or rather into a manifest tyrannie as will easily appeare unto them which are advertised and have seene how Florence is at this day governed and ruled Besides this booke of a Prince or of a Principalitie Machiavell hath also written three bookes of discoursing upon the first Decade of Titus Livius with ilustrating the other booke of Principalitie is instead of a Commentary thereunto Through all which discourses hee disperseth heere and there a few words out of Titus Livius neither rehearsing the whole deede nor hystorie of the matter for which hee fisheth these words and applyeth them preposterously after his owne fantasie for the most part forcing them to serve to confirme some absurde and strange thing Hee also mixeth heerewith examples of small and pettie Potentates of Italy happening in his time or a little before which are not worth the recitall but are lesse worthie to bee proposed for imitation Yet heerein is hee to bee excused in that hee knew no better for if hee had known better I doubt not but would have brought them to light to have adorned his writings and to have made them more authentike and receiveable But out of those two bookes namely of Principalitie and out of Machiavels discourses I have extracted and gathered that which is properly his owne and have reduced and brought it to certaine Maximes which I have distinguished into three parts as may bee seene heereafter And I have beene as it were constrained so to doe that I might revocate and gather every matter to his certaine heade and place to the end the better to examine them For Machiavell hath not handled every matter in one same place but a little heere and a little there enterlacing and mixing some good things amongst them doing therin as poysoners doe which never cast lumpes of porson upon an heape least it bee perceived but doe most subtillie incorporate it as they can with some other delicate and daintie morsells For if I had followed the order that hee houlds in his bookes I must needes have handled one same point many times yea confusedly and not wholy I have then drawne the greatest part of his doctrine and of his documents into certaine propositions and Maximes and withall added the reasons wbereby he muntaineth them I have also set downe the places of his bookes to leade them thereunto which desire to try what fidelitie I have used either in not attributing unto him any thing that is not his owne or in not forgetting any reason that may make for him wherein so much there wanteth that I feare that any man may impose upon mee to have committed some fault therein that contrarie in some places I have better cleared and lightened his talke reasons and allegations than they bee in his writings And if any man say that I doe wrong him in setting downe the evill things contained in his bookes without speaking of the good things which are dispersedly mixed therewith and might bring honour and grace unto him I answere and will maintaine that in all his writings there is nothing of any valew that is his owne Yet I confesse that there is some good places drawne out of Titus Livius or some other authors but besides that they are not his they are not by him handled fully nor as they should For as I have abovesaid hee onely hath dispersed them amongst his workes to serve as with an honny sweet bait to cover his porson And therefore seeing that that which is good in his writings is taken from other better authors where wee may learne them better for our purpose and more whole and perfect than in Machiavell wee have no cause to attribute honour vnto him nor to thanke him for that which is not his and which wee possesse and retaine from a better shop than his And as for his precepts concerning the militarie art wherewith hee dealeth in his bookes which seeme to bee new and of his owne invention I will say nothing but that men doe not now practise them neither are they thought worthie of observation by them which are well seene in that art as wee may see in that which hee maintaineth That a prince ought not to have in his service any strange soldiors nor to have any fortresses against enemies but onely against his subiects when hee is in feare of them For the contrary heereof is ordinarily seene practised and in truth it sheweth an exceeding great pride and rashnesse in Machiavell that hee dare speake and write of the affaires of warre and prescribe precepts and rules unto them which are of that profession seeing hee had nothing but by heare-say and was himselfe but a simple Secrethrie or Towne-clarke which is a trade as far different from the profession of warre as an harquebush differs from a pen and inckhorne Heerein it fals out to Machiavell as it did once to the philosopher Phormio who one day reading in the Peripatetiâ—e schoole of Greece and seeing arrive Ciâ—ero de Orator Plutarch in Anniball enter thither Anniball of Carthage who was brought thither by some of his friends to heare the eloquence of the philosopher he began to speake dispute with much babling of the lawes of warre and the dutie of a good captaine before this most famous captaine which had forgotten more than ever that proud philosopher knew or had learned When hee had thus ended his lecture and goodly disputation as Anniball went from the auditorie one of his friendes which brought him thither demanded what hee thought of the philosophers eloquence and gallant speach Hee said Truely I have seene in my life many old dottards but I never saw so great an one as this Phormio So I doe not doubt but such as have knowledge in the militarie art will give the like iudgement of Machiavell if they reade his writings will say according to the common proverbe That he speaketh not like a clarke of armes But I leave things touching this matter unto them which have more knowledge therein than I for it is not my purpose any thing to touche that which Machiavell hath handled of the militarie art nor such precepts as concerne the leading of an army By this which wee have before spoken That Machiavell was during the raigne of Charles the eight and Lewis the twelfth kings of France and attained the beginning of At what time and wherefore Machiavell was received into France the raigne of Francis the first It followeth that there hath not beene past fiftie or three-score yeeres since his writings came to light whereupon some may mervaile why hee was not spoken of at all in France during the raigne of king Henry the second and that after them the name of Machiavell did but beginne to bee knowne on this side the mountaines and his writings into some reputation The answere heereunto is not very obscure to such as know how the affaires of France have beene governed since the decease of king Henry the second of
to plant colonies and chase away the ancient naturall inhabitants from their goods and possessions All which things are directly contrary to the Religion of Numa which he commendeth so much but it is likely that this ignorant beast praiseth Numa his Religion without knowing that it conteined the points which we now speake of I doubt not but some wil judge at the first sight That this religion of Numa could not bee evill which taught so good things as to observe Faith not to bee perjured nor to usurpe others goods and possessions but it must not be approved therefore for one must not by an evill and false introduce a good thing This was good to bring the people to an observation of Faith but to build a temple to Faith to imagine it was a god or goddesse and to doe service and ceremonies unto her these were damnable and against Gods honour from whom they steale the glory that belongs unto him when they by forme of Religion do honour to another thing than him be it a creature or devised thing Therfore was not that a christian oration which was made by Monsier Capel the kings advocate in the court of Parliament at Paris in Anno 1535 whereby praising the dead king Francis the second of that name of happie memorie because hee had care of Religion hee shewed That realmes and commonweales of the ancient Paynims which had good care well to observe their Religion obtained prosperitie in all felicitie For that saith he although their Religion was false and that they lived in error and darkenesse yet they prospered because esteeming it good and true they had it in a singular reverence and observation This oration of Capel had truly a little of Machiavell his doctrine to say that a false Religion was cause that the Paynims prospered But to shew that Machiavell knowes not what hee saith I will here recite an historie Tit. Livius lib. 10. Dec. 4. to this purpose In the yeere 574 after the foundation of Rome in the time of the consulship of Lucius Manlius and Fulvius Flaccus as men digged the earth in a certaine place in Rome they found the sepulchre of king Numa where there were two arches of hewen stone in the one of which Numa was buried in the other were the bookes found which he had written wrapped in waxe in such sort as they seemed to be new there were seven in Latin touching the ceremonies of the Religion which hee instituted Incontinent a fame went of these novels all over how the bookes of king Numa were found touching Religion insomuch as every man attended that they should be divulged and that by their meanes all abuses in the Romane Religion should alwaies bee reformed Yet to doe nothing rashly the consuls gave charge to Quintus Petilius lieutenant of justice well to turne over and peruse those bookes and to report the truth of them unto the Senat. Petilius read them from the one end unto the other and of them certified his opinion unto the Senat and it was found that the Religion which was handled in those bookes was of no accompt and that it should bee a pernitious and damageable thing to the common wealth to bring that Religion into use so was it resolved by a decree of the Senat that those books should bee publiklie burnt before all the people which was done I would now gladly know of Machiavell who so much esteemeth the Religion of Numa without ever having seene his bookes if hee can yeeld a better jugdment of them than the Lieutenant Petilius who read them and than all the Romane Senat. Is not this as a blinde man to judge of coulours who speakes of a thing hee knowes not As for Frier Ierome Savanarola the Florentins shewed well that hee was no such De com lib. 2. cap. 25. 53. 54. man as would leade them to any new Religion neither preached hee unto them any other Religion but the old Romish Religion only denouncing unto them somtime the vengeances punishments of God which from heaven should fall upon them if they repented and amended not their sinnes and this hee assured them as though hee had had some revelation from God But amongst other things which hee preached and affirmed most was that there should come a king out of France into Italie which should deliver the countrey from so many tyranizers and potentates as then held the countrey in great servage and slaverie This talke pleased some which desired change though others delighted not in it About the time that hee made those sermons king Charles the eight made a voiage unto Naples who assoone as hee was seene in Italie all the world began to say and beleeve that Frier Ierome was a true prophet and that hee had well foretould that which they see come to passe The worst was that the said king did nothing worthie of accompt in the voiage insomuch that the best part of Ieromes prophesie which was to purge Italie of so many tyranizers remained yet to accomplish Then the reputation of this good Frier Ierome began not onely to diminish but also men began to say and beleeve that hee was an abuser so that in the end hee was accused at Florence to be a most wicked heretike and his enemies said hee were worthie to bee put into a sacke and to be cast into the river and because hee still continued to preach his first theme That the king of France should yet againe come into Italie to performe that which he had not executed in that first voiage and that the will of God was so and if hee did not accomplish it yet God himselfe would punish it the Pope and the Duke of Millan which were hereat troubled for they thought this was but a bait to cause the king of France to come another time into Italie where of they were greatlie afraid therefore ioyned they together against this poore Frier and writ to the seignorie of Florence to doe justice upon him as upon a seducer and an heretike Amongst others which tooke Ierome in hand there was found a Frier for there never was love betwixt the Friers and the Iacobines which would needes mainetaine A disputation by Fire against him that hee was an heretike and to prove his so saying he presented unto Ierome the combat to commit themselves both into the fire and that hee which was not hurt by the fire should be held as it was reason for a soothsayer and the other whom the fire burned for a lyer and an abuser Frier Ierome was sore abashed to heare speake of such a manner of disputation and indeed would not accept it for he was not so learned not so farre a student in Logicke that he had learned such a kind of argumentation to prove his doctrine by fire yet was there found another young Iacobin a familiar friend of Ieromes which accepted the combat to maintaine his friends quarrell Then was the day and place assigned in
must have a wise quicke and sharpe wit and iudgement rightly and discreetly to ponder and weigh the circumstances and accidents of every affaire prudently to apply them to the rules and Maximes yea sometimes to force and bend them to serve to the present affaire But this science and habit of knowing well to weigh and examine the accidents and circumstances of affaires and then to be able handsomely to apply unto them their rules and principles is a science singular and excellent but rare and not given to many persons For of necessâ—â—â— he that will come to this science at the least in any perfection to be able to mannage and handle weightie affaires had need first to bee endowed with a good and perfect naturall iudgement and secondly he must be wise temperate and quiet without any passion or affection but all to publicke good and utilitie and thirdly hee must bee conversed and experimented in many and sundry affaires These he cannot have and obtaine unlesse hee himselfe have handled or seene them handled or els by great and attentive reading of choise hystories he have brought his iudgement to bee very stayed and well exeecised in such affaires We must not then thinke that all sorts of people are fit to deale with affaires of publicke The scope of the Author estate nor that every one which speaketh and writeth thereof can say that which belongeth thereunto But it may be some will enquâ—re if I dare presume so much of my selfe as to take upon me effectually to handle this matter Hereunto I answer that nothing lesse and that it is not properly my purpose wherunto I tend or for which cause I enterprise this Worke But my intent and purpose is onely to shew That Nicholas Machiavell not long agoe a Secretarie of the Florentine commonweale which is now a Dutchie understood nothing or little in this Politicke science whereof we speake and that he hath taken Maximes and rules altogether wicked and hath builded upon them not a Politicke but a Tyrannicall science Behold here then the end and scope which I have proposed unto my self that is to confute the doctrine of Machiavell not exactly to handle the Politick science although I hope to touch some good points thereof in some places when occasion shall offer it selfe Vnto my aforesaid purpose I hope to come by the helpe of God with so prosperous a good wind and full sailes as all they which reade my writings shall give their iudgement and acknowledge that Machiavell was altogether ignorant in that science that his scope and intent in his writings is nothing els but to frame a very true and perfect tyrannie Machiavell also never had parts requisit to know that science For as for expertence in managing of affaires he could have none since during his time hee saw nothing but the brabblings and contentions of certaine Potentates of Italie and certaine practises and policies of some cittizens of Florence Neither had hee any or very little knowledge in hystories as shal be more particularly shewed in many places of our discourse where God ayding we will marke the plaine and as it were palpable faults ignorances which he hath committed in those few hystories which it pleaseth him sometimes by the way to touch which also most commonly he alledgeth to evill purpose and many times falsely As for a firme and sound iudgement Machiavell also wanted as is plainely seene by his absurd and foolish reasons wherewith for the most part he confirmes his propositions and Maximes which he sets downe only he hath a certaine subtiltie such as it is to give colour unto his moct wicked and damnable doctrines But when a man comes something nigh to examine his subtilties then it truth it is discovered to be but a beastly vanitie and madnesse yea full of extreame wickednesse I doubt not but many Courtiers which deale in matters of Estate others of their humor will find it very strange that I should speake in this sort of their great Doctor Machiavell whose bookes rightly may bee called The French Courtiers Alcoran they have them in so great estimation imitating and observing his principles and Maximes no more nor lesse than the Turkes doe the Alcoran of their great Prophet Mahomet But yet I beseech them not to be offended that I speake in this manner of a man whom I will plainely shew to be full of all wickednesse impietie and ignorance and to suspend their iudgement whether I say true or no untill they have wholly read these my discourses For as soone as they have read thâ—â— I doe assure my selfe that every man of perfect iudgement will say and determine thâ—t I speake but too modestly of the vices and brutishnesse found in this their great Doctor But to open and make easie the intelligence of that should here be handled wee must Of Machiavell and his writings first search out what that Machiavell was and his writings Machiavell then was in his time the Secretarie or common Notarie of the Common-weale of Florence during the kingdome of Charles the eight and Lewis the twelfth kings of France Alexander the sixt and Iulius the eleventh Popes of Rome and of Henry the seventh and Henry the eight kings of England in which time hee writ his bookes in the Italian language and published them about the first beginning of Francis the first king of Fraunce as may be gathered by his owne writings Of his life and death I can say nothing neither did I or vouchsafed I once to enquire thereof because his memorie deserved better to be buried in perpetuall oblivion than to be renewed amongst men Yet I may well say that if his life were like his doctrine as is to be presumed there was never man in the world more contaminated and defiled with vices and wickednesse than hee was By the Praefaci he made unto his booke entituled De Principe Of the Prince it seemeth he was banished and chased from Florence For he there complaineth unto his Magnificall Lawrence de Medicis unto whom he dedicated his Worke of that hee endured iniuriously and uniustly as he said And in certaine other places he reciteth That one while he remained in France another time at Rome and another while not sent embassadour for he would never have forgotten to have said that but as it is to be presumed as a fugitive and banished man But howsoever it be he dedicates the said booke unto the said Lawrence de Medicis to teach him the reasons and meanes to invade and obtaine a principalitie which booke for the most part containeth nothing but tyrannicall precepts as shall appeare in the prosecution and progresse of this Worke. But I know not if they de Medicis have made their profit and taken use of Machiavels precepts contained in his said booke yet this appeares plainely that they since that time occupied the principalitie of Florence and changed that Aristocraticall free estate of that cittie into a Dutchie
and other vices For as for good and naturall Frenchmen they will never advaunce them because they are strangers vnto them and by consequent suspected not to bee faithfull enough unto them following the said Maxime Where is now then the generositie of our ancient Frenchmen who made themselves redoubted amongst strange nations Where are now our auncestors vertues who have caused the Levant to tremble have sent out their reputation into Asia and hath repulsed and driven back the Gothes and Sarracens out of France Spaine and Italie For it seemeth that at this day the Frenchmen hold no more any thing of their ancestors valour seeing they suffer in comparison to them so few strangers to dominiere so imperiously over them and so to debase themselves and to carry on their backes such insupportable burdens and to suffer themselves to be driven from the Charges and Estates of the common-wealth Truly this is farre from making us to be redoubted and obeyed in strange countries when strangers constreine us to obey them and to take the yoke in our owne countrie This is to doe cleane contrarie to our auncestors who subjected strangers unto them when contrarie we subject our owne selves to strangers The Frenchmen were wont to be reputed franke liberall far from all servitude but now our stupiditie carelesnesse cowardize do make us servants slaves to the most dastardly cowardly nation of Christendome Our ancestors have vanquished and subjugated in battaile by armes great Italian armies but we suffer our selves to be over come by a small number of Italians armed with a rock a spindle and a pen and inckhorne Shall we alwayes be thus bewitched see we not that by secret and and unknowne meanes they overthrow and cause to die by treasons poysonings injustice now one now another of the greatest that they looke to no other marke but to ruinate the nobilitie and all men of valour in France which are suspected to favour the common-weale or disfavour them Be sleepie no longer for it is time to awake and to thinke what we have to doe and not to attend till from the particular ruine now of one house then of another we see all France vpon the earth It is alreadie but too much established and we have but too long attended to provide for our affairs and to oppose our selves against the deseignes and machinations of these strangers all which are discovered and knowne to such as will not shut their eyes Let us then stir up in our selves the generositie and vertue of our valiant great grandfathers and shew that we are come from the race of those good noble Frenchmen our auncestors which in old time past have brought under their subjection so many strange nations and which so many times have vanquished the Italian race which would make us now serve Let us not leave off for a sort of degenerate Frenchmen adherents to the pernitious purposes of that race to maintaine and conserve the honors and reputation of loyaltie integritie and valiancie of our French nation which these bastardlie Italians have contaminated and foiled by their cruelties massacres and perfidies Wee want nothing but courage to effect all this for these Messiers would not stand one whit if they knew once that it were in good earnest and with good accord that the Frenchmen would send them to excercise their tyrannies in their owne countrey and force them to make account of such as they have committed in Fraunce Here endeth the first Part entreating of such Counsell as a Prince should use THE SECOND PART TREAting of the Religion which a Prince ought to hold ¶ The Praeface AFter having before discoursed largely enough What Counsell a prince should have and take it will not be to any evill purpose to handle What Religion he ought to hold and cause to bee observed in his dominions For it is the first and principall thing wherein he ought to employ his Counsell namely That the true and pure Religion of God be knowne and being knowne that it bee observed by him and all his subiects Machiavell in this case as a very Atheist and contemner of God giveth another document to a prince for he would That a prince should not care whether the Religion that he holdeth be true or false but sayth That he ought to support and favour such falsities as are found therein And hee comes even to this point as an abhominable and wicked blasphemer that he preferreth the Religion of the Paynims before the Christian and yet his booke is not condemned as hereticall by our Sorbonists But before we enter to confute his detestable Maximes I will in manner of a Preface demonstrat in few words the true resolution that a prince ought to have in this matter I presuppose then by a certaine Maxime That the prince ought to hold the Christian Religion as it is seene by all antiquitie simplicitie and excellencie of doctrine For in the first place none can deny but it is more ancient thā any other of all the Religions Antiquitie of Christian Religion that ever were because it takes his foundation upon the bookes of Moses and the promises of God of Christ and Messias contained in them bookes which were made to our first Fathers from the beginning of the world But there is no author Greeke or Latine which was not long after Moses and it is a thing confessed and held amongst all learned men That Moses writ his bookes many hundred years before Homer Berosus Hesiodus Manethon Metasthenes and others like which many men hold for the most auncient Writers Moreover when Moses describeth unto us the generation of Noe and sheweth us that his children have bene as the first stem and root of divers nations of the world in token and signe thereof these nations hold yet at this present the names of such children doth not this shew plainly and truly that Moses begun at the worlds beginning Of Madens came the Medians of Ianus the Ionians of Iobel the Iberians of Riphat the Riphaeans of Tigran the Tigranians of Tharsis the Tharsians of Cithin the Cyprians of Canaan the Cananites of Sidon the Sidonians of Elam the Elamites of Assur the Assyrians of Lud the Lydians and others all these were the children nephews or arrere-nephews of Noe from whence the said nations have taken their names it followeth therefore that they were the first stocks and roots of them Againe if we looke to the ceremonies that in times past the Paynims used in their sacrifices men shall easily know that they are but apish imitations of such sacrifices as were ordained of God which are described by Moses For the sacrifice of Iphigenia which the Graecians made in Aulide to prosper them in the war they enterprised against Troy what other thing is it than an imitation of Iepthe his sacrifice who made a vow of a sacrifice to prosper him in the war he enterprised which sacrifice fell after by the divine
and declared unto him that he had had a revelation from the god Serapis to addresse himselfe unto him of which god Tacitus himselfe saith that even in his time none knew his originall at Rome But these painims which knew not Christ nor any Christian religion but a little by hear-say did thinke that the Christians adored that pretended god Serapis as is seene by a missive which the emperour Adrian writ to Servianus consull recited by Vopiscus Vopisâ—us in Saturnina by whome it is said expresly That in the towne of Alexandria they which worshipped Serapis were Christians So that hereby we may know even by Tacitus his owne confession that the author of that miracle to heale the blind man was that God which the Christians adored which was Christ and not Serapis But as ordinarily it happeneth things that are done in far countries are disguised by such as tell them so must we understand that men spoke well all over the world of the miracles which Christ and his Apostles had done in Iudea and in places thereabout but they disguised them attributing them to strange gods and to prophane men and never accounted them as the very truth was Of the same stampe is that which Suetonius writeth saying that Vespasian healed one which was lame and impotent in his thigh Sueton. in Vesp cap 7. and a blind man also who had a revelation of Serapis to go for his helpe to Vespasian That also which Spartianus writeth in the life of the emperour Adrian That a blind woman recovered her sight in kissing his knees and one blind-borne recovered his sight in onely touching him and by that meanes Adrian lost a feaver which he then had For we may easily see that these were Christs miracles or his Apostles which the Paynims would faine steale from them to and for their princes as also to persuade the world that there was no divinitie in them For a resolution then of this point the promises of Messias have beene knowne through the world as also his comming even to the Paynims For prophane authors do often make mention of Christ even Tacitus who sayth That Christ was put to death in the time of the emperour Tacit. Annal lib. 15. Tiberius by Pontius Pilate his lieutenant in Iudaea Behold then how the principall points of our Christian Religion may be proved by humane reason and prophane authors so great and resplendent was and is that light For our religion herein may summarily be comprehended To beleeve in God and in him which he hath sent Iesus Christ our Saviour If these Atheists then will put out their owne eies to the end they may not know God and the Christian Religion neither by holy Scriptures nor by humane reason nor by the witnesse of prophane authors which speake thereof as of a thing divulged and notorious through all the world we know not how to doe any other thing but to leave them as desperate persons to welter in their ignorance brutalitie and darkenesse till God by his just judgement have sunke them into the bottomelesse pit Now to come to our Maxime We say That to maintaine falsenesse in Religion is to tread God and his Religion under their feet Yet true it is that the auncient Romanes have approved and maintained the falsenesse of Oracles although it were not falsenesse invented by men but very diabolicall illusions as shall be said in another place True it is also that they sustained and allowed the bookes of the Sybils and the augures taken by the flight of birds and such other follies But these proceeded from the want of knowledge of the true Religion and for that they suffered themselves to be guided by the Paynim Religion which consisted in vaine ceremonies and foolish lies Yet notwithstanding whensoever by good reason they could know that any falsenesse had slided into their religion they maintained it not but tooke it away An example hereof is this The religion of Bacchus was first brought into Rome by a Grecian priest who made sacrifices and ceremonies in the night time and at the beginning women onely assisted and were present there who after their sacrifices banqueted together The Romanes thinking no harme suffered it for a time but in succession of time men also resorted thither with women pell mell as they say and brought thither a new ceremonie namely to put out candles and ring bels to the end none might heare such as cried when they were forced and ravished There was all villanie committed not onely towards all sort of women but also towards young boyes The Consuls and Senat having discovered this proceeded criminally against them which were found in such assemblies as guiltie of the ravishments of women and of Sodometrie and there were found culpable hereof more than seven thousand whereof the most part fled and some slew themselves others were executed by justice and an edict was made Forbidding all sacrifices from thenceforth to be made unto Bacchus Even naturall reason made those poor Paynims which were ignorant of Religion to understand that that Religion could not be true but is false and rejectable which containeth in it any punishable crime And if they could also have knowne the other falsities of their Religion as well as this I beleeve they would have cut them of whatsoever Machiavell sayth But in points of Religion we may not any thing stay our selves upon that which the ancient Romans have done or said unlesse we will seeke light in the darkenesse In the yeare 1509 about twentie yeares before the Canton of Berne had forsaken Munst lib. 3. dâ— Geograpsis the Papall Religion the Iacobins of Berne would have introducted certaine new miracles devised by Apostata persons to draw unto them the devotion and offerings of people But that seignorie would not follow the doctrine of Machiavell to approve such false miracles but by burning executed good justice upon the authors thereof In the yeare 1534 the parliament of Paris condemned certain Friers of Orleans Sledan lib. 9. which would falsely have made men beleeve the appâ—rition of a spirit who desired as they said that there might be good store of Masses said to deliver him from Purgatorie for it was found out to be but an imposture deceit and invention which the Friers had made to abuse the world and to draw water to their mills There were many judgements of the said court of parliament wherby the falsenesse Papon in his collections lib. 1. of reliques was condemned and prohibited As of the image of our Ladie which was painted in an old Table that had many yeares remained in a painters shop for a shew which Table a Curate nigh unto Paris bought good cheape and boring two holes where the two eyes were of that noble Ladie and at the time when vines weepe placed behind in them two sprigs of the vine tree so that pitifull Ladie wept in the church where she stood which drew great numbers of pilgrimes to
the studie of holy letters commenced and so die they like beasts Therefore are not the old doctors any thing to be reprehended because they admonish men to reade in great sobrietie the writings of Paynims and that men give not themselves so much thereunto as for to know humane sciences they abandon and let goe the divine knowledge which is as much more excellent than they as God is more excellent than man Yet is there some Paynim authors which ought never to be read of Christians or at the least ought not to come in the hands of youths which of themselves are but too much enclined to vices and lubricities For a young scholler can hee better learne in a stewes amongst whores and ruffians the tearmes of all villanie and lubricitie than in that filthie Martiall or in Catullus or Tibullus or in certain books of Ovid And therefore although wee never read any of these poets and so our youth gave themselves only to Virgil to learne all Latine poësie it were ynough and that alone author out of whom all others are but small rivers might learne them all the poësie that need be knowne Yet I will not say but there are many other good poets very worthy to be read as Horace Lucane Claudian and others but hee that well understands Virgil he needs not have to doe with others for the understanding of poësie And in every science it seemeth to be the best that men may well employ their time which is deare and short to reade few bookes to make good choise of them and well to understand them But for proofe of this which I come to say and to shew that Machiavell is a shamelesse lier in that he dare affirm That the doctors of the Christian Religion would or sought to abolish good letters I will here set downe the advice and counsell that they have given touching the studie of humane letters of the Gentiles Doctor Beda as Gratian reciteth in his decree sayth That they which will forbid the reading of the Gentiles bookes do hinder men from having â—7 Dist Turbat apt spirits to comprehend and understand the holy writings because humane sciences doe fashion our minds and understandings to the better abilitie to understand holy letters and that Moses and Daniel which were learned in the letters of the Aegyptians and Chaldeans doe serve us for an example not utterly to reject the humane letters of the Paynims But here I will translate the very words of Doctor Beda He troubleth sayth hee and causeth to faile the vivacitie of readers spirits who esteemeth that men ought altogether to forbid the reading of secular bookes wherein we ought to take that which is good as our own Otherwise Moses and Daniel would not have learned the wisedome and letters of the Aegyptians and Chaldeans the superstition of which people they abhorred S. Paule also doctor of the Gentiles would not have alledged certaine verses out of the Gentiles bookes in his writings Why then should we forbid men to read that which by good reason ought to be read But some reade secular letters for their pleasure only beeing tickled and delighted with poëticall figments and fictions or els for the ornament of their language others read them for their erudition and to detest and confute the errors of the Gentiles and to applie and make serve the good things that they find there to the use of the erudition of sacred letters and these verily doe merit only praise by studying of secular letters And for this cause S. Gregorie reprehended a certaine bishop not because he had learned humane letters but because he expounded them unto the people against the dutie of a Bishop whereas hee should have expounded the Gospell Behold what was the opinion of this Theologian doctor touching the studie and reading of the writings and sciences of the Paynims S. Ambrose upon S. Luke speaking of the same matter saith That we reade the bookes of the Paynims to divers ends namely for not to be ignorant of that they handle and to follow the good things in them and to reject the evill S. Ierome upon the Epistle to Titus sayth That Grammar and Logicke are profitable sciences to know to speake well and to distinguish the true from the false and that sciences humane may serve Christians to apply them to good uses and therefore saith he it is necessarie of necessitie to know them to the end that we might shew That the things which have been said by the Prophets many hundreth of years before are since come to passe and described by the bookes both of the Greekes and Latines S. Augustine also against the Manicheans saith That if the Sibils or Orpheus or that other poets of the Gentiles or the philosophers have written any true thing of God men must and may serve themselves therewith to vanquish the vanitie of the Paynims but yet ought we not therefore to give authoritie to such authors By which words he well shewes that he approoveth the reading and studie of the Gentiles bookes as well poets philosophers as others S. Basile also in his treatise he writ of the manner of reading the Gentiles bookes not onely reprehendeth not the reading thereof but contrarie exhorteth Christians to reade them and to applie the reading of those bookes to his true end and purpose which is the pietie and edification in the faith and Christian Religion And to conclude we read that by a Counsell it was ordained That every where schooles should be established to teach youth humane letters and liberall arts The article of the said Counsell recited by Gratian in his Decretall De quibusdam 37 Dist is this Report is made unto us of certaine places where they have no care to have schoolemasters for the studie of letters therefore let all bishops subjects and people in place where need shall be performe their duties in placing masters and doctors which may daily teach letters and liberall arts for by their meanes the writings and commandements of God are declared and manifested What now then will this slanderer Machiavell say Can hee yet say that the doctors of the Christian Religion have or would have abolished good letters and the writings of the Paynims Will he not hold himselfe vanquished of a lie by so many authorities as we have alledged of S. Ierome S. Ambrose S. Augustine S. Gregorie Baeda and S. Basile which are the principall doctors of the Christian Church and the authoritie of the Counsell which is as an approbation of the universall Church shall not all this be sufficient to shew the impudencie of this Florentine But now am I desirous to know of this Atheist Machiavell what was the cause that so manie good bookes of the Paynim authors were lost since the time of the auncient doctors of our Christian Religion was it not by the Gothes which were Paynims For at their so manie irruptions and breaking out of their countries upon Gaule Italie Spaine they
wasted and burned so many bookes as they could finde being enemies of all learning and letters and who within this hundreth yeares hath restored good letters conteined in the bookes of the auncient Paynims Grecians and Latins hath it beene the Turke who is a Paynim It is well enough knowne that he is an enemie of letters and desireth none Nay contrarie it hath beene the Christians which have restored them and established them in the brightnesse and light wherein we see them at this day The knowledge of the Greeke Latin and Hebrew tongues in other countries have beene brought in by others but into our countries of France that they have come and doe so flourish wee may thanke king Francis the first of happie memorie and since the restauration of tongues and humane sciences men have well experimented that they are verie requisite and profitable well to understand the Scriptures of our Christian Religion so farre are wee off from rejecting them And as for that which Machiavell saith That our Christian Religion hath sought to abolish the memorie of all antiquitie how dare he openlie oppugne the manifest truth for none is ignorant that the true and primative antiquitie is of the Hebrews whose bookes have been conserved translated expounded by the Christians And as for the antiquitie of the Paynims doth any man finde that the Christians have caused to perish Homer Hesiodus Berosus or any other authors of antiquitie nay they they are which have conserved them which have aided themselves with them and which have interpreted them Eustachius the great commentor of Homer was not he a Christian yea a bishop But I shame to stay in the confutation of the impudent lies of this Atheist for young and meane schollers may easilie impugne his impudent lies Machiavell saith That it succeeded not so well with our Christian Religion as it would when it went about to abolish good letters because it was constreined to use the Latin tongue wherein all humane sciences were written Herein doth he manifestlie shew his beastlinesse and ignorance for who constreined our Christian doctors to write in Latin the olde and new Testament were first written in Hebrew and Greeke therefore the Latin doctors if they had list might have written in these languages as did S. Chrisostome S. Athanasius S. Basile S. Cirill Eusebius and manie others yet if writers had used these languages men would nor have ceased to preach in Latin to the Latins in the French to the French in the Allemaigne to the Allemaignes and to other nations to everie one in his language for it hath been seene not past threescore yeares agoe that in Italie France Alemaigne Spaine and other where the Christian Religion was not written in the mothers tongue yet men left not to hold the said Religion in the said countries but since it hath beene brought into everie of those languages for the commoditie of the people as it was brought into the Latin tongue by S. Augustine S. Ambrose S. Ierome S. Gregorie and other Latin doctors of the primitive Church of their time yet if they had written in Hebrew or Greeke the Christian Religion had not left and ceased to subsist and stand for that And although the Latin prophane books had perished the Latin language which then was vulgar had not therefore perished therefore doth Machiavell well shew his beastlinesse to say that the Christian Religion hath beene constrained to use the Latin language and that by that meanes the prophane Latin authors have beene conserved But what means he when he saith That if the Christian Religion could have formed a new tongue it had abolished the memorie of all antiquitie hath there been at any time in any countrie any Religion which hath formed a new language and how comes it that a Religion can bee received by the meanes of a new unknowne tongue If the Christian Religion had invented a new tongue it could never have been understood nor received and by consequent could not have abolished the bookes written in the Latin tongue likewise using the Latin tongue that was in common use it could no more abolish the books written in that tongue according to the saying of the said Machiavell and therefore take it which way you will if the Christian Religion had invented a new tongue or that it had used the Latin tongue as it did and doth it could not extinguish abolish the bookes written in the Latin tongue therefore Machiavell knows not what he saith As little knoweth he what he saith when he holds That sects and Religions have varied twise or thrice in five or sixe thousand yeares and that the last causeth alwaies the remembrance of the first to perish for who hath revealed unto him this secret who hath told him newes of things done before Moses time if it were not Moses himselfe Brieflie there is neither reason nor historie whereupon he may found that impudent lie But hereby he would shew that if any doubt whether he be not a very Atheist that he hath no more cause to doubt for for a proofe hereof he makes a declaration that he beleeves nothing of that which is written in the holy Scripture of the creation of the world nor of the Religion of God which wee hold since Moses For by the holy Scripture it is seene that there are not yet six thousand yeares since the creation of the world It is also seene that the Christian Religion of Messias and Christ changed not since the said creation but hath alwaies endured and shall endure till the consumation of the world And as for Painim Religions they have changed from one into an other in a little time and in one same countrie as histories do shew At Rome in the time of Romulus there was a Religion such as it was which Numa changed and devised an other more cerimonious After the religion of Numa changed strange Religions of the Grecians others were received at Rome insomuch that about five hundreth yeares after Numa when his bookes were found in his sepulcher and men read them they found no part of their Religion in them as shall be more fully said in his place Brieflie these Painim Religions still and often changed in regarde of their forme and ceremonies but in substance they changed nothing since the children of Caine who began to follow the false Religion for whatsoever outward change there was within it was alwaies divelish Religion having for his author the father of lies of falsenesse and therfore Machiavell knows not what he saith but that he is an Atheist and so would manifest himselfe to be one by discovering that he beleeved not the holy Scriptures He thought to have immortalized his name by making himselfe knowne to posteritie that he was a perfect Atheist replenished with all impietie like as Nero did who soughr meanes to make Suet. in Neron cap. 55. in Calig cap. 31. men speake of him after his death in sleying his mother
indeed to fast the vigils and Lent but is there any place in the world where they carelesse for fasting vigils and Lent than at Rome It commandeth chastitie to priests but is there any place in the world where priests Cardinals and others are more furnished with whoores and bauds It also commandeth them to serve their benefices but of an hundreth priests which are at Rome there are scant one doth it their Religion forbiddeth the sale of benefices sepulchres sacraments and dispensations but is there any place in the world where there is a greater trafficke of them than at Rome It forbiddeth simonie but where are there any simoniakes if not at Rome and in Italie I speake onely of the ordinances which the Romane Church hath made yet her selfe doth not observe them For if I would alledge the ordinances of God which shee observeth no more than the other I should too tediously rehearse them all But breefely the Romane Church hath invented a thousand traditions wherewith it hath burdened the shoulders of poore Christians to their great abashment but in the meane while the Church it selfe will keepe none of them rather that holy seat dispenseth with all them of Italie and Rome and indeed there is no place in the world where the Popes ordinances are lesse observed than there nor where all Religion is in more contempt as Machiavell himselfe confesseth Let Christians then make their profit of this confession of Machiavell and so let them flie the spring of impietie of Atheisme of corruption of manners and of the contempt of all Religion least God punish them and make them perish with such wicked men as make open profession thereof 7. Maxime Moses could never have caused his lawes and ordinances to be observed if force and armes had wanted THe most excellent men mentioned in bookes sayth our Florentine vvhich became princes by their owne vertue and not by fortune vvere Moses Cyrus Romulus Theseus and such like for fortune only gave them the occasion and the matter to execute their vertue As Moses found the people of Israel in captivitie and servitude in Aegypt Cirus also found the Persians malecontent of the proud government of the Medes And Romulus found himselfe deiected from his birth place the towne of Alba Lastly Theseus found the towne of Athens full of troubles and confusions Without vvhich occasions comming by fortune the vertue of their courage had not appeared as also vvithout their vertue such occasions had served thē nothing All those occasions then made these persons happie and their excellent vertue knew well how to make profit of occasions THis Atheist willing alwayes more strongly to shew That hee beleeved not the holy Scriptures dare vomit out this blasphemie to say That Moses by his owne vertue and by armes was made the prince of the Hebrewes We see by the bookes of Moses that he was as it were constrained of God to take the charge to draw the Hebrew people out of Aegypt to bring them into the land of Canaan a place of the primitive of spring of this people And after hee had accepted that charge we reade That God gave him power to doe many miracles before Pharoah and all the people of Aegypt that he might suffer the Hebrew people to returne in peace into the countrey from whence they first came After having obtained permission to returne we see how the people were guided on the day time by a visible and apparent cloud which went before them and in the night by a pillar of fire We reade so many miracles done by God in their passage through the red sea and in the desarts and how Moses did nothing but by the counsell and power of God alone With what boldnesse then dare this stinking Atheist disgorge this talke to say that Moses was made the prince of the Hebrew people by his owne vertue and by armes Could hee by any other meanes than by the Bible know how and what way Moses came to be governour of the Hebrew people for all Paynim authors speak little thereof and that which they speake is but as they read in the said bookes of Moses or by hearesay of such as read them seeing it is certaine that wee have no prophane author in light that were not many worlds after Moses If then Machiavell can say nothing of Moses his doings but by his owne bookes with what impudencie dare hee deliver out a contrarietie from that is there written For to say he was made prince of the Hebrew people by his owne vertue and by armes that is as much as to denie streight that God constrained him to accept that charge to conduct the Hebrew people and that the said people came out of Aegypt by the miracles of God and that they were conducted by the cloud and pillar of fire and that God nourished them all the way of the desart which is indeed to denie all that is written in the bookes of Moses Assuredly there is no man of so heavie and dull a judgement but he may wel know that this most wicked Atheist hath taken pleasure to search out the most savage Maximes that could bee devised assuring himselfe That he should ever find monsters of men which also would delight in absurd and bestiall opinions and would give passage and way to his doctrine And yet the better to shew his beastlinesse this doctrine may be overthrowne even by the writings of the Paynims themselves Trebellius Pollio writeth That Moses was onely familiar Treb. Pollio in Clau. Cor. Tacit. annal lib. 21. with God Cornelius Tacitus going about to calumniate and blame the Iewish Religion contained in the bookes of Moses confesseth That the king of Aegypt made the Hebrew people to goe out of his countrey for sores rottennesse and other maladies wherewith the Aegyptians were infected The Poets and Philosophers when they sometimes speake of Moses doctrine they call it sacred Oracles shewing therby that they confesse That the deeds and writings of Moses came from God and not from his owne vertue But with what impudencie dare Machiavell compare Moses to these idolaters Romulus and Theseus What similitude had they with Moses in their life or in their death Romulus and Theseus were two bastards rude violent men in their youth whereof the one slew his brother and the other his sonne the one finished his daies slaine and massacred by his citizens and the other was banished and chased from his owne Can any finde the like in Moses But this Maxime of Machiavell hath no need of a more ample confutation for the truth is so cleare and apparent to the contrarie that a man may manifestly see that this Florentine is a most wicked slaunderer and impudent lier Yet thinke I good to marke another beastlinesse and ignorance in that he saith That Theseus came to the domination of Athens because hee found the estate of Plutarke in Thes the Athenians in confusion for cleane contrarie he came unto it
because hee was avowed and acknowledged for the sonne of Egeus king of Athens and was exceedingly well liked of the Athenians because hee had acquired the reputation of a magnanimous and valiant man in that he slew and overcame many theeves which brigandized and robbed the countrey of Attica and the countries adjoyning And to say the estate of Athens was confused is a jeast of Machiavels invention And in that he saith That the occasion and meanes that Romulus had to make himselfe a prince was because he found himselfe dejected from his birth place the towne of Alba doth he not shew himselfe a man of good judgement For can a man say in good sence and reason that to bee dejected from his countrey disavowed of his parents as a bastard to be put to nourishment amongst shepheards and beasts to be impoverished and destituted of all meanes that I say these are means and occasions to be made a prince and to be the founder of a towne If this be true there will be found men ynough which have all those goodly meanes to become princes and so will there be found more princes than other people But contrarie the meanes that we reade whereby Romulus became a prince and founder of a towne were That hee was a man strong and violent cunning in armes who gathered together many vagabonds and people of execution whereof he made captaines after he and Remus his brother founded Rome and to besole ruler he slew his brother Remus and made himselfe king 8. Maxime Moses usurped Iudea as the Gothes usurped a part of the Empire WHen people are oppressed sayth M. Nicholas vvith famine Discourse lib. 2. cap. 9. vvarre or servitude in their countrey oftentimes they goe to conquer other countries vvherein they chaunge their name As the people of Israel being oppressed vvith servitude in Aegypt under the conduct of Moses occupied a part of Syria vvhich he called Iudea even as the Gothes and Vandales occupied also the West Empire Likewise also the Maurusians auncient people of Syria perceiving the comming of the Hebrewes vvith a great povver from Aegypt feeling not themselves strong enough to resist them abandoned their countrey and vvithdrevv themselves into Affricke vvhere they conquered ground and chased avvay the naturall inhabitants This may be proved by the authoritie of the historian Procopius vvho vvrit in the life of Bellisarius That he read letters in certaine pillars vvritten in the countrey of Maures in Affricke vvhich contained this inscription Nos Maurisci qui fugimus à facie Josu latronis filij Nave that is to say Wee are the Mauricians vvhich fled before the face of Josue the cheefe sonne of Nave THis Atheist having heretofore said That Moses was made prince of the Hebrewes by his owne vertue and by armes will now persuade that hee was a theefe and an usurper of anothers countrey without any title or reason and that he seized upon Iudea as the Gothes and Vandales did of Lumbardie Spaine and other countries of the Romane empire I have before protested as I yet doe that it greeveth me much to defile my paper with so filthie speeches yet the more am I vexed that the eares and eyes of so many persons should be occupied in reading and hearing things evill sounding and so farre from all pietie and veritie but it is necessarie to discover the doctrine and the doctor of our courtiers at this day which thinke that the damnable bookes of this Atheist should serve for rules to conduct affaires of Estate as the sterne serves to guide a ship To confute then this Maxime Joseph lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 13. 14. wee know that the land of Iudea was first called the land of Canaan having taken that name of Canaan the sonne of Noe which dwelt there after the deluge and was the first stocke of the Canaanites in that countrey one part of that land was called Palestine or Philistine which name it tooke of Philistines a people comming from Philistim Noe his rerenephew which were a mightie and strong people of that land which had the government of the other people of the countrey one part also of that land of Canaan was called Iudea of the name of Iuda who was a prince even the cheefe of the twelve patriarkes of the children of Iacob from whence came the people of Israel which planted themselves in that part of the land of Canaan which was called Iudea We reade not that in the time of Moses this countrey was called Syria neither that it was comprehended under the name of Syria for from that time the countrey which after men called Syria was called the land of Aram who was the sonne of Sem the sonne of Noe although such as came after under that name of Syria comprised the countrey of Assyria also which in Moses his time was called the land of Assur who was also the sonne of Sem the sonne of Noe. And therefore is manifestly seene the beastlinesse and ignorance of Machiavell when he sayth That Moses usurped a part of Syria seeing the name of Syria was not yet invented much lesse comprised the land of Canaan But what could a simple secretarie of the towne of Florence either have read or seene except the registers of their towne-house but good authors Greeke or Latine he never read as is easie to judge by his writings wherein hee alledgeth no story to enrich his worke but the bad and slender examples of government of the Genowaies of the Florentines of the Pope of the duke of Millaine and of other such like pettie potentates of Italie he alledgeth sometimes some words out of Titus Livius but to so little purpose as may be Moreover it is knowne That the land of Canaan was of God many times promised to Abraham and to his seed as is seene in Genesis and that Abraham dwelt there and his race after him after he departed from his nephew Lot unto the time that Iacob and his familie were by famine constrained to retire into Aegypt Should we then say that when the Hebrews returned from Aegypt to dwell in their originall land which was promised them of God who is master of heaven and earth that they were usurpers like the Gothes and Vandales nay contrarie they were the just and true possessors thereof and with good right expulsed and drave out the Canaanites occupiers thereof which usurped from them the land of their education which God had promised and assigned to them for an heritage And as for that which he alledged of the Maurusianz it is a very fable for the The Maurusians came from Media not from Siria nor Phaenicia names of all such nations as were vanquished by Moses Iosua are plainly set down in their bookes but there is found no name of Maurusians neither is there found written in any good author that in the land of Canaan there ever dwelt any nation called Maurusians and as for that nation of Africa called Maures Mauritanians or Maurusians
place untill these Offices were reduced to their auncient number as it was in the time of king Lewis the twelfth And by the same meanes it was also ordained That the said Offices should be no more sold but conferred and bestowed by the king at the nomination of men notable and of qualitie in every place to persons having good reputation of honestie and whose abilitie in knowledge shall bee examined extemporally at the opening of a booke before their reception But the Machiavelists have rased and quashed these two articles The Machiavelists have made deare Offices in France the last to have silver for the sale of Offices and the first to bring foyson and abundance of marchandize for the greater number there are of Offices so much the better is the trafficke and commerce because there are every day more times of respite whereof to make money And wee must not thinke that the abundance of Offices hath brought a low prise cheapnesse to their marchandize For contrary it hath made them dearer by a third or halfe within this tenne yeares insomuch as an Office of a Counsellor in a parliament which was not wont to cost past three or foure thousand Franks will now cost two or three thousand crownes of the Sunne And the Offices of Presidents and Procurers Generall which were not woont to be sold are within this little time sold as all other Offices at the tax and price of tenne twelve fourteene yea twentie thousand franks according as they are and according to the greatnesse of the parliaments For they are not all at one price But I pray you upon whom do our Machiavelists of France bestow these Offices upon beasts or ambitious men For learned men will not buy them if they be not drawne on by ambition but they had rather be reputed as Cato said being put by the Praetorship which he demanded worthie to be Presidents or Counsellors than to be so in effect by the price of silver As for them which are beasts and ignorant they have some reason to make provision for that marchandize to get whereof to live and pay their debts otherwise should they die for hunger or els bee despised and pointed at with the finger for that by reason of their ignorance they shall be employed in no affairs of Iustice and shall have no practise And truly these be they which within this little time have made this kind of marchandize so deare For because they are in great number thy run thither fast with great desire to have Which is the cause that the Machiavellists seeing so many marchants to arrive so exceeding eager to buy doe hold up without all reason the price of their marchandize and will by no meanes depart with it but to him that offereth most But I will not here stay to dispute against these buyers and sellers For I am of opinion that all their processes shall bee made at the first Estates that are holden By the resolution then of the Estates of Orleance it is seene That this Maxime of Machiavell was reprooved and condemned and that it is neither good nor profitable for the commonwealth that there should bee a great number of Officers of lustice but that it were better there were a meane number of them And this might easily be judged and knowne by naturall reason For the prince which shall establish a great number of Officers to administer Iustice either he must make a multiplicitie of degrees of Officers or he must establish many in one same degree If he make many degrees of Officers then Iustice shall be longer and more prolonged and pernitious because they which plead must passe through the hands of many Officers by many instances from one degree to another And therefore it is evident that the multiplicitie of Officers in degree cannot bee but domageable and pernitious If the prince make a multitude of Officers in one same degree as was done in Fraunce when Presidiall seats were instituted when new Counsellors of parliament were added to the old and when many lieutenants and other Officers were new created the great number will not cause Iustice to bee better nor more promptly ministred but contrarie shall bee the cause of great charge and procrastination For much time goes away whilest many Iudges are gathered together to one place to reason one after another and after as saith the Proverbe Affaires to many committed Are alwayes carelesly regarded Moreover suters alwayes desire with their owne mouthes to informe the Iudge of the principall points of their cause fearing something should bee left out either by negligence or too much hast And withall which is said in a common proverb That the lively voice toucheth better than the writing and better engraveth a thing in the spirits of men This desire of the parties to cause the Iudge well to understand their right is not reprehensible but just and reasonable and which ought not to be denied them yet in the meane time the multiplicitie and great number of Iudges maketh this point very difficult and uneasie For men have not so soone spoken to all and finding one he straight finds not another Moreover if the matter to judge be easie and without difficultie wherefore serves it to assemble a great sort of Iudges to decide the cause since one alone can as well dispatch it as many And withall that one alone can rid more matters in his studie in a day or two than an assembly can doe in a moneth For a man may labour his cause at all houres in the morning all the day at night by candle light on holy dayes and working dayes whereas the bodie of an assemblie will not travailene sit but certaine houres and on certaine daies If the matter to be judged be difficult hard it may seeme at the first that many can better judge of it than one alone because many eyes see clearer than one eye alone and withall there is not so great appearance of corruption in many as in one alone But for these difficulties there are other easier provisions than by multiplication of Officers For there needs but good consideration to establish in every subalterne seat one Officer alone which were a good man of good knowledge and well stipended For being a just man and well stipended he will not be easily corrupted lesse a great deale it may bee than a great number of such as are at this day and beeing learned and of good knowledge hee will easily resolve difficulties withall also in a case of difficultie he may take for an assessor some one of the most sufficient Advocates of his seat privatly heare in his studie the parties and their Counsell upon their hearing to resolve of the difficultie in deed and in right yea he himselfe with wise inspection into all things with the helpe of his bookes may dispatch and rid himselfe out of all difficulties being learned and of good judgement as he had need be Moreover
in Italie or that wee had warre heere against a lesser captaine than Anniball so that there were place to amend and correct a fault when it were made wee would not hould him well advised that would hinder your election and as it were withstand your libertie But in this warre against Anniball wee have made no fault but it hath cost us a great and perillous losse therefore am I of advice that you doe elect Consulls which match Anniball For as wee would that our people of warre were stronger than our enemies so ought wee to wish that our heads and cheefetaines of warre were equall to them of our enemies Octacilius is my nephew who espoused my sisters daughter and hath children by her so that I have cause to desire his advancement But the commonwealthes utilitie is more deere unto mee And withall that no other hath greater cause than my nephew not to charge himselfe with a waight under which hee should fall The Romane people found his reasons good therefore revoked their election and by a new suffrage elected Fabius himselfe and gave him for a companion Marcellus which assuredly were two great and sage captaines This rule to elect magistrates equall to every charge above all ought to bee well practised in the election of soveraigne judges for after they have judged if they have committed a fault it cannot but very hardly be repaired so that the reason which Fabius alledged having place in the election of soveraigne judges the provision which followed it meriteth well to bee drawne into an example and consequence for the good and utilitie of the princes subjects The particular qualities required in a Magistrate cannot better nor more briefely Particular qualities required in a Magistrate bee described than by the counsell which Iethro gave to Moses For hee advised him to elect people fearing God true and hating covetousnesse Surely this counsell is very briefe for words but in substance it comprehendeth much For first the Magistrate which shall feare God will advise to exercise his Office in a good conscience Exod. cap. 18. and after the commandements of God and above all things will seeke that God bee honoured and served according to his holy will and will punish â—uch as do the contrary If the Magistrate feare God hee will love his neighbour as himselfe because God so willeth and by consequent he will guard himselfe from doing in the exercise of his estate any thing against his neighbor which he would not should be done against himselfe Briefely hee will in a booke as it were write all his actions to make his account to that great Lord and master whose feare hee hath in him Secondly if the Magistrate bee veritable and a lover of truth it will follow that in the exercise of his Office as well in civile as criminall matters hee will alwaies seeke out the truth and shut his eares to impostures and lies of calumniators and slanderers which is no small vertue wherein Iudges often erre Also a magistrate that loveth truth by consequent shall bee of sufficiencie knowledge and capacitie to exercise his estate for Ignorance and Truth are no companions because Truth is no other thing but light and Ignorance darkenesse And for the last point If the Magistrate hate covetousnesse hee will not onely guard himselfe from practising it but also he will correct it in others and by cutting of this detestable vice the root of all evill he shall keepe downe all other vices which be like rivers proceeding from this cursed and stinking spring And as wee see that the covetousnesse of wicked magistrates is cause of the length of law causes because they have a desire that the parties which plead before them should serve their turnes as they say as a cow for milke whereby it followeth that the poore people are pilled and eaten even to the bones by those horseleaches Also contrarie when the Magistrate hateth covetousnesse hee will dispatch and hasten Iustice to parties and not hould them long in law neither pill and spoile them a thing bringing great comfort and help to the people Briefely then if these three qualities which Iethro requireth in Magistrates and Officers of Iustice were well considered by the prince in such sort as he would receive none into an Office of Iustice who feared not God loved not veritie and hated covetousnesse certainelie Iustice would bee better administred to his great honour and the utilitie of his subjects I will not say that amongst the Paynims there were Magistrates which had the true feare of God for none can have that without knowing him and none can truly know him but by his word whereof the Paynims were ignorant yet were there Paynims which had the other two parts which Iethro required in a Magistrate When Cato the elder was sent governour lieutenant general for the Romanes into the Isle Titus Livius lâ—b 2. Dec. 4. of Sardaigne hee found that the people of the countrey had alreadie a custome for many yeeres before to expend and bestow great charges at the receit and for the honour of all the governours which were sent from Rome hee found also through all that countrey a great companie of bankers and usurers which ruinated and eate out the people by usuries As soone as hee was arived in his goverment he cassed and cut off this and would not suffer them at his arrivall to bee at any charge for his entertainment Hee also drave out of the countrey at once all the said bankers and usurers without any libertie given them to stay upon condition to moderate their usuries which some found hard and evill thinking that it had beene better to have given to these bankers and usurers a meane to their usuries beyond which they might not passe than altogether to take from them the meane to give and take money to profit a thing seeming prejudiciall to commerce and trafficke But so much there wanted that Cato stayed not upon these considerations beleeving that the permission of a certaine might easilie be disguised and perverted and that men which bee subtill in their trade might easily in their contracting and accompting make them lay downe eight for ten or twelve for fifteene Briefely Cato governed himselfe so in his estate and government that the fame of his reputation was of an holy and innocent person Hee was in all matters assuredly a brave man hee was a good souldiour a good lawyer a good orator cunning both in townes and in rurall affaires proper in time Titus Liviuâ— lib. 9. Dec. 4. of peace and as proper in time of warre a man of severe innocencie and who had a tongue that would spare no mans vices even publikely to accuse them as indeed in all his life hee never ceased to accuse vicious and evill living people to make them bee condemned by Iustice and especially in his age of nintie yeeres hee accused one Sergtus Galba This man stepped one day forward to demaund the