalfe and hee shall say as much to thee on my part It is long agoe sithence I knew thy impatience I know well thou wilt sende mee another more malitious I pray thee since I write to thee in secrete discouer mee not openly and when thou readest this remember what occasion thou hast giuen me to write thus Although wee bee fallen out yet I will send thee money I send thee a gowne and the Gods bee with thee Boemia and send mee from this war with peace Marke Pretour in Daeia to Boemia his Louer and ancient friend in Rome CHAP. IX The aunswere of Boemia to the Emperour Marcus Aurelius wherein is expressed the great malice and litle patience of an euill woman BOemia thy auncient Louer to thee Mark of Mount Celio her naturall enemie desireth vengeance of thy person and euill fortune during thy life I haue receyued thy letter and thereby perceyue thy spitefull intents and thy cruell malices Such naughty persons as thou art haue this priuiledge that sith one doth suffer your villanies in secret you will hurt them openly but thou shalt not doe so with mee Marke Althogh I am not treasuresse of thy good yet at the least I am of thy naughtinesse All that I cannot reuenge with my person I will not spare to doe it with my tongue And though we women for weakenesse sake are easily ouercome in person yet know thou that our hearts are inuincible Thou sayest escaping from a battell thou receyuedst my Letter wherof thou wast sore agast It is a common thing to them that be slothful to speak of loue for fooles to treate of bookes and for Cowards to blaze of Armes I say it because the aunswere of a Letter was not needfull to rehearse to a woman whether it was before the battell or after I thinke well thou hast escaped it for thou wert not the first that fought nor the last that fled I neuer saw thee goe to the iwarre in thy youth that euer I was fearefull of thy life for knowing thy cowardlinesse I neuer tooke care for thy absence I alwayes iudged thy person safe Then tell mee Marke what doest thou now in thy age I thinke thou carriest thy lance not to serue thy turne in thy warre but to leane on when the gout taketh thee The head-peece I iudge thou hast not to defend thee from the strokes of swords but to drinke withall in tauernes I neuer saw thee strike any man with thy sword but I haue seene thee kill a thousand women with thy tong O malitious Marke if thou wert as valiant as thou art spitefull thou shouldest be no lesse feared among the barbarous nations then thou art abhorred with good reason amongst the Romanes Tell me what thou list but thou canst not deny but both thou hast beene and art a slacke louer a cowardly knight an vnknown friend auaricious infamed an enemy to all men and friend to none Moreouer wee knew thee a light young man condemne thee now for an olde doting foole Thou sayest that taking my letter into thy hands forthwith thy heart receyued the hearbe of malice I beleeue thee well vnsworne for any thing touching malice dooth straight finde harbour in thy brest the beasts corrupted do take poysō which the sound and of good complexion refufeth Of one thing I am sure thou shalt not dye of poyson For seldom times one poyson hurteth another but it driueth out the other O malicious Marke if all they in Rome knew thee as well as the vnhappy Boemia doth they should see how much the wordes that thou speakest differ from the intention of thy hart And as by the bookes thou makest thou meritest the name of a Philosopher euen so for the ilnesse thou inuentest thou doest deserue the name of a Tirant Thou sayest thou neuer sawest constancy in a Womans loue nor end in